¶ Here beginneth the famous chronicle of the war/ which the romans had against jugurth usurper of the kingdom of Numidy: which chronicle is compiled in latin by the renowned roman Sallust. And translated into english by sir Alexander Barclay priest/ at commandment of the right high and mighty prince: Thomas duke of Norfolk. ⸪  
  

¶ Here followeth the table of this present history.  
FIrst the preface of Alexander Barclay priest/ unto the right high and mighty prin●● Thomas duke of North●olke.  

〈◊〉 compendious extract declaring 〈◊〉 th'effect and process of this present history. Fo. primo.  
¶ The prologue of Sallust: first compyler of this history. Fo. iii.  
¶ Of what matter Sallust intendeth ●o treat in process of this book/ & what causes moved him of such matter to write. The first chapter. Fo. v.  
¶ How the king Massmissa came into favour of the romans: and how the kingdom of Numidy was given unto him. The second cha. Fo. vi.  
¶ How Publyus Scipio counseled jugurth at his departing: after the city of Numance was destroyed. The third chapter. Fo. seven.  
¶ The sentence of the letters send from Scipio/ unto the king Micipsa: in commendation and laud of jugurth. The fourth chapter. Fo. viii.  
¶ How the king Micipsa adopted jugurth unto his son. The fift chapter Fo. viii.  
¶ The exhortation or monition which the king Micipsa before his death gave to jugurth. The vi cha. Fo. ix.  
¶ How the king Micipsa departed from life: and of the first cause and discord between jugurth and the sons of Micipsa. The vii cha. Fo. x.  
¶ How jugurth by treason slew hiempsal the younger son of Micipsa. The eight chapter. Fo. xi.  
¶ How jugurth overcame adherbal in battle and put him to flight: how Adherbal fled to Rome to complain to the senators. and how jugurth accloyed with rewards many of the rulers of Rō●: by whose means his cruelty was defended. The ix cha. Fo. xii.  
¶ The oration of Adherbal in form deliberative: in which he exhorted the senators to command socours & aid to be assigned to him: ꝓuing the same to be profitable/ honest/ & easy the Romans to do: profitable: that he might continued a friend to th'empire of Rome: honest: for his father & granfather had so deserved: easy to be done: for the romans at that time had none other war else where. The ten cha. Fo. xii.  
¶ How th'ambassadors of jugurth replied against the words of Adherbal: & what direction was taken for both parties of the senators of Rome. The xi cha. Fo. xv.  
¶ The description of the habitables' parts of the country of Africa: namely of such nations as had amity or waxre with the romans. The twelft chapter. Fo. xvi.  
¶ How jugurth invaded the kingdom of Adherhal yet once again: and how Adherbal again was overcome in battle/ and put to flight. The xiii cha. Fo. nineteen.  
¶ How the favourers of jugurth at Rome laboured so in this cause: that three young men inexpert: and without policy were send ambassadors into Afrique/ to cease the strife between the two kings: & how these ambassadors returned to Rome without any thing done. The xiii cha. Fo. xx.  
¶ The sentence of the letters sent from Adherbal unto the senators of Rome: what time he lay besieged by jugurth within the town of Cyrtha. The xu cha. Fo. xxii.  
¶ How the senators sent new ambassadors to jugurth/ commanding him to desist from persecution of Adherbal: and how they prevailed nothing: how the town of Cirtha was yielded to jugurth: and how he slew Adherbal. The xvi chapter. Fo. xxiii.  
¶ How the senators certified of the cruelty of jugurth/ prepared and army against him: how thēbassadors of jugurth were not received into Rome: and how Calphurnius the roman captain was accloyed by bribes of jugurth. The xvii cha. Fo. xxiiii.  
¶ How the rulers of Rome for the most part were grievously displeased for granting of the peace & disallowed the same: & how Memmius inflamed the comen people against the favourers of jugurth. The xviii cha. Fo. xxv.  
¶ The orison of Memmius had before the comen people of Rome: In which orison he induceth them to defend their liberty: and to repress and prosecute with hatred the noble men of Rome. The xix cha. Fo. xxvi.  
¶ How Memmius induced the people of Rome by the said orison/ so that Cassius was send for jugurthe to bring him to Rome: to declare and a●●●se the supporters of his deeds. The twenty chapter. Fo. xxix.  
¶ Of the behaviour of the soldiers and other which were left in Numidy● while Scaurus the consul was at Rome. The xxi cha. Fo. xxix.  
¶ How jugurth came to Rome with Cassius: and how he behaved himself there. The xxii cha. Fo. xxix.  
¶ How jugurth increased his cruelty at Rome/ and renewed his murder in slaying an other noble man of the stock of Micipsa: by occasion whereof he was constrained to departed from Rome/ and the battle renewed again of hole. The xxiii cha. Fo. thirty.  
¶ How Albynus consul of Rome renewed the war against jugurth: and at last returned again to Rome leaving his brother Aulus in Numidy with the army in his room. The xxiiii cha. Fo. xxxi.  
¶ How Aulus and the roman army were discomfited of jugurth/ and how peace was granted to him by Aulus: & to what shame the romans were put by rash folly of the same captain Aulus. The xxv chapter. Fo. xxxii.  
¶ What sorrow and heaviness was at Rome: and how they demeaned themself in the city/ after that tidings hereof were brought thither. The xxvi chapter. Fo. xxxiii.  
¶ Whereof the discord and taking of parties between the noble men and commons of Rome: had first beginning The xxvii cha. Fo. xxxv.  
¶ How Metellus was create consul and send by the romans to war against jugurth: and of the wise and discrete behaviour of the same Metellus. The xxviii cha. Fo. xxxvi.  
¶ Of the behaviour of jugurth against Metellus: and how he send ambassadors to Metellus requiring unfeignedly to yield up the kingdom of Numidy to th'empire of Rome: and how Metellus behaved himself against the same ambassadors. The xxix chapter. Fo. xxxvii.  
¶ How jugurth prepared and addressed himself again to war: & what ordinance and policy he used against the new consul Metellus. The xxx chapter. Fo. xxxix  
¶ Of the first battle fought between Metellus and jugurth. The xxxi chapter. Fo. xl.  
¶ How Bomylchar undercaptain of jugurth and his company were dyscoufyte● by Rutilyus/ undercapten of Metellus. The xxxii cha. fo. xli.  
¶ What waste and destruction Metellus made in the land of Numidy/ after this first battle and flight of jugurth: and of the guile of jugurth against Metellus. The xxxiii chapter. Fo. xliii.  
¶ Of the great joy which was demeaned at Rome for this worthy behaviour of Metellus: and how he guided himself and his army/ to continue & augment this honour which he had gotten. The. xxxxiiii. cha. Fo. xliiii.  
¶ How Metellus besyged Sammam one of the strongest towns of Numidy: and how Marius' undercapten of Metellus escaped the danger of jugurth. The xxxv cha. Fo. xlv.  
¶ How jugurth assailed and invaded the tents of the romans/ in the mean time while Metellus gave assault to the town of Sammam. The xxxvi chapter. Fo. xlvi.  
¶ How Metellus behaved himself for his part/ and of the great conflict which the romans had against the Numidyans. Metellus with his footmen assailing the town of zamman for the one part/ & jugurth fiercely fighting with the romans speremen for the other part. the xxxvii cha. Fo. xlvii.  
¶ How Metellus removed the siege from zammam: and how Bomilchar so parsuaded jugurth that he yielded himself: his kingdom/ and all other things to mercy and grace of the romans: and how jugurth after loss of his men/ treasure/ elephants/ armour/ & horse: changed his mind again. The xxxviii cha. Fo. xlviii.  
¶ How Marius by ambition laboured to be consul/ and to prosecute the war of Numidy: and how he detracted the consul Metellus. The xxxix chapter. Fo. l.  
¶ How jugurth renewed the war against Metellus: and how the Numidyans' inhabitors of the town of Vacca/ by treason murdered the garnison of romans/ which Metellus had set in the same town. The xl chapter. Fo. lii.  
¶ How Metellus destroyed the town of Vacca/ and murdered all thinhabitants: and how Turpylius lyeutenant or captain of the town was beheaded at the commandment of Metellus. The xli cha. Fo. liii.  
¶ How Bomylchar conspired treason against jugurth: and by what means this treason was discovered: and Bomylchar with certain other were put to death for the same. The xlii chapter. Fo. liv.  
¶ How Metellus renewed the war against jugurth: and how Marius was create consul/ and assigned to execute the war of Numidy: at pleasure of the commons/ against the will of all the noble men of Rome. The xliii chapter. Fo. lvi.  
¶ Of the second battle fought between Metellus and jugurth: and how jugurth lost the battle/ and also one of his chief towns named Thala. The xliiii cha. Fo. lvii.  
¶ How Metellus fortified the cite of Leptis: & at request of thembassadours of the same cite/ sent thither garnison to defend it against jugurth: and of the situation of the same city/ and behaviour of the inhabitants thereof. The xlv cha. Fo. lix.  
¶ The description of that place of Africa which is named the Phylen auters: and for what cause the same place was first so named. The xlvi chapter. Fo. lix.  
¶ How jugurth assembled a new army of the rude Getulyans against the romans: and how he assocyated unto him Bocchus king of the maurians/ to strength him in battle against Metellus. The xlvii cha. Foe lx.  
¶ How Metellus used himself hearing that these two kings were confederate against him: and how after that he was certified that the province of Numidy/ was assigned to Marius the new consul: he ceased the war for the nonce. The xlviii chapter. Fo. lxi.  
¶ Of the great ordinance and preꝑation: which Marius the new consul made against jugurth/ and for the war of Numidy. The xlix chapter. Fo. lxiii.  
¶ The orison or exhortation of Marius had to the comen people of Rome before his voyage into Numidy/ which orison is demonstrative: containing the laud and praise of Marius: and dispraise and blames of the noble men of Rome. The li chapter. Fo. lxiii.  
¶ How Marius after his exhortation ended: anon laded ships with ordinance of war/ and sent forward with the same one Manlius his ambassador: and how he himself anon after followed withal his company: and how he behaved himself in Numidy/ at first beginning. The li chapter. Fo. lxvii.  
¶ How Metellus the old consul returned to Rome: and of the worthy and valiant behaviour of Marius against jugurth/ and of his great acts at his beginning. The lii chapter. Fo. lxviii.  
¶ How Marius wan the great & rich city named Capsa: and how he utterly destroyed the same/ and gave all the richesses thereof to havoc among his soldiers. The liii chapter. Fo. lxix.  
¶ How Marius by fortune more than by strength/ wan the strongest castle of all Numidy: wherein were the treasures of jugurth. The liiii chapter. Fo. lxxi.  
¶ How in the mean time while this castle was in winning/ a noble man of Rome named Lucius Sylla: came from Rome to Marius with a great bend of horsemen: and of the manners and behaviour of this Sylla. The lu chapter. Fo. lxxiiii.  
¶ How Marius prevailed in battle against both the two kings jugurth & Bocchus. The lvi cha. Fo. lxxv.  
¶ Of the great provision & wisdom of Marius after his victory: and of the second battle which he had against the two kings: in which also he had great victory/ with great laud & honour. The lvii chap. Fo. lxxvii.  
¶ How Bocchus after that he was twice overcome in battle/ purposed to make peace with the romans: and how at his request Marius sent unto him Sylla and Manlius: to know his mind in that behalf. The lviii chapter. Fo. lxxix.  
¶ Of the words of Sylla treasurer of the roman army/ had before king Bocchus. The lix cha. Fo. lxxix.  
¶ Of the answer of Bocchus made to Sylla· and of the unstableness of mind of the same Bocchus. The lx chapter. Fo. lxxx.  
¶ How Bocchus changed his mind yet once again/ and send new ambassadors to Marius to treat of the peace: and how Sylla received and treated them in absence of Marius. The lxi chapter. Fo. lxxx.  
¶ How Marius heard th'ambassadors of Boechus & sent them to Rome: and how they were answered of the senators. The lxii cha. Fo. lxxxi.  
¶ How Marius sent Sylla again to Bocchus at his desire: and what danger the same Sylla escaped by help of Volur/ son of king Bocchus. The lxiii cha. Fo. lxxxi.  
¶ Of the meeting and secret apoyntmentes between Bocchus and Sylla: and how between them both/ they abused Asper: the ambassador of jugurth. The lxiiii cha. Fo. lxxxiii.  
¶ Of the second coming together of Bocchus and of Sylla: & of the words of Bocchus had to Sylla: and replication & answer of Sylla again to him. And how Bocchus granted & concluded to betray jugurth to the romans. The .lxv. cha. Fo. lxxxiii.  
¶ How Bocchus betrayed jugurth and delivered him bound unto Sylla. The lxvi cha. Fo. lxxxiiii.  
¶ How Marius was received into Rome with triumph: and how jugurth was cast in prison: where he continued in miserable captivity till he died. The lxvii cha. Fo. lxxxv.   
FINIS.   

The preface of Alexander Barclay priest/ unto the right high and mighty prince: Thomas duke of Norfolk.  
 
RIght mighty high/ & magnificent prince: mine humble service/ due unto your grace. And the vehement affection which I have unto your honour & perpetual fame/ impelleth me often times to devise/ and revolve in mind: what service or pleasure my simpleness might do/ convenient and acceptable unto your highness: thereby to testify the honour/ the love/ & obsequy: which I knowledge myself to owe unto your magnificence. But when I consider and compare my simpleness and impotence with your pre-eminent dignity: I find myself greatly insufficient to perform or attempt any business or work which I may condynglie present unto your honourable presence. Nevertheless after many considerations: the gracious regard of benign gravity which I behold in your countenance: and the evident signs of humility which outwardly appeareth radica●e in your noble heart: reconforteth mine insufficience & inboldeth my spirits/ some thing to write my custom which I may present into your gracious hands: as a perpetual memorial: an and evident testimony of my devout service/ & amorous affection against your magnificent highness. In this consideration I have revolved many & diverse volumes/ studying of which one: the translation: might correspond with your noble estate. But at last I have remembered that a mercial matter is most congruent unto a martial & victorious prince. Wherefore I have attempted to translate into our maternal language the ancient chronicle & famous history of the war: and divers battles which the romans did against the tyrant jugurth: usurper of the kingdom of Numidy. Which history is written in latin by the ronowmed roman Sallust: whose words in latin I have also added unto the marge of this my translation to th'intent that such as shall disdain to read my translation in english: may read this history more compendiously & more obscurely written in latin. Which history: peraventure shall apere more clear & plain unto them in many places by help of this my translation. Which shall not be tedious to such as be learned & understand latin: but unto many noble gentlemen which understand not latin tongue ꝑfetly I doubt not but that this my labour shallbe both pleasure & profit. For by the same they shall have some help toward the understanding of latin: which at this time is almost contemned of gentlemen. And also they shall understand a right fruitful history: both pleasant/ profitable/ & right necessary unto every degree: but specially to gentlemen/ which covet to attain to clear fame and honour: by glorious deeds of chyvalry. But I doubt not: but that some calumnyous detractors shall malign against this my business and profitable labour/ saying that to a priest and man ꝓfessed to observance of religion: it is far contrary & disagreeing to intermyt himself with warfare: or to intermyt with things of battle: other by deeds/ counsel/ or writing. But to stop the mouths of such calumniatours: most sovereign prince: mesemeth right & convenient in this place: somewhat to write aswell concerning the commodities & laudes of histories: as apertenent unto mine own excusation. And first I knowledge it much more convenient: a priest to arm himself with constance/ holy scripture/ pureness of life/ & radiant virtues: and with such socours & armour defended: boldly/ & valiantly/ to bid battle against vices: to pursue the obstinate sinners of this world. And to contend also against the temptations of his carnal concupiscences/ against these mundane blandimentes & delectations: and against his ghostly enemies suggestyons. For under this manner (as affirmeth the holy man job) mannes life upon earth is but a warfare/ & a very maze of miseries: an in●ricate circuit of vary able/ and inevitable errors. For certain I deny not: but that such aught to be the warfare of a man within holy orders: avowed & submit unto the holy minysteries & auters of god. But this other temperal war is permitted unto worldly livers: and may not be omitted: namely in this world oppressed with tyranny of injurious and odious exactors and oppressors: whose obstinate presumptions/ assaults/ & invasions can not otherwise be repressed: than by violence/ armour/ & battle: under ministration of good and rightwise princes defenders & maintainers of the comen weal. Than it is lawful: a priest to write such acts for example of our posterity: for perpetual remembrance of the laudes of good princes/ which have been here in earth the scourges of god to correct tyrants & sinners. But great is the laud & many be the commodities & utilities of histories. An hystore is the recorder of times passed: the light of verity: the masters of man's living: the president of memory: the messenger of antiquity. And (as Titus Livius recordeth in his prologue) the knowledge of histories among other things is most wholesome/ necessary/ and profitable. For every good example which in them is written: is set for a warning & monition unto princes and governors thereby to rule & order themself: & a comen weal. And every example of miserable fortune of tyrants/ is set as a monition for the same governors not to be of tyrannous behaviour/ lest at last they may fall into like miserable ruin & calamity. And also (as saith Cicero) a man to know nothing of that which was done before his time & remembrance: that is as who saith always to be a child. But it is a thing very comely: & necessary before other: to know these chronicles & noble acts of ancient time & remembrance to keep in mind the order & courses of antiquity: and to have in mind the knowledge of exemples for every matter & purpose. For in likewise as unto aged men is more credence & authority given/ than to young men: because of experience of many things. So such noble & diligent myndis as delighteth in reading histories: may have knowledge not only of the deeds of one man's life: but also of the deeds most famous of all times sith creation of the world. Wherefore (as saith Dyodorus) it is a comely & fair thing/ moche necessary & commendable: a man to reform & amend his life/ by example of an other man's fautis & damages. Wherefore Demetrius Phalerus the great philosopher: often warned & counseled the king Ptolemy to excercise himself in often reading of books of histories. For in so doing: princes shall find written in books before their eyen right many things concerning their weal/ honour/ & fame: which their frendis dare not be bold to tell them for dread of displeasure: fathermore without the knowledge of histories never man could become good orator. For (as affirmeth Quintilian) histories be of such might and effect that they may nourish the speech of an orator withsoft and sweet liquor. These premises with otherlike considered: most magnificent prince: me thinketh it thing not inconvenient a priest to write of histories of war: and also me think both pleasant & profitable to noble men to exercise themself in reading the same. For briefly to speak by ryghtwysie battle: the laws of god & man be mentayned: vice & vicious men corrected: virtue/ and good men rewarded and exalted. Our faith against infideles defended: rebellers & tyrants subdued: and finally all things directed & to due order reduced. Fathermore the same reading of hystores seemeth to avail not a little to the knowledge & contempt of this transitory pleasure mundane & misery of this uncertain life. For when histories represent before our sight the valiant and bold hearted knights shining in armour: & richly appareled: on comely coursers ●arded & trapped with gold & silver: the goodly order & ordinance of a great army of armed m●n shining in harness: fierce/ & prepared ready to battle: the trumpets sounding: the golden streamers and standerdes' blazing & glistering against the son: and briefly all the ground overcoverd with men & riches. What else is all this: but a vain ostentation of yertly opulence: and caduke glory prepared busily/ assembled laboriously/ and exposed folysshly & furiously unto destruction & perdition. But again anon after: when we read & see in the same histories the valiant men's bodies prostrate: the carcases of kings/ duke's/ earls/ knights/ and pages mingled all together: all pride & contention abated. The bright harness died with blood: the wounded coursers drawing after them the deed bodies of their lords: the men crying: the tents & towns brenning. What is all this sight with otherlike? Forsooth nought else but an evident spectacle of man's brutal crudelite: and an example of mundane vanity: declaring the immoderate & insatiable desire of dominion of yerthely princes: and proving that unto man wealth is intolerable/ & confounded by his own folly. These manifold and wholesome examples: represented before our sight by reading of chronicles: hath moved my mind to translate this present history forth of latin into our maternal language. But among all other noble men of this region: most high and mighty prince: ye seem unto me most worthy and convenient: to whose grace I should decycat this history: both for mine own duty to be observed anent your magnificence: and also for the excellent worthiness of your merits & great policy of chyvalry/ which lately have appeared in you● while ye not with less wisdom/ than valyantyse have vanquished the invasour and violent enemy of the comen weal of England. In which noble & glorious act ye have proved yourself like unto mighty Marius. But this I omit: as thing evidently known to every man: lest I might seem rather to recount these your strong deeds for adulation: than for true relation. Wherefore most mighty & magnifycent prince: pleas it your highness of gracious benevolence to accept this small present/ translated by your beedman to pleasure & profit of all gentlemen of this region: but namely of your highness & of the noble men of your progency & affinity. But to th'intent that this my small gift somewhat may be augmented: myself/ my service/ and prayer: I offer withal unto your hygnes.  
¶ Thus endeth the preface of this present chronicle: by Alexander Barclay priest/ direct unto the right high and mighty prince Thomas duke of Norfolk.   


¶ Here beginneth a compendious extract/ containing briefly the effect and process of this present chronicle/ compiled in latin by the famous roman Sallust. And translated into english by Alexander Barcley priest/ at commandment of the right high & mighty prince Thomas duke of Norfolk.  
IN this present chronicle or history of Rome: is written the battle/ which the romans had with jugurth/ usurper of the kingdom of Numydy. The land of Numydy is part of the country of africa. In which reigned sometime a king named Massinissa: fellow and friend to the empire of Rhome. This Massinissa had three sons thus named: Micipsa/ Manastabal/ and Galussa. But after the death of Manastabal and Galussa: the first brother named Micipsa/ obtained the kingdom of Numydy alone/ without partner. For after the custom of Numydy/ heritage's are wont to be divided among brethren by equal portions/ after disease of their parent's/ of whom such heritage issueth. This Micipsa so crowned king of hole Numydy had two sons/ the first called Adherbal/ the second hiempsal. But his brother Manastabal which was departed before/ left behind him one bastard son named jugurth: to whom his grandfather Massinissa bequeathed none heritage/ but left him private without land or lyvelodde/ for asmuch as he was unlawfully borne. The king Micipsa was moved with pity & compassion against this jugurth: and considering that he was his brother's son/ & without comfort/ received him into his house/ and cherished him in all things/ as he died his own sons. This jugurth as he grew in stature/ so grew he in all gifts belonging to nature/ and became a right strong & hardy knight/ and also more excellent in wisdom/ than in courage or might/ and was moche elder than the two sons of Micispa: named Adher ball & hiempsal. What time Micipsa considered the ●●ouryng age manlynes/ & wisdom of jugurth. And on the other part/ when he remembered the feeble youngth & unexpert of his own two sons in this advisement his mind was sore troubled with dread: ●est after his death/ the same jugurth might invade and usurp unto himself the kingdom of Numydy his own two sons being not of power to defend themselves. Micipsa after these things considered: determined to object this jugurth unto paryll of war/ and by such means to assay if it might fortune him to be slain in battle. Therefore what time the romans having Scipio for their captain/ besieged the city of Numance: this Micipsa sent unto the romans to the same battle great socours both of horsemen and of footmen. And made jugurthe captain over them. This died he trusting that it was possible and likely enough that this jugurth a knight young/ lusty/ and desirous of honour/ might by some chance of fortune be slain in battle/ as I said before. But at conclusion it fortuned much contrary. For the boldness and strength of jugurthe in that war was well proved and known. For many noble and valiant acts of chyvalry did he: whereby he wan moche laud and glory/ with great love & favour/ not only of Scipio the captain/ but also of all the noblest men of the Roman army. insomuch that after this war was finished: and the city of Numance destroyed the captain Scipio assembled his hole army: and before them all with magnificent and favourable words commended jugurth with marvelous laudes. This done he rewarded him with many & rich gifts of chyvalry. And sent him again to the king Micipsa with letters/ wherein also he commended this jugurth with great laud and praising. By instigation of which things it so befell: that where as the king Micipsa/ not long before desired nothing more than the death of jugurth: now he coveted nought so much as conservation of his life & health. So that not long after he adopted him as his son/ and ordained in his testament him to be one of his heirs & partner of his kingdom with his two other natural sons. Which ordinance he never changed/ but at his departing increased his favour and benefits against the same jugurth/ leaving him not only partner of his kingdom/ but also of all his treasures. And beside this decried him to be protector of his two natural sons/ and of their portions of the kingdom. soon after this ordinance the king Micipsa departed from life. But when the three princes adherbal/ hiempsal/ and jugurth determined among them the time when the treasure should be divided and the bounds of the kingdom limited to them each one his part. At this assemble grew a dissension between hiempsal & jugurth/ by occasion whereof jugurth shortly after slew hiempsal by treason and guile. After this hiempsal was slain jugurthe fixed his mind to possess the hole kingdom of Numidy. Wherefore he prepared a great & strong army against the other brother adherbal/ and at last when both met in battle the army of adherbal was overthrown/ and himself put to flight. adherbal thus overcome and spoiled of his kingdom fled unto Rome/ and there before the senators declared the tyrannous cruelty of jugurth against him committed/ and against his brother hiempsal cruelly murdered: desiring socours of the same senators/ with pitiful words and lamentable complaints. At conclusion it was decreed of the senators/ that ten noble men of Rome should be sent ambassadors to Numydy/ to divide the kingdom between adherbal and jugurth indifferently. The same ambassadors hasted them to Numydy/ and died the commandment of the senate to them enjoined: but more to the favour of jugurth/ than adherbal. When the kingdom was departed and divided/ and the said ambassadors were also departed from Affr●ke toward Rome: jugurth set his mind yet once again to invade and usurp the part of the kingdom which belonged to Ad/ herbal/ by assignment of the ambassadors. Wherefore he assembled a new army/ and with the same innuaded his kingdom: adherbal compelled by necessity assembled also an other army for his part/ and proceeded forth and met with jugurth. But anon after they joined battle/ jugurth overthrew the host of adherbal & put him to ●●yght/ constraining him to i'll with a few horsemen about him into a walled town near by/ named Cyrtha. jugurth anon besieged the town on all parts. In the mean time adherbal by letters certified the senators of Rome in what state jugurth had brought him. How he was bereft of his kingdom by cruelty & ambition of jugurthe: how he was brought to extremity by hunger and force of arms/ not able to abide the besieging any longer: how it appeared evidently that jugurth set little by the decrees & ordinance of the senators/ And at conclusion of the same letters he humbly besought the senate of aid and socours in this his extremity. When these letters were red before the senators assembled: many of them were: which judged it thing expedient and convenient: to succour adherbal. And anon to send an army into Africa against jugurthe. But his friends whom he had bought for money at Rome: made such resistance that no such ordinance could come to effect/ nor pass forth against him. Nevertheless new ambassadors were sent once again to jugurth/ and that men ancient and of great authority: to compel and command him in name of the senators to desist from his enterprise and cruelty in pain of their high displeasure. jugurth blinded these ambassadors with fair words and rewards/ till they were departed again from Numidy to Rome/ without any thing brought to end. When this was known at Cirtha ● where adherbal lay besieged: they which were with adherbal within the town counseled him to yield up the town to jugurth/ upon condition only to have his life pardoned unto him. adherbal constrained by famine and other necessities condescended to this counsel. But anon after the town was yielded/ jugurth contrary to his faith & promise which he had made to Adherbal: slew him with grievous & horrible torment. When this deed was known at Rome: the senators were sore moved against him. And took his demeanor and deeds inhuman grievously. Wherefore by comen assent of the senators and commons of Rome: one named Licius Calphurnius that time consul of Rome/ was sent with a strong army into Numidy against jugurth. But with in short season this Calphurnius corrupted and accloyed with money by jugurth made a foul bond of peace with him to great dishonour and shame both of himself ● and of all the empire of Rome: for which deed the senators and commons of Rome were grievously displeased. Wherefore Calphurnius was called home again to Rome with great dishonour and rebuke. After this Calphurnius/ an other roman named Albinus was elect consul and direct with new supplement of warriors into Numidy against jugurth. But this jugurth drove him forth under hope and colour as if he would yield himself to the said Al●inus: so long till at last the time approached of election of new consuls. Wherefore Albinus of necessity constrained: and as decrees of the romans commanded: returned again to Rome to be at the said election (as he was bound) without any deed laudably done in Numidy. And at his departing left behind him in Numidy his brother named Aulus: to be captain in his stead/ & ruler of his army/ and also of the province where the same army sojourned till the winter were over passed. What time Albinus was departed toward Rome: this Aulus blinded by rasshenes and folly/ behaved himself right undiscreetly in his room. In so much that he called the army unto voyage/ and warfare forth of their tents in the month of january: in coldest and sharpest season of winter This died he: other because he trusted to end the battle in his time: and so thereby to win thank and worship: or else to th'intent to get money of jugurh by granting unto him peace & rest for his tyme. And so to constrain him to buy his peace. When jugurth perceived this unexpertnes and rash folly of Aulus: he sent unto him ambassadors as if he were a feared: by dissimulation to require of him peace. And in the mean time the same jugurth led his army among hills & woods feigning as if he fled from Aulus for dread. Aulus understanding this/ pursued & followed him more eagerly & hastily/ without advisement/ order/ or provision. When jugurth saw that he had attised & drawn the Romans into a place to fight for his advantage: anon he assailed them & embatayled with them fiercely/ in which battle he overcame the Romans & put them to flight. On the next morn after/ jugurth and Aulus came together in communication. And at last truce was stricken between both parties/ in this manner & by such conditions: that all the Romans should pass under a spear in sign of subjection/ and that they were overcome without more hurt. And afterward within ten days all should departed out of Numidy/ & so was it done. When tidings hereof were brought to rome: all the city was troubled with dread & displeasure. After this shameful truce of Aulus and discomfiture & flight of the roman army/ a noble man named Metellus was create consul of Rome/ & by comen assent send unto Numidi against jugurth. This Metellus behaved himself as a noble captain and valiant warrior: and perceiving that the residue of the army which was escaped/ was dissolute and out of order/ by over much liberty. And by fault of the captains/ which were before/ he first of all reduced the soldiers to good rule and order/ according to the ancient ordinances of chyvalry: and than in time convenient after his army was brought to order/ he assailed jugurth fiercely. And after certain sharp and grievous battles/ he diminished his riches/ his might & power & brought him almost to extremity. After this Metellus: one named Marius last of all was create consul/ and the province & war of Numidy decreed and committed to him. This Marius anon pursued jugurthe in battle most sharply & fiercely of all other/ insomuch/ that finally he utterly brought him to extremity: his friends/ his riches and power/ brought all to nought. And at conclusion by treason/ & betrayeng of one Bocchus/ king of the Mauriens: jugurthe was delivered to the same Marius as prisoner: whom he led bound to Rome with great glory & triumph. At last this jugurth was thrown into prison/ where at conclusion he ended his miserable life/ in dolours & captivity. This is the argument and process of all this history and chronicle: in which the redar/ of whatso ever condition and degree he be: shall find both profit and pleasure: if he red it attentyfly and with good advertences. And most namely gentlemen apt to attain to glorious fame & honour by faith of chyvalry: shall find both pleasant and profitable pastime/ in reading this history: unto whose example/ profit/ and pleasure I chiefly have translated the same.   

¶ The prologue of this present chronicle compiled in latin by the famous roman Sallust: and translated into english by Alexander Barcley priest.  
Mankind wrongfully complaineth of his natural disposition: saying/ that his feeble & frail life of short continuance of time/ is rather ruled by chances of fortune: than by provision of strength or virtue. But if man well consider his natural inclination: contrary to such opinion: he shall find that nothing longing to mankind/ may be found & proved greater/ better/ or more pre-eminent than his natural inclination: and that his own diligence & exercise/ rather faileth him/ than either might or long continuance of life tyme. But in this opinion to judge indifferently: let man understand that the mind is ordained/ guider/ ruler & captain of man's life: which mind: when it valiantly intendeth to attain/ to worship & dignity/ by way of virtue: it is excellent enough mighty and clear of itself: so that it needeth not to force of fortune/ nor to care for her uncertain gifts: but to despise her as not able to give to any man honesty/ diligence or other good and virtuous exercises: nor able to deprive man again of the same gifts: after he hath obtained the same. But on the other part if this mind of man/ taken & blinded with froward pleasures be subdued unto sloth & bodily lusts: after it hath exercised & occupied such ieoperdous pleasure by a little season: & after that by cowardous sloth/ both the strength/ the time & the wit are vanished away & decayed: than anon the infirmity & fel●ylnes of nature is accused & put in blame. And thus/ all such slothful doers transpose & lay away the fault which in themselves is culpable/ unto the difficult of such business/ as they have omitted by negligence. But if it were so: that men had as great cure & affection of things good and profitable/ as they have desire & pleasure in seeking & following things contrary unto them & nothing profitable ye: & also much ꝑylous & hurtful: than should not they be more ruled by the chances of fortune/ than they should rule the said chances. And thus should they attain & proceed unto so great excellence: that where they be mortal of nature they should be made immortal by glory & renowned fame. For in likewise as man is composed & made of ii things (that is to say of the body & soul) right so all things/ all business & exercises/ to mankind belonging/ followeth/ some the nature of the body: to decay briefly & to be mortal: as it is/ some other follow the nature of the soul/ to be eternal & immortal: as it is. Which thing further to ꝓue by example: we daily see that the goodly beauty of the visage & shape of mankind/ great abundance of riches/ & also the strength of the body/ with all other such things & semblable/ decayeth & vanisheth away within short tyme. But contrarily the excellent & worthy acts: belonging to man's wit: be immortal & everlasting: as the soul is immortal. And finally in likewise as the beginning of the gifts corꝑall or natural/ & of the gifts of fortune is caduke/ vain & uncertain: right so is the end of the same mutable & transitory. And all things which be borne and spryging: again decayeth & approacheth to death: and when these same be grown & increased to the hegth of their perfection: again they begin to decay and consume by age and debility. But the mind and soul being incorrupt/ eternal and governor of mankind/ ruleth and weldeth all things: but itself can not be violently ruled nor compelled by any thing earthly/ considering the free-will/ which it obtaineth of his creator. For which consideration the froward iniquity of them is more to be marveled: which subdued to the joys & pleasures of the body/ pass forth the time of their life/ in carnal lusts and idleness. But touching their wit (which is the best gift and greatest treasure granted to mankind) that suffer they to slumber and to sleep without exercise/ in sloth and idleness: whose dullness surely is so much more to be blamed: namely sith so many and divers noble exercises & occupations of the mind be: by whom most clear nobles and fame undefiled may be obtained. But of such divers exercises concerning the mind some are better refused: than procured in troublous times & inquiet. And namely in this time turbulent and season unquiet: great offices/ lordships/ rooms to command & rule: and briefly to speak. All manner cure concerning the administration of things appertaining to the comen weal: seemeth unto me not at all to be covyted or desired of any wise man. For neither is honour given unto virtue/ as condign reward and worthy thereto belonging neither such as have gotten jurisdiction & honour/ by ●●aude & unlawful means (in like case) can not be more sure nor more honest/ by mean of such honour so unright wisely obtained. For certainly a man to rule his country & kindred by might & violence: all if he have power so to do/ & also though he right wisely correct the crimes of transgressors & misdoers. Nevertheless: so to do it is unbehovefull & unexpedient. And often at conclusion more perilous & dangerous: than it is sure or profitable/ & that namely/ sith all mutations of things/ and changes of governors pretend and threaten slaughter/ of some exile or wilful flight/ imprisonment with otherlike cruelties more longing to enemies of a comen we'll/ than to defenders of the same. Than furthermore: a man to labour to the uttermost of his power/ and all in vain. And in weryenge himself to get nought else but evylwyll and hatred: it is a point of extreme & utter madness/ except perchance it be such one/ which hath a dishonest/ a foul & perilous pleasure to cast away for nought his own worship and liberty for pleasure of a few mighty men usurpers of dominion & lordship. But among all other business/ which are exercised by man's wit/ the reading of histories & the reducing of the same to memory: is much more necessary & profitable to all degrees bearing rule of a comen we'll/ but most namely unto princes. Of power/ profit/ & commodity whereof: I purpose at this time to pass over with silence/ because many other authors have written of the same before my tyme. And also that no man should suppose myself by pride or insolence: to boast mine own study vainly lauding the same. But much contrary I believe rather that some envious maligners shallbe hereafter which shall object & ascribe a name of sloth and negligence to this my labour. How great & profitable so ever it be: & that because I have determined to lead my life solitarily: far from meddling with the comen weal. Certainly (as I suppose) they only shall impute and ascribe such name to me and to this my labour: which thinketh it a most great & singular craft or practised wisdom to win benevolence/ by saluting the comen people/ and by dyssimulate reverence done to every man passing by them/ or else to get favour by festing and flattering the commenty. Which envious maligners: if they would consider both in what manner seasons and in what jeopardous times I have obtained offices and rooms of authority & what men would gladly/ and yet might not obtain such rooms Moreover if they call to mind what manner of men afterward came into the order of senators For certain if my willers consider inedifferently these premises: than shall they think that I have changed the purpose of my mind: more for cause reasonable: and by good advisement/ than for sloth & cowardice/ and they shall find/ that more profit shall come to the comen wale by this my study (which they count but idleness and time misspent) than of the labour and business which other men take upon them faintly and injustly administering the comen weal. And they shall find that my writing shall prove itself more laudable and profitable to the comment/ than their undiscrete governance. For often have I heard of the famous princes Quintus Maximus/ & Publius Scipio/ and beside these of many other right famous and worthy men of the city of Rome/ which when they beheld the images of their forefathers made of stone/ of wax/ or of metal/ and erect into high trones in memorial of the valiant and magnificent acts by them done for the comen weal: the said princes in advising such images were wont to say unto such as stood near by them: that their minds were greatly kindled to virtue and nobles in contempling of the same. The case is plain: that such figures of metal/ stone/ or wax had not such operation nor might within themself. But such high courage & flame was kindled and increased in the hardy hearts of such noble men and valiant warrious/ by remembrance of the glorious deeds of their forefathers in their life time/ done & represented to their memory by such images/ insomuch that this flame kindled in their hearts to virtue could never be slaked nor satiate in them/ till time that they were equal with their forefathers in virtue/ fame/ and glory. Than how much more ought the clear description of hystores to kyndell unto boldness and virtue/ the minds of noble men by reading of the same. But much contrary/ if we advert the world as it is now among all men which live/ and conform themself to the manners used now adays/ where shall we find one: but that will strive and contend with their forefathers to overcome them/ other in covetise & superfluous riches/ or else in prodigalite & wasteful expenses/ and not in honest and laudable life/ good excercices and diligence? And moreover gentlemen of the first heed/ which were wont to prevent ancient noblemen & ascend unto virtue & nobles/ by virtuous manners: such labour now to lordship/ honour and authority/ by fraud & falsehood: rather than by very virtue or good means & laudable. After such manner as if the office of a high judge/ of a treasurer/ a Consul/ a Provost/ and all such other great offices/ were noble and excellent of themself. And not in manner as if such offices should be counted of worthiness and dignity: after as the virtue and honour is/ of such as rule in the same offices and hy rooms. But plainly affirming the truth: the man maketh the office noble & worshipful: if his manners shine by virtue. But if his conversation be contrary/ no office/ no room/ can make him noble nor worshipful. But this omitting I have proceeded in this prologue with over far circumstance/ and also with somewhat to much liberty of words/ more than in a preface is requisite: for that it pyteeths me of these tedious manners of this our cite of Rome. But now will I come to my matter purposed/ and first enterprise begun.   

¶ Of what matter Sallust intendeth to treat in process of this book/ and what causes moveth him of such matter to write. ¶ The first chapter.  
IN this work I purpose to write of the war/ which the romans had and executed against the tyrant jugurth/ wrongfully usurping the name of a king/ over the land of Numidy. Many causes moveth me by writing to commend this war to perpetual memory. First for that in the same was fought at many times with great multitude of men on either party/ with much cruel murder and variable victory: the Romans sometime/ sometime the jugurthins prevailing in victory. furthermore because that first at this battle: & from thence forward the comen people of Rome matched with the princes/ resisting their pride. For where as before this time the noble men of Rome oppressed and subdued the commons with unreasonable rigour/ the commons elect one named Marius a man of base birth to be consul of Rome/ and captain in this battle: which after he had obtained victory over jugurth with great glory/ triumph/ & favour of the commonty/ he supported them in such wise against the noble men: that of the same rose a civil battle & grievous discord/ between the noble men and commons of Rome: Marius maintening the commons party/ & Silla sustaining the party of the noble men. Insomoch that finally between these two parties & captains of the same was fought an unkind/ unnatural/ & cruel battle: to the grievous ruin of the Roman empire/ & subversion of the comen weal. Which contention and variance confounded both the laws of god and man/ and by the same were all good ordinances disordered. And this same furious debate & folly proceeded at last to so unreasonable madness and excecate fury/ that it never desisted/ nor this variance and dissension between the noble men and commons never ceased: till time that cruel and mortal battle fought between both parties/ and till time that also destruction of the land of Italy compelled both parties at last to consider their own blind folly & cruel furor: & so finally to mitigate & finish their debate & unreasonable dissension. But first or I begin to write of this battle I shall repeat and declare a few things done before this war began: to th'intent that all things most chief/ worthy & expedient to be known/ may be more evident/ open/ & clear/ to the readers.   

¶ How the king Massinissa came into the favour of the romans/ and how the land of Numydy was committed unto him. The second chapter.  
THe romans had three notable and famous battles against the Carthaginemces/ in which the same romans had great damage. Howbeit in conclusion of every battle they wan victory of their enemies: in the second of these battles what time Hanyball duke and captain of the Carthaginemces wasted the wealth and riches of Italy more than any other enemy had ever done before/ after the romans began to have any great name and to delate their dominion: A famous prince named Massinissa king of the land of Numydy was received into friendship & favour of the romans: by one Publius Scipio captain of the said romans/ which Scipio afterward for his manhood was named Scipio Affrycan/ because he overcame & subdued the land of Africa. This Massinissa so received into favour of the romans in the foresaid battle did many noble and famous acts of chyvalry/ with high valiantise & courage. For which deeds: after the romans had overcome the Carthaginencis & their cite: and after they had taken prisoner the king Sciphar/ which had in Africa a worthy/ great/ & large empire the people of Rome gave freely unto the same king Massinissa/ all such cities & lands as they had taken and won in battle. For which benefits so magnificent & ample Massinissa continued unto them in profitable & faithful friendship his life enduring: but at last his life ended/ and the wealth of his empire decayed also with him. This king departing left behind him three sons: whose names were Micipsa/ Manastabal/ and Galussa: of whom Micipsa succeeded his father/ and alone obtained the kingdom: after that this other two brethren Manastabal and Galussa/ were departed from this life by sickness. This Micipsa had two sons named adherbal & hiempsal. But Manastabal his brother which departed (as said is) left behind him one son not lawfully borne/ but a bastard/ begotten of his concubine: wherefore departing he left him orbate without land or livelihood. This considering Micipsa suffered him not to fault nor decay: but uless as he was his brothers son/ received him into his court/ & him cherished in likewise as he did his own sons/ adherbal and hiempsal. This jugurth after that he was a little grown up to age: was mighty in strength comely/ and fair of face: but most of all/ excellent of wit & wisdom. Nor he gave not himself to be corrupt with lust nor incrafty sloth: but as is the custom & manner of the people of Numidy himself he exercised/ sometime in riding/ sometime in casting the dart & jousting/ and sometime in ronning & wrestling/ with his companions of like age. And not withstanding/ that in laud and praise he passed all his peries: yet none envied him but he was dearly beloved/ cherished/ and lauded of all men. Moreover he passed moche of his time in hunting of wild beasts which in that land abounded: he was the first/ or one among the first which durst assail and strike the lion/ and other cruel and wild beasts: he died moche: and little said or boasted of himself. For such demeanour his uncle Micipsa at first beginning was glad and joyful: supposing that in time to come the manly behaviour and strength of jugurth should be glory and honour to all his kingdom. But afterward in process of time when he considered and understood his life approaching fast to end his natural sons young/ & unexpert. And this young man jugurth in honour and favour daily increasing more and more he revolved many things in mind greatly moved with such solicitude and business. furthermore he considered/ that all men of kind be naturally inclined to desire/ to rule/ and command by lordship: rather than to be ruled and subject. And how man is prone and headlong inclined to fulfil the desires of his mind dreading no dangers: nor suspecting no peril/ while he is excecate by ambition and desire of lordship. Moreover advising the opportunity of his own age/ and of the age of his children which for yongh were not able to resist any power or violence: which opportunity is wont to be not small comfort/ audacity and courage/ not only to bold herres/ but also to mean men and cowards intending to conspire against their princes in hope of prey and promotions. Such considerations feared sore the mind of Micipsa/ beside these his dread and dolour was more augmented: when he beheld the favour & hearts of all his subgettes of the land of Numidy utterly inclined to jugurth: wherefore to put to death the same jugurth by any guile (as his purpose was to do) he dread most of all: doubting list thereof might succeed between him and his subgettes some insurrexion or battle. Micipsa compassed on every side with these difficulties/ was sore troubled in mind. And when he saw that neither by strength nor guile he might destroy a man so well beloved of the commons/ (as was jugurth) at last he devised an other way to rid him: and that without danger or suspection/ wherefore Micipsa adverting that jugurth was ready of hand to strike/ auē●erous and much desirous of honour and laud of chyvalry/ he concluded with himself to object him to danger and peril of war: and by that mean to assay the fortune of battle. ¶ Now at the same season the Romans warred against a cite of Hispayne named Numance: unto which war divers kings to the commons associate sent unto them succour against the same cite. Among whom Micipsa also sent a fair company of horsemen and footmen: over whom he made jugurth captain: and sent him forth with them into Hispayne/ trusting that there he lightly should be overthrown and slain in battle: other in showing his manhood and strength/ or else by fierceness and cruelty of his enemies. But this thing for/ tuned much contrary to his opinion. For jugurth was of mind and courage valiant and bold/ and of wit quick and ready/ so that after he had perceived the disposition/ behaviour and manners of Publius Scipio: at that time captain of the romans/ and when he had considered also the manners of his enemies/ he behaved himself in such wise with much labour/ business and cure/ in obeying his captain with so good manner & often times countering his enemies without dread of peril. Insomoch that within short time he came to so great fame and worship/ that unto the romans he was marvelous dear and well beloved/ and of the Numantines drade as death: and certainly/ among the chefyst he was worthy and valiant in battle: and also good of counsel/ of wisdom pregnant and circumspect. Which two things be much hard to be in one man both together: for wisdom is often wont to make men a feared and to dread many perils because of providence. But boldness and audacity causeth men to be rash and folehardy/ because of haut courage. But his wisdom directed his strength/ and his strength was obedient to wisdom. Wherefore Scipio the captain did almost every jeopardous and wyghty thing by hand & counsel of jugurth: him counting among his chief friends and daily cherished him more & more and no marvel/ for there was no counsel/ nor enterprise began of jugurth frustrate or in vain/ but all came to good effect. Beside these gifts above said he was curtes of mind liberal/ and of wit right discrete & prudent: by which gifts he adjoined unto him many of the romans in familiar petition. At that same season in the army of Rome were right many new: and also ancient gentlemen/ which set more by riches than goodness or honest. At home in Rome were they sowers of discord and debatfull/ great in fame among the friends of the romans. But more famous by worship and room/ than by honest conversation. These kindled the mind of jugurth not a little promising often times and saying to set his courage on fire: that if the king Micipsa discessed the time should come that jugurth alone should enjoy the hole kingdom of Numidy without any partyner. For in him (they said) was great virtue/ great manhood/ strength & audacity with wisdom/ able to govern such a kingdom: and nothing was so injust and false but that might be justified at Rome for gold/ and all things were there to be sold by covetise of noble men.   

¶ How Publius Scipio counseled jugurth at his departing after the city of Numance was destroyed. ¶ The third chapter.  
THus continued jugurth in the romans army in Hispayne with great favour of the romans and namely of Scipio the captain: till at last the army of Rome had destroyed the said cite of Numance. Than Publius Scipio concluded to return again to Rome: and to congye and licence such socours as were sent unto him from other kings: among all other he called jugurth unto him: and before the multitude of all the army assembled/ lauded and commended him magnificently reciting his glorious acts and manly deeds of chyvalry. And after that worthily and richly rewarded him for his labours. This done: he conveyed him into the captain's tent: and there secretly warned him that he should continued and worship the friendship of the people of Rome rather hole together and commonly/ than privately leaning to any singular rulers. Moreover adding these monitions: that he should not rather reward and be liberal to a few privately: than to a hole comment/ saying that it was a perilous thing to buy that: of a few persons: which belong unto many in comen. If he would persever and continue in so noble conditions as he had begun: he should shortly come to great honour/ glory and dignity royal/ more than he would desire. But if he would proceed and labour to ascend over hastily/ than should both he and his riches fall headlong to ruin and decay. After Scipio had said these words with such like: he licenced jugurth to departed/ and sent him unto his uncle Micipsa again into the land of Numidy with letters direct unto the same king Micipsa: of which letters the tenure and sentence hereafter ensueth: and was such.   

¶ The sentence of the letter direct from Publius Scipio captain of the roman army in Hispayne unto Micipsa king of Numidy. ¶ The fourth chapter.  
PVblius Scipio captain of the romain army in Hispayne sendeth health and salutation to Micipsa king of Numidy friend and fellow of the empire of Rome. The virtue/ strength and nobleness of your nephew jugurth whom ye sent unto our socours hath been proved in this war of Numance/ far excellent above any other warrior of our retinue/ which thing I know for certain is to your great pleasure & gladness. For his worthy merits he is right dear and well beloved unto us. And we shall devoir us to the best of our power that he may be like dear and well beloved of all the senators and people of Rome. I am surely right joyful on your behalf of this your treasure jugurth: ancient amity between you & me: bindeth me to be glad of this your commodity. For certainly lo here have ye a man of jugurth worthy to descend of such noble stock as ye are and as his grandfather Massinissa was in his days: whom he followeth in all points of virtue and magnanimity.   

¶ How the king Micipsa adopted jugurth unto his son. ¶ The fift chapter.  
WIth these letters of Scipio jugurth returned into Numydy unto his uncle Micipsa: where he was worthily & joyfully received of the commonty. But after that the king Micipsa understood by these letters of commendation of the captain Scipio: that the valiant and noble acts of jugurth were true: which long before he had hard by report of the comen fame: than what for the nobles of jugurthe & favour both of his deeds and commendation of Scipio he moved his mind changed from his foresaid purpose/ and not further intended to oppress jugurth by malice nor envy. But concluded to attempt to overcome him with benefits & kindness: to th'intent that he so overcome/ should not in time to come find in his heart for pity to indommage him nor his heirs. And soon after this purpose the same Micipsa adopted jugurth unto his son: and furthermore decreed and ordained in his testament that jugurth should be one of his heirs: and partner in possession of his kingdom together with his two natural sons/ adherbal and hiempsal. But a few years after this ordinance Micipsa what by age/ what by sickness/ drew near unto his end of life/ and was consumed by age & disease: wherefore considering his death so fast approaching it is said that he called jugurth before him and than before many of his friends and kinsmen: also in presence of his two natural sons adherbal and hiempsal/ he had to the same jugurth such words as hereafter ensue and follow.   

¶ The exhortation which the king Micipsa a little before his death had to jugurth. ¶ The sixth chapter.  
MIdere son jugurthe/ I know it is not out of your remembrance: how after that ye had lost your father my brother I charitably & lovingly received you young & of tender age into my kingdom: what time ye were without riches/ without comfort: and without any hope of comfort or riches/ but very likely to have been cast away. This died I/ thinking that for these my benefits and kindness I should be unto you not less entirely beloved than of mine own natural children with my body begotten. Nor certainly this my hath not deceived me. For why to overpass your other great/ magnificent and excellent deeds of you valiantly done before: specially now last of all coming from the war of Numance ye greatly adorned & enhanced to honour and glory/ both of mine own person & this my kingdom. And where as the romans in fore times were friends unto us: by your virtue and manly acts ye have established that amity: and of friends made them much more friends. So that in Hispayne the name & glory of our household by your manhood is renovate and renewed. Thus finally: ye have overcome the envy of your ylwyllers only by your glorious acts and valiant enterprises: which is one of the most hardyest things to be done among mankind and of most difficulty. Wherefore now my son jugurth: sith it is so: that nature hath near concluded the end of my life: I admonest charge and exhort you by the faith of your right hand: and by the faith and fidelity which ye own to this my kingdom I obtest and require you/ that ye love/ mentayne and cherish these my two sons adherbal & hiempsal: which of kindred be near to you/ and by my benefit and kindness are brethren unto you. furthermore I exhort you that ye countenat leferre and more pleasure to acquaint and conjoin unto you forayns or strangers/ rather than to retain such as be joined to you by natural blood & kindred. For neither is a great army of men nor abundance of treasures: the ch●fe socours or defence of a kingdom: but moche rather trusty and faithful friends: whom a man can neither compelle● by force of arms: nor yet buy with gold nor silver to persever in steadfast amity: but they be obtained & kept by kindness/ good deeds/ fidelite and faithfulness. But among all friends: who can be more friendly and steadfast in amity than brother to brother. Certainly none ought to be more loving of natural inclination. Or what stranger shall ye find faithful and trusty to you: if ye show yourself enemy to your own kinsmen? For sooth if ye continue together honest/ good and loving in agreeable concord between yourself: than this kingdom which I commit and give unto you shall continue sure and steadfast: as it is now. But contrarily if ye be ill and disagreeing among yourself/ ye shall in short season make it right poor/ feeble and incertain. For by love/ peace and concord: small riches/ small lordships/ and generally all small things increase and multiply: by discord the greatest things of the world decay and fall utterly to ruin. But you my son jugurthe because ye pass these mine other two natural sons in age and wisdom/ therefore it seemeth you so much more than them: to make such wise provision both for yourself and for them also that nothing happen otherwise than well. For in every strife and debate: how be it he which is mightier and richer often suffereth injury. Nevertheless it seemeth more that he doth wrong than suffereth: because that he is more of power and might than his feeble adversary. But ye my dear sons adherbal and hiempsal see that ye worship and love this jugurth your worthy uncle. And beware that ye not offend nor displease him: but follow his virtue & manly behaviour. And do your devoir to the best of your power after his example behaving yourself/ so discreetly and so wisely that it be not hereafter reported by me/ that I have taken unto me by adoption/ better children than I have begotten. Thus concluded the king Micipsa his words. How beit jugurth well perceived the kings words: but feigned and spoken against his heart: if any other remedy might have been found: nevertheless he answered benignly for the time/ all if he thought and revolved in his mind moche otherwise/ and contrary to his humble and mild answer.   

¶ How the king Micipsa departed from life/ and of the first cause of dissension and discord between jugurth/ adherbal & hiempsal. ¶ The vii chapter.  
NAt long after the king Micipsa decessed whose death was dolorous and sore bewailed of all his subgettis: but most of all to his natural sons it was to be lamented: and not without great cause as the process of this history shall afterward declare. But after the kings funeral exequys were magnificently ended as apertayned to his state royal. The three princes that is to say adherbal/ hiempsal/ and jugurth anon assembled to the intent to comen and treat of businesses of the royalme/ concerning partition and separation of the same: and all other things convenient. But when they should sit and take their places in order: hiempsal youngest of the three was somewhat fierce of nature/ and disposed to stateliness. And in mind long before this time he disdained the ignobilite of jugurth/ for asmuch as he was unlike unto them of birth touching his mother's side/ and a bastard borne: as is said before. Wherefore he disdained that the same jugurthe should have the place of most honour among them/ which were natural sons of a king/ and also lawfully borne: and so in contempt of jugurth he set himself down on the right hand of his brother adherbal: to th'intent that jugurthe should not sit in the mids between them: which room the Numydyens count of most honour. And afterward howbeit his brother Adherbal required him often to give place to jugurth because of his age: yet unneaths could be with moche pain induce him thereto: but at last fatigate by requests of his brother and of other noble men of the realm: he changed his place and set him upon the other side with countenance declaring his mind not contented. And thus at last sat jugurth for his age in the mids between them both/ as in place of most honour. when the three princes were thus set and had communed of many things concerning the administration of the kingdom: among many and divers other things jugurth said/ that all the statutes and ordinances which the king Micipsa had made five years before his death/ aught of congruence to be annulled as of none effect. For in that season (as said he) his wit what for age/ what for sickness was feeble/ dull and of small valour. And therefore such things as he had in that space enacted were done without wisdom or reason. when hiempsal heard jugurth thus speak: he answered/ saying that it pleased him right well that it should so be done. For within the same three years (said he) our father Micipsa hath adopted you to his son/ and in his testament ordained you to be partner of his kingdom: which was the worst and most unadvised deed that ever he did young or old. Wherefore jugurth according to your own ordinance this must first of all be annulled and broken/ which done/ my brother and I shall not greatly contend for the remanant. These words of hiempsal pierced the heart of jugurth more profoundly than any man there thought or suspected. Wherefore from that time forward: what for wrath of these words/ and for dread of loss of his portion of the kingdom/ his mind was in great trouble and anguish. In so much that from thence forth: he went about/ imagined/ ordained/ and only revolved in his mind: by what guile or treason hiempsal might be caught in his danger. But when his purpose proceeded but slowly forward/ considering that the froward desire and unrefrenable appeti●e of his mind could not be mytigated nor pacified: he concluded to bring his enterprise to effect by any manner means other by privy treason and guile: or else by evident and open violence & force of arms. But to return again where I left. In this first assemble of the three princes of which I spoke before: it pleased them all that the treasures of king Micipsa should be divided among them because of this dissension. And also that the marches and bounds of each of their dominions/ severally should be assigned to each of them his portion. Wherefore the time was appointed and prefixed when both should be done: but the time to depart the treasures was sooner assigned than to divide and limit the bounds of their dominions. This apoyntement made: the princes departed company: the mind of jugurth not a little inquyeted for the said check of hiempsal: for which cause he awaited his time to revenge him.   

¶ How jugurth by treason murdered hiempsal the younger son of king Micipsa. ¶ The eight chapter.  
When the three princes were departed in sunder: as I have said before: they sojourned in sundry places/ and that near to the tower where the treasures lay. hiempsal drew him to a town named Thirmyda not far distant. In which town he had a dwelling place: than as happened in the same town was a man of the guard longing to jugurth of his lord right dearly beloved/ and with him greatly in favour. This servant of jugurth was much conversant and familiar in the house of hiempsal/ when jugurth by chance remembered this opportunity to his mischievous purpose: he called secretly unto him his said servant. And after many words spoken to search his mind: at last by promise of large rewards he induced him to consent to go as if ●t were to visit the house of hiempsal: as he had often done before time: and by some means & craft to counterfeit the keys of the gates and bring them unto him. For the right keys: after the gates were locked: nyghly were delivered unto hiempsal himself: so might they not be unmyssed the space of a night. When jugurth had induced the Numidian to consent to this deed: he promised himself within short time after to come to the said lodging of Hiempsal what time the case should require: with great power of armed men. The Numydyan in short time performed the commandment of jugurth/ insomuch that he brought unto him the counterfeited keys: as he had appointed. jugurth hereof was glad in mind: and anon prepared secretly a great company of armed men: whom he commanded to bring unto him the heed of hiempsal trenched from the body: and in executing of this deed he commanded them all to be ruled by the Numydyan which had counterfeited the keys. This done the said Numydyan conveyed these armed men privily by night into the house of hiempsal/ like as he was informed by jugurth. When this treatoure satellyte was entered with his company & had broken into the inward edifices: divers of them searched for the prince hiempsal: some murdered his servants as they lay sleeping in their beddies suspecting no such treason: some other a wakened with the din start up and met their enemies defending themself but all in vain: for they had no leisure to arm themself. And therefore were they slain anon unarmed of men armed & appointed to mischief: when the traitors had long sought hiempsal and might not find him: than searched they more nearly every hid corner/ and secret close places they braced open: all was full of din mingled with noise and clamour: So moche they sought and so nearly: that at last they found out hiempsal/ hid in the cottage of a poor serving woman to which place he had fled at beginning of this affray: as a man astonied for dread and ignorant of the place. Anon as the Numidians had found him they slew him without any mercy. And as they were commanded cut of his heed and brought the same to jugurth: but shortly after: the fame of this cruel and tyrannous deed was divulgate & over spread all the lands of Africa: adherbal and all they which were under subjection of Micepsa while he lived: were sore troubled & abashed with fere for this tyrannous cruelty of jugurth. The Numidians anon divided themself into two party's. The most part drew and leaned to adherbal/ but such as were most manly and best to battle drew them to the other party: and leaned to jugurth. Wherefore he made ready as great an army as he might joining unto him and bringing under his subjection the towns & cities of Numidy: some by violence/ and some other by their own voluntary will. In somuch that finally he kept under his subjection and bondage the hole land of Numidy. But not withstanding that Adherbal had sent ambassadors to Rome: to certify the senators of the death of his brother how cowardly he was murdered/ & also to inform them of his own miserable fortune & in what case he was: nevertheless he made himself ready to fight with jugurth as he which had trust & confidence in multitude of his soldiers assembled ready to battle.   

¶ How jugurth overcame adherbal in battle and put him to flight: how adherbal fled to Rome to complain to the senators: and how jugurthe accloyed with rewards many of the rulers of Rome: by whose favour his cruelty was defended. ¶ The ix chapter.  
NOw had jugurth assembled his host ready unto battle: not like in multitude to the company of Adherbal: but as I said before much bolder better expert & exercised in war. On the other party adherbal had his people ready appointed/ and both the armies approached together. But when they joined battle/ and when it came to byckering: that the matter must be tried with strokes. Anon adherbal was vanquesshed: and to save his life fled from the battle into a province marching on the land of Numidy: and from thence with all haste sped him unto Rome to complain his miserable fortune/ and to require succour/ as I shall afterward declare. But than jugurth when he had all the land of Numydy at his pleasure/ counseled with his friends of many things. At conclusion: when he considered by himself that he had slain hiempsal and chased adherbal out of his kingdom: when he was idle and at rest: he often secretly revolved in mind his own cruelty: sore dreading what punishment the Romans would ordain against the same. Nor against the ire and displeasure of the Romans had he none other hope nor comfort/ save in the covetise of the noble men of Rome/ and in th'abundance of his treasures: wherewith he trusted to corrupt the rulers of Rome to be favourable to him. This considered within few days after he sent to Rome ambassadors with moche gold and silver to whom he gave in commandment: that first of all they should satisfy his old friends with rewards and money/ and than to spare no gifts to get unto him more new friends. And briefly that they should not spare nor tarry to procure unto him favourers and mainterners of his part: and all things for his advantage by gifts and promises. But after these ambassadors were come to Rome: according to the commandment of their king: they gave and sent to his acquaintance and friends/ and to such as among the senators: at that time had most authority: large and great rewards. insomuch that anon among them was so great a change: that the marvelous envy/ hatred and evil will: which they had against jugurthe was all changed into favour and grace among the noble men. Of whom some were so induced by gifts received: and some other by hope of bribes in time to come: that they went about among the senators from one to one/ labouring & intreting that at that season nothing should be extremely nor grievously determined against jugurth. Thus after the ambassadors of jugurth had confidence and trust enough in their cause they laboured to have a day appointed to apere in court. The day of appearance was granted as well to them as to adherbal: to adherbal as plaintiff: and to the ambassadors as defendentes for jugurth: when the day assigned was come both the parties appeared in court before the senators/ than after audience granted/ adherbal began to speak under form following/ for complaint and declaration of his injuries and oppression.   

¶ Here ensueth the oration of adherbal: devised in form deliberative: in which he exhorteth the senators to command socours & aid to be assigned unto him/ proving the same to be profitable/ honest and easy to the Romans to do: profita: ble: that he might continue a friend unto the empire of Rome: honest: for his father & grandfather had so deserved: easy to be done: for the Romans at that time had none other war else where. ¶ The ten chapter.  
most discrete chosen fathers and noble senators: Micipsa my father at hour of his death commanded me that I should think nought else of the land of Numidy to appertain to me: save only the rule and administration of the same: affirming that the title of possession and empire of the same belonged to you & to the people of Rome. Moreover he gave me in commandment to do my devoir: to be unto you seruiable above all things: both in place and in war. And that I should count you unto me in place of kinsmen: and nearest friends of alliance. saying that if I so did: than by your amity and friendship I should find succour/ riches/ and defence of the kingdom of Numydy/ and of me and mine in all times of need: which preceptis of my father: while I kest in mind to observe: suddenly jugurth the most cruel & cursed of all men whom the ground sustaineth/ despising your empire: hath driven me from your kingdom & from all my other goods of fortune: nothing regarding that I am nephew of Massinissa/ and by mine ancestry a fellow and friend of the empire and people of Rome. But certainly worthy and chosen fathers: sith I am come to that misery that necessity constraineth me to desire your aid and socours: I would much rather that I might call for your help: for mine own merits against you done: than for the merits of my forefathers: and that by such means of mine own deserving/ your benefits and socours were due unto me/ which would god that I needed not at all: but if this your socours might so of you be desired by my merits & deserving: than should I call boldly to you: and use your socours of duty as mine ancestry have done in times passed. But now sith it is so/ that honest life and innocence: in this world findeth little sureness by themself without protection of some other. Moreover sith it was not in my power to mitigate nor to withstand this tyrannous injury of jugurth. Therefore chosen fathers I am now fled unto you as to my chief refuge/ coarted to necessity to require your socours and constrained to put you to business & charge: before I have done any pleasure or profit unto you: which thing grieved me most of all/ and is one of my greatest miseries. Right worthy senators other kings have been received into your friendship & favour/ after ye have overcome them in battle/ or else perceiving themself in danger and in doubtful chaunches of fortune: they have coveted and desired your fellowship and favour/ rather for their own weal than for yours. But much contrarily: our forefathers and rote of our lineage Massinissa confederated himself with the people of Rome in the second battle of Carthage: what time was more faithfulness to be trusted in them & their good will/ than of wealth or riches to be obtained of the romans/ being at that time assailed with war on every side: their riches and treasures consumed by often battles. Thus it is evident that our ancestry confederate not themself to your fellowship for their own defence: in hope of riches: in hope of dominion: nor for any other private profit/ but only for favour & love which they had unto your empire. Wherefore noble senators suffer not the progeny and branches of this stock to be destroyed. Suffer not me which am nephew of your trusty friend Massinissa to ask of you help and socours in vain. But prudent fathers: if it were so that I had none other cause to demand socours of you/ save only this miserable fortune wherewith I am oppressed: that I which was lately a king by lineal dyscent: mighty of ancestry: excellent and clear of fame: habundaunt in riches and of men of arms/ and now dysformed by miserable calamity/ poor and needy/ so that I am constrained to seek help & socours of other men: if I had none other matter whereof to complain/ save this miserable fortune only. Nevertheless it longeth & is convenient to the majesty of the people of Rome/ to prohibit & to withstand injury. And not to suffer the kingdom or dominion of any man to rise and increase by falsehood & mischievous tyranny. And the right heirs against right/ against justice/ and against reason/ to be excluded from their true heritage. But verily I am excluded and cast forth of that country/ which the romans in time passed gave unto my forefathers: out of the which country my father & grandfather accompanied with your army and help: have chased the king Syphax/ and also the Carthaginences/ both most violent enemies to the empire of Rome. Your benefits be spoiled fro me: In this mine injury be ye despised. Woe is me miserable exulate: Alas my dear father Micipsa/ are your good deeds & kindness anent jugurth come to this point and conclusion: that he before all other should namely be dystroyer of your lineage & children: whom ye have made fellow with your own sons: & also partyner of your kingdom: alas: than shall our stock & household neruer be quiet? Shall we always betossed & turned in effusion of blood/ in battle/ in exile & in chase from our country. ¶ While the Carthaginences reigned in prosperity/ we suffered and that patiently/ & not undeserved all cruelty & vexation For them were our enemies on every side of us: our friends in whom we should have found succour at time of need were far disjoined & separate from us. Thus all our hope: all our trust was in our strength & armour. But now after that pestilent destruction of the Carthaginences is chased & casten out of Africa we continued a time joyful & quiet: passing our life in peace and tranquillity/ for why we had no enemy: except peradventure for any injury done against you ye would command us to take your enemy for ours also/ as reason and right required. But now suddenly & unwarely to us: this jugurth exalting himself by his intolerable audacity/ by cruelty & pride hath first slain my brother & his own near kynsmam hiempsal: & in augmenting his mischief hath usurped to him as in pray my brother's part & portion of the kingdom of Numydy/ and after: saying that he might not take me like manner of train as he had done my brother/ what time I doubted nothing less than any violence or battle in the kingdom which I hold of you/ he hath chased me (as ye may see) out of your kingdom/ and hath made me as an abject outlaw: chased from my country: and dwe●yng place/ oppressed with poverty/ & laded with miseries. In so much that I may be in more surety & save guard in any place of the world/ than in my own native country & kingdom/ which I hold of you. Forsooth worthy senators: I have ever thought in like manner as I have oftentimes heard my father Micipsa openly report with sadness: saying that they which should diligently continue in your friendship by their meritis/ must take great labours at many times upon themself in your causes: but of all men they were most sure from injury of any man: And soothly all my lineage hath done asmuch as in them was at your desires: And ever hath been ready in all battles & needs to assist you. Wherefore if ye follow the preceptis of gratitude: if ye bear in remembrance these merits of mine ancestry/ it is both right & honesty that in this mine extreme necessity/ ye aid & succour me & restore me again to quietness: while ye have none other businesses in hand/ which may be to you impediment in this enterprise. most discreet fathers: more briefly & clearly to declare unto you my complaint & my misery: And also to certify your excellence more plainly of mine unnatural & unkind kinsman jugurth: and of his cruelty. It is not unknown unto your majesty: that my father Micipsa after his departing: left behind him us two brethren his natural & lawful sons: supposing that by his benefits & merits jugurth should be joined with us/ as third brother. But alas: much contrary th'one of us is murdered by this cruel jugurth/ blinded by insatiable ambition & desire of dominion. And I myself the second brother scarcely and with great difficult have escaped his cruel & unmerciful hands: what may I do? or whether shall I rathest i'll for comfort unhappy exulate thus desolate & infortunate as I am? All the succour all the comfort/ of my stock & kindred is extinct by death my grandfather Massinissa/ & my father Micipsa: as necessity hath constrained them: have paid the general tribute of nature: delivered from these mundayne vexations by natural death. My near kinsman jugurth: much otherwise than it be came him to do: hath cursedly bereft my brother of his life by tyranny & mischievous covetise of dominion: mine other kinsmen by consanguynite & affinity: withal mine other friends by his cruelty been also oppressed or put to death/ some by one means & some by other: some of him be taken captive: some put to shameful death of gibet/ galous/ or cross/ with most cruel torment: some be casten to wild & rapinous beasts to be devoured of them. A few which are left with their lives/ are closed in dongyons & darkness: passing their miserable lives with mourning & wailing more grievous than death. Thus ●m I environed with anguish on every side. But if it were so: that all these socours which I have lost by cruelty of jugurth: or if all things which be turned to me: from prosperity to adversity/ remained to this hour hole without detriment or damage like as they were in my best estate: yet certainly noble senators: if any ill or misfortune unprovided should happen unto me: I durst be bold to call your aid and comfort. Because it seemeth you to have cure of right & wrong belonging to every man: consydring the excellent magnitude & greatness of your empire/ and to suffer no virtue unrewarded nor vice unpunished/ and finally no wretch oppressed to continue undefended. But now most of all sith I am exulate from my natyf country/ from the kingdom which my father ruled under you: and from my own house & dwelling place/ also needy and poor of all things belonging to mine estate/ and alone without company or defence: to whom or to what place may I resort: or in whom may I call for aid or comfort in these my manifold miseries. Shall I resort or call for socours of nations/ or of kings adjacent and about the land of Numydy: alas I should little prevail or nought at all. Sith all they for your amity joined with you: be mortal ennemyse to us & to our lineage: may I resort to any country about us: but that I should find there many tokens of cruelty of war: which my fathers have done in their times passed in your causes. Whither shall any of them which have been our old enemies/ have mercy or compassion on us now in this our extremity. But finally most noble senators/ my father Micipsa thus ordered us at his departing: and gave us in commandment that we should observe nor mentayne the friendship of none other king nor people/ save only of the people of Rome: and that we should seek no new fellowship/ nor new confederations or bonds of concord saying that in your friendship & help: we should find great socours & aid and that largely. But if it should fortune that the wealth of this your empire should fall into ruin or change from this excellence (which the gods defend) than: said he that we and our kingdom of necessity should also decay together with you. But now lauded be the gods by whose help & favour/ and by your own strength & virtue: ye be at this time mighty & rich: all thing to you is prosperous and to your commandment obeying. Wherefore it is somuch more lawful/ easy and convenient to you to take cure & charge in redressing thin juries done to your friends & fellows. I am only in dread and doubt of this one thing lest the friendship & singular favour of jugurth: not parfetly known as he is worthy: do induce the minds of some to partiality against justice and right. I here & understand that such labour withal their might for favour of jugurth going about from man to man/ praying and entreating with moche solicitude many of you a part by one & one/ desiring & requiring you to determine no thing against jugurth while he is absent: & the matter and cause not known perfectly: I here such persons corrupt with parcialite and favour objecting secretly against me/ and saying that I fain and imagine these words to accuse jugurth undeseruyngly/ and that I fain to be chased forth of my land by him: where as I might surely enough have remained within the kingdom of Numidy. That would god I might see one's the cursed & unkind kinsman of mine jugurth/ by whose unmerciful & cruel deeds I am casten in these miseries/ in such case: that he were feigning the same things under like manner as I fain them at this time: and would god I might once see him as truly without feigning driven out of the land of Numidy/ as I am now chased from the same by his cruelty: and would god that at last other ye or else the immortal gods would so care for the businesses & troubles of us miserable men in earth: that the same jugurth which now beareth himself proud of his sinful deeds showing himself & counting him noble only because he escapeth vnpunyss●ed for his sin & cruelty: might therefore suffer grievous punishment withal my miseries & other mischiefs & ills/ according to his deserving: for his unmerciful cruelty showed against our father Micipsa/ in murdering of my dear brother hiempsal/ & chasing me forth of my native country: thus oppressed with all miseries in extreme necessity. O my brother my brother hiempsal/ most dear to my heart of all creatures: howbeit now thy life is bereft the in thy flowering youth/ long before thy natural hour of death: and that by cruelty of him/ whom it seemed not of all men so to have done: nevertheless me thinketh in my mind this chance of thy death more to be joined of: than to be sorrowed. For thou hast not only lost thy life & thy kingdom: but also thou hast escaped this chasing/ this flight/ this exile/ this need/ this poverty withal other wretchednesses & miseries/ which oppresseth me without comfort or socours. But I unhappy & miserable exulate thus thrown down from my father's kingdom into so many ills & so great miseries/ may welbe an example and spectacle to all the world of the mutable courses wherein fortune turneth mankind. O my dear brother uncertain am I what I do: whither I thus destitute of succour and aid: may persecute and revenge thy injuries & thy death/ or else whether I may provide and seek socours for recovering of the land of Numidy. I am in that case: that my life & death dependeth in the succour of other men. Would god I were deed out of hand: if death might be an honest conclusion of these my miserable misfortunes: rather than to be counted as content & pleased to live in rebuke and shame/ as an exulate wearied & overcome with injuries: and giving place to the injust cruelty of tyrannous persecution/ and as not able nor bold to resist the same. But now certainly it is against my will that I live/ for in my life I have no liking nor pleasure/ and yet can I not die without dishonour. Wherefore most prudent fathers & noble senators: these premises considered: I obtest & humbly require you: in honour of the gods immortal: for ancient amity between you and my forefathers: for the natural love which ye have against your children & parents and by the majesty of the people of Rome: & this your most excellent empire: have pity of my manifold calamities & succour this my misery. Resist this tyrannous dealing & injury of jugurth committed not only against my wretched person: but also against you and your empire. Suffer not the kingdom of Numidy: which is your own: to decay and be destroyed by cruel tyranny of jugurth/ and by the effusion of blood and murder of the lineage of Massinissa/ sometime most faithful and constant friend of this your empire.   

¶ How the ambassadors of jugurth replied against these words of adherbal: & what direction was taken for both parties of the senators of Rome. ¶ The xi chapter.  
AFter that adherbal/ in form above written had ended his complaint: anon the ambassadors of jugurth arose & answered briefly in few words: as they which had more trust & confidence in their great gifts given before to many of the rulers of Rome: than in any right of their cause and thus they replied in effect: saying before the senators that hiempsal was slain of the numidians for his own hastiness & cruelty/ and not by knowledge of jugurth: and as touching adherbal: he began war against jugurth of his own froward mind without any occasion: but after he was overcome in battle/ because he was not able to revenge himself/ nor to make his party good/ he fled unto Rome to complain him to the senators of jugurth: where as all the fault was in himself and in none other/ concerning the party of jugurth: they required the senators in his behalf in his absence to count him none other/ than he was proved & known in the war of Numance: and that they would not set more by the words of his enemy/ than by his deeds magnificently proved. This said: anon after: both parties departed in sunder from the court. Immediately the senators took counsel what best was to be done in the cause. The favourers of jugurth & of his ambassadors/ and more over a great part of the senators were corrupt before by partiality/ favour/ and rewardis of jugurth/ and so depravat: that they contemned & set at nought the words of adherbal/ exalting & commending the manhood of jugurth: with laud/ favour/ countenance/ voice/ and all other signs: And so finally they laboured by all manner of means for an others mischievous vice & cruel crime to defend the same: as if it had been in defence of their own honour/ worship/ & honest. But on the other part were a few other/ which set more by justice and honest/ than by false gotten riches: these counseled to succour adherbal and sharply to punish & revenge the death of Hiempsal. But among all other of this opinion: was one named Emilius Scaurus a man of noble birth ready to disturb every business/ debatful & busy: desirous of power/ of authority/ of honour & of riches: but crafty in cloaking of these his faults. After this Emilius Scaurus saw his giving of bribes of jugurth so shamefully & openly known: he feared l●st the corruption of the senators & heed rulers of Rome might engender envy/ debate & slaughter between them & the commons/ like as in such cases often had fortuned in times before. Wherefore in this consideration/ he refrained his mind at this time from his accustomed unlawful lusts. Nevertheless among the senators in this counsel the worst part prevailed: and that part which set more by favour & rewards than by right & equity/ overcame the other part/ which laboured to sustain the right without any favour or partiality. And so the favourers of jugurth obtained their purpose/ & his cruelty had no punishment. Nevertheless it was concluded & decreed that ten ambassadors should be sent into Numidy to divide the kingdom which longed to Micipsa between jugurth & Adherbal. The principal of this ambassade was one named Lucius Opimius a man of noble fame/ of great authority & power among the senators in those days: what time Caius Gracchus & Marcus Fuluius great favourers of the commons: were slain of the noble men of Rome for the same cause: After victory of the noble men against the commons & the same two princes: this Lucius Opimius enraged grievously with rigorous & sharp inquisitions & examinations against the poor comment: And was one of the chief oppressers of them. What time this Lucius Opimius with his company was come to Numidy: jugurth prepared to attempt his old crafts: And howbeit he had found the same Lucius for one of his enemies at Rome/ nevertheless he received him worshipfully & with great diligence. And with giving & ꝓmising many things he brought his purpose so to effect/ that this Lucius at conclusion preferred the favour & profit of jugurth before his own good name & fidelity: & briefly: before all things belonging to himself. This brought to pass: anon he went in hand with the other of the ambassadors after the same way: & many of them he won & overcame with gifts. very few of them were which set more by their faith & truth than by money & rewards of jugurth. Wherefore when it was come to limitation & separation of the land of Numidy/ between adherbal & jugurth as the said ambassadors were commanded of the senators: that part of the kingdom which marched toward Mauritany/ or the land of the Mauriens being most opulent and plentiful of fruitful fills and of men/ was given to jugurth: but the other part/ which was more pleasant than profitable as ornate without haven towns and fair edifyces: was committed to possession of adherbal.  
¶ Now for asmuch as in this history before & most of all in sequel and process of the same/ hath & shallbe made mention of many places & towns of Africa: to th'intent that th'history may be more clear and evident/ me thinketh it requisite and convenient briefly to describe the situation of Africa: and a little to touch those peoples and countries/ which with the romans had at any time amity or friendship/ other peace or war. But such places and nations which for heat and wilderness be little frequented of people/ or not inhabited: of them it is not easy to describe nor declare the truth: for by difficult of the places/ few or none resorteth thither perfectly to know the same. But the other parts frequented of people I shall as briefly declare as can be touched.   

¶ The description of the habitable parties of the country of Africa/ namely of such nations as had amity or war with the romans. ¶ The xii chapter.  
IN division of the circle of the world the opinion of most writers is: that it is divided into three parts/ Europe/ Asy/ & Africa. A few other authors hold opinion: that it is divided only into two parts/ that is to say Asy & Europe: so that under climate of the part which is called Europe: the third part named Africa is comprehended. But this last opinion is least allowed. This country of Africa hath his bonds on the see of Italy on the West part/ and on the ocean see it abordeth partly on the same side: on the east part thereof is a declining & pendant valley tyght ample & large. Thinhabytauntesinhabitants of this valley call it Cathabathmon in their afrique language: that is to say in english/ a dependent valley. On this Est side: the see is outrageous/ cruel/ perilous & without any sure haven: but the fills & soil on this part are plentiful of corn/ and for all manner beasts is good pasture/ but the soil is not apt to trees bearing fruit: of water is scarcity/ both of rain water/ & of water springing of the earth. The disposition of the people is wholesome of body/ swift/ & may well endure labour. insomuch that the most part die for extreme age/ save such as be slain with wepyn/ or devoured of wild beestis. For it is not often seen the corruption of humours engendering any infirmity bringeth to death. In this country be also many ravenous beasts & of divers kinds/ devouring all thing which they may overcome. But this omitting I will now briefly declare what manner people first of all inhabited this country of Africa/ and what people thither resorted to inhabit next after them. And how the same peoples were mingled together. Howbeit that which I shall write is much divers from the comen fame and opinion of many men: nevertheless/ I shall follow the books written in Africa language/ which (as it is said) belonged to the young prince hiempsal: whom jugurth murdered: of the same books I shall follow the true interpretation in this matter/ and like as the inhabitants of the same country affirm to be true. But touching the very credence of the truth of the matter I report that to the authors.  
¶ The first people which inhabited the country of Africa were named Getulians' & Lybeans/ a people hard/ sharp & unmanerd. These lived of flesh of wild beestis/ & fed upon the ground as beestis unreasonable. And were not ruled by any manners/ but lived without lord or laws/ as vagabundes & rovers. They had no certain biding placis/ but where as the night took them: there they rested for the tyme. But after that Hercules died in Hispayne/ as the Africans say: his army which was assembled of divers nations/ when their captain and heed was lost: dispersed themself abroad anon after his death/ and came to divers places of the world to seek their fortune/ where they might obtain any habitation or lordship. Of which company/ the Medeans/ Persians'/ and Armenyans arrived with their ships in that coost of Afrique/ which was nearest to the empire of Rome/ and long time after occupied those costs. But the persians inhabited themself more inward in the country toward the ocean see: and in stead of houses they turned their ships bottoms upward and dwelled under the same. And no marvel/ for in the country about them grew no timber nor other stuff meet for building/ nor of the Spanyardis which inhabited next to them/ neither might they buy nor borrow. For the see was so great & tempestous between them/ and their languages so divers & unknown to either people/ that by these two impediments they were letted from the cors of merchandise or exchanges between them. These Persiens' by mean of marriages by little & little mingled the Getulyans with them/ and because they proved oftentimes the commodity of their ground & fields by often commutations & chaungyngꝭ one with other/ at last they named themself Numidyans/ that is to say herdsmen divided. And to this present day the cottages or tylmens' houses be made long with crooked sides or covertures bowing inward as if they were helyes of ships transuersed or turned up set down. touching the Medeans & Armenyns they joined themself with the Libyens. For these Medeans & Armeniens dwelled before more near to the see of Africa. The Getulyans inhabited more near to the son rising: not far from the fervent country of Ind and this people anon had rooms & dwelling places/ for the see between them & Hispayne was but narrow/ wherefore they agreed with the Hispaniardes to make exchanges & bartynges of merchandise with them. The Lybiens corrupted their name by little and little changing the same/ & at last in stead of Medyans named themselves Mauriens by barbarike ꝓnunciation of their language. But the wealth & riches of the Persiens' in short time increased and multiplied. In somuch that after they had named themself numidians/ they increased in so great multitude: that their first country was not able to nourish them all: So that afterward many of the young and lusty people departed in sunder from their friends & last their country/ resorting to a country near the cite of Carthage/ vacant at that time: In which country the inhabited themself and named it Numidy after their name. Shortly after this: both they which remained still in their first country and these which removed thence/ assisted one an other withal manner of help & socours. insomuch that what by strength and what by fear they brought under their subjection and dominion such other nations as marched near them: so that within short time they much enhanced & augmented their name and glory/ but most namely they which inhabited that part of Africa/ which is over against Italy and near the italian see/ these most increased in wealth and honour. For the Lybiens were not so good men of war as the Getulians' or Numydyans. And so all the inward part of Africa was for the most part in possession of the Numidians/ and so moche did they: that all the nations of them subdued were called numidians after the name of overcomers. Now have we declared how the Getulians' and Lybians were first inhabitants of Africa: and how the Persians/ Medeans/ and Armenyens came afterward and joined with them. How the Persians named themself numidians. And the Medeans and Armenyens by corruption of language were called Mauriens.  
¶ And now consequently I shall declare what other people came afterward and inhabited the same land of Africa. After all these nations before rehearsed: out of the land of Phenyce came much people to inhabit themself in Africa. Some because their own country was not sufficient to sustain so great a multitude as were of them. And other some great men of birth & desirous of lordship raised up & assembled the needy comen people & left their own country: in hope to find some other greater dominion else where/ and in process of time arrived at the land of Africa: and there builded three cities upon the see coast named Hippona/ Adrumentum and Leptis: with other divers cities: but not so great & famous as these were. These cities in short time were so augmented & increased that some of them were honour/ and some succour & aid to their original countries. But of the cite of Carthage which also by them was builded/ and afterward became the heed cite of Africa: me think it is better to pass over with silence: than of it to speak a little & than to leave the matter in the mids unparfet/ & also this my business precedeth to an other purpose. Nevertheless somewhat shall I touch the first foundation of this cite of Carthage/ not following mine author Sallust: which writeth nothing thereof: but following the opinion of Vergil as he writeth in the first book of Aeneas. ¶ The queen Dydo daughter of Belus king of the land of Cypre and wife to Sycheus king of Phenyce: fled with her ships laded with gold & other riches out of her own country: dreading the cruelty of her brother Pygmalion: which blinded by covetise and ambition had slain her husband Sichaeus by treason. This Dido at last arrived wit her ships & company at the coost of Africa/ where rained a king named Hierbas: which moved with beauty of Dido desired her to wife. But for love which she had to her first husband Sichaeus she would not consent thereto by any means: but desired to buy of the same king Hierbas as much ground as might be compassed about with hide of a bull. And after that it was granted/ she cut the hide of a bull so small/ that with the same she compassed three mile of ground in compass. In which space & circuit she builded a cite: which first was named Byrsa. After in process of time it was called Tyros: and last of all Carthage/ under which name by long continuance so amply it increased in fame and wealth: that it contained xxiiii miles in compass. But when it was in most excellence it was utterly destroyed by the romans Publius Scipio African that time being captain of the roman army. touching the foundation of this famous cite of Carthage/ so much have I written more than mine author Sallust. But now will I return to mine institute & purpose concerning the description of Africa/ & briefly bring it to conclusion. The valley of whom I spoke before named in Africa language Cathabathmon/ divided the country of Africa from Egypt on that side save that an arm of the see is between the first cite or habitation of Africa toward this valley/ & is called Cyrene. And near to the same be other two cities/ the one named Tolonia/ the other Thercon: beyond these three cities be two quicksands/ & between both the sands a cite named Leptis. Beyond this cite of Leptis/ is a place named of the romans Phylenorum are in english: the auters of two brethren called Philenis/ because these two brethren suffered themselves to be quick buried in the same place for the comen weal of their country: whereof thy story hereafter shallbe written at more opportunity. This place divideth the dominion of Carthage from Egypt on that side. After this place on the side costs be other city's belonging to the dominion of Punic. All the places from thence forth to Mauritany or land of the Mauriens/ be under subjection of the Numydyans. The Mauriens have their habitation near to Hispayne. But as we read: the Getulyans have their habitation beyond the Numidyans: some in poor lodges: and some other more vilely without habitation wand'ring as vagabundes. Beyond these Getulyans is the land of ethiop: and from thence forth be countries so brent with fervour of the son that they be inhabitable. But during this war between the romans and jugurth: the romans had in their possession many towns of Punic and moche of the costs of th'empire of Carthage: and ruled the same by officers under them thereto assigned. A great part of Numydy and of the Getulyans unto a flood named Mulucham: was under the dominion of jugurth. Over all the Maurians reigned one king named Bocchus: of whom the romans had no knowledge save of his name only. And before this battle: he was neither in peace nor in war acquainted/ nor known of the romans. Of Africa & of thinhabitauntes of the same: enough is spoken and as much as is requisite of necessity to the process of this history. Now will I make regression and prosecute my first purposed matter ensuing mine author Sallust.   

¶ How jugurth invaded the kingdom of adherbal yet once again: and how adherbal again was overcome in battle: & put to flight. ¶ The xiii chapter.  
AFter the ambassadors of Rome: of whom I have spoken before: had divided the realm of Numidy between adherbal & jugurth/ and were departed out of Africa toward Rome: anon jugurth revolved in mind how he had escaped unpunished for his cruelty otherwise than his mind feared before: And how in stead of punishment: for his sin: he was rewarded with the better part of the land of Numidy. Now he considered that all was true which his friends had told him before while he was in Hispayne with the roman army in the war of Numance: that is to say. That nothing was so false & injust: but that might be justified at Rome for money/ for all thing might be bought therefore money. This consideration enhanced his mind unto esperance & that not a little. furthermore he was inflamed with the large promesses of them: whom he had accloyed before with gifts & rewards at Rome: In so much that again of new he fixed his mind to invade & usurp the kingdom of adherbal/ and by some point of prodition to take him in trap as he had done hiempsal his brother. This jugurth was fires/ sharp/ & apt to war well enured with the same & expert in feats thereof: but contrarily Adherbal: whom he assailed & pursued: was a meet man & opportune to take injury/ more fearful and dreading other/ than to be dread of other. Wherefore suddenly/ and without any provision on party of adherbal: jugurth invaded the marches of his kingdom/ with a great power & multitude of men of arms/ many of thinhabitantes he murdered/ and many took he prisoners with beasts & all other manner of prays/ robbing and spoiling every where: as far as his army dispersed/ towns/ castles and other edifyces he brent & beat down: and many other places he assailed and invaded more inwardly in the country by excourses of his horsemen. This done he returned into his country with all his multitude/ prays & prisoners: supposing that adherbal moved with anger & displeasure would revenge these injuries/ and that thing should be cause & occasion of open war between them. But adherbal advised himself well: by remembrance of his first battle had with jugurth that he was not able to contend with him in battle nor with force of arms: and more over ● he had more confidence & trust in friendship of the romans/ than in the inconstant Numidians/ which leaned more to his enemy than to him. These things considered: he send ambassadors to jugurth to complain of these injuries: But these ambassadors had nought else of him but contumelious/ proud and hasty words. And so despised of jugurth returned again to their lord adherbal: though such answers might have moved any courageous heart: nevertheless adherbal determined in mind: to suffer all things and to take many injuries patiently: rather than again to begin battle with jugurth. For (as said is) the battle fought before between them was both to dishonour & also great damage. But for all this sufferance of adherbal: the mind of jugurth was not more pacified/ nor lessed of his cruelty. The patience of adherbal abated not the Ire of jugurth: but it augmented: For all ready he had concluded in mind to invade the hole kingdom of Numidy. Therefore he began again of new: not as before with a company of reverses/ but with a mighty and great army assembled together demeaning open war/ and chalanging openly the hole empire of Numidy/ and with such power proceeded into the land of adherbal: wasting the towns & fyldꝭ on every side/ driving away prays of cattles & other riches: and increasing courage to his men/ and dread to his enemies. When adherbal saw it was come to that point that he must needs other abandon and give over his kingdom/ or else maintain it with force of arms/ as he which was constrained by extreme necessity: he assembled & empareyled an army aswell as he might/ and with the same proceeded forth to meet jugurth. At last the two hosts of adherbal & of jugurth approached & rested near together/ beside a town named Cirtha/ not far distant from the seecoost/ and for as much as the day drew near to night: the battle was not anon begun: but either party remained in their tents. Anon after much of the night was overpassed/ and the star light somewhat dimmed with obscurity of cloudis. The soldiers of jugurth raised by the sound of trumpets unwarly & suddenly invaded and assailed the tents & field of adherbal: some they murdered half sleeping: & some other they flew while they were in hand to arm themself. On part of adherbal was petefull murder: and on side of jugurth no mercy/ but abstinat persecution & vengeance: and so fiercely fought jugurth and his company that shortly Adherbal fled to the town of Cirtha/ accompanied with a few horsemen. But jugurth pursued him so nearly/ that if the inhabitants of the town of Cirtha in haste & with great multitude had not received adherbal/ and with force of arms defended the walls/ & kept forth the soldiers of jugurth which pursued adherbal: the battle between them both should have begun & ended that one same day/ and that to destruction of adherbal. But jugurth perceiving the entry into the town denied to him/ anon besieged it on every side with all manner ingynes invasyve to his enemies/ and defensive to his company: he caused hastily to be framed large pavayses and towers of timber to be driven upon whelis toward the walls of the town. And with these and all manner other enginings went in hand fiercely to assail the town: and somuch more hastily he sped him/ to th'intent to bring his purpose to effect/ before any ambassadors should come from Rome to resist his enterprise. For asmuch as before this battle he had herd that adherbal had send ambassadors to Rome to certify the senators of his miserable state.   

¶ How the favourers of jugurth at Rome laboured so in his cause/ that three young men inexpert and without policy were send ambassadors into Africa to cease this strife between the two kings: and how these ambassadors returned to Rome without any thing done ¶ The xiiii chapter.  
But after the senators at Rome herd tidings of this battle/ they send into Africa three young gentlemen in ambassade/ commanding them to go to both the kings/ & to command them in behalf of the senators and of the hole people of Rome to cease their war/ and to show them that the senate and romans willed and utterly commanded them so to do. And so doing/ they should do as it seemed them: and as of congruence they ought to do both for pleasure of the romans & for their own honour & profit. The ambassadors with such commandment hasted them and came unto Afrique/ the senators had commanded them to make so much more expedition in their journey/ because tidings were brought to Rome/ when these ambassadors prepared themself forward: how the battle was done between adherbal & jugurth/ and how jugurth kept adherbal besieged straightly within the town of Cirtha. But this rumour was somewhat allayed & kept secret by favourers of jugurth/ after these ambassadors were come to Numidy: they expressed to jugurth th'effect of their ambassade/ in form as the senators had commanded them. When jugurth understood the pleasure of the senators by their words & ambassade: he answered benignly/ saying that he counted no earthly thing more great/ nor excellent/ nor more dear unto him than the authority of the senators & people of Rome/ and that from his youth to that time he had ever so endeavoured to order himself that every good & worshipful man commended & allowed him for his virtue & manhood/ and not for malice nor mysdemeanour. And for the same manliness & not for malicious deeds/ nor for disordered manners his company and conversation was accept and pleasure unto the right high & worthy captain Publius Scipio. Moreover: for the same conversation and good manners & not for fault of children natural/ his uncle Micipsa had adopted him for his son: and made him inheritor of his kingdom/ partner with his own natural sons: and for as much as he had demeaned himself right well and worthily/ in executing of many high & glorious enterprises: somuch the less could he suffer injury done unto him unrevenged. As touching adherbal jugurth alleged for himself that this adherbal by guile & treason lay in wait to slay him: which thing perceived: he made resistance against the same to the best of his power/ as any man was bound to do for safeguard of his own life. And if the romans would prohybit & deny that unto him/ which justice permitted to every man (that is/ with violence to resist & repel violence) than should they neither do well nor right wisely in that behalf. When jugurth had answered the ambassadors after this manner: than said he for conclusion that shortly after he would send ambassadors to certify the senators of all other things concerning this business: and on this point jugurth and the ambassadors departed in sunder. Thus adherbal had no comfort nor licence to reply against the words of jugurth/ nor sight or communication with the ambassadors: all only was it granted unto him to rebel to the court of Rome/ for of these ambassadors could he have/ no justice/ nor direction/ in his injuries and persecution. When jugurth thought that th'ambassadors were passed forth of Africa/ toward Rome/ and when he saw that with force of arms he could not win the town of Cirtha/ because of natural situation & difficult of the place. Anon he besieged the town again of new and all difficultes not withstanding/ he made a profound & deep trench round about the town with sharp stakes & payles sticked on highest part of the same trenches with sharp pikes on their upper endꝭ. This died jugurth for many considerations: first to th'intent that the inhabitants should not break forth of the town suddenly at any side upon any part of his soldiers which besieged them. Secondly to th'intent that on no part any victuals should be brought into them. Thirdly that the men of war within the town should not thrust forth without the town the multitude of poor commons in time of famine & scarcity of victuals. And four: that no socours should enter into them to rescue the town nor to supply their garrison. When this trench was made & fynisshed jugurth moreover made strong bulwarks & towers of timber without the town/ & strengthened the same with garrison of wight & bold men of arms. Bysyde all these ordinances he left nothing unassayed/ neither spared he to attempt every thing by strength nor by treason & guile. Sometime he proved the watchmen & defenders of the walls with gifts exciting them to betray the town. When his rewards availed nought than he threatened them with fires & sharp words: he enhanced by exhortations the myndis & courages of his own men to manliness & audacity. And so he aplyed his business that nothing he omitted wont or possible to be done in such a case/ nor no engine of war laft he unprovided which in those days was contrived or found: but rather beside all old inventions he imagined & devised new enginings & ordinances of war not seen before that time/ and all for destruction of the town of Cirtha/ and of adherbal whom he besyged within the same. But what time adherbal considered his fortune come to extremity on all partis/ he kest many things in mind. On the one side he perceived his enemy jugurth violent against him/ and no trust of comfort of socours. On the other side he considered well/ that for penury & want of soldiers & other things necessary he was not able neither to fight with his enemy/ nor to drive forth or prolong the battle: and for fault of victual he might not long defend the town. These things with many more well revolved in mind/ he chose forth two which were most diligent and trusty of that company which had fled with him into Cirtha. To them he woefully be wailed his misfortune: and made so large promises of rewards unto them: that at last he induced them to go forth of the town by night privily/ and if they might escape their enemies/ to resort to the next haven town: and from thence to hast them to Rome with letters which he had devised and written to be delivered to the senators. These messengers were trusty & faithful/ within few days without any dysturbance: they fulfilled the commandment of their sovereign/ and delivered the letters of adherbal unto the senators. Which letters anon were red in the counselhous before the senators and rulers of Rome: of which letters the sentence hereafter ensueth and was such.   

¶ The sentence of the letters sent from adherbal unto the senators of Rome: what time he lay besieged by jugurth within the town of Cirtha. ¶ The xu chapter.  
most worthy fathers it is not througth my fault that I send so often to you requiring your socours/ and complaining mine injuries: but the violence & rigour of jugurth/ compelleth me thereto. Whose mind is filled with so great a lust and desire to berave my life: that neither hath he in mind the dread of god's punishment/ nor fear of your displeasure. My blood he coveteth more than all things: In so much that now is the .v. month sith I am kept closed/ & besieged with armed men/ by tyranny of jugurth. He nothing regarding that I am confederate fellow & friend of the people of Rome. Neither can prevail nor help the great benefits of my father Micipsa done to this jugurth/ nor your authority nor ordinances or decrees. I am uncertain whither I am constraned & oppressed more grievously by force of arms or by hunger/ for both inuolueth me on all sides/ I would write unto you much more touching the tyrannous cruelty of jugurth but my miserable fortune moveth me contrary: and moreover I have often perceived before this time: that small credence is given to such as are oppressed with misery: Save this I perceive clearly that the mind of jugurth coveteth greater thing than my death or kingdom. And if by your sufferance: he shall subdue me and berave me kingdom/ at last he shall rise and rebel against your empire. Wherefore if ye list not to defend & succour my life: at least: defend your kingdom of Numidy/ and prevent the usurper of your empire. Suffer not this tyrant to enjoy the kingdom of Numidy/ and your good will withal. But truly ye may well perceive that he looketh not after your favour/ after he shall have usurped the realm of Numidy. But whereout he setteth less by loss of your friendship and favour/ or of the dominion of Numidy: none is so blind but that may evidently perceive the troth. For his deeds declare: that he counteth less grievous to have your high displeasure/ than to lose his fires purpose to i'll me/ and than to ocupy the hole land of Numidy. For this hath he proved and made manifest by his unnatural and cruel deeds: first of all he hath slain my brother hiempsal: which deed he durst not have done if he had feared your displeasure: next that: he drove me forth of my country and father's kingdom. But these injuries for certain/ were done against my brother and me/ and nothing they longed to you. But now he conspyreth higher invading/ usurping/ and wasting the hole land of Numidy with force of arms. And where as ye set me as your lewtenant under you to govern a part of Numidy. This jugurth now hath driven me from my liberty into the town of Cirtha/ and besiegeth me with men of arms closed on all sides with outward dread and inward famine: So that my perils may plainly declare how little he setteth by the words of your ambassadors. Certainly I can see nothing remaining able to remove his violence/ nor that can succour this my misery/ save only your power and violence. I would right gladly: that these things which now I writ to you/ and all those things which I have complained before in the counselhouse were but feigned & false/ rather than this my evident misery should prove them true & credible unto you. But sith I was borne in that hour/ and my destiny is such that jugurth most manifest his cursed cruelty by me/ therefore now my request nor prayer is not that I may escape the sharpness and cruelty of miserable death/ which I behold instant and inevitable/ but only my prayer is that I may escape the long subjection and bondage of my enemy: and prolonged tourmentꝭ of my miserable body. But worthy fathers: touching the kingdom of Numidy/ which appertaineth to you: provide you for the same as it liketh you/ and if it be your pleasure: rid and deliver me from the cruel & unmerciful hands of jugurth my mortal enemy for the honour and majesty of your empire/ and for the fidelity of all friendship/ if any remembrance of my grandfather Massinissa remaineth yet among you.   

¶ How the senators send new ambassadors to jugurth/ commanding him to desist from persecution of adherbal: and how they prevailed nothing: how the town of Cyrtha was yielded to jugurth: and how he slew adherbal. ¶ The xvi chapter.  
AFter these foresaid letters were openly red & recited before the senators: many of them were: which counseled to send an army into Afrique/ & in all hast convenient to succour & help adherbal. And in the mean time they would take counsel & advise touching jugurth what should be done to him: because he had not obeyed their ambassadors. When the favourers of jugurth herd of this they laboured withal their might: that no such decree should be made nor precede to effect. And thus the comen weal was overcome & subdued by private profit & partial favour: as in many other businesses is daily wont to happen. Nat withstanding this partiality: at last it was so determined: that other new ambassadors were sent yet once again into Afrique/ not young men & inexpert as before: but well aged men of gravity and discretion which were of great dignity: & had borne great & worshipful offices in time passed in the cite of Rome. Among which ambassadors was one named Marcus Emilius Scaurus/ of whom we have made mention before. This Scaurus was a man by riches & fame counted able to be counsellor of Rome: and also at that time a mighty prince & great doer among the senators/ & in manner ruler of them all. For as much as all men for the most part were displeased with jugurth & sore murmured against his cruelty & against the partial favour showed to him at Rome: & also for that the messengers of jugurth besought the ambassadors to hast them to Numidy/ therefore the third day after their commission they departed from Italy/ & took shipping & in short time after arrived in Africa/ at a cite named Utica in a province subject to the romans. Assoon as they were arrived they send letters unto jugurth charging him in all haste to come to the said province to know the pleasure of the senators of Rome which had send them thither for the nonies with certain commandments direct unto him. of all their counsels & businesses. And howbeit at beginning this same Scaurus strongly resisted the party of jugurth: what time many other of his sect were corrupt and accloyed with bribes long before this: nevertheless now at last his mind was abstract like other more from the defence of goodness and honesty unto his old vice of insatiable & execrable covetise by mean of abundance of gold and great rewards of jugurth. But at first beginning this jugurth redeemed of Calphurnius/ but only delaing and deferring of the war: trusting that in mean time he should bring about somewhat of his purpose at Rome other by price/ prayer/ or favour. But now after he had won Scaurus to be partner of his business and favourer of his cause also with Calphurnius: he was brought into a very great trust fully to recover his peace at Rome: and concluded while both Calphurnius & Scaurus were there present together to take advisement & treat presently with them of all appointment & things necessary to be done for ꝑfourming of his purpose. Howbeit he trusted not Calphurnius so moche that he would come to his army/ except some hostagis of the romans were left within some strong town of his: & in ward of his people whereby he might trust without damage safely to be remitted again to his army. Calphurnius to avoid this dougth of jugurth & to put him in more assurance send the treasurer of the Roman army named Sextius/ unto one of the chief towns belonging to jugurth called Vacca/ feigning among the army that he sent the said treasurer thither for provision of wheat & other victuals necessary to his host. And the same commandment to provide victuals the captain Calphurnius gave to his treasurer openly in comen audience: to th'intent that no man should suspect his false purpose: saying to his treasurer that him needed not to be in doubt of jugurth/ for as much as trues were taken between both parties till a certain day prefixed. The treasurer Sextius went to the said city of Vacca at commandment of Calphurnius his captain. Wherefore anon after jugurth (like as he appointed before) came to the army of Calphurnius/ and there in presence of the rulers & counsel of the Romans/ spoke a little of his purgation/ concerning the displeasure/ envy/ & hatredde/ which the senate and commons of Rome had taken against him for his deeds: saying that he had nought done but provoked of his enemies/ and for his own defence: with violence to resist violence. Howe beit he said that he was contented to yield & submit himself unto the romans clemence and mercy. Somoch spoke he openly before all the chief counsel of the army. But all the remnant he concluded and did secretly with Calphurnius & Scaurus at more leasoure/ and thus ended the communication of this day. On the next day after ensuing the captain and the counsel of the army/ & also jugurth assembled together again to common of the same matter concerning peace to be granted to jugurth. Now was it so that at Rome was decreed an ordinance long before this time named among the romans the Satire law/ which law commanded that the captain of every army should ask advise of all the wise counsel of his host when he went about any weythy matter concerning the comen weal. Wherefore Colphurnius thought so to order himself that he should not be counted a brecare of this law: And desired counsel & advise of all the noble and wise men of his host. This did he to thintent that if the peace granted to jugurth should be afterward disallowed at Rome (as it was) he might avoid the fault from himself into the common counsel. But at conclusion/ when Calphurnius according to the said law had required advise of the common counsel: every man consented that peace should be granted to jugurth: upon condition & convenaunt that he should deliver unto the romans thertie elephants with moche other cattles and many horses with a great sum of gold. To which ordinance jugurth accorded and soon after delivered the same elephants/ cattles/ and horses & gold unto the treasurer of the Roman host. This done the consul Calphurnius departed to Rome to require the senators & other rulers to confirm this peace & concord which they had made with jugurth. In mean time over all Numydy and also in the Roman army was peace and concord in abiding the answer of the senate and rulers at Rome.   

¶ How the rulers of Rome for the most part were grievously displeased for granting of this-peace: and disallowed the same. And how Memmius inflamed the comen people against the favourers of jugurth. ¶ The xviii Chapter.  
But after it was known at Rhome in what manner the consul had behaved himself in Africa with jugurth: in every place about Rome/ and among every company within Rome it was commoned of the deed of Calphurnius. In so much that among the commenty was raised grievous hatred & displeasure against him. The senators were sore troubled & were in doubt whither they might confirm and allow this foul and shameful deed of the consul/ or else abrogate and annul the same. In this perplexite they were long time uncertain: And most of all the might and power of Scaurus (because he was a doer and fellow with the consul in the said deed) let them from discussing of the right. But while the senators in such wise prolonged the tyme. In this dubitation Memmius (of whose conditions/ promptness of wit/ and hatred: which he had against the power of the estates and noble men we have written before) at divers times he assembled the common people/ exhorting & inflaming them to revenge the cruelty of jugurth/ and partiality of his favourers/ & warning them not to forsake the defence of their comen wail and liberty of their cite. He rehearsed unto them the pride/ the cruelty/ & manifold unlawful deeds of the senators & of other estates at many times done to disworship and oppression of the comen weal. And utterly at conclusion so he behaved himself that he kindled the minds of the universal commonty to resist the partiality of the estates/ and to see the cruelty of jugurth extremely punished. But because the eloquence of this Memmius at that season was at Rome notable and moche set by/ discrete & of great authority: I have intended of so many exhortations as he had to the people: to commit one to remembrance by writing: And specially before all other I will write that exhortation which after returning of Calphurnius from Africa the said Memmius spoke before the comen people in form following.   

¶ The orison of Memmius had before the comen people of Rome. In which orison he induceth them to defend their liberty: And to repress and persecute with hatred the noble men of Rome. ¶ The xix Chapter.  
RIght worthy cetyzins many things should withdraw me from defence of you and from charge & meddling with your businesses were not the great love & favour which I have to the comen weal: that causeth me to set a side all such impediments/ and utterly to take upon me the defence of your liberty against these corrupt estates. More plainly to ascertain you: the things which might withdraw me from defence of your cause be these. First the power of them which are begynners' of this variance: that is to say of Calphurnius and Scaurus. Secondly your patience which is easy to be subdued of cruelty: sith ye be disposed to endure this wrong. And thirdly the infection of justice which is no where here among us/ but clean eryled from our ci●e. And principally this letteth me for that I see you so innocent/ so feeble minded/ and so simple that in every place ye are sure of all the peril/ of all the labour/ and of all the pain: but these estates which do nought that is commendable have all the honour/ advantage/ and worship. And soothly: it grieveth me to speak to you of the injury that now of late hath been done to you: how much ye have been had in scorn/ derision/ and in disdain: to the power and pride of a few estates. And also it grieveth to recount how unrevenged many of your defenders by them have shamefully been put to death for your sake within these fifteen years. And to see how your minds be corrupt with cowardice and negligence that ye would never succour them which in your quarrel and defence have subdued themself to death. What intend ye? will ye still be subject unto these estates your enemies. It is surely time at the last to arise and defend your liberty/ ye do dread them: whom it seemeth to doubt and to dread you/ considering your true quarrel/ and their ungodly mysdemeanour. But not withstanding that ye be thus disposed to lose your liberty & in misery to pass forth the residue of your lives/ nevertheless the good will/ which I have to you and to the comen weal causeth and driveth my mind to resist this false favour and partiality of these proud and unjust lords. certess I shall assay and prove how I can defend the liberty which my father left me: but whither I shall so do to advantage or else in vain that lieth hole in your hands and power. Surely worthy citizens I do not exhort you to withstand these wrongs and oppressions with force of arms as our forefathers have often done. To resist and repel this wrong needeth no violence no dividing of you from the senators as your elders have done before tyme. It must nedis be that these great men confederate in malice at last shall come to decay by their own conditions and insolent behaviour.  
¶ Were not sharp inquisitions and grievous examinations had against the comen people of Rome/ after that Tiberius Graccus was slain for the defence of the laws belonging to the commenty: whom his evil wills accused as usurper of kingdom over the comen people. And moreover after that Caius Graccus and Marcus Fuluius/ were put to death for defending of your liberty/ were not many of your order and behaviour that is to say of the commenty put to death or murdered in prison: And at both the seasons the estates made none end of their cruelty against you after the law/ but after their immoderate pleasure. Well forsooth I grant that it be reputed for treason and usurpation of a kingdom to defend the laws and the right of the commenty: and I grant also that what thing can not be condygnely punished without effusion of blood of many citizens: that the same punishment be executed according to law and right upon a few such as were beginner's of the trespass. Within these few years passed ye disdained & murmured secretly among yourself that the said lords spoiled the comen treasure without your consent: And that kings and nations contrybutory to Rome/ paid their tributes to a few private estates/ and not general to the universal cite in comen: and ye grudged that these estates had all the most dignity and all the richesse & treasure/ also in their hands. Nevertheless they counted but a small thing to escape unpunished for these so great offences. Wherefore now are they become so bold/ so fires/ and proud: by your sufferance that at last they have betrayed and put in hands of your enemies/ your laws/ your dignity/ your majesty/ withal other things both human and divine to your liberty belonging. So that in pardoning of these inhuman & cruel offences of jugurth they have polluted & betrayed the laws both of god & man. And how beit that such is their demeanour it nothing repenteth them: nor they be nought asshamedde thereof. But daily jest before your faces solemnly and pompously boasting themself: Some of their dignities/ their lordships/ and offices. And other some craking of their triumphs and victories/ as who sayeth that they attained the same by honour/ and not by falsehodde and robbery. Have ye not daily experience seeing that simple bondmen bought & sold for money will not suffer nor endure the unjust commandments of their lords or masters. But contrariwise ye gentlemen: freborne cetezyns are contented to suffer with meek minds this bondage wherein ye are holden subject by the power of these lords. But I pray you what manner of men be these which thus subdue you/ and presume thus long to occupy the comen wail at this season? Forsooth they be men most vicious/ with bloody hands infected/ with the blood of innocentes. Men of immoderate and insatiable covetise: noisome & grievous to every god man. Whose pride incredyble no man can comprehend/ which for money have sold and daily are ready for to sell for lucre: their fidelity/ their worship/ their devotion/ and good name: And briefly all things honest & dishonest are they ready to do for advantage. Whereby it appeareth evidently that all their joy & felicity resteth in covetise. Some of them count themself more assured because they have slain the protectors of the commenty to the intent that other may dread them so much more: And other some of them in wrong examinations & inquisions had against you rejoice and count themself hardy & surer thereby: And many other thinketh their defence and advancement in murdering of you boasting themself of the same: and thus how moche worse that each of them doth: the more sure he is & more set by. In somuch that where they ought to fere you for their misdeeds: they transpose that fear unto you/ and cause you by your cowardice to fear and dread them: which are conjoined all together against you in one manner desire of ill/ in one manner covetise/ in one hateredde of good/ and in one manner fere of your advancement: but among good men to be all of one mind under this manner one not withstanding an other it is to be counted for amity and friendship. Among ill men such agreeing of manners is but a knot of discord and causeth sedition/ variance/ and debate. But verily if ye had so great desire and care to recover your liberty (which is lost) as they have to increase their lordship: than should not the commenwele be oppressed and wasted as it is now: and than should the offices/ maistershyppes/ and dignities of Rome (which are your benefits to give where liketh you) be in the hands of good & virtuous men/ and not in the hands of bold boasters and injust men confederate in mischief. The commonty of Rome your forefathers before this time have armed themself and forsaken the senators two sundry times & keep themself together upon the hill of Aduentyne/ only because the would have a law decreed & enacted for them: And masters or officers elect for them which should be their protectors against the injury and extortion of the estates when need should require/ which thing at last was granted to them and many other liberties also. Than should not ye labour much more withal your might for conservation of the same liberties which they have left unto you as hole as ever they had them: And specially for this cause ought ye to defend your privileges for that it is more shame and rebuke to lose the privilege and liberty gotten than never to have obtained them: And specially what shame is it to you nothing to augment nor increase that authority/ which your elders & forefathers have left to you: but to suffer the same by your cowardice by little and little to dekay: and at last utterly to be lost and come to nought? But any of you may then require of me what is your mind/ what will ye that we do? I will forsooth and counsel that punishment be taken upon them which have betrayed the honour of the comen weal unto your enemy jugurth/ without advise of the senators or of the commenty: but this my counsel is not to punish them violently with your power in battle/ for certess that were more dishonour unto you to do than to them to suffer the same. Nat withstanding that they be worthy so to be dealt withal. But this thing may be best done by inquysition/ examination and confession of jugurth himself/ and by his accusation of these traitors/ which jugurth surely will be obedient to come hither to Rome at your commandment if it be true that he hath yielded himself. But if he dyspice your commandments than may ye well think and consider what peace or yielding he hath made by the which yielding he is unpunished and pardoned of his detestable and shameful deeds/ and these estates laded with richesses and treasure. But curcite and wealth of the commenty is come to loss/ damage/ and utter shame and disworship▪ Thus must ye do/ such examinations must ye make without ye think that these great men have not yet sufficient lordship and power in their hands or else without ye show outward that ye were better pleased and content with that season when kingdoms/ provinces/ justices/ laws/ judgements/ battle/ peace/ and finally every thing both divine and human were in hands of a few estates. Than ye be now pleased with the season & time that now is when your liberty is given to you which ye are able to maintain if ye so be disposed. But in that season passed/ Howe beit ye were unovercome of your enemies/ masters/ & emperors ● over the most part of the world: yet had ye enough to do to defend your own life from the cruelty of these few mighty men. For of you all who was so bold to withstand their subjection & bondage. Wherefore if ye intend to endure & suffer the destruction of your liberty as ye begin than truly the time which is to come shallbe much more cruel to you than the time passed. But as for me not withstanding that I understand the great offence and abominable of this wicked jugurth is suffered unpunished: yet would I suffer patiently that ye should forgive & pardon the wicked doers of this deed men most ungracious because they be citizens. If it were not so/ that such mercy and forgiveness should turn to our destruction & ruin of our empire. For ye may see how great opportunity and sufferance they have in so much that they count but a small thing to do unhappily without punishment. Wherefore they now daily increase their cruelty against you/ if ye do not hereafter take from them the power & authority thereof. And specially continual business without end shall remain unto you when ye see plainly that either ye must be servants or bondmen: or else ye must retaygne and defend your liberty by strength of your hands. For what hope or trust is there of faithfulness or of concord between you and them▪ None surely. For their mind is utterly set to be lords over you: and ye on the other part will needs be free and at liberty. They be extremely inclined and disposed to do wrong and injury unto you. And ye labour to withstand them utterly. And briefly to speak they take the friends and fellows of our empire for enemies. But our mortal enemies they take for their fellows & friends. But ye would withstand this cursed & unkind behaviour. Wherefore can ye suppose that peace/ love/ or friendship can be among people so contrary of minds & disposition. For these considerations I warn & exhort you that ye suffer not so great mischief to escape unpunished. This offence is nothing like to the robbing of the common treasure/ nor to the spoiling of money by extortion from the fellows & frendis of our empire. Which deeds (howbeit they be grievous & in manner intolerable) nevertheless by custom & use of the same they are reputed for small faults & for nought. But this deed is much more grievous and utterly intolerable. For the authority of the senate is betrayed to our most cruel and fires enemy jugurth/ your empire is falsely betrayed to other men's hands and possession. The comen weal hath been put to sale to jugurth by the senators both at home in our cite/ and also in our army by Calphurnius the consul: Insomoch that if examination be not made hereof: and if they be not punished which be culpable & faulty herein. What thing shall remain unto us but that we must pass our life under obedience and bondage of them which thus have done/ and us shall they keep in subjection as if they were kings? For what thing longeth to a king/ save to perform his will and pleasure/ be it good or ill without any resistance or punishment of any man. Do not these estates thus without any contradiction/ not withstanding that it is in your power to withstand then if ye will. Nor certes worthy citizens I do not thus exhort you to covet rather that your citizens should do ill than well. But I speak to th'intent/ that ye should not so favour & forbear a few injust & ill disposed men: that the utter destruction of all good men should proceed of such indiscrete favour: And also namely in a cite or a comen wail it is much better and more tolerable to forget the reward of good deeds/ than the punishment of ill dedis. For a good man saying his goodness not rewarded nor set by he doth but only withdraw his own kindness: but an ill man not punished/ is the more bold & cursed: And moreover if such as be misdoers be punished/ at the last their number shallbe abated & decresed/ and if there be few unjust men/ the less wrong is done. And he to whom no wrong is done needeth not to call for succour nor help. Thus it is better to leave a good deed unrewarded/ than an ill deed unpunished.   

¶ How Memmius induced the people of Rome by the said orison: so that Cassius was sent for jugurthe to bring him to Rome to declare and accuse the supporters of his deeds. ¶ The twenty chapter.  
MEmmius counselling & inducing often times by these words and other like at last died somuch that Lucius Cassius/ one of the chief ten judges of Rome should be send to jugurth & assure him of his life/ and to come & return in save guard upon promise and faith of all the hole commenty of Rome. And upon this promise to bring him to Rome to thintent that by his own words and confession of the truth/ the falsehood & covetise of Calphurnius the consul/ of Scaurus & of other which had been corrupted by him before by money and rewards might be evidently proved & known.   

¶ Of the behaviour of the soldiers and other which were laft in Numidy while Scaurus the consul was at Rome. ¶ The xxi chap.  
While these things were in hand and done at Rome/ in mean time the chief of the soudyours/ which Calphurnius had left behind him in Numidy followed the manners and behaviour of their captain & died many ungodly and mischievous deeds. Some of them were so corrupt with gold that they delivered again to jugurth the elephants/ which he had given to Calphurnius what time the peace was granted and trues/ first taken between them. Some other sold to jugurth the traitors which had fled from him unto the romans army: And other some spoiled & rob the people of Numidy/ which had all ready peace with the romans/ and had yielded themself. So great & shameful was the violence of covetise which had infected their myndis as if it had been an universal contagion of pestilence. But now will I return to my matter where I left before concerning Cassius the judge and his viage to Numidy for to bring jugurth unto Rome.   

¶ How jugurth came to Rome with Cassius and how he behaved himself there. The xxii chapter.  
CAyus Memmius in name of all the commons gave commandment to Cassius (according to the ordinance enacted) to speed him toward Numidy/ and to bid jugurth come to Rome under surety & condition before rehearsed. When the estates which knew themselves culpable understood of this they were maruelusly abassed. But when Cassius was come to jugurth/ not withstanding that he was wereful of his part/ and had no confidence in his cause for asmuch as he knew himself fauty in his own conscience: yet Cassius advised him and induced him: because he had yielded himself to come unto Rome: without he would rather prove the romans strength and violence than their mercy and pity: and moreover the said Cassius promised also his own faith and troth that if he would come to Rome and answer truly to all such things as there should be demanded of him/ he should safely go and come without any impediment. Cassius had so good a name at that time that jugurth had asmuch confidence in his faith & promise alone as in the promise or assurance of the hole cite. And so at last jugurth consented to go to Rome with Cassius. Wherefore to induce the romans to the more pity he arrayed himself in rude apparel against his honour royal moche vile and miserable: and so with Cassius came to Rome not as a king/ but poorly and with a small company. And not withstanding that his mind was moche confirmed/ assured/ and bolded: by the comfort of them which he had corrupted with rewards before/ under whose defence & supportation he had committed so moche cruelty: yet he behaved him so with his gifts of new assoon as he was come to Rome/ that by his great rewardis be induced a lord of Rome named Caius Bebius/ one of the ꝓtectours of the commenty to be supporter & maintainer of his cause among the other more▪ By whose dishonest & unmeasurable covetise he trusted assuredly to be defended/ against law/ from all punysshmentes due unto his demerits. But the commenty of Rome was violently and sore wrath against jugurth/ some commanded to have him to prison & there to keep him in bands: And other some would that according to the law punishment of death should by taken of him as of their mortal enemy/ if he would not shortly confess & discover the fellows/ partiners/ & supporters of his cruel deeds. Caius Memmius hearing hereof called together the commenty and allayed the motion & wrath of their minds apeasing their unadvised rancour. And requiring them to keep the faith & troth of the cite (which they had promised to jugurthe) clear/ inviolate/ and undefiled. Thus did Memmius exhort them as he which more regarded & set more by the conservation of the dignity of Rome/ than by the parfourming and satisfying the wrath & ire of the rude commons. But when silence was made among all the assemble: anon jugurth was brought forth before them all. Memmius than began to speak to him demurely rehearsing and openly recounting how he had corrupt the estates of Rome with his treasure/ and cruelly against right had done many abominable deeds at Rome/ and also in Numidy against the king Micipsa and his sons/ as slain adherbal and hiempsal falsely deceived the king Micipsa: and wasted the kingdom of Numidy. And howbeit (said Memmius) that the romans knew well his supporters yet they would most of all that jugurth should openly discover & accuse them himself. Wherefore he desired him truly to confess the names of them by whose supportation he was so bold to commit so many immoderate & cruel deeds. saying that if he would so do & confess & disclose the troth than might he have great trust and confidence in the favour/ clemence/ and mercy of the people of Rome. But if he would not so do/ he should do no profit by his silence to the noble men of Rome which had supported him: And also he should be destruction and undoing of himself/ and of his riches also. On this point Memmius ceased his words and held him still. Anon jugurth was commanded of the comment to make answer. But when he was ready to have spoken Caius Bebius whom he had corrupted with treasure (as I have made mention before) commanded him to hold his pease. In so much that howbeit the people sore moved with displeasure put him in fear with exclamation against him with angry countenances▪ and often violently running upon him/ and with other tokens of ire and displeasure. Nevertheless for all this the froward counsel of Bebius overcame their threatening/ insomuch that jugurth would nothing speak nor disclose. And thus the people had in derision & abused/ departed from the congregation and assemble. So the minds of jugurthe/ of Calphurnius/ and of other their partners were than inhansed & increased in boldness: which were troubled and much fearful before/ when jugurth was first send for and brought to be examined.   

¶ How jugurth increased his cruelty at Rome and renewed his murder in slaying an other noble man of the stock of Micipsa by occasion whereof he was constrained to depart from Rome/ and the battle renewed again of hole. ¶ The xxiii chapter.  
AT the same season was a gentleman at Rome named Massiua/ borne of the country of Numidy/ which was the son of Galussa/ & nephew to the good king Massinissa. This Massiua was against jugurth in the strife & dissension between adherbal & him/ when the town of Cirtha was yielded and adherbal slain. Wherefore he trusted not jugurth/ but to save himself fled from Numidy unto Rome. Now was a lord at Rome named Albinus/ which was create consul with an other parting fellow named Minucius/ the next year after Calphurnius. This Albinus came to Massiua and counseled him (because he was of the stock of Massinissa) to grieve jugurth/ as much as he could/ with envy/ fear/ and displeasure for his offences & cruelty: And by petition to desire of the senators the administration of the kingdom of Numidy. Albinus gave to him this counsel/ for as much as he himself was desirous of battle. Wherefore he would much rather that every thing were moved with trouble/ than pacified or at rest. Than was a custom at Rome/ that the consul should have a parting fellow/ & between them the provinces belonging to Rome should be divided. Thus in departing of the provinces/ the country of Numidy fell to Albinus/ and the country of Macidony to his fellow Minutius. Shortly after Massiua began to move the matter to the senators touching administration of the kingdom of Numidy. jugurth hearing of this had not so great trust in his matter nor to his friends as he had before: For some of them with drew theirself for knowledge of their faults/ and other some for fear of ill name and fame or rumour of the people. Wherefore jugurth considering this required Bomilchar/ one of his most near & trusty friends to provide and to higher by gifts & rewards a company to slay the said Massiua/ and that as privily as could be done. But if it could not privily be done than to slay him openly by one mean or other Bomilchar shortly went about the commandment of jugurth/ and anon provided men & hy●ed such as were meet for such a deed: and commanded them to espy and search his ways/ his goings & commyngꝭ/ and to wayet a season & place convenient to perform their enterprise. But afterward when he saw his time he prepared to execute this treason. Wherefore one of them which were ordained & assigned to this murder/ assailed Massiua rashly/ with small provision or advisement/ & slew him unware. But he which died the deed anon was taken & brought before the judges. The people in great number desired & at last constrained him to tell by whose counsel he did that mischievous deed/ and specially Albinus the consul coarted him thereto. The murderer anon confessed the truth and declared how he had done it at the instigation & counsel of Bomilchar: And not withstanding that the same Bomilchar came to Rome/ under the safeguard & assurance of the faith of the comment as did jugurth/ yet he was judged guilty of the deed/ considering that he was counselloure thereto/ and not according to the common law/ but after very equity and good conscience. But jugurth considering himself culpable in the same fault/ yet would by no mean confess nor knowledge himself faulty/ till time that he understood and saw that the envy and displeasure which was taken against this deed passed all his favour and rewards which he had given at Rome/ so that at last in his gifts he found no socoures nor aid. But howbeit in the first action or accusement which was laid against him/ he had brought in & laid l sureties of his friends for him & all other of his retinue that he should purge himself of every thing which was or should be laid against him/ yet thought he better to provide for the protection of his kingdom than for the health of his pledges or sureties. And this considering he privily sent Bomilchar away from Rome unto Numidy/ dreading that if condign and worthy punishment were taken of Bomylchar at Rome/ le●t the other commenty of his realm at home would dread to be obedient to him. And anon after Bomilchar was departed jugurth himself fled also from Rome after him commanded of the senators to departed from Italy as enemy to the romans & their empire. But when he was departed a little without Rome: it is said that he looked often backward behind him speaking secretly to himself/ but at the last he spoke plainly in audience that they which were assistant might hear him and said. O noble and famous city corrupt and accloyed with infect citizens/ whose covetise is so insatiable that they will proffer the forth to sale/ & shortly thou shouldest be sold and perish/ if thy rulers could find any man that would buy thee/ and give money for the.   

¶ How Albynus consul of Rome renewed the war againg jugurthe/ and at last returned again to Rome leaving his brother Aulus in Numidy/ with the army in his room. The xxiiii chapter.  
IN the mean season Albinus which was create consul next after Calphurnius renewed the war against jugurth and without taryeng● causeth victuals/ wagis and all other things necessary/ expedient/ and belonging to soldiers: to be conveyed speedily into Africa. And he anon himself in all haste took his viage thitherward also/ and so forth to Numidy. In which viage he made more hasty expedition to th'intent to finish the war with jugurth/ other by force of arms/ or else constraining him to yield himself/ or by some other means what so ever might be found namely before the time of election of new consul's/ which time was not long to come. But contrary wise jugurth prolonged every thing by one cause or other. As fast as Albinus went forward/ so fast jugurth found impediments/ sometime he promised to yield himself/ and sometime feigned himself afraid. One while he fled from the army of Albinus when it was near hand to him: And anon after lest his men should mistrust by discomfort or despair/ he boldly withstood and defended himself manly. And thus in prolonging the time: sometime with war and sometime with peace/ he abused and mocked the consul/ wherefore some were which suspected that Albinus was not ignorant of the counsel of jugurth/ but consenting to him by favour: And for asmuch as at the beginning he was so fires/ hasty/ and diligent: it was suspected that he drove forth the time now rather by craft than cowardice. But after the time was passed and the day of election of new consuls approached & came fast on. The consul Albinus ordained his brother named Aulus/ to remain in his stead as captain and ruler in the army: and he himself departed toward Rome/ to be at election of the new consul's/ as the law required.   

¶ How Aulus and the roman army were discomfited of jugurth: and how peace was granted to him by Aulus: and to what shame the romans were put by rash folly of the same capitain Aulus. ¶ The xxv chapter.  
IN the same season was the comen wail at Rome much troubled with variance and debate/ between the protectors of the commenty. For of them one named Lucullus and an other Annius laboured to continue and keep still their office and against the ordinance of the law to continue more than one year. Wherefore the other which were ꝑtyngfelowes in office with them laboured with all their might the contrary to resist them and to maintain the old constitution/ ordinance and custom. This dissension and debate letted the election of the new consuls all that year. Aulus whom Albinus had left with the army in Numidy as his lewtenant herd of this prolonging of the time & was brought in great hope to win great honour or treasure. Wherefore in the cold month of january he called the soldiers forth of their tents to execute the battle with jugurth without more delay. either died he thus shortly to make an end of the battle in his time/ and thereby to win honour or else with his army to put jugurth in fear (so that to have peace) he should redeem the same of Aulus with great treasure. Aulus concluding on this purpose/ sped him so fast with his soldiers making daily great journeys (not withstanding the sharpness of winter) that at last he came to a town in Numidy/ named Suthull: in which town the treasures of jugurth were laid. This town with walls/ waters/ and mountaygnes of nature was strongly defended: for without the walls builded on the height of a mountaygne broken on the forefront was a great plain fen/ or marrayse ground: all overcovered with mud/ and standing winter water. insomuch that what for the sharpness of the winter season: and what for natural defence of the place/ this town could by no means bewell besyged nor taken: yet this nat withstandyng Aulus to increase fere to jugurth/ and for the blind desire which he had to win the town in manner of dissimulation assailed the same and made pavayses about the walls of sheldes conjoined like wines/ wherunder his men might fight with less damage or paryll. Than made he a dyche or trench round about the town with great heaps of earth casten upon the sides of the same/ to the intent that no socours should enter into them/ nor they escape forth at their pleasures. And finally he made ready every thing which belonged or was necessary to besieging of such a town. But jugurth anon perceived the vain and foolish behaviour of Aulus/ and craftily increased by policy the madness of him/ sending often ambassadors unto him to require in derision that he would desist and leave besyginge of the town/ and entreating him of peace meekly. But in the mean time jugurth himself in manner as if he would not intermell with Aulus/ led his army by woods/ forests/ by street passages/ by hyls & dales/ and by bacways: causing Aulus to suspect that he was a dread of him: And finally he induced Aulus to trust after some appointment. And thus jugurth with his men fleeing always into deserts and hid places gave comfort to Aulus and increased his courage by such avoiding. Insomoch that at last Aulus gave up the seging of the town of Suthull: And with his hole power hastily pursued jugurth as fleeing from him for dread into places unknown to him and his men. Thus was the treason of jugurth more hid from Aulus/ wherefore he made the less provision therefore. In the mean season jugurth by subtle messengers attempted the roman army day and night inducing them to consent to betray their fellows/ the captains/ and undercaptayns: anon for lucre consented to him. Some in time of battle to forsake and betray their own company and to fight on the part of jugurth. And other which would not grant to so foul a deed/ as to fight against their own company/ he exhorted and induced them when the trumpets should blow to battle to leave their places & array: And depart from their company without stroke on one side or other. When every thing was brought to his purpose and accorded to his requests: Than about midnight he stolen privily toward the tents of the romans: and suddenly with a great company of Numidians/ compassed them about on every side and assailed them fiercely. The roman soldiers which were with Aulus/ thus unwarly invaded: were marvelously abashed and amazed/ for the unwont & sudden fear of this treason. Some of the most noble hearts: with great courage drew to them their harness/ and resisted their enemies valiantly: fully assured and prefixed to die like men: if fortune should grant them none other means to escape that instant danger. Some other as cowards hid themself in caves & other secret places/ if they might any find. The boldest and most used to such chances comforted their fellows which were fearful and unexpert of such chances of war. Howbeit none of them all was so bold nor so well assured of himself/ but that he was both in great dread and danger. And no marvel/ for in every place and on all sides about them they were environed in compass with great violence & plenteous number of their enemies hid under darkness of the night and clouds which utterly obscured the stars light. Their paryll was indiferent and doubtful whither they fled or abode the battle. For death was instant and depended over their heads every way: and other hope nor esperance was none/ save death inevitable. So that finally it was uncertain unto them whether it was better ormore sure to i'll or to abide to their adventure. But of that company wihich jugurth had corrupted with rewards as we have said before one bend or cohort of lombards and tow turmes that is to say lx thraciens and a few rude and comen soldiers betrayed the romans and went over to jugurth. Also the Centurion which was assigned to be captain over them/ which were committed to fight about the first standard of the third legion drew him and his company aside and suffered their enemies to enter into the mids of the host on that side which they had taken to defend. Thus all the Numidyens brake in on that side without any resistance. And at conclusion the romans had a foul flight and a shameful discomfiture/ insomuch that they trusted more to their feet than to their hands or armour: And many of them to ren lighter/ threw away their armour and harness/ and took the top of an hill which was near thereby and there tarried. The company of jugurth/ what for spoiling of the romans tents and darkness of the night had less honour of victory and suffered many of the romans to escape. On the next day after jugurth and Aulus came to communication together. Than said jugurth to Aulus that not withstanding that he had him & his army which were letf alive sure enough compassed and environed with weepen & hunger so that they could not escape him: and howbeit it was in his power to oppress him & all his. Nevertheless he remembered well enough the incertayn chances of man's business & would not be to him cruel nor uncurres so that he would make with him a bond of peace and no more contend against him in battle/ on this condition/ that all the soldiers of Aulus should do obesance unto him and pass under a spear in token of subjection and so without more damage depart out of the country of Numidy within the space of ten days next after. But howbeit this composition and conditions were hard/ grievous/ and full of shame & misery: and worthy to be punished of the senators if Aulus agreed to them. Nevertheless their minds so wavered for dread of death that at last the composition & agreement was concluded & agreed at the will & pleasure of jugurth upon the said conditions.   

¶ what sorrow and heaviness was at Rome: and how they demeaned themself in the cite after that tidings hereof were brought thither. ¶ The xxvi chapter.  
When the romans understood of this at Rome/ all the cite was filled with dread/ sorrow/ lamentation & mourning. Some bewailed the worship of t●empire as lost by that shameful composition: And other uncustomed to such business of battle: & not knowing nor consydring the variable mutability of chances of wary feared the loss of their liberty/ of their cite/ and of all their empire. They all were wroth & utterly displeased with Aulus cause of this subjection & shameful composition. But namely they which had been good warryours in their days were displeased with him most of all: when they considered that he being armed & well appointed to battle rather sought means to escape from death by such shameful & bond composition than manly abiding the extremity of battle to have delivered himself & his company: or else valiantly to have died with honour. But the consul Albinus/ himself dreaded sore for this things considering that for his brother's fault in time to come he should not avoid the displeasure of the senators & commons of Rome. For as he conjectured all his brother's deeds should redound to his dishonour & peril/ because he had lymitted him in Numidy in his stead to be captain of the army in his absence. Wherefore (these things duly advised) he went to the senators desiring them to take counsel & advisement whither they would approbate and allow the said composition between his brother Aulus & jugurth: or else not. But he knew right well that the senators would not confirm the same. Wherefore (in mean time while they were counseling) he elect soudyors for supplement to fulffyll and perform again the army which was in Africa/ and sore diminished. For many of them were slain by jugurth and his company. Wherefore Albinus raised up socours of such as were near to the costs of Rome/ and friends to th'empire: as Latinians and Italians with other nations. Of these he raised as many as he might/ and assembled them together by all means which he could devise to fournysshe and augment his army. At conclusion the senators decreed in their counsel that no bond of peace nor composition might be confirmed without their consent and without the advise & commandment of the comen people also: as right and reason required. And thus was the said composition of Aulus abrogate/ as thing presumed without consent or commandment of the senators or commons. But when the consul Albinus had ordained and prepared supplement of his army (as said is) he was prohybet and letted by the protectors of the commenty: insomuch that he was not suffered by them to convey such company as he had raised into Afrique/ with him as he intended to repair and tornysshe the army which there remained. Wherefore he sped himself forth into Africa disappointed of his purpose with a small company of men/ of his own retinue. The army of the romans which he before had committed to Aulus his brother: according to the opoyntment with jugurth/ was departed forth of Numidy. And to pasforth the winter/ tarried in a province of Africa which was subject to th'empire of Rome. When Albinus the consul was arrived & come thither: his mind ardently was kindled with desire to pursue: jugurth/ and to remedy the ill will and displeasure which the commons at Rome had against Aulus his brother. Nevertheless when he knew the manners and ill behaviour of the soldiers: of whom some were fled treyterously to jugurth (as is said before) & some by sufferance of their captain were infected and corrupted with overmuch pleasure/ dissolute liberty/ and voluptuous living: this consydring he concluded (as the case required) to do nothing for a season: and to attempt no mastery: but to pass forth the winter with his army without removing or putting himself in jeopardy or paryll.  
¶ In the mean season while Albinus and his army sojourned in the province of Africa till the winter were overpassed. At Rome was one named Caius Manlius elect and lymitted proiectour of the comen people which anon after he was se● in authority: assembled the commons: & desired & counseled them that inquisition might be made of all such by whose supportation & counsel jugurth had despised & set a● nought the ordinances decreed of the senators. And against them which had restored again to jugurth the elephants which jugurth had delivered to Calphurnius at the first composition and appointment which was made with him. And also against them which had received any money or other rewardis of jugurth while they were ambassadors or captains of armies against him: send forth by the romans. And finally the same inquisition also was extended against all such as had made any pactions/ apoyntmentes/ or promises of peace or of war with enemies of th'empire without general consent of the senators or commons.  
¶ When this inquire was moved: many of the senators & noble men of Rome knew themself culpable in the foresaid articles. And other some doubted sore of perils for to come because of the ylwyll & malice which the party of the commons confederate had against them. Wherefore sith the same noble men might not well resist the examination of these articles openly: but of necessity they must agree thereto: other else knowledge themself (by their resistance) guilt in the same: therefore they prepared impediment privily against such inquisitions by their frendis: but specially by the fellows of th'empire which were confederate with the romans/ as italians & Latinians. The princes of these nations & such other like gave counsel to the senators which were not fauty in the premisses/ and also to the commenty: that in such a troublous/ busy/ and perilous season no such examinations should be made nor proceed forward to effect: for dread of many inconveniences which of the same might rise between the noble men & the commons. But (this not withstanding) it is a marvelous thing and in manner incredible to speak of: how busy and diligent the commons were to have the same inquisition to proceed/ and to be brought to effect: and that rather for hatred which they had against the noble men (against whom the said inquisition was ordained) than for any good will or favour/ which they had to the comen weal. So great pleasure & desire of variance was among them. Wherefore while the remanant of the noble men were sore troubled with fere and dread. Marcus Scaurus which was before sent into Africa with Calphurnius (as I have said) provided for himself in crafty manner as I shall now declare. While the commenty was merry & joyous of this examination & many of the company of Scaurus that knew themself fauty fled for fear. And the hole cite was in moche dread and Manlius obtained his petition & will of the commenty. In so much that anon were ordained three noble men commissioners to examine the three articles before rehearsed and here ensuing of whom the first was of them which counseled jugurth to despise the decrees of the senators and that took money or rewards of him. The second was of them that sold again to jugurth the foresaid elephants and the numidians that left jugurth coming on the romans side. And the third examination was of them which had made any appointment of peace or war with the enemies of Rome as was jugurth. But not withstanding that Calphurnius was culpable in the same asmuch as any other of the noble men. Nevertheless he shifted so for himself that he was elect to be one of the examinours or commissioners to make inquisition of these three points rehearsed. The inquisition proceeded to effect and was handled and put in execution with moche violence and sharply after the comen rumour and pleasure of the commenty. Thus the people saying their pleasure fulfilled/ at that time began to be proud and stately thereof in likewise as the estates had been in foretime of their power and lordship. But here will I make a small dygression fro my purpose & tell whereof this variance & discord between the commons and noble men first proceeded.   

¶ whereof the discord and taking of parties between the noble men and commons of Rome/ had first beginning. ¶ The xxvii chapter.  
THis manner of division of the comment from the estates of Rome: This discord & taking of parties between them: & this inordinate custom of all other inconveniences/ began among than but a few years before this time by mean of over moche rest ad idleness: by superfluous abundance of richesses/ voluptuousity/ and of other worldly delectations: which many count & repute for most chief pleasures of this life. For before the destruction of Carthage/ the senators and commenty of Rome treated and governed the commenwele between them peaceably in love and concord. So that among the citizens was no strife nor debate/ for laud/ excellence/ for dignity/ nor for great dominion. The dread which they had of their enemies made them war and kept them in good manners causing them to govern their cite with good & virtues institutes/ without variance/ without robbery/ without oppression/ without slaughter nor other like cruel tyrannies. But when Carthage was overcome anon was expulsed fere from their minds: and voluptuousity/ wantonness/ & pride (which are greatly loved in wealth and prosperity) anon entered their minds: so that they desired peace when they had war. But when the war was ended: & that they had peace and idleness after their own desire: their peace and rest was more sharp/ more bitter/ more intolerable/ and more perilous to them than the war was before. For the estates began to turn their dignity & worship/ into immoderate affection of great lordship and domination. And the comen people began to turn their liberty into lust and pleasure. Every man provided and drew to himself robbing & reaving without measure/ from the comen weal. Thus was the commentie abstract & divided from the lords. So was the cite divided into two parts. And the comen weal which was in the mids between them on every side was pilled/ rob/ & utterly wasted of them both: on both sides. But the power of the noble men and of their party was more mighty than the power of the commons. For all the estates were all together assembled/ conjoined/ & unied. But the commons were dispersed and spread abroad into diverse places and companies getting their living with labour of their hands & sweat of their bodies. So everything was governed in peace and in war at pleasure & advise of a few private noble men. The comen treasure/ the provinces/ maistershyppes/ offices/ tributes/ worship/ triumphs/ and all other things longing to honour or advantage were only in handis & possession of the same few noble men. But the simple comen people was wearied & oppressed with poverty/ with battle/ and warfare. Ever in jeopardy/ and never in advantage nor lucre. For the captains with a few other noble men pulled such prays as were taken in battle only to their singular advantage and behoof. But in the mean season the parents & small children of the soudyors were driven from their dwelling places & possessions by the said noble men: eachone of them by that lord unto whom they dwelled nearest. And so the might & power of such noble men conjoined with immoderate covetise assailed/ defiled/ wasted/ and destroyed every thing without good manner without measure or moderation: having no respect nor consideration of any thing belonging to goodness or virtue: till they had so farforth proceeded that at conclusion they were destroyed & overthrown by their own obstinate pride & tyranny. But at last assoon as eversome of the estates were found which remembering and considering themself: set more by true and laudable glory/ than by injust power and dignity. And were moved in minds by compassion to show mercy & pity against the comment and to succour their misery than began the cite to be troubled and moved grievously for the courage of the commons was revived by supportation of such noble men: by means whereof discord and division began to rise in the cite/ as it were dry dust of the ground raised in a great & tempestuous wind. For after that Tiberius Gracchus/ & Caius Gracchus (whose progenitors much increased the comen wail in many battles/ but namely in the battle of Carthage) began to restore the commonty into their old liberty/ and to detect the cruel misdeeds of the few injurious estates. Than all the lords confederate: and after manner chafed with ire assembled their fellows/ as Latynians and some knights of Rome/ which in hope of promotion left the commons party and held with the noble men. All these with such as were to them leaning of other nations began to withstand the accusementes of both the said Gaccus/ which were favourers of the commenty: & first of all they slew Tiberius Graccus. And after that within a few years they slew the other brother named Caius Graccus/ while he was protector of the commenty: because that he according to law & right divided among the poor comment such landis as they had won in battle of their enemies. And at the same season the estates put to death also a lord named Marcus Faccus/ because he defended the commons liberty against their extortion. But touching the two brethren Tiberius/ and Caius Graccus: soothly their minds were greatly immoderate and unmeasurable in their desire to overcome the states. Nevertheless it had be moche better to the states to have suffered them in their rightwise title/ & somewhat to have inclined to their minds than to have overcome them so violently and slain them so iniuryously/ howbeit that they were over hasty & busy. But when the states had the victory of them after their desire & pleasure than put they to death the commenty without number/ and many they exiled & drove out of the cite. In somuch that from thence forth they rather increased their cruelty and fear to the commons/ than their own honour or power. By which means many worthy cities have often times been destroyed while the estates and commons contend the one/ to overcome the other/ by one mean or other. And while the party vyctoure will punish over grievously that party which is overcome. But if I would prepare to write of the business and deeds of both the parties seriatly & dystincly. And if I should touch all the manners of the cite according to the greatness of the matter and as it requireth: othely the time should fail me rather than the matter. Wherefore I will omit this superfluous and infenite business/ and return to my first matter and purpose touching this chronicle of this tyrant jugurth.   

¶ How Metellus was create consul and send by the romans to war against jugurthe: & of the wise and discrete behaviour of the same Metellus. ¶ The xxviii chapter.  
AFter the truce and composition of Aulus before said made with jugurth/ & the foul & shamkfull flight of the roman army: Quintus Metellus/ and Marcus silanus/ were create & proclaimed consuls of Rome/ which according to the old custom parted & divided the provinces belonging to Rome between them both. The country of Numidy fell and happened to Metellus. This Metellus was a fierce man and a noble & a worthy warrior. And howbeit he favoured the party of the noble men and was contrary to the party of the commons: nevertheless he was of fame undefiled & unuiolat/ and counted of good name indifferently on both parties. Assoon as ever this Metellus entered in his office & dignity/ he thought that every thing apartayning to his room & charge belonged aswell to his parting fellow as to himself/ save the war of Numidy: which only belonged to himself & to his particular charge: Wherefore he committed all other charges to silanus/ and only set his mind to make provision for the war against jugurth. But because he mistrusted the old army which was in Numidy with Albinus & Aulus/ and had no confidence in the minds of these soudyors corrupted with idleness & many other vices: therefore he elected and assembled new soldiers. And of all such as were fellows & friends confederate to the romans/ he called for help & socours. He prepared & made ready armour/ wepyn/ horse harness/ and all other ordinance expedient to warfare. And also he ordained abundance of victuals. And shortly to speak all things he ordained which are wont to be necessary & profitable to the variable chances & incertain accidents/ and jeopardies of war/ which requireth reparation of many things & chargeable. But such as were fellows of the empire of Rome at instance & request of the senators: and by their authority and by the Latinians & many other strange kings of their own free-will sent socours to Metellus to advance him in his enterprise: And shortly to speak the hole city laboured withal their might to succour and aid Metellus in his business. Thus at last when every thing was provided and set in order after his pleasure & intent: than took he his journey into Numidy/ with great hope of all the citizens of Rome that for his good manners: and specially for that his mind was unovercome with richesse or covetise that he should do more honour to the empire than his predecessors had in the war of Numidy. For before his departing the wealth of Numidy (by covetise of the officers of Rome) was augmented: but the wealth of the romans wasted and deminisshed. When Metellus was come to Afrique/ the army was delivered unto him by Albinus: which army was uncrafty/ sluggysshe/ & feeble neither able to endure peril nor labour/ of tongue more ready/ fires/ and hardy than of hand: which was wont to rob/ and pill from fellows and friends of the empire. But itself endured by cowardice to be rob and spoiled of enemies of the empire/ as a lawless & dysordred company of men ungoverned & without authority or manners. Wherefore Metellus the new capitain had much more thought & business/ for such corrupt & vicious manners of a company so far out of order/ than he had help or good hope of comfort in the multitude of them. Thus Howe beit he saw the time of election of new consuls draw near. And all if he also understood that the romans daily looked after some end of the war. These causes not withstanding yet he concluded/ not to begin the war till he had excercised and used the soudyors with business & labour aft the instruction and custom of old captains/ used before his tyme. For why Albinus was so astonied with the adversity & mischance of his brother Aulus and for murder of his host: that after he purposed not to departed out of the romans province which was in Africa/ he kept the soudyors always idle in their tents as long as the summer season lasted & as long as he was in authority in so much that they changed no place except the corrupt savour of the place/ or else necessity of victual constrained them to remove. Nor according to the custom & manner of warryours among them was no watch: but every man came & went at his own pleasure/ and absented themselves from their standards when it liked them. The scolyons & pages wandered day & night mingled among the horsemen & chief of the soldiers without any order: And many other as rovers dispersed abroad destroyed the country/ fighting against the small villages/ & not against cities nor towns. They carried away from the said villages prays of cattles: and the inhabitants led away also with them as prisoners with other prays striving together who might have most/ and than after changed the said robberies with merchants for delicious & strong wines carried from other strange countries/ where better wine grew than in that country: and for other such delicious things. They sold away the where and other victuals which was delivered of their captains among them in comen & daily they bought their bread. And finally what ever shame or rebuke longing to covetise or lechery: could outher be said/ done/ or imagined of any man: all was used in that host. And among some: more shameful deeds than aught to be named. But Metellus hehaved himself as a mighty & wise man/ not less this difficulty & hardness/ than if it had been in a battle fought against his ennemmies as he which in mids of so great covetise/ voluptuesite/ & cruelty was singularly endued with temperance: & marvelous good manner used he/ in coarting the same faults. Wherefore at the first beginning he withdrew & avoided from the army at his commandment & ordinance: the occasions which stirred the soldiers to such sloth/ cowardice/ and voluptuousity. For he commanded under great pain that no person should be so hardy to sell among the soldiers nouther bread nor other victual all ready dressed save the comen ꝓuisyon: that the pages/ waterlaggers & scolyons should not come near the army/ nor follow the same. That none of the comen & simple sodyours should keep or mentayne servant nor be'st in their tents nor viage/ while they moved fro place to place. These inconveniences first of all he redressed & reformed. After these amended: all other faults he measured by his wisdom/ craft/ and policy: reforming them by little & little. This done (to have his soldiers occupied) he moved daily from place to place: and that not in ways comen & used/ but by hard and unoccupied ways. He caused them daily to cast duchess & trenches about the army/ to the intent that they should not wax slothful/ nor vicious by overmuch rest & idleness. He ordained often watch among them every night: and he himself acompanyed with his under captains and heed officers often searched if the watches were truly kept/ compassing about the army on every side. While they removed & changed places: sometime he was in the forward and among the first: sometime in the rearward or hinder part/ and anon in the mids overseeing their order to the intent that none should pass out of order/ array/ and place to them assigned. But keep thick together every man & company about their own standerdꝭ: and also he ordained that among themself they should convey & carry their own victuals and armour. And thus in short time he confirmed and set the army in good order rather with fair words/ or rebuking & blaming their faults: & prohybiting their disorder: than in chastising or punishing their offences with rigour or cruelty.   

¶ Of the behaviour of jugurth against Metellus: and how he send ambassadors to Metellus requiring unfeignedly to yield up the kingdom of Numidy to the empire of Rome: And how Metellus behaved himself against the same ambassadors. ¶ The xxix chapter.  
IN the mean season when jugurthe understood by messengers & espies of this behaviour of Metellus: and also when he remembered that which was informed to him at Rome of the integryte and undefiled name of Metellus/ which would not be corrupt with money nor accloyed with bribes like other before: he began to mistrust his matters and to have lass confidence in his cause/ than ever he had before. In so much that than he began to labour to yield himself unfeignedly/ and to make a true composytion with Metellus/ and the romans without any fyction/ guile/ or deceit. Wherefore he send ambassadors with supplications & petitions/ requiring humbly of Metellus to grant to him his own life: and the life of his children only: and concerning all other things he would yield them into hands of the romans. But Metellus knew well enough long before this time by often experience & proof that the Numidians of natural disposition were unfaithful/ movable/ and unstable of minds: new-fangled and much desirous of new business & newelties. Wherefore he began with the ambassadors of jugurth/ tasting and proving the mind of each of them/ by little and little: and separately one by one. And when he knew that they somewhat inclined to his purpose: he than promised to them great gifts & promotion so that they would do some pleasure for him & for the senators & people of Rome. Than at last he counseled and desired them to deliver jugurth to him alive specially if it might be brought about: and if they could not so/ than to deliver him other quick or deed. But when he had made this appointment secretly with th'ambassadors divided in sunder one by one: than openly (that every man might hear) he showed to them all together other things as his pleasure was that they should certify their king jugurth concerning their ambassade. After this within few days when he saw his host most ready and contrary to jugurth he removed his tents and so addressed him with his army ready in array and went forward into Numidy: where contrary to any similitude of war the villages and cottages were full of men/ the fields full of beestis and tylmen: and every where was much plenty of people young and old namely rude people & tillers of the ground/ which had still fled before the army in foretime for fear/ but at the last when they saw no defence nor succour/ the kings lewtenantes and all other left their towns/ villages/ and lodges/ and went forth to meet Metellus withal humility/ honour/ and service submitting themself to him/ and ready to give to him wheat and other corn such as they had. And to carry victuals after his host to ease the soldiers and to do and perform all other things what ever they were commanded. But for all this: Metellus was not less diligent nor circumspect in ordering of his host/ but proceeded forward together with his army in array ready in armour/ and defended as if their enemies had been near at hand searching the country abroad on every side by his espies doubting treason and thinking that all these tokens of subjection were but for a face or cloak to cover the treason & guile of jugurth. And so by such dyscet to wait a time to execute his treason. Wherefore Metellus thus mysdeming kept himself in the forward of the host with an elect and chosen company of archers/ slingers/ and other like soldiers appointed in light harness. His under captain Caius Marius had rule and charge of the rearward among the horsemen and on both the wings of his host he ordained horsemen & other soldiers for supplement/ subsidy/ and socouts of the forward if need should require/ and among them to expel their enemies on what side so ever they should come/ were mingled bowmen and other light harnysed footmen with darts/ pikes/ and javelins to trouble the horsemen of their enemies. For in jugurth was so moche guile so great experience and knowledge of the country/ and also so great practise of chivalry: that a man could not well know whether he were more to be doubted or more grievous in peace or in ware or while he was absent or present.  
¶ Nat far from that way which Metellus held with his army was a town of the Numidyans' moche accustomed and frequented of merchants of Italy and other strange countries: and the principal market town of all the kingdom of Numidy. This town was named Vacca/ Metellus drew him and his army thither/ and set garnison into the same town. This did he to prove the minds of the inhabitants: for if they had kept forth the garnison/ than should they evidently have declared themself enemies of the romans. And also he led a garnison thither to th'intent to have taken the town by force of arms/ if the inhabytauntes would not have admitted the same garnison. Also he commanded vytayls/ and all other things necessary or expedient to war for to be brought thither thinking (as the case required) that the concourse of merchants resorting thither. And his good provision of victuals should be great defence and conservation for him and his army both in war and in peace. But when the citizens saw such purveyance as he made of victuals considering that he should not hurt nor disprovyde them while he had victual enough of his own provision: anon they opened the gates and suffered him to enter withal his garnison and retinue. But in the mean time jugurth again send his ambassadors to Metellus more diligently and instantly than he had done before/ meekly beseeching and requiring him of peace: And yielding unto him every thing/ only reserved his own life: and the life of his children. Metellus send these ambassadors home again attysed to the prodytion of their master jugurth as he had done to the other ambassadors which were sent before. But concerning the peace which they desired in their masters name: neither he granted nor utterly denied it. And in this prolonging of time he looked always after parfourming of the promise of the other ambassadors/ which before had granted to the betrayeng of jugurth. But when jugurth considered and pondered together the words & deeds of Metellus/ and when he perceived in mind himself assailed with his own crafts of subtlety: and that Metellus used such crafts against him/ as he himself had used against other: than was his mind grieved most of all. For Metellus feigned peace/ but in very deed he showed sharp war. jugurth thus considered also: that his greatest town named Vacca/ was alienate & lost from him: his enemies by long continuance and exercise knew the coostes of his country of Numidy. The minds of his lords and commons were provoked and moved against him. When he advised these difficulties with other more contrary to him he concluded & fully determined at last to resist and withstane Metellus in battle/ with strength & force of arms and no farther to meek nor submit himself by petition.   

¶ How jugurth prepared and addressed himself again to war: and what ordinance and policy he used against the new consul Metellus. ¶ The xxx chapter.  
Wherefore jugurth thus determining to assail Metellus cause his ways to be espied/ having hope of victory by advancement & advantage of some place: where he intended of the place and country: and anon prepared the greatest army that he could of all sorts of people. This done/ he did so moche that by hills/ narrow passages & by paths he prevented an overpassed the host of Metellus.  
¶ In that part of Numidy which before in division of the kingdom was assigned in possession to adherbal: was a flood named Muthull/ running from the meridyonall part of the country. A certain hill hy and long was near to this water/ so that at any place the hill was about twenty mile from the stream and of equal distance in length. The ground of this hill was of such nature that ever it was barren/ wherefore it was not apt to men's habitation but desert. About the mids and pendant of it was an other hill smaller of quantity: but of an unmeasurable heght covered and all overgrown with wild olive trees/ with myr trees/ & other sorts of trees wont to grow naturally on dry & sandy ground. The plain between the hills and the water was desert and unhabitable for lack of water: save such places of the plain as were near to the flodd of Muthull which part was grown with small trees and occupied with men & beasts. jugurth came to the said small hill which descended from the pendant of the hill greater overthwart the valley. And there took place with his army not together but dispersed abroad among the trees by companies and bends/ he made his friend Bomilchar captain and governor of his elephants/ and of part of his army of footmen and informed him perfectly how he should behave himself and govern them whom he had committed to him both before the battle/ and also in the battle when it came to the point. But he himself drew nearer to the great hill withal the horsemen and many of the footmen which were elect and chosen men/ and set them in order and array with moche policy and wisdom. This done: he himself went about & compassed every company/ cohort/ and bend singularly: and one by one warning and requiring them to call to their minds their old strengthꝭ nobles/ and victory: and there by to defend themself and their country of Numidy from the immoderate covetise of the romans/ which were not content nor tatisfied with the possession of the most part of the world/ saying fathermore that they should fight but with such as they before had avercome and subdued. And Howe beit they had changed their capitain: the cowardice of their hearts was not changed: Also he rehearsed & declared to them that he had made all provision for them which a captain might or aught to make for his army. He declared how he had taken for them the upper place: that they were crafty in battle and many in number: & should fight with a few uncrafty cowards. Wherefore he desired & exhorted them when time should come that than they would be ready to assail the romans manly at sound of the trumpets/ for that one same day said he should other establish all their labours/ victories/ and business: or else it▪ should be the heed and beginning of their most great mischief/ and destruction. Moreover through out all his army he put them in remembrance man by man of the benefits which he had done to them before for their manly deeds of chyvalry: as such as for their worthiness he had rewarded with dignity/ money/ offices/ or other worship: and showed such unto other comen soldiers saying that if they would so demean themself manly: so should they be promoted and auanced to worship and riches. And thus he comforted them all every man after his manners and conditions/ some with gifts/ some with promesses/ some with threatenings/ and other like ways according to the disposition of their minds and nature. ¶ While jugurth thus exhorted his soldiers Metellus nought knowing of his enemies appeared with his company dyscending down the pendant of the great hill which at first seeing but few men much marveled what it might signify/ for he suspected nothing less than battle: but in beholding more intentyfly toward the top of the small hill afore him he espied among the young trees both horse & men which were not fully hid/ because of the lowness of the trees. yet was he incertain what it might be. For what by secretness of the place: and what by guile of jugurth/ their banners & the most part of the soldiers were obscured & hid lying down upon the ground. But anon after when he perceived this guile & treason: by little & little/ he set his army in array proceeding forward still/ as he did before/ feigning himself ignorant of the treason. But he changed the order of his soldiers: and on the right wing which was next to the Numidyens his enemies/ he ordained as it were a forward enforced with a threefold subsidy or succours that is to say with three bends of proved soldiers to rescue & help them when need should be. The archers such as which slyngꝭ should cast against their enmis plummettꝭ of led & iron/ & all other which were of light harness: all these he divided among the standards of other soldiers as the case required: where as after the right ordinance of battle/ such soldiers by themself divided should begin the battle/ but in this battle the situation of the place not so required. All the hole company of his horsemen he ordered in the extremities & corners of the forefront of the battle. This done as the brevity of the time suffered he made a short exhortation unto his soudyors/ & so proceeded forth with his host set in array in manner beforesaid: but because jugurth was on the small hill before him and by that mean on the higher ground he thought to remedy that incommodity & led forth his host on the side half not toward jugurth/ but along on the hill toward the flood of Muthull/ into the plain which was between the hill & the flood. But when he saw the Numidyens quyed and that they departed not from the hill which they had taken he considered the heat and ferventness of the summer season. And list his army might perish for lack or scarcity of water: he sent before one of his captains named Rutilius with a company of light harnessed soldiers and part of his horsemen unto the flood named Muthull for to take up a place wherein they might set their tents in time of need: thinking that his enemies willing to continue long in that place by often assau●es and scarmysshes should disturb the romans while they resorted to the water. And for asmuch as the numidians trusted not much in their strength and armour. He thought that they purposed and intended to trouble his sodyors with weariness and thirst. When Rutilius was gone toward the water/ Metellus descended proceeding forth withal by little & little as the matter and place required: he commanded one named Marius/ with his company to keep in the rearward. But Metellus himself with the horsemen kept him in the lift wing of the forward of the battle/ which always removed forward first of all his army.   

¶ Of the first battle fought between Metellus and jugurth. ¶ The xxxi chapter.  
But when jugurth saw that the rearward of Metellus was passed his forward: he be set the hill from which Metellus descended with two thousand footmen by which garnison if Metellus would again take succour of the same hill/ he should be prohibited & driven bacwarde again into the hands of jugurth. This done: suddenly he did the trumpetes to be blown and anon withal/ invaded & set upon the company of Metellus on every side. The Numidyens assailed and beat down the romans/ some on the rearward and other some did their devoir to break the array on both sides: both on the right & life wing/ withal their might assailing the romans/ and avaunsing themself on every side to break their array and ordinance. And after their power to trouble/ disturb/ and divide them. The romans which were most stable and bold of minds in meeting their enemies were abused & deceived with the uncertain battle. For their ordinance and array was set and strengthened only but on one side. But their enemies assailed them on every side: so that sometime they were stricken & wounded of their enemies from far of/ but by no means could they strike their enemies again nor join with them. For jugurth had taught his numidians on horseback before the battle that when they should begin to assail the romans: they should not keep themself together/ nor near/ but asmuch dispersed as they could/ and in divers places: one company here and and other there. And where the soldiers of jugurth could not avoided nor repel the romans which assailed them/ because they were more in number: therefore they compassed & trapped them behind or on the sides betyn of: and disjoined from their company. And where it fortuned any of them to i'll the Numidians had more advantage than the romans. For where they fled into the fields: they assailed the romans on the back half or else on both sides in divers companies. But where they saw it was more avail and expedient to i'll again to the hill where they set first their ordinance. They had also advantage thereby for their horses were accustomed to mountains and cumbered ways/ wherefore they mounted with less difficulty/ but in contrary wise the romans for the sharpness of the hills and lack of use could not follow them in their ascending without much difficult/ pain/ and peril. But not withstanding that jugurth and his men had the most advantage of the country and ground/ yet the battle on both sides was variable/ uncertain/ ungodly/ and miserable to behold: for the best men soonest were slain and in most jeopardy. For the courage and valiant minds & bold hearts of the romans: was worth the guile and treason of the jugurthyns: and so on both sides he which was boldest and most advanced himself was soonest overthrown. Some which were divided from their own company and in handis of their enemies/ gave place to them and yielded themself. And again some followed and chased their enemies fleeing: where they might make theirꝑty good: there resisted either party manly. None of both parties kept under their standards: nor followed not the order of battle: nor kept none order nor array/ but every man resisted and defended himself there where most jeopardy and paryll was laid to him: and endevoyred himself to withstand the violence of his enemies with high valyantise. And so the armour defensyfs/ darts/ men horse/ romans/ Numidians/ soldiers/ and pages were all confounded and mengledde together: without orde or ordinance observed. Nothing was done with discretion of the soldiers nor with counsel of the captains: unadvised fortune and chance governed all the bysynesse of that day: so unstable was the battle. All was committed to rule of fortune/ And thus passed forth moche of the day in great murder and slaughter/ yet still was the end of the battle uncertain and none knew whytherpartye should have the victory. At last both parties with labour and heat began to languysshe and become weary. Metellus understanding that the numidians less resisted infyghting then they died before assembled and gathered together again his soldiers by little and little/ and without tarry restored the array and set them again in order. And four cohortes taken forth of the legions he set against the footmen of his enemies. But before Metellus had thus assembled his company: a great part of them oppressed with wounds and weariness/ withdrew themself to the hill before named and to the higher places from the battle there to refresh and rest themself. But when Metellus (as said is) had reasembled them again: he began infewe words to pray and exhort them in such manner.  
¶ O worthy and trusty soldiers and companions discourage not yourself in this battle/ nor let not your old nobleness now fail you: suffer not your enemies wont to put their trust in flight/ now to overcome you by your fearful minds. Remember well: if ye be disposed cowardly to i'll: ye have no tents/ no cities/ no towns/ no castles/ nor no manner places of defence: whereto ye may run for refuge and save yourself. your health/ your hope/ & defence is only in your armour and strength: & specially in your bold hertis. Wherefore dear friends remember your old worship: & suffer not the hole empire of Rome to suffer disworship by your temerous and cowardꝭ minds. Remember it worthier to die in battle like men than to i'll/ & than to be taken & murdered like beasts/ or to die in prison. With these words & such like Metellus recomforted the hearts of his soldiers. But in mean time jugurth for his part was not idle/ quiet nor less provident: but compassed and went about his men comforting and exhorting them also and praising their deeds. He renewed the battle also for his part: and among the mids of his elect soldiers he fought and proved thextremity of every thing: and assayed all means whereby any advantage might be won comforting and socourynge his men with words/ deeds/ and example. He boldly fought and assailed such of the romans as were in fear or doubt: and such as he knew & proved bold and steadfast/ he kept them of with arrows/ javelins/ and darts that they could not approach to their fellows to advance them nor to be succoured of them. Thus two worthy men noble and exelcent captains fought & contended together between themself. They themself like in strength/ courage/ wisdom/ and policy: but of things longing to chyvalry unlike of provision. For Metellus had strength of soldiers sufficiently: but the advantage of the country and place was much contrary to him. But jugurth had every thing necessary and expedient/ save company of men of arms which he wanted. ¶ At last the romans when they understood that there was no sure place whereto they might i'll: and also that they could find no means to fight with their enemies indifferently hand to hand. And that the night was come upon them: at last they ascended upon the top of an hill which was over against them like as Metellus their captain commanded them to do. For the Numidians had lost that place and were fled and spread a broad dyspersed/ but few of them were slain. For they were swift: and the country was not well known to the romans to pursue them: whereby many of the Numidians were defended: and so by flight escapedde. But jugurth with his horsemen of guard for his body: fled also from the battle when he had long fought and saw none avail nor advantage.   

¶ How Bomylchar undercaptain of jugurth and his company were discomfited by Rutilyus undercaptain of Metellus. ¶ The xxxii chapter.  
IN the mean season Bomylchar/ whom jugurth had made master of his elephants/ and of a part of the footmen (as I have written before) assoon as he saw that Rutilius (which Metellus had sent unto the flood of Muthull to provide a place for their tents) was overpassed his company: by little & little he conveyed and led down his company into a plain. And while this Rutilius hasted him toward the flood as he was commanded of Metellus. Bomilchar set his company in order & array still & quietly as the matter and case required. And in mean time he forgot not to search by espies what Metellus did/ and what way Rutilius took toward the said flood: and in what manner he behaved himself & guided his army. Wherefore after he understood by his espies that Rutilius with his company had taken their place by the said flood where he would abide: and was void of business/ quiet/ and doubting no paryll. And on the other side when he understood that the cry of the battle between jugurth & Metellus increased: he feared lest Rutilius (if he understood thereof) would leave his place by the flood: and return to the battle to succour his fellows which were in jeopardy. In this consideration Bomilchar: where as before he had ordered his army near together by craft and that because he mistrusted the courage of his men: and in their boldness had no great confidence. Therefore now again he divided them a broad moche larger than they were before: and so proceed toward the tents of Rutilyus/ to th'intent to let him and his company on every side/ if they prepared toward rescous of Metellus. Rutilyus and his company suspecting no peril suddenly of unware advised great violence of smoke and dust stirred up and raised by moving of the ground: but what it might be they could not perceive by any mean because of the thickness of the young trees that grew on all the ground between them which letted their sight. First of all they thought it had proceeded of dryness of the ground by moving of the wind. But afterward when they saw the same smoke and dust continue still after one manner: and that the same approached always nearer and nearer likewise as the company of their enemies moved and drew toward them. Than they perceived and knew the matter as it was: and in all hast every man took to him his harness: and stood ready before the defence of their tenres as their captain Rutilyus had ordered and commanded them every man ready at defence and in array. After when their enemies approached nearer with an horrible noise and cry/ they ran together on both parties. The Numidyens did but only continue the skirmish abiding & looking after their elyphantes in help of whom was all their trust. But when they saw that their elyphantes were stopped & let with thickness of the bows of the treis': and so tarried & kept from their socours by the compassing of the romans so that in them was no trust of socours. Than all they took them to flight with all their power. But many of them (leaving their armour behind them) escaped without wound by help of the hills which were about the place: which they could better & quicklyer ascend than the romans. And also by succour of the darkness of the night (which than was at hand) many of them escaped hole & sound and saved themself. Four of the elephants were taken and all the remenant (forty in number) were slain. When this was done: the company of Rutilius/ not withstanding that they were fatigate and wearied with great journeys before/ and also with moche labour in ordering of their tents: & with the said battle or skirmysshe: nevertheless when they saw that Metellus their chief captain tarried longer than they thought he would have done if all thing had happened well with him/ they ordered themself ready & diligently went backward again to meet him. For the falsehood and guile of jugurth and of the Numidians caused them to be busy/ diligent/ and circumspect in every thing for safeguard of their lives/ & suffered them to do nothing slouly nor with delaying. But when they were in their journey in the darkness of the night the companies on both parties were not far in sondre the one from the other: and both parties approached together not knowing each other as if they had been enemies. The one against the other making noise and clamour each one increasing fear to other as warryours are wont to do at beginning of a battle. Insomoch that a miserable destruction & murder had almost been committed between them by their imprudent negligence/ if the espies and horsemen which were sent between them on both sides had not with more diligence & wyselyer espied the truth of the matter. But when the parties knew each other/ their sadness and fear turned to great joy & gladness. The soldiers joyfully anon met together one saluting & welcoming other. One showed to other their acts done on both parties: and joyous they were to here on both sides every man commending & exalting their own deeds/ and also the dedis of other unto heaven with mirth & gladness. And that aswell such as were worthy men as unworthy cowardys' ascribed to themself worthiness. And certes in such business it often happeneth/ that on that side which hath the victory: such as be but cowards/ rude and uncrafty/ exalteth them/ enjoyeth/ and may boast themself on other men's deeds and worthiness. But in contrary wise on that party which is overcome though many be good warryours/ noble & worthy men: yet are they reputed for cowardꝭ without policy/ because of other men's cowardice & adversity of fortune. Thus fareth it in skirmysshes of battle. But when Metellus & Rutilius (as I have said before) were met together and rehearsed their acts one to other Metellus hasted him withal his army to the flodd of Muthull/ and tarried in the places & tents which Rutilius had prepared & seiourned there the space of four days. In this season he was busy in refreshing & healing his soldiers which were wounded/ such as manly had behaved themself in the battle he worthily rewarded them/ he called them together all into one company and greatly landed & commended them: thanking & much praising them for the great diligence/ pain/ and labours: which they had taken in defence of the honour & dignity of their empire with such words. ¶ O worthy soldiers ye see now that the hardest of our labour is overpassed by your boldness and manhood: wherefore I exhort you: be ye of like courage in the residue of our business/ which shallbe but light & easy in comparison of this which is overpassed. The beginning and first brunt of every business is hardest. Which shall be but light unto bold and circumspect beginner's & constant followers of their enterprises. But this beginning ye have manly overcome by constant labour as thing most easy. enough have we fought all ready for the glory of victory: for that have we obtained in this first conflyer. If we labour or fight any more it shallbe but only for prays and robberies of our enemies: whereby we shallbe enriched in substance: like as we now be enhanced with glory of victory. Wherefore my dear fellows & most constant friends of the comen wealth now I exhort you for compliment of all your honourable fame: to remember your old & accustomed worthiness. And suffer not this excellent honour & glory which ye have now obtained by boldness: to be quenched and decay again by ignomynious cowardice.  
¶ With such words & many other like Metellus reconforted his company: & marvelously kindled their courage to the desire of honour by valiant feats of arms. But in the mean season the known guile of jugurth went not from his mind: and therefore to exclude all danger of treason he sent forth certain of the numidians/ which betraying jugurth had forsaken him & fled to the romans: & also with them he sent forth diverse other of his own company which were expert of the country/ and opportune to such business to search and espy among what people or in what place jugurth held himself: and wherein he was occupied. Whither he kept him with a small company: or whither he had an army reassembled for a new battle/ and how he behaved himself & where about he went sith he was overcome. But jugurth had conveyed himself into such places as were full of duchess/ valeis/ hills/ treis'/ bushes/ & dales defended of nature. And there had he assembled again a new army of men/ more in number than he had before. But they were but uncraftie/ inerpert/ and dull to battle: and could better till the ground and keep beasts/ than exercise the deeds of chivalry. For thereto had they never been used before: but in the other servile ocupations & business had they been occupied all their lyftyme without intermixtion of other ocupation. It fortuned that jugurth had none other soldiers/ but such rural people about him at this time namely for this cause. For when he fled from the battle fought before with Metellus/ none of all his soldiers followed him/ except the horsemen of his guard. For all the other soudyours departed where it liked them best. Nor this is not counted nor reputed for any fault or rebuke among the Numidyens soldiers. For such is the custom of the country: when the captain fleeth the host forsaketh him.   

¶ what waist and destruction Metellus made in the land of Numidy after this first battle and flight of jugurth: and of the guile of jugurth against Metellus. ¶ The xxxiii chapter.  
When Metellus understood by his espies that the mind of jugurth continued yet still in his old fierceness & cruelty though he was lately overcome in battle. And when Metellus saw that jugurth renewed the war again and prepared a new battle which could not be done but at pleasure of jugurth/ because he had taken such a place to abide in that no man could conveniently contend with him for difficulty thereof. Metellus thus knowing advised himself of many things. Namely he considered that they were not in different & equal on both parties in executing thereof. For all if that he had the upper hand over jugurth & had put him to flight: yet lost he more men and had more damage in overcoming him/ than jugurth had which was overcome. For this consideration Metellus purposed no more to contend with him in plain fields nor in ordered battle/ but by an other manner to execute the war with him from thensforthe. This determined: Metellus with his hole host and ordinance went forth into the most rich and plentiful places of all Numidy/ and there wasted and destroyed the fields & country on every side. He took without any resistance castles and towns/ not strongly defended with walls/ duchess/ nor garnison. And brent and beat them down to the ground. All such as came in his way and were able to bear harness: full grown of age or apt to battle: he slew and rid out of hand. Thinking that the more he slew the fewer adversaries and enemies should he have to contend against him. He commanded his soudyors to spare no robbery nor prays: but gave allthing to havoc among his soldiers. ¶ For fear of this cruelty many of the Numidyens yielded themself to the romans: and gave unto them hostages/ vytayls/ sodyours/ and all other things necessary abundantly. Insome towns which were taken: Metellus set defence and garnison where need required and fortified them sufficiently. This business troubled the mind of jugurth moche more than the battle that was fought before to his great damage and disconfort of his men. For he lost more people by this way than by any other mean before. Thus jugurth which before put all his hope and trust in his flight: was now of necessity compelled to follow and pursue his enemies: and he which could not defend his own places which still remained in his possession: was constrained now to war in those coostes/ which Metellus had won of him to recover them if fortune would suffer him. Nevertheless of such poor shift and counsel as ●e had he took the best which could be taken by his advise in such extreme necessity. He commanded his army for the most part to remain still in the same place where they were. And he himself with a company of horsemen which were bold and chosen men ensued Metellus privily/ making his iouneiss by night time by/ by ways and secret valeis. And at last suddenly of vnwa●s he fell upon a part of the romans which were dispersed a broad from the host in foraging and spoiling. Many of them without armour were slain/ & many taken. None of them all escaped clean nor free without damage/ but either were s●ayne or else sore wounded. When jugurth had done this skyrmisshe anon he withdrew himself and his company into the hills and mountains next to them: before any socours or rescous might come from Metellus to revenge their treason & death of the romans.   

¶ Of the great joy which was demeaned at Rome for this worthy behaviour of Metellus: and how he guided himself and his army to continue and augment this honour which he had gotten. ¶ The xxxiiii chapter.  
While Metellus and jugurth strived thus together: the one with manhood/ wisdom & strength: the other with treason/ craft/ & guile: Tidings were brought to Rome of this noble behaviour of Metellus. Over all the cite was demeaned great joy & gladness for that Metellus behaved himself & guided his army according to the manner & ordinance of old noble captains of the romans before his days. And howbeit he was in place adverse & contrary to him yet had he the upper hand of his enemies as victory over them. And by his strength & manhood he had in possession the country of his enemies: & had driven them from place to place. All these things considered: they much rejoiced & greatly commended Metellus: namely for that he had caused jugurth to put his trust of health only in fleeing into the mountains & wilderness/ which before was magnificent & proud by the fear & cowardice of Aulus predecessor of Metellus. Wherefore for these fortunate & glorious deeds of Metellus/ the senators decreed and commanded over all the cite sacrifices & suffrages to be done to their idols. The citezyns which before were fearful & sore troubled doubting the unsure chance & incertain fortune of the end of this war: demeaned now among them mirth and gladness overall. The honour & fame of Metellus was recounted very noble/ excellent/ & glorious in every man's mouth. Wherefore he so much was the more diligent and laboured more busily toward the vyctore labouring & hasting to finish the war by all means & ways so it might be to his honour & confusion of jugurth. But nevertheless he was well ware from putting himself in danger of his enemies: and was ware eschewing opportunity of their guile in every place where he went. He remembered well & considered that often after laud & glory followeth envy & evil will. And therefore how moche more noble that he was reputed: the more busy & diligent he was to mentayne his fame & honour/ & in dread to lose this worthy fame which he had obtained. Nor after the foresaid guile of jugurth he suffered not his host to divide nor to depart themself dysparsed one from other: nor to make excourses to forage or spoil in divers places far distant in sondre. But when they had need other of man's meat or horsemeate: all the horsemen with great companies of the footmen/ went forth & kept them near about such as were send forth to make provision to defend and succour them: if need should require. Metellus himself divided his host in two parts: the one part he kept with himself: & the other he committed to a noble warrior of his host named Marius/ between them both they destroyed & wasted the country on every side/ but rather with fire than with robbery or prays. Metellus & Marius set their tents in two places not far distant in sondre. But when any perilous or needy business was to be done with jugurth or his company which required great might: than anon Metellus & Marius were ready together: but they kept themself thus in sunder in diverse places to trouble the Numidians/ and increase their fear more largely in every co●st: & to make them i'll and avoid far abroad in compass for fear. ¶ At this season jugurth ensued by the hills and desert places seeking and espying a convenient season or place to make some skirmish with the romans (that is to say) if he could espy any parcel of them seeking forth fountains of water for the army of the which was much penury in those costs. If he might any such espy than anon would he break down from the hills upon them. Sometime he showed himself to Metellus/ sometime to Marius/ sometime he would assemble his company together in a bend as if he would fight with the romans to attempt them/ & anon aft would he return again unto the mountains. And afterward suddenly appear again threatening now the one company of the romans/ & now the other. yet would be neither adventure battle nor suffer neither the romans to be idle or in rest/ nor yet himself. His mind was only set to keep his enemies from their beginning & purpose of destroying of the country which they intended.   

¶ How Metellus besieged Samam one of the strongest towns of Numidy: and how Marius under captain of Metellus escaped the danger of jugurth. ¶ The xxxv chapter.  
When Metellus saw himself so wearied with the guiles and crafts of jugurth/ and that by no policy he could have faculty or time to fight with him in plain battle: at last he concluded to besyge & assail a great town named zamam/ which was the most chief & strongest hold of all the realm of Numidy in that part of the land where it was builded. And so sped him thither withal his army and ordinance where the said hold was (thinking as the matter required) that jugurth would draw thither for defence of his chief town and for succour and relief of his people and so should the battle be there fought between them. But when Metellus was in his journey thitherward/ anon were certain of his army which fled to jugurth and certified him of this provision and enterprise of Metellus. When jugurth hereof was certified he hasted him by great journeys so that he overpassed the company of Metellus and came to the town of zamam before him: & there exhorted the inhabitants boldly to defend the walls. And furthermore assigned to succour & help them all such as had fled from the romans/ and had brought him those tidings. These traitors were the surest men which jugurth had. For they could not deceive him/ but if they would yield them again to the romans whom they had forsaken and betrayed which thing was not sure to them to do. When jugurth had joined these soldiers to the garnison and socours of the town and castle/ and had ordered & appointed all other things according to his mind: than he promised to be there again with them with all his hole army in time of need. This done he departed from the town into the most privy & secret places which he knew in his country thereby But when Metellus was in his journey toward zaman/ he send Marius for provision of wheat and other corn & victual for the army unto a town named Sicca/ which was the first town that forsook jugurth & was yielded to Marius after the battle late fought with jugurth to his great damage. When jugurth had knowledge hereof he went thither by night privily with his elect soudyors so that when Marius had sped his matters & was ready to depart forth of the town: jugurth was ready at the gates to assail the romans cruelly crying with a high voice to them of the town & exhorting them to assail the romans also on the back half: saying that fortune had offered to them the chance of a noble act/ of an excellent & glorious deed: so that (if they would follow his desire) they should restore him again into his kingdom & themself into their liberty and from thenceforth pass their time without peril/ without danger or dread. And certainly if Marius had not boldly and strongly broken out of the town with his standards & men of arms through the thickest of his enemies which were in the gates. All they of the town or the most part would have broken their oath and promise/ which they had made before to Metellus when they first yielded themself and the cite is him. The minds of the Numidiens be so unsteadfast and movable. But jugurth so comforted his soldiers that they resisted the romans a little season. But when Marius and his company began to increase their violence against the jugurthyns and more fiercely to press upon them. Anon some were slain and the residue fled with their master jugurth. This danger overpassed: Marius departed thence toward the town of zaman/ and at the last came thither safe with all his company and business sped wherefore he was sent.  
¶ This Samam was a town builded in the plain ground without hills or waters near it defended rather by the work of man's hand/ than by nature of the place. In it failed nothing necessary to battle. For it was well garnissed both with men/ ordinance/ victuals/ and armour. Anon when Marius was come: Metellus according to the time and place made ready all things necessary and compassed the walls on every side with his army: assigning to every one of his undercapitayns a separate place of the town to assail and there to do his devoir and show his manhood. When every thing was thus ordered Metellus commanded to sound to the assault with trumpets and cla●yons. The romans immediately assailed the town on every side with horrible noise & clamor. The numidians thereof were not a dread at all: but abode still and kept themself in silence as if they had not been displeased nor provoked to battle: howbeit they kept the walls every man on the part to him assigned & all were ready to resist & to assail the romans. Anon the battle was begun. The romans exercised and occupied themself every man with such wepyn as he could best handle and was most expert in: some with slings threw plummets of lead/ and some stones from a far into the city/ and at them which defended the walls/ some assailed the town nearer invading the same/ and coveting to have entry and undermining the walls/ some boldly escaled walls desiring to come so near that they might fight hand to hand. On the otherside the inhabitauntes of the town and garnison resisted manly. Some rolled down and overturned great & weighty stones on such as were nearest to them/ and that undermined the walls. Some pitched down upon them darts/ javelins/ pikes/ firebrands: and also great brenning poles/ faggots/ and blockys overcovered with pitch and brenstone ardenly flaming. Some boldly overturned the scaling ladders and slew & overthrew such as scaled the walls But some other which were farther from the town and for press could not approach near to the walls in the mean season were neither fearful nor idle. For there was no manner instrument of battle which could be thrown with hand/ or with any other engine of battle: but that they threw it into the town/ wherewith they wounded and slew many of the inhabitants and of the defenders of the walls. The darts and crossbows on both parties were not unoccupied. Artellery nor gonnes had they none. For at that time was no mention of them nor they were not yet invent. The romans which were farthest of all from the walls escaped not free: but with darts were overthrown in great number. Howe beit their cowardous and fearful minds caused them to draw themself aloufe behind all other for to save themself/ yet could they not avoid the paryll. Thus were the worthy and unworthy of the romans in like jeopardy and paryll: but their glory and fame was much unlike.   

¶ How jugurth assailed and invaded the tents of the romans in the meantyme while Metellus gave assault to the town of zammam. ¶ The xxxvi chapter.  
While the assault continued thus at zammam/ with great murder & destruction on both parties: jugurth suddenly and of unware stale down from the mountains where he was hid/ and with a great power of men assailed & invaded the romans tents while the soldiers whom Metellus had assigned to the ward & defence of them were within the same at their rest: and suspecting nothing less than any such assault. Wherefore jugurth broke in upon them unprovided. The romans were sore abashed of that sudden fear. And every man provided for himself/ according to his manners and disposition. Some which were cowards fled withal their might/ some other valiant and bold hearted men drew to their harness and manly withstood their enemies. Nevertheless the most part of them all were/ either wounded or slain. But among all the company and of all the multitude of them were no more but xl men which abode. These lx acompanyed themself together remembering the worship of the empire of Rome/ and took a place a little above their enemies: which place they defended so manly that they could not be driven from it by moche violence of their enemies/ against whom they threw darts from a far. And such darts as their enemies threw at them: they threw the same again. So they being but a few against so many did nothing in vain. For they could throw no dart/ but that it lighted among the thickest of them. But so could not their enemies do against them. For they were so few: so near together: & on so sure a place that their enemies might little thing prevail against them. But when the Numidians approached nearer to them: than specially these xl valiant romans showed and bestowed their manhood & strength with most excellent courage assailing their enemies: overthrowing & chasing them backward by very force & strength. ¶ In the mean time while Metellus was most of all occupied and busied in the foresaid assault of zamam: suddenly he heard behind him a great clamour & noise of people. Anon he refrained his horse: and in turning back perceived great companies of men running toward him: whereby he well knew that they were of his own people & company. But when he understood all the chance which was be fallen. Anon in all hast he sent all the hole company of his horsemen unto his tents: & soon after he sent thither also his chief undercaptain Caius Marius with his retinue & company to him assigned. And sore weeping he obtested exhorted/ and besaught him for all love & friendship: and for honour of the comen wail/ that he would not suffer any disworship or contumely remain in the romans that day which everthytherto had been victorious and overcomers with great laud and honour: and that he would not suffer their enemy jugurth and his company to departed away unrevenged. Marius did the commandment of Metellus and that shortly. But in the mean season jugurth perceived many of the keepers of the tents fallen into the dyches that were made about the same for defence: so that for haste to run away they hurt themself more/ than he died. jugurth advising their danger considered that himself was lyckely to be let under the same manner if he adventured over far. And therefore he departed betime into the surest places that he could devise near by leaving many of his men behind: other deed or mortally wounded. Thus was Marius frustrate of his labour: for jugurth was fled before he came to the tents. But Metellus (without any thing brought to end at zaman) when the night drew near: returned with his host into his tents. On the next morn after/ before he returned again to the assault of zaman: he commanded all the company of his horsemen to course up and down before their tents on that side where they supposed jugurth would come to succour his people. The entries into the tents and places near to them he committed and divided to ward of his under captains. After that he returned again to the town and fiercely assailed the walls in like manner as he had done the day before.  
¶ In the mean season jugurth again suddenly stolen upon the romans: & specially on them which coursed before the tents: they which were next him & whom he encountered first of all were a little time sore troubled & abashed: but the remanant of the romans lightly assembled their socours. And so valiantly behaved themself that the Numidians should not long have continued the skirmish: if their footmen mingled with the romans horsemen had not in the middle committed great mischief and destruction. For the horsemen of jugurth trusting to the help of these footmen which were mingled among them: did not first proceed forward avauncing themself and than return back again as the use is in a battle of spear men. But they ran in making incourses among the thickest of the romans overthwart and sydelingꝭ: infolding & dowbling their courses: and contending to trouble & dysorder the array and order of the forward and wings of the roman host. insomuch that what with the Numidyens on horseback & with them on foot it lacked but little: but the romans were confounded and overcome in that grievous conflict.  
¶ But here will I leave the horsemen of the romans fighting for their lives and honour against jugurth and his speremen. And now shall I declare how Metellus the chief capitain of the romans behaved himself with his host in the assault of zammam.   

¶ How Metellus behaved himself for his part & of the great conflyct which the romans had against the Numidians: Metellus with his fotmen assaylinge the town of zammam for the one part: and jugurth fiercely fight with the romans speremen for the other part. The xxxvii chap.  
IN the same time while this skirmish continued between the romans horsemen and the Numidyens/ which were with jugurth: the assault also against the town of zammam endured with moche strength/ violence and murder. And specially where as Metellus had assigned his under captains on every side of the town (as I have said before) there continued the assault most sharply. One of them put not his trust nor hope in other: but euey man in his own deeds & in himself. Under the same manner did the garnison & inhabitants of the town behave themself: they fought manly again & also ordained all things convenient for their defence in every place of the town. Both the parties were readier and more busy one to strike & wound other than to defend themself. The clamor & noise was mixed with exhortation and comfort of some/ and the joy of the quellars & murderers was mingled with the wailing of them which were quelled & murdered. The sound of the armour/ horrious and strokes mounted to the air. The sky was darked with darts fleeing on either side. And the walls & duchess were died with blood: and filled with deed corpses pitiful to se. But when the numidians were somewhat at leisure/ and when the romans a little abated & remitted the assault: than they which defended the walls of the town looked out a far & intentifely beheld the battle of the horsemen which still continued. There might one have seen them sometime merry & joyous/ sometime full of dolour & heaviness after as they saw the case of the part of jugurthe went forward or backward. And aswell as they could be seen & heard of their fellows which were with their king jugurth: some warned them to audacity/ some exhorted them to courage/ other they gave them signs with their hands or with the gesture of their bodies & contenances moving and exciting them to boldness. If they saw a roman strike a Numidyan: they moved & withdrew their bodies avoiding the stroke as if it had been themself which had been stricken. And if they saw a Numidyen cast a dart against a roman: they moved their bodies also as they had cast it themself. Thus took they so intentife heed to the battle that they forgot themself where they were/ and it seemed them that they had been with their fellows in battle. When Marius which besyged the town on that side: understood this manner & behaviour of the inhabitants & garrison: he abated his fierceness for policy & was more slow in besyeging of the town than before feigning that he had no trust nor confidence to win it and suffered the Numidyens within the town to behold the battle of their king/ for a while without any resistance or business. But when he saw them most intentifely beholding the battle/ & most amazed for the business of their fellows & country men: than suddenly withal his power he gave assault to the walls so that many of the romans with ladders and other enginings/ had almost mounted unto the highest part of them. Thinhabitants saying this expelled their amazedness remembering themself: and ran manly against them with resistance throwing upon them stones/ fire/ & all manner darts of battle. The romans at beginning resisted valiantly/ defending themself and auancyng them to the walls. But when thinhabitantes had first overthrown and broken one ladder/ and than overturned an other. They which abode last were maimed or slain. Anon the remanant departed & gave over the walls under the best manner that they could a few or none hole. For a great part of them withdrew themself transfired with mortal wondes. Anon after the night fell upon them which caused both the parties to desist/ and leave of the battle.   

¶ How Metellus removed the siege from zammam: & how Bomylchar so persuaded jugurth that he yielded himself/ his kingdom/ and all other things/ to mercy & grace of the romans. And how jugurth after loss of his men/ treasure/ elephants/ armour/ and horse: changed his mind again. ¶ The xxxviii chapter.  
But when Metellus saw his purpose and labour all in vain: and that he could not win the town. and also that jugurthe did nought/ but by guile and falsehood/ nor would not fight but if it were in places for his profit & great advantage. And also when he perceived that the summer was passed: he departed from the siege of zammam: & in such towns as he had won of jugurth which were strongly defended with walls & water: he set garnison & soldiers of his company to defend them. But the remanant of his army he conveyed & ordered in the next province unto Numidy/ which was subject to the romans: to remain there till the sharpness of the winter were passed. N●r in the mean time he suffered not them/ nor himself to be corrupted which superfluous wealth/ rest/ nor lechery: after the manner of other before him. But because the war proceeded forward but little with armour or strength: he begun to prove & prepare treason against a traitor/ deceit against a dysceyver: and guile against guile of jugurth: and this thought he to prove by such as were most chief friends of jugurth & most familiar about him. So that he purposed to use the falsehood and treason of them against their master: in stead of armour and battle. Wherefore first of all he began to prove the mind of Bomilchar which had been before at Rome with jugurth: and (as I have said before) fled privily from thence for the death of Massiua/ leaving his sureties behind in danger for his cause. Metellus considered that this Bomilchar (by cause of the great friendship and familiarity which he had with jugurth) soonest might deceive and betray him. Wherefore (as I have said before) he began and went in hand with him first of all by promising of great rewards. And first of all he did somuch: that this Bomilchar came privily to Metellus & spoke with him. Metellus anon promised him on faith & truth to do so for him: that the senators should pardon him of all things past/ and of his life & goods. So that he would betray or deliver unto him jugurth other quick or deed: lightly he persuaded the numidyan. For anon Bomilchar agreed thereto: what for his treaterous & false mind which he had of nature. And what for that he doubted if any peace or composition after that should be made between jugurth & the romans himself should be delivered by condition to the romans to be punished for the death of Massiua whom he caused to be slain at Rome. This Bomilchar when he saw his time took leave of Metellus on this appointment: and soon after came to jugurth whom he found doubtful in care and bewailing his adverse and miserable fortunes with profunde sighs and heaviness/ and doubting what way was most expedient to be taken. Bomilchar after many words began to counsel & warn him/ praying/ and obtesting him/ piteously weeping and wailing: and requiring that at last he would make some provision for the safeguard & socours of himself/ of his children & friends: and for the people of Numidy which well had deserved agnenst him to be provided for and better seen to. Bomilchar also objected to jugurth how he and his men were overcome in every battle/ and his people also diminished or alienate from him/ his fields and towns wasted & destroyed or else in possession of his enemies/ his men some taken & in prison. Some slain: and many wounded & maimed/ the richesse of his realm dyminisshed and wasted. Bomilchar alleged also to him that he had proved the strength of his soldiers and favour of fortune sufficiently enough/ wherefore it were better for him to see some remedy and provision for all these ills and other more/ and to beware lest while he prolonged the time and doubted: the people of the country should provide for themself without his advise or counsel. With these words and other like Bomilchar induced the kings mind to make some composition or else to yield himself/ and all other things to mercy & grace of the romans. Anon ambassadors were send to Metellus to certify him that jugurth was ready to do what ever he would desire or command him: and that he would commit & yield both himself and his kingdom to the faith & grace of Metellus: and of the romans without any pactyon/ convenant/ or exception: saving only as it pleased them to deal with him. Metellus hearing of this mind of jugurth was very glad: and commanded all the most wise/ noble/ & worthy men of his army anon to be called together unto him from their wyntring places. When they were come than took he counsel of them & of other such as he knew wisest & most discrete touching the ambassade of jugurth. Anon it was concluded & decreed among the counsel and declared to the ambassadors (according to the old custom of Rome) that they should command jugurth to send to Metellus & the romans two hundred thousand pound weight of silver: all his elyphantes which he occupied in war: and a certain quantity of armour and a number of his chief horse. All these things were fulfilled and done of jugurth without any tarry or delay. Wherefore anon after Metellus commanded again that all they which had betrayed his host/ forsaken him & fled to jugurth should be bounden & so brought to him again. The most part of them were brought as he commanded: but a few of them when they heard first of this composition (fearing the same matter) fled unto Bocchus king of the moryens.  
¶ When jugurth after this manner was bereft of his armour of his horse/ of his men/ & also of his treasure. Anon after he was called by Metellus to come to a town called Tysidium there to here what furthermore should be commanded to him: & to yield himself to th'empire of Rome according to his ambassade. But he began than to change & to turn his mind again dreading for the knoleging of his cruel deeds that he should never escape condign punishment if he were ones in the romans hands. Thus he continued many days in douring what was best to be done. Sometime he volved in mind rather to subdue himself to any difficulty & to bide all pains than to begin war again: considering the adverse & unhappy fortune which he had before. Sometime again he called to mind how grievous a fall it should be to descend from a kingdom into subjection and bondage. But at conclusion when in vain & to none effect he had lost such great ordinance and help of war as he had lately delivered to Metellus: as a volage brained man/ he fully determined again to begin & continue the war with Metellus: rather than to yield himself to death or captivity.  
¶ But during this season at Rome was a counsel among the senators concerning thassignment of rule and governance of the provinces belonging to th'empire: in which counsel it was decreed that the country and war of Numidy should be committed to Metellus/ by prorogation of his authority for another year more.  
¶ But here will I leave a while to speak of Metellus: & write of the ambition of Marius: and how he behaved himself in supplanting the same Metellus for his room & dignity.   

¶ How Marius by ambition laboured to be consul and to prosecute the war of Numidy: and how he detracted and supplanted the consul Metellus. ¶ The xxxix chapter.  
AT the same season the said Marius was in a town named Utica/ and there made supplication & oblation to the idols with moche sacricfice to the intent that it might be his fortune (by help) to have the place of Metellus. A custom damnable was among the people at those days: when they slew any be'st in sacrifice: to look within the entrails and bowels of the same best so sacrificed. where was showed unto them divers tokens whither they should have any hope to bring that matter to effect: for which they sacrificed or else not. And often times the wicked spirits to cause them persever in their idolatry: and to give credence to that blind error showed many tokens to them in such manner sacrifice: which tokens they often found true. But now to my purpose. The priest of the idols which sacrificed for Marius showed great and marvelous tokens unto him: whereby he might greatly trust to come to his intent and purpose/ bidding him prosecute that thing on which he had set his mind: and have sure confidence in his gods. saying that if he would prove the extremity of fortune diligently and often: than doubtless every thing prosperously should happen to him. But Marius afore that time: long season wondrously desired in his mind the dignity of the consul. And to say truth he wanted nothing which longed to him/ which should have such a dignity save only antiquity of his progeny and ancient nobleness of birth. For thought he were but a gentleman of the first heed: nevertheless his conditions were worthy and excellent. In him was great experience of wisdom, moche probite/ honesty/ and sadness. He had great policy and cunning in chyvalry: in battle his mind was excellent & bold. But in peace it was low and moderate. He overcame covetise and sensuality of his body. He desired nor coveted nothing earthly save glory/ laud/ and worship. This Marius was borne & brought up by all his childhod in the country of champagne beyond France in a town named Arpyne. But assoon as he was increased/ so that he might bear harness and bide the hardness of warfare: he concluded to live on the wages of chivalry. And in that study he exercised himself: and not in eloquence of greek language or in other study or science: nor yet in the superfluous aparayle nor carnal lusts of citizens unto which he never subdued his body. And thus was he endued with good manners: and excercised among honest ocupations and so continued that his hole and undefiled with shortly increased & exalted himself growing to honour and virtue. First when this Marius desired of the commenty of Rome to have an office: that is to say/ to be ordained protector of the soldiers: many of the citizens knew not his person: because he was always from the cite in war & battle: but his acts made his name well known. Wherefore after that the commenty understood that he was Marius of whose nobles all Italy much communed & talked: anon they granted his petition/ and proclaimed him protector of the soldiers over all the provinces & tribes of Italy. In that mastership & office he behaved himself so well & wisely that after that he obtained an other office of more worship and authority: and after that again an other of higher dignity. And shortly to speak: in every office and dignity he so behaved himself that every man thought and counted him worthier of more dignity and honour than he had. How beit for all these conditions: as honourable as he was: he durst never before desire th'office of consul of Rome till this time when he had such comfort by his sacrifice. But when he was thus warned and put in hope and comfort/ ever after he was hedeling inclined to ambition and covetise of that dignity.  
¶ At this season the commenty of Rome had all other offices among them or at their gift and dystribution. But the estates and noble men kept among them and in their hands the consulship yearly one succeeding other by election. So that of the commenty was none so noble nor excellent of deeds/ but that was reputed unworthy of that dignity/ and as who saith vile and polluted. But when Marius saw and considered that the words and counsel of the enchanter and priest which beheld his sacrifice pretended to the same point and conclusion as the desire of his mind moved him long before. Anon he came to his captain Metellus/ beseeching him to be discharged of the battle till he might go to Rome to th'intent to desire the consulship of the senators. But how beit that in this Metellus was virtue/ glory/ worship/ and all other things longing to a good man plentifully enough. Nevertheless of his courage and mind was he somewhat proud/ despising & disdaining other: which were not come of so by lineage as he was. But specially he was stately and proud of mind: which is a comen vice and mischief among estates and gentlemen. Wherefore Metellus hearing this enterprise of Marius/ first of all was moved with the newelty of his petition. For at that time were none wont to speak for that dignity/ but if they were come of a noble stock. And so was not Marius. And thus Metellus marveled moche at his enterprise: and who might counsel him thereto: warning him as under colour of amity and friendship/ not to presume upon so contrary and unlikely a thing: nor to exalt his mind so hy above fortune convenient for his state and condition. saying also to him that every thing was not to be coveted nor desired of every man. And that it became him well by reason to be contented/ pleased and satisfied with that honour which he had & that was his own/ and not to desire things unmeet for his degree. And finally he exhorted & counseled him to beware to desire that thing of the romans which lawfully might be denied unto him: considering and having regard to his lineage & auncetry. ¶ After Metellus had counseled Marius with these words and other like: and that he could not turn nor appease his mind/ he answered him at last that assoon as he could conveniently (not letting the business of the comen weal) he would grant his desire & petition. But after this when Ma●ius desired the same discharge importunely & often: he made him answer saying that he should not make so great haste to Rome for that purpose for he should come timely enough to demand that dignity accompanied with the son of the same Metellus/ which son should also go to Rome in time to come to demand of the senators the same dignity with Marius. This son of Metellus was at that time in the army of his father Metellus continually exercising the feats of war not withstanding that he was but twenty year of age. This answer of Metellus stirred Marius against him with grievous ire & wrath/ what for the honour which he desired: and what for the licence to departed/ which he could not obtain of him by no prayer nor request at his pleasure. In so much that he enraged against Metellus moved by desire of that office and provoked by ire/ which two vices ambition & ire counseled and impelled this Marius to much ill against the said Metellus/ sparing nouther word nor deed which might endamage or hinder him/ his honour and name. And that might help or advance himself by ambition to come to the dignity which he desired. He governed the soldiers which passed forth the winter under his governance not as he ought to do: but suffered them to have their pleasure to th'intent thereby to obtain their favour and goodwill in his enterprise. Also he spoke often in blaming Metellus/ & proudly commending & exalting himself unto the merchants of Rome: of whom was great resort and concourse to the said cite of Utica where Marius sojourned. And often times he boosted saying to them that if the one half of the army were granted and committed to him within few days he would behave himself that he would have jugurth in bonds and subjection. Fathermore he said to them in auancynge himself that Metellus prolonged the battle for the nonest/ for a craft because he was a man pompous and desirous of glory & worship/ utterly rejoicing in authority and given to pride and affection of dignity: and because he knew well that while the battle continued he should be reputed in manner as a king/ therefore he did his devoir the more to prolong the war to th'end that in the mean time he might exalt and magnify himself. The words of Marius seemed to the said merchants certain and true/ and also as they thought (by such information) most expedient to the comen wail that some new captain were chosen/ which shortly would finish that war. For by long continuance of the same war: many of the said merchants had wasted & spent moche of their substance and richesse. And also to such desireful minds as they had/ nothing could to fast be hasted or brought to end.  
¶ Moreover at this season was in company of the roman army a certain Numidyan named Gauda/ which was son of Manastaball: and nephew unto Massinissa. Micipsa in his testament ordained that this Gauda should be second heir of Numidy/ after the death of his two sons and of jugurth. This Gauda was sore enfeebled with diseases and sickness: and for that cause his mind was a little endulled and private of reason and memory. While this Gauda (as said is) was in the romans army: he required of Metellus to suffer him to have his seat and siege next unto him after the use of kings of Numidy. Also after that because of defence and guard of his body: he desired that a company of soldiers of the romans might be granted and assigned to him. But Metellus extremely denied both his petitions saying for the first: that such honour longed only to them whom the romans took and named for kings. And also for the second petition he said that it were an unadvised and injurious ordinance if the roman soldiers were given or assigned to the guard and service of a Numidyan/ which was no king but a soldier like many more hired for stipend. While Gauda was displeased and angry with Metellus for denying of these his petitions: Marius came to him and provoked him to revenge the displeasure & injury which the captain had done to him with his help & advancement. This Gauda (as I have said before) was of feeble and unstable mind: and the men's wit was of little valour by means of diseases which long had holden him. Wherefore Marius with his elegant/ fair/ and flattering words at his own pleasure induced him & exalted his mind saying that he was a king an excellent and great man: and also nephew to the worthy & noble king Massinissa. Wherefore (said he) if jugurth were other slain or taken prisoner it were lickely to come to that point: that the kingdom of Numidy should be assigned & committed to him of the senators without any tarry or resistance: which thing should shortly be brought to pass if Marius himself were create consul in place of Metellus & than assigned to execute and finish the war with jugurth. Under this manner Marius counseled and induced both the said Gauda/ the roman knights/ the comen soldiers/ and also the merchants and occupiers which were in the town at that season with many other whom he impelled with his words so: that some of them for love which they had to Marius: And other some for great hope and desire which they had to have peace and concord wrote to Rome to their kinsmen & friends of the battle of Numidy & that very sharply against Metellus desiring & beseeching them to labour at Rome withal their might that Marius might be elect consul and assigned to execute the war of Numidy. And thus at Rome was the consulship desired by many men with great favour and very honest petitions for Marius. Also at that time had the said Marius this advantage. For the commonty at that season deposed many of the states: & eralted such as were new gentlemen after the law of one named Manlius which before had been protector of the commentie. This Manlius ordained & enacted a law/ that if any thing were ungodly done and against right of the states being in any office or dignity: than he which so had done should be deposed of his office: and in his place some new gentle or active man of the commonty set and deputed and so exalted. This law at those days was kept in effect and executed at Rome: wherefore every thing proceeded prosperously to the purpose & profit of Marius. For (as I have said before) in him was no nobleness of ancient lineage nor birth.  
¶ But here will I leave to speak of the ambition of Marius and return to write of jugurth: and how he behaved himself against Metellus.   

¶ How jugurth renewed the war against Metellus/ and how the numidyans' inhabiters of the town of Vacca by treason murdered the garnison of romans which Metellus had set in the same town. ¶ The xl chapter.  
IN the mean time when jugurth had broken the composition which he had before made with Metellus by counsel of Bomilchar/ and had concluded again to begin the war: than anon he prepared all things necessary to war with great diligence. And with great hast he assembled an army. Moreover he daily troubled with threatenings/ or fear/ or else with great rewards: such cities & towns as before had forsaken him & yielded themself to Metellus. So that he spared no policy to make them to render themself again to him. In such holds & towns as were in his possession: he set garnison and defence of men of war. He renewed & bought again armour & weapon/ and all other things which he had lost before: or delivered to Metellus in hope of peace. He attysed unto him many of the romans subgettes & bondmen: by promising to them their liberty. He also proved & attempted with rewards them: whom Metellus had set & assigned in garnison/ guard and defence of such places as he had won in Numidy: so that utterly be suffered nothing to be left quiet nor unassayed: but by all manner means made provision for himself moving & putting in proof every thing. But among all other thinhabitantes of the cite called Vacca (in which Metellus at begining had set his garnison: when jugurth first sought his peace of Metellus) were desired often of jugurth and with great & importune instance exited to treason. In so much that at last they assented to him to conspire against the romans. Thinhabitantes of the cite did not yield themself from jugurth with their own goodwill: and namely th'estates and rulers thereof did never yield them to Metellus save feignedly. Wherefore specially they were the first that conspired against him secretly among themself. For why as it often happened the commenty and specially of the numidians were unstable of mind/ utterly inclined to sedition and discord covetous of new things and changes: and contrary to rest and quietness. But (as I have said before) when the chief of this cite had secretly concluded and appointed their matter and treason among themself: against the third day they ordained that the same third day next after should be commanded solemn/ holy/ and worshipped over all the country of Africa/ and Numidy. Which day showed and pretended by all similitude mirth/ game/ and sport: rather than any dread to the romans which were in guard and gernison of the city. But the Numidyens full of prodition and treason when they saw their time called unto their houses all the chief captains and master soldiers of the romans which were in the town. And also one named Turpilius: whom Metellus had ordained to be his lyeutenant/ provost and chief captain of the town: they invited and called as if it had been to cheer and feast them/ one to one house/ a other to an other. But this there was such as the scorpion is wont to make: which while she maketh glad semblant with her mouth mortally stingeth with the tail: so this feast was a cloak to mortal treason. For while the romans were in mids of their dainties unarmed suspecting no paryll. All the numidians at a tokens given and at one hour appointed before/ slew each one his geest which dined with him without favour: so that among them all escaped not one/ except the said Turpilius heed captain or lyeutenant of the town. This done: all the Numidyens together set upon the remanant of the comen soldiers which wandered and strayed abroad in the town & in the streets/ dispersed abroad without any armour: as is wont on such a day without order/ fearing nor doubting no danger. Some of the commons when thestates had made them prive of this treason came also to help them/ and some other ignorant of the matter saving that/ that they had desire and pleasure in such murder invaded the romans also. For though they were ignorant of the counsel of this deed: yet the noise or skirmish and newelty of the matter pleased them enough. The roman soldiers were ignorant and incertain of this unprovided fear and cruel murder doubting what was best to be done. Their enemies compassing them on every side letted them to go to the castle of the town where their armour and wepyn was: and the gates of the town were shut on every side before this skirmish began/ whereby they were prohibited to avoid the town. Moreover women & children threw down upon them stones/ and other things that came next to hand from the windows & highest parts of their houses: striving who might throw first & most. Thus this doubtful and unprovided mychefe could not be eschewed: nor they which were right worthy & strong soldiers were not able to resist the very cowardice and feebleness of women and children/ which threw down upon them. Thus both good and ill/ worthy/ & unworthy/ strong/ & feeble: were all slain without difference. In this so great jeopardy: the Numidyens being mad and cruel in murder/ and the gates shut on every side: of all the romans/ or Italyens: only Turpilius the captain escaped without hurt of his body. Whither it so happened by the favour of his host which called him to banquet: or by some appointment of treason: or else by some other chance: it was not known for certain. But this was known that ever after as long as he lived he was reputed for a vile and a wretched coward & without credence▪ because that in so great loss & mischief he counted it better to escape: and after to live/ and die in shame and rebuke: than manly to have died in defence of the town. And ever after to have had an honourable name of a worthy captain.   

¶ How Metellus destroyed the town of Vacca and slew all the inhabitants/ in revenging their treason. And how Tupilius lieutenant or captain of town/ was beheaded at commandment of Metellus. ¶ The xli chap.  
When Metellus understood of this lamentable chance/ & treason down at the town of Vacca: his mind was marvelously grieved/ abashed/ & sad withal. But to th'intent that none should perceive his heaviness/ he withdrew himself from company a little time: but after when he had satisfied his mind with tears/ and secret lamentation. And when his dolour was mixed with wrath and displeasure against that cruel deed: than hasted he himself with great cure & diligence to go revenge this injurious and cruel treason. Anon he called forth a legion of soudyors which passed forth the winter with him: and with them also as many horsemen of the Numidyens as he might assemble which had forsaken jugurth and fled to him: whom he thought most trusty. His legion he arrayed in light harness and easy armour to th'intent to speed the way more readily. And by cause he intended to go about this matter secretly: therefore privily even with the son going down/ he took his journey & preceded forward toward Vacca: and laboured so that on the next day after about the third hour he came with his company into a certain plain a little closed or compassed about with small downies not much higher than the extremities of the valley. There called he together his soldiers which were weary for the great labour of their journey: and long way which they had gone. Insomoch that they refused to proceed any farther. But Metellus comforted them saying that the town of Vacca was no more but one mile thence. Wherefore he desired them to suffer & endure the remenant of their labour with patient minds/ but only till revenged the death of the citizens & their fellows which were strong & worthy men: and very miserably murdered. Moreover he showed to them benignly the great pray which was ready for them/ if they would manly precede. Thus were their minds exalted/ comforted/ and enbolded with his words. Metellus seynst that: was glad & anon commanded the horsemen to precede in the forward these horsemen were numidyens. And the footmen he commanded to keep secret their standerdes'/ conysances/ and badges: and to go behind under the shadow of the horsemen as near together as they might: and so proceeded he toward the town. ¶ When the citezyns saw an army approach and move toward them: at the beginning they thought it had been Metellus (as it was in deed) and onone shit the gates of the town against him. But afterward when they advised them well: and saw that the company which approached made no devastation nor destruction by the fields nor country as they went. And also when they perceived that the horsemen which were in the forward were Numidyens: again they thought that it was jugurth with his company. Wherefore with great joy they issued forth of the town to meet him. Metellus anon perceived their ignorance and gave a token to his people to assail them. The horsemen and footmen knowing the will of their captain by blast of the trumpets assailed and overthrow the commonty which came out of the cite against them dispersed over the fields. Some of the romans ran to the gates of the town & entered without resistance: and some took & invaded the towers of the walls maugre the keepers. Thus the displeasure & ire which the romans had for death of their fellows: & the hope of prays of the town overcame & excluded their weariness which they had in their journey thitherward. Thus the inhabitants of Vacca enjoyed their treason but only two days. For only the space of two days continued their falsehood & cruelty unrevenged. For that great & rich city was all given to havoc & murder utterly destroyed of the romans: so that no creature escaped alive to boast of their treason before committed against the romen whom they had so traitorously slain within their cite. Turpilius lyetenant or captain of the town which (as I have said before) escaped only with his life: was called before Metellus and commanded to answer for himself by what way or means he escaped/ whither by treason done to the town/ or by any other policy. But because he could but simply excuse nor purge himself of that which was laid against him/ he first was scourged & beaten: and after that his heed stricken of from his shoulders/ for that it was thought that if he had not betrayed the cite he could not have escaped more than any other. furthermore that great destruction of the romans was ascribed to his negligence or treason. If this Turpilius had been a roman he should not have put to death. For the law of Porcius prohibited any citezine of Rome to be slain: but if they committed any great offence/ the extreme punishment by the law was to commit them to exile. But this Turpilius enjoyed not the privileges of this law: for asmuch as he was no citezyne of Rome/ but an italian of the town of Collace.   

¶ How Bomylchar conspired treason against jugurth and by what means this treason was discovered and Bomilchar with certain other put to death for the same. ¶ The xlii chap.  
AT the same time Bomilchar (by whose counsel and motion jugurth before had begun the composition with Metellus/ which he omitted and broke again for fear) was conversant with jugurth/ which a little suspected this Bomilchar of treason. Wherefore he suspecting him again imagined new policy against jugurth daily seeking & devising some guile to his destruction and death/ so that in diverse devices there about his mind wandered and was wearied both day & night. But when he had assayed many ways and that nothing came to purpose: he adjoined unto him an other companion named Nabdalsa/ a noble man exalted & enhanced with great richesse: and much beloved of his commonty and people of whom he had rule. This Nabdalsa was so well beloved with jugurth/ that often times he committed to him an army & power by himself to execute all other things which longed to mean business while jugurth himself was wearied or let with other greater things: whereby the said Nabdalsa had obtained great honour & gathered great richesse. Thus at conclusion: by apoyntement & counsel both of Bomilchar & of Nabdalsa a day was prefixed between them to execute their treason against jugurth. And in the mean time they provided every thing to that purpose as the matter and case required. This appointment made: they both departed in sunder. Nabdalsa went to the army which jugurth had committed to him for to tarry with the same near to those places where the romans wyntred: to th'intent that if the romans wasted or destroyed the country. Nabdalsa with his company should other prohibet them: or else so disturb them that they should not escape unrevenged. But when the time appointed drew near: than was Nabdalsa so abashed for the greatness of the deed that he met not with Bomilchar at the day & time assigned. This his great fear letted all the matter. But when Bomilchar was thus disappointed of his parting fellow he was greatly abashed: nevertheless his mind was much desirous to perform his enterprise. But again he was doubtful for this cowardouse fere of his companion: lest he would omit their first appointment and counsel/ and begin some other new appointment. Wherefore he sē● letters unto him by trusty friends/ and partners of the same treason. In which letters he sharply blamed the patience/ delayeng/ and cowardice of Nabdalsa/ and unstableness of his mind obtesting and calling unto witness the gods by whom he had sworn to perform the said treason. Moreover he warned him that he should not turn to their destruction and confusion: the great rewards which they both might have of Metellus. Which thing truly should fortune if Metellus himself should bring jugurth into captivity. furthermore Bomylchar in the same letters gave monition to Nabdalsa that th'end of jugurth was near come: and that it was not possible that he might long continue all things considered. But than was the matter in hand whither he should be destroyed by them or else by Metellus. Wherefore he exhorted him well to consider in mind whither he had liefer betray him/ and thereby obtain great favour and rewards: or else to leave of till Metellus overcame him: and than to be put to death also with him.  
¶ These exhortations with other like were contained in the letters of Bomilchar directed unto Nabdalsa. But when these letters were delivered: as chance was: Nabdalsa lay on his bed to recreate and refresh his body wearied with labour and business/ which he had taken before. When Nabdalsa had read these letters and understood the mind of Bomilchar: first many devices entered his mind and much cure he had in musing what was most expedient to be done in the cause. But while he was in this study: suddenly he fell in a slumber and his weary membres desiring rest moved him to fall in sleep. This Nabdalsa had a servant longing to him whom he much loved and trusted: in so much that no business nor counsel he hid nor kept secret from him: this counsel of betraying of jugurth only except. When this servant understood that the said letters were brought to his lord he thought that he had need of his counsel as he was wont and acustomed to have in other matters: and anon entered in to the tent where his master lay. And seeing him fast in sleep he took the letters which Nabdalsa had unwisely laid above his heed upon the pillow: and seeing by the superscription that the letter came from Bomilchar he red it to th'end. But when he understood the treason: in all hast he addressed him with the same letter to jugurth. Nabdalsa not long after awakened and missed the letter/ wherefore anon he inquired who had been there in his tent. But in short season came divers of his lovers from jugurth/ which certified him of all the matter as it was done. Nabdalsa first of all intended to pursue his accuser: but when he perceived that it was but in vain so to do/ consydring that he was all ready in the company of jugurth: he went unto jugurth himself to th'intent to pacify and mitigate his displeasure & wrath. And said unto him that when the said letters were first delivered unto him he had fully purposed not to keep them secret: but himself to have disclosed them to jugurth. But while he was sleeping his false servant (in hope to be advanced thereby) had prevented him his purpose & done the same thing which he himself had fully purposed to do. furthermore weeping he besought & required him for all amity and love which had been between them & for all the faithful service which he had done to him in foretime not to have him suspected in so cruel a deed. jugurth answered to these requests of Nabdalsa mildly & soberly lest any greater variance might rise thereof: but much contrary to the disposition of his mind. For he thought otherwise than he answered: Howe beit he had well refrained and allayed his wrath before with the death of Bomilchar/ & of many other whom he knew first devisers & parting fellows of that treason whom he had caused to be put to death before the coming of Nabdalsa: lest some battle or other insurrection should have ꝓceded of the business if they had lived any longer. ¶ From this day forward jugurth was never quiet day nor night: so that he trusted nouther place/ neither man/ nor time: but suspected & mistrusted every thing. His enemies and his own subgettes he dreaded and suspected both in like & after one manner. He sherched & espied every place for dread of treason doubting & suspecting every sound or noise that he heard. He rested and lay some night in one place and some night in an other/ and that in abject & secret places against the honour of his estate royal. Sometime he rose from his bed in his sleep in mids of the night and armed himself cringe/ enraging/ and violently smiting against the walls of the chamber: as if he had been in battle. So that for the great dread of treason which he had/ he took no rest neither sleeping nor waking: but was violently vexed and feared like a mad man without reason or discretion.   

¶ How Metellus renewed the war against jugurth: and how Marius was create consul and assigned to execute the war of Numidy at pleasure of the commons against the will of all the noble men of Rome. ¶ The xliii chapter.  
When Metellus by such as fled between the two parties understood of the chance of Bomilchar and of this treason disclosed/ he began than again to contend with jugurth: with open war and thereto hasted all thing necessary and expedient. And considryng that Marius was continually crying on him for the said licence and congee to departed to Rome and also grievous/ hateful/ and contrary to him: advising him not much necessary but little meet in so sharp a business. And seeing him ill willing to every thing he granted him licence at last: to depart toward Rome as he before had often required and demanded by petition.  
¶ But as I have said long before/ the letters which were send to Rome to the commons by favourers of Marius were well accepted. For when the commonty had overseen them/ and by them understood the praising of Marius/ & the dispraising of Metellus. They were all inclined utterly to the advancement of Marius & detraction of the other. The nobleness of Metellus the captain which was before to his great worship & honour turned now to envy & hatred against him. But the lownes & unnoblenes of Marius increased to him favour specially of the commonty which were come of unnoble blood/ as he was. But the diligence & favour of both the parties (that is to say of th'estates which held with Metellus: & of the commons that held with Marius) did measure & guide every thing rather than the good or ill dispositions of the two adversaries Metellus or Marius. For the commons to die for it/ concluded to exalt Marius. And the estates in the same manner laboured to keep him under because he was unnoble borne/ and to exalt none save them which were come of noble progeny. furthermore the masters and heed officers of the commonty which loved debate at every assemble and congregation of the commenssore blamed Metellus and despised his deeds desiring of the commons that Metellus might be put to the punish of his heed/ saying that he was so worthy: for that he ꝓlonged the war in Numidy against jugurth more than need was. But in despising and accusing Metellus they forgot not to commend Marius'/ and exalt him with words some what to much: and more than he was worthy in many points. In so much that the people were so greatly inclined to him with their favour: that all the crafty men and labourers of the cite: and also of the country which had no living save in the labour of their hands left their work and business and followed Marius/ frequenting and resorting to his company. And set more by his advancement and honour than by their own profit or advantage/ trusting that after if he obtained the said honour: they should have their living by him. And thus shortly to speak the estates and noble men of Rome being sore astonied/ the consulship was committed to Marius a new gentlemen whose predecessors before him to such dignity could never attain & were counted unworthy. Thus that thing which many years before that time could never be done nor brought about: was now brought to effect: that is to say the consulship which was the most excellent dignity of Rome was now in hands of the commenty & committed to a man of base birth. Shortly after this: the protector of the commonty named Lucius Manlius inquired & demanded of the people whom it would please them to send into Numidy to finish the war with jugurgth. The most part of the commonty answered that Marius should have that office & business: howbeit a little before that time the senators had assigned by their ordinance the province of Numidy to Metellus for his worthy deeds: wherefore now this ordinance was frustrate & void. For the commonty would have their statutes executed & fulfilled.   

¶ Of the second battle fought between Metellus and jugurth: and how jugurth lost the battle and also one of his chief towns named Thala. ¶ The xliiii chapter.  
IN the mean time while the enterprise of Marius proceeded thus forward at Rome: jugurth was sore troubled in his mind for many considerations. First he considered the loss of many whom he reputed for his friends till before he knew their treason of whom he had many put to death and many other had fled from him for fear/ some to the romans/ and other some to Bocchus king of the mauriens. He called also to his mind that without ministers an men of war he was not able to execute the war: and more over he thought it jeopardous after so great falsehood and treason of his old fiends to prove or assay the fidelity of new. For these causes and more like (as I have said before) his mind was driven to and fro/ variable & incertain in divers opinions. Insomoch that there was no manner thing/ no counsel nor no manner man: that could sufficiently satisfy nor please his mind. He changed his journeys and ways every day into sundry places for fear of treason. Sometime he addressed him toward his enemies: and anon after returned into woods & wildernesses. Often times he had trust & confidence in flight: and anon after put his trust in armour & battle. He doubted whither he might less trust to strength or truth of his men which were with him: so that what ever he purposed to do: or whither so ever he intended/ every thing was contrary to him. But while jugurth thus prolonged and tarried: suddenly Metellus with his army appeared in his sight. jugurth that perceiving: set in order and array his numidyens aswell as he might aft the short time which he had thereto. And immidyatly the armies approached: and the battle began. In that part of the battle where jugurth himself was: they strove and resisted a little space: but all the other numidians at the first brunt/ concourse or assault were put to flight with violence/ and driven backward. The romans took some of their standards and armour/ which they fleeing away left behind them: but of their enemies they took but few. For the numidians in that battle and almost in all other defended themself better with their feet: than with their hands or armour. jugurth at this time: mistrusted his case moche more than at any other time ever before/ for the cowardous withdrawing of his people. Wherefore he acompanyed himself with the romans which had forsaken and betrayed Metellus/ & fled to him. With them/ and with a part of his horsemen he fled into the wildernesses thereby: and from thence unto a town named Thala/ which was a great town & a rich●: and much of his treasure & of the apparel longing to the youngth of his young children was in the same town. But when Metellus understood that jugurth was fled to so rich a town/ howbeit he knew that between the town and the next flood thereto was l mylespace of dry ground void & without habitation: nevertheless he took in hand to overcome all sharpness and difficulty of places: and also to overcome nature/ though it seemed impossible to man's mind. This thing Metellus took in hand in hope to finish the battle much sooner if he might win that town.  
¶ Wherefore he commanded that all the beasts which served for carriage/ should be unladen of all such baggage and burdens as they carried longing to the soldiers: save only wheat and victual for the space of ten days. Also he commanded some of the beasts to be laded with bottles full of water/ and other vessels meet to be carried with water. Moreover: over all the country he gathered together as many tame beasts as he could get and them laded with empty vessels of every sort. Many of them were treen vessel which he had done to be gathered among the villages of the numidians. furthermore he commanded thinhabitantes of those marches which after the flight of jugurth had yielded them to him that they should make them ready to follow the host every man with asmuch water as they might bear. And assigned them a day and place/ where they should be ready under pain of death. When Metellus was come to the said flood which was thirty mile from the town of Thala and nearest water thereto (as I have said before) he did all the beasts to be laded of the same water. And so went toward Thala/ his host set in order and array: so that if any jeopardy appeared he was ever ready at defence/ but afterward when he was come to that place where he had appointed the numidians to meet him with the water wherewith they were laded and followed the host. And when his tents were pitched/ set/ and defended about with trenches/ cut trees/ bows/ and stakes after the policy of war: suddenly from the heaven descended great violence and plenty of rain water that it was more than sufficiently to all the army aswell to men as beasts. Moreover their victuals were more plentiful than they trusted or looked after. For the Numidians which newly were yielded were so much the more serviceable and ready to minister every thing necessary unto the army. And no marvel: for every thing is quick at the beginning which often fadeth at the end. But the soldiers and men of war: were more glad to ocupy the rain water for devotion/ than such water which was brought unto them in vessels by carriage. For they supposed that their gods loved and favoured them which in so dry a country/ and in such a chance sent to them so great plenty of water beside provision of their captain. This thing greatly comforted the minds of them all: and encouraged them with boldness/ strength/ & diligence: to overcome all difficulties which remained. This comfort kindling their minds: they sped themself so forward that on the next day aft they came unto the town of Thala: contrary unto the opinion or knowledge of jugurth. Thinhabitantes which thought themself surely defended by the sharpness and difficulty of the place/ were suddenly abashed & astonied for that great unwont and unprovided case. Nevertheless they made provision to battle as quickly as they might by sufferance of the tyme. The romans addressed them in the same manner. But the king jugurth anon cast in his mind that to Metellus was nothing unprovided nor unable to be done: as he that by his craft/ diligence/ and policy: had overcome both weepen/ armour/ place/ and tyme. And also nature itself: which ruleth other things longing unto men. jugurth this advysing & revolving in his mind fled privily by night forth of the town with his children and a great part of his treasure. Nor after this time he never tarried in one place past the space of a day or of one night feigning that he fled so from one place to an other because of his present business: but the right cause of his removing was for that he feared treason which he thought best to avoid and eschew by continual changing of places. For such counsels of treason can not be taken without deliberation and process of time/ and conveniences or opportunity of places where princes doth long so journey and continue.  
¶ But when Metellus saw that thinhabitantes were ready to battle/ and also that the town was strongly defended both by craft of man's hands and by nature of the place. Anon he compassed about the town on every side with profound duchess/ trenches/ and herdels: of sharp stakes the points upward to th'intent that none of thinhabitants should break out nor escape by night/ as jugurth had done before: nor that no victuals should be conveyed into them/ whereby they might the lengar resist him and endure the siege. afterward he commanded scaffolds to be made about the walls specially in such places as were most convenient: and pentyses of sheldes conjoined in manner of wines to be driven to the walls upon wheels. And above the said scaffolds to be cast a heap of gravel and stones: and towers of timber and bulwarks set upon them: and other soldiers he assigned to defend the work/ and them also that laboured thereupon. These scaffolds/ pentyses/ and pavases: were made to th'intent that under them the romans might undermine the walls without great paryll or damage. On the otherside/ the garnison and inhabitants hastily laboured to resist the romans & to defend themself and their town manfully. So that on both parties was nothing forgotten/ able to be done touching their defence. But briefly to speak the romans wearied with much labour and battle xl days after they were come thither: at last won the town. But all the pray and riches of the town was destroyed by them which were within the town in garnison: of the romans/ which had fled from Metellus to jugurth: which specially had assigned them to defend the town. These traitors when they saw the walls undermined & bruised with diverse ingens of battle: and their fortune was brought to extremity: and no socours nor hope remained. Than they assembled & carried together all the treasure & riches of the town/ as gold/ silver/ with other precious ornaments or jewels into the palace of jugurth/ & there filled themself with wine and other delicate meats. And at conclusion when they were full saturate and ingorged: they set fire on the palace and wilfully brent and destroyed the richesse/ the palace/ and themself withal. So that such punishment as they dreaded to suffer of their enemies they voluntarily suffered the same with their own hands to avoid the subjection and danger of their enemies: by desperate folly and presumptuous madness.   

¶ How Metellus fortified the cite of Leptis and at request of the ambassadors of the same city send thither garnison to defend the city against jugurth: and of the situation of the same city & behaviour of thinhabytantꝭ thereof. The xlv cha.  
AT the same time when Thala was won of the romans/ ambassadors came from a town of Numidy named Leptis unto Metellus/ requiring him to send thither socours of garnison & a captain to defend them from the oppression and injury of a certain noble and debateful man/ which was within that city named Amylchar which (as they said) continually laboured for new changꝭ exciting and moving the comen people to forsake the romans again. In so much that against the said Amylchar no man was able to resist nor to prevail: for he set nought by commandment of their officers and rulers/ nor yet by the ancient laws of their cite At conclusion these ambassadors said to Metellus for a surety that except he granted their petition that both their own health/ and also the friends & lovers of th'empire which were within that cite should be in great danger and paryll. ¶ These Leptitans at beginning of this war of jugurth required friendship with the romans of Calphurnius of whom is made mention in beginning of this history. And after that they send to Rome unto all the senators requiring the same amity and peace to be confirmed of them: which thing was granted to them gladly. Therefore from thenfforth they ever continued good and faithful to the romans: and worthily and substantially did every thing which was commanded unto them by Calphurnius/ by Albinus or by Metellus. For this consideration they lightly obtained all their desire of Metellus/ which at their request sent forth with them unto the said town of Leptis: four cohortes of lombards chosen out of all his army with whom he sent to be captain over them a noble knight of his army named Caius Annius/ whom he also assigned to be lyeutenant of the town.  
¶ This town of Leptis was builded first of all by the Sidonians which (as we read) fled from their own country for discord and variance which fell among their cities at home. Which Sidonians came in ships into the coostes of Africa: where at last they builded this cite of Leptes/ which is situate between two quicksands of whom the cite hath his name.  
¶ For about th'extreme parts of Africa be ii breckes of the see near together not like of quantity: but like of nature. Of which two breeks those parts which be nearest unto the land are very profound and deep with high banks of sand on every side. But the other places not near unto the land be sometime deep: sometime shallow after the disposition of the wether. For when the see beginneth in raging to be great and tempestuous by moving of the wind than the waves of the see draweth forth of the same places the slime/ gravel/ and great stones: which in cawine weather were gathered together before in the same places. And thus the fashion/ aspect/ and regard of the same places is mutable and changed at every tempest and great wind.  
¶ The language of the cite of Leptis is now changed from the language of Sydom into numidian language/ by mariagis of the numidians. But their laws/ their apparel/ and manners (for the most part) still followeth the custom of sydoni/ which they mentayned & kept still: so much the more easily: because they dwelled separate in the extreme and utter parts of the country far from the court & frequentation of kings of numidy. For between this city of Leptis and the weal inhabited parts of numidy be many places desert and wyd● wyldernesses unhabited for drienes of the country.   

¶ The description of that place of Africa which is named the Phelen auters: and for what cause the same place was first so named. The xlvi cha.  
But for asmuch as by occasion of this business of the city of Leptꝭ and their ambassadors/ I have made mention of their city and partly described the situation of the same. Now me thinketh it thing convenient/ and not unworthy to recount an excellent and marvelous deed done in the same coostes by two brethren borne of the cite of Carthage and namely because the place is called the Phylene auters me thinketh it requisite to declare the cause of that denomination. For this place of our history so requireth. ¶ What time the Carthaginenses had in possession and were lords over the most part of africa: at the same season the Cirenenses also were great and famous of name: and abundant of wealth and richesse. Than between the coostes of these two cities was a great & large field all over spread with sand without division/ partition/ or difference. But between them was neither f●od nor mountain/ which might discern the bounds & marches of both their coostes: which thing caused continual & long war often and great battles between both parties. But after that many armies on both sides were overcome/ slain/ or put to flight both by land & by see and when both peoples had somewhat wasted the one the other by spoiling & murder: than began they to perceive their own folly on both parts fearing lest some other nation anon after should assail them both the overcomers and them that were overcome when they were wasted & wearied with battles and brought to extremity: Wherefore this considered: they took truys between them both & to avoided that long variance between them: they made agreement & convenant that messengers or ambassadors of both parties should departed out of their cities at one certain day and hour assigned. And that same place where the messengers of both the cities should meet together: should be for ever after taken for the bounds and marches of the country/ of both the nations & cities without more contention or variance. To bring this appointment to effect & conclusion forth of the cite of Cyren were chosen two for their part and send forth at the day & hour appointed. And in likewise out of Carthage were send two breterne/ each of them named Phylene which swiftly sped them in their journey. But the Cyrenenses went much more slowly whether it so fortuned by negligence or chaunche I know but little the truth. But this is known for certain that about those coostes tempest of wind & weather is wont to let men and ꝓlong their journey in likewise as upon the see: and that for this cause. For when by those even places wide/ & bare without any thing growing on them: the wind riseth & stirreth the small sand from the ground: the same sand moved by great violence of the wind is wont to fill the faces/ mouths and eyen of such as passeth that way with dust & sand. And thus often by letting of their sight: their journey is ꝓlonged & hindered. But after when the Cyrenenses saw themself somewhat overflow & late in their journey: they feared punishment at their returning home for their negligence. And blaming they accused the Carthaginenses objecting & saying that they had come forth of their cite before the time assigned: and thus they troubled all the matter & broke the ordinance. But shortly to speak these Cirenenses concluded rather to suffer death and to do any thing possible than to return home again overcome. Wherefore the Carthaginenses desired some other condition or appointment to be made indifferent & equal between both the parties. The Cirenenses consented thereto & put the Carthaginenses in choice whither they would be quick buried in that same place which they desired for their marches and bounds: or else that the Cirenenses under the same condition should precede forward to that place which they desired for their marches and there to be quick buried under the same manner. The ii brethren both named Phylene allowed and granted the condition subduing & abandoning their bodies to death for the profit and we'll of their country & cite of Carthage: and so were they buried quick. Wherefore the Carthaginenses in the same place where they were buried raised & hallowed ii auters in worship & remembrance of these two brethren which set more by increase of their country: than by their own lives. These auters to this present day be called the Phylene auts after the name of the ii brethren named Phylenis therunder buried/ as said is for weal of their country: also beside this memorial within the cite of Carthage were many other things ordained to the great honour of them & remembrance of their worthy deed. ¶ But now will I leave this matter & reteurne to my purpose.   

¶ How jugurth assembled a new army of the rude getulyans against the romans: and how he associated unto him Bocchus king of the Mauriens to strength him in battle against Metellus. ¶ The xlvii chapter.  
When jugurth had lost the city of Thala/ one of the strongest cities of his land (as said is before) than he considered well that in all his kingdom was no place strong enough to resist the might of Metellus. Wherefore he hasted him with a small company through deserts and great wilderness fleeing from his own country. And at last he came to the land of Getulians' which is a manner of people rude/ wild/ & without order or manners: and at that season nought knowing of the preemynent honour & fame of the roman empire. Of this people jugurth assembled a multitude together and by little & little induced & taught them by custom and exercise to follow the order of chyvalry: to keep array/ to ensue their standerdes'/ to obey the commandments of their captains/ to discern and have knowledge of the signifiance of sounds of trumpets: and to observe all other points belonging to warfare & chyvalry. These things with otherlike necessary to battle/ jugurth ceased not to prepare and ordain with all diligence.  
¶ Moreover he provoked unto his favour and fellowship by great rewards & much greater promises such as were most near friends to Bocchus king of the mauriens: by whose help he himself went to the king Bocchus & moche desired him in his quarrel with him to war against the romans. To this request of jugurth Bocchus agreed somuch the more for asmuch as at first beginning of the same war: this Bocchus sent unto Rome ambassadors to desire of the romans amity and a bond of continual peace between him & them. But not withstanding that this petition & peace was much expedient necessary to the romans for diverse considerations and namely because of this war. Nat the less it was not granted by mean of a few such as at Rome blinded with avarice: were wont to sell for money every thing both honest and dishonest. Also before this time the daughter of jugurth was spoused to the said Bocchus. But this bond of friendship of affinity among the numidines/ & mauriens: is reputed but of effect: because they are wont every man to have diverse & many wives according to their substance & richesse. Some ten and some more: after as they are of ability or power to maintain. But the kings because they are of most power & substance: therefore have they more than an other. Thus is their mind and favour distract & diversly divided from all their wives for the multitude of them: and because they have so many so that they reserve none for their special bed fellow. Wherefore they all are reputed vile/ & little set by: after one manner. Thus the affinity between these two kings jugurth & Bocchus/ was little set by and small thing availed in this business. Nat withstanding both they & their hosts came together in a place appointed thereto: where after that they had given & taken faith and truth one to other of fidelity/ to be observed between them jugurth greatly enhanced & lifted up the mind of Bocchus with his words saying that the romans were injust grounded in avarice without suffisance or measure. And comen enemies to every man and to every country: and that they had as much quarrel against Bocchus/ as against him. And one self cause to war against them both: and also against many other nations/ which cause was but only the pleasure of great lordship & riches. So that for the same cause all kingdoms to them were adverse & contrary/ and that he himself to them was enemy for the same cause. And not long before that time the Carthaginenses: and aftwarde Perses king of Macedony were subdued & undone by the romans without any just title or cause of batyle: save only ambition & envy which the romans had against them. And that in time to come every nation which should have wealth and richesse should become enemies to the romans for their inordinate pride/ & in saciable covetise.  
¶ With these words and otherlike jugurth moved the mind of Bocchus against the romans. In so much that anon a day was appointed between both the kings to proceed forth together to the town of Cyrtha/ and to assail the same with both their powers conjoined. This town they purposed first of all to besige: because Metellus had left with in the same town his prays and prisoners which he had taken of jugurth. And also moche of his own ordinance had he left there to a void impediment in his voyage. Thus jugurth thought most expedient to do. For if the might win the town by assault before the rescous of Metellus: he thought that should be most to his honour and profit. Or else if the roman captain Metellus/ and his army should come to socours of the town: than thought he that there both himself and Bocchus should give battle to Metellus. jugurth for craft and subtlety hasted hereto so much the more to tangle Bocchus in the war before any place should be moved between him & the romans. And lest the same Bocchus by prolonging of the time might rather incline to peace than to war after he at leasour should have taken better counsel and advisement. For jugurth suspected at beginning that Metellus in process of time would desire this Bocchus not to meddle in this war assisting the part of jugurth nor mentayning his cause.   

¶ How Metellus used himself hearing that these two kings were confederate against him and how after he was certified that the province of Numidy was assigned to Marius the new consul: he c●●ssed the war for the nonce. ¶ The xlviii chapter.  
when Metellus knew that the two kings were associate together: he thought not to fight with them rashly without provision: nor in every place for his advantage or not as he was wont to do often times before after the first time that he had overcome jugurth. But within his fields well and surely defended he kept himself abiding the coming of the two kings: and that not far from the town of Cirtha. This did he thinking it best to know the might/ manners/ and conditions of the mauriens first or he would fight with them/ because they were but new enemies and therefore their manners unknown to him. And when he saw his best advantage than thought he to give them battle.  
¶ In the mean time while Metellus tarried the coming of the two kings: letters were brought unto him from Rome: which certified him that the province of Numidy/ was committed and given to Marius the new consul. For he had heard long before this time that the said Marius was elect consul: but this was the first time that he understood the province of Numidy committed to him. For this cause was Metellus moved & displeased much more than longed to measure or honesty. In somuch that he could neither refrain his eyen from weeping nor measure his tongue from speaking ill by Marius. This Metellus was a singular noble and worthy man in all other conditions: but the displeasure of his mind he took over womanly & tenderly to his heart/ and namely in this cause. Which condition: some reputed to proceed of a proud heart of Metellus. And other some thought it no marvel though his noble heart were moved and kindled with anger/ for this injury and wrong done to him. And many said that Metellus took so great sorrow and displeasure: because the victory which he had almost obtained should be pulled out of his hands his self having the labour and paryll/ and an other man the triumph and honour. But to be plain in the matter and indifferently to write: it was not unknown to the wisest romans/ but that the dignity/ advancement/ an honour of Marius grieved Metellus: much more than did his own injury. And that he would not have taken it so heavily if the province of Numidy which was taken from him had been given to any other noble men than to Marius. Wherefore Metellus was let from his first business for the said displeasure so that he purposed not to vex himself from thenceforth with out thank or profit. And also he thought it folly to take in hand the charge of another man's matter to his own peril/ labour/ and pain. Wherefore he send messengers to the king Bocchus/ desiring him not to become enemy to the romans without occasion. And saying that he was as yet in such case that he might adjoin with the romans fellowship love/ and amity: which should be moche better to him & more profitable than battle. And howbeit he trusted greatly in his power/ richesses/ and treasure: yet ought he not to change certain things/ for things incertain. For every battle to begin is easy and light: but it is ver● hard thing to end the same when it is one's begun. The beginning and ending thereof: is not always in the power of one same man. For war may be/ begun of a coward or of any other wretch: but it can not be left of again/ nor ceased but when it pleaseth him which is strongest/ and is master having the upper hand. And finally he had him better to provide for himself and for his kingdom than he began to do: and not to adjoin nor mingle his goods/ treasure/ & fortune: which were in estate royal flourishing with the goods and fortune of jugurth: which were lost and destroyed to the uttermost. The ambassadors of Metellus came to king Bocchus & showed him their captains will: as is said before under such sentence. To the which words of Metellus/ Bocchus answered again benignly and meekly enough saying that he desired nothing more than peace: save that he had pity & compassion of the adverse & miserable fortune of jugurth/ but if the same jugurth might be suffered also to have friendship and amity with the romans & forgiveness: than said Bocchus that he would gladly agree to every thing desired of Metellus/ and every thing should be accorded between them. The captain Metellus hearing this answer of Bocchus: again sent messengers to him replyeng against his requests and saying that some of his petitions were against justice & reason: also Metellus by these ambassadors desired many other things of Bocchus/ of whom Bocchus granted & allowed some: and other some of them he denied. After this manner the time overpassed and proceeded forth/ massangers often going and coming between them both: so that by such manner the war and battle remained untouched and depended not meddled with: as Metellus did greatly covet and desire in mind because he would keep sure that laud which he had won: and also for that to his own paryll & damage he would not advantage nor advance Marius: in thing which to him belonged.  
¶ But here will I leave to speak of Metellus/ and return to speak of Marius which contrary to the will of all the noble men of Rome was create consul by favour of the commons: likewise as I have written before.   

¶ Of the great ordinance and preparation which Marius the new consul made against jugurth and for the war of Numidy. ¶ The xlix chapter.  
But Marius (as I have said before) was elect consul/ at great desire and instance of the comen people: which also committed to him the province of Numidy. Marius' seeing himself thus auanced: where he was ever against the noble men of Rome before/ now was he specially fires of mind/ and stately. And busy to displease and hurt the states: some time one by one/ and other while altogether. He often times boosted & said that he had gotten the consulship of them maugre their will/ as if it were a pray or spoylingꝭ gotten of his enemies: and of men overcome. Many other boosting words spoke he to his own commendation/ and to great displeasure and anger unto the estates of Rome. But in the mean time he forgot not to prepare every thing necessary to the war: whereof the charge rested on him to execute the same against jugurth from thenceforth. He demanded of the senators & commons new supplement of soldiers to repair and restore the army which was in Numidy with Metellus. For many of them were slain/ and many deed of sickness: thus was the army sore deminisshed. He called also for socors of such nations as marched to th'empire. And of kings which were confederate and had conjoined fellowship with the romans. Moreover he raised up in Italy and near about Rome/ as many as were strongest & bold men's bodies. And namely such as he himself had proved before in war: and such as in warfare were proved by deeds: and not such as were boosted by fame. And namely old soldiers which had long haunted the war and were pardoned thereof. So that it was in the power of no man to constrain them to war without their own free assent: because that they had continued still in war the season to them assigned of their captains. These treated Marius with so fair flattering and painted words/ that they were ready to go with him in warfare. And how beit that the senators were contrary to him: yet durst they nothing deny unto him belonging to his business: but gladly and with good will they decreed that he should raise and choose soldiers to fulfil the number of them which were lost in battle in the country of Numidy. But this did they for no great love which they had to Marius: for they thought that he should lose outher the execution of the battle which he intended with jugurth: or else the favour of the people which would refuse to go forth to war. So that if Marius constrained them: their old love might turn into new malice and hatred against him. But this thing was trusted but in vain of the senators: for the most part of the commons had an inestimable desire to go to battle with Marius. For every man cast in his mind to be enriched by prays & spoylynges of war. And that more is: to return home again victors with moche honour and triumph. These things and otherlike: they considered/ which caused them gladly to follow Marius'/ and also Marius did not a little enbolde & comfort their minds with his exhortation. For when every thing which he desired of the senators was confirmed and decreed by them. And when Marius should assemble his soldiers: he thought to put them in comfort by exhortation/ and also to trouble & displease the states of Rome as he was wont to do: and to chafe their minds. Wherefore he assembled and called together a great company of the comen people/ and spoke to them by exhortation and comforting of them as hereafter ensueth.   

¶ The orison or exhortation of the consul Marius: had to the comen people of Rome before his voyage into Numidy/ which exhortation is demonstrative containing the laud and praise of Marius: and dispraise and blames of the noble men of Rome. ¶ The l chapter.  
RIght worthy citizens/ I know well that many of these estates of ancient name have not themself behaved after one manner of condition in desiring of you honourable dignities and great offices: and in administration and governing of them after they have obtained the same of you. For while they make their petitions: at beginning they be diligent/ serviceable/ meek/ and curtayse of behaviour. But when they have obtained their desire: than pass they their time in sloth/ idleness/ and pride. But it seemeth to me in my mind that they ought to do much contrarily. For of how much more valour the hole comen wail is: than is the consulshyp/ th'office of the hy judge/ or any other great office: with so much more diligence & charge should the hole comen we'll be governed/ than such dignities or offices desired of you. Nor I am not ignorant but know right well how great the benefit is that ye have given to me: and how great charge and business thereto belonging is laid upon me withal: which business I needs must sustain. That is to say: to prepare and make ready an army/ withal other things necessary to battle and to execute the same: & nevertheless to spare the comen treasure. To compel to warfare and battle: such as a man would not grieve nor displease: that is you the commonty of Rome: whom I would not displease by any means. To take charge and care for every thing within the cite and without. And to do such things among envious gentlemen objecting and laying against me in every thing which I go about/ as men full of discord and variance. Verily noble citizens among such men to take in hand such charges it is more hard and thing of more difficulty/ than any man can think or devise. And moreover: as for other consuls which have been before my time/ when they have done any thing amiss: than their old nobleness/ the strong and valiant acts of their predecessors/ the riches & power of their friends and kinsmen: and their many clients and servants of them retained: all these have supported and mentayned them in their misdeeds. But all my richesses and help/ and trust of comfort which I have/ is in myself & not in my kinsmen or other favourers: which aid of myself I must of necessity defend with my virtue/ strength/ and innocence. For all other things which these ancient noble men have to defend them be unsure to me for I have them not. furthermore noble citizens this I understand that all ye have good trust and confidence in me: and that all such as be equal/ just/ and good: have favour unto me. For I knowell that my good deeds hath profited the comen wail. And nevertheless these noble men seek occasions against me/ invading and assailing me with their malice and envy. Wherefore it standeth me in hand of necessity to labour so much the more busily and quickly: that neither ye be deceived in this great trust which ye have in me: and also that all the purposes of mine ylwyllers & adversaries/ may be frustrate and nothing avail against me. Forsooth I have ever from my childhod unto this age been of such behaviour that I have been accustomed & exercised in all manner labours and perils: which I suffered and took patiently for the comen weal without any reward before this your benefit and honour which ye have now given to me. Wherefore worthy citizens seeing that ye have now rewarded me better than I am worthy: I have not purposed to desist nor leave of mine old good will anent the comen weal: nor now I/ rewarded of you purpose not to omit my good deeds which I did freely before unrewarded. But touching these ancient gentlemen: it is very hard for them to temper themself being in power or dignity which only did but fain themself good and honest before they obtained promotion/ to th'intent to come thereby to honour and dignity. But where as I have passed all my life in right good occupations by continual custom it is rooted in me to do well: & this custom is turned with me into nature. truth it is: that ye have commanded me to war against jugurth: which thing these noble men taketh very grievously. I require you consider and dyscus in your minds and in your inward consideration/ ponder ye: whither it be better/ more necessary and expedient to change the same your commandment again: and to send forth some other of that sort of ancient gentlemen unto this business against jugurth or else to any other like. Send forth a noble man of old ancestry: in honour and remembrance of whom many images may be made & erect or set up on hy. But of policy of chyvalry or warfare is he utterly ignorant and inexpert. Will ye change your purpose and send forth such one to warfare at pleasure of these gentlemen/ as who sayeth: that is best to be done for this cause. To th'intent that in so great a matter and wighty business: such a captain more ignorant and fearful than any of all his soldiers/ shallbe chosen of you which anon after shall choose forth again some one of the comen people to be his master: to inform and teach him in such business as to his office and charge belongeth: himself being ignorant of every thing necessary to be done. By this mean it often fortuneth: that he whom ye ordain to be captain and commander of your army: doth chose an other to be captain and commander over himself. In so much that (if ye indifferently judge) he: whom ye chose for captain is much more meet to be made a simple soldiers/ than a capitaynr over other. And also worthy citizens: I know some of these noble men so far out of order that when they have been made consuls: than have they given themself to reading of the acts of their elders and predecessors. And of the greeks precepts of chyvalry: which doubtless may well be called men without order/ for this consideration. For they should by due order first learn to rule their office before they should take upon them the charge thereof. But they do contrary. First they take charge of office and than after learn to rule it by way inordinate: howbeit every wiseman will first learn to govern an office before he desire it or take upon him the rule thereof. But these estates contrarily demean themself. Thus worthy citizens compare me a new gentleman with their immoderate pride and take diligent considertion which is best: to be not gentle of birth and lowly and gentle of manners: or else to be gentle of blood/ and proud and ungentle of manners. Of such things as they be wont to here & to read: some have I seen/ and some I myself have done. I have learned that by exercise of chivalry/ which they have learned by reading. Now judge & consider ye: whither is better of deeds or work: of reading and doing. They dispyce my neweltie of honour & unnoble lineage: and I dispyce the uncraftynesse & sloth of them. My happy fortune is objected of them against me as to rebuke: but shame and dishonest behaviour/ may be objected & laid against them in rebuke. Is it not truth that every man is come of one like nature. I consider & know well that one man is not better nor more noble than an other: but if it be by his wisdom/ good manners/ virtue/ and strength. And I consider well that every man the more that he is endued with virtue: the more excellent & noble is he. Thus is the strongest/ wisest/ and most virtuous/ most excellent in nobleness.  
¶ But if the fathers of Albinus/ and of Calphurnius: la●e consuls and captains in Numidy/ to the great dishonour and damage of this empire/ were now living that it might be inquired of them whether they had liefer that I had been begotten of them: or else the said Albinus and Calphurnius? What think ye they would answer? Forsooth nought else (as I suppose) but that they would desire and covet good children and honourable lineage to proceed of their stock and generation. Thus sith it is so: that these estates despiseth me: reasonably and of right let them also dispyce their own predecessors and forefathers/ of whose stock and lineage they proceeded: which came to nobleness and honour: not by their ancestry: but by their own strength/ wisdom/ and virtue: likewise as I have done. They have envy at this mine honour. Than let them also have envy at my labours taken for defence of the comen wail: let them envy mine innocence and great perils/ which I have overcome. For by these means I have obtained & also shall mentayne this honour which they so greatly envy. But these men corrupt by pride: after ye have promoted them to worship: so pass forth their time as if they set nought by your offices and honours by you obtained: but utterly despised them. Thus they desire such dignities of duty: as if they were worthy and deserved to have them by their honest living and virtuous conversation. But certainly they be greatly deceived which looketh after two things contrary both together & at one season. So do these noble men. For they would have the voluptuous pleasure of sloth & idleness/ and the rewards due unto virtue and laborious diligence. But when these gentlemen utter their words before you or speak before the senators: than in the most part of their speech they exalt and commend their ancestry weening to be counted more noble and excellent by recounting and reducing to remembrance the valiant deeds of their progenitors. But it is nothing so. For how moche more excellent the fame & honour of their progenitor was: somoch more shameful and reprovable is this coward idleness of these gentlemen now living which so far go out of kind from the honourable conversation of their progenitors: as if they had never descended of them. And verily this is certain: the glorious deeds and honourable of forefathers be like an example or luminary unto their offspring or progeny. So that the same light suffereth neither the good deeds nor bad of their progeny to be hid. For if the progeny vary from the glorious acts of their progenitors than the honour of both is distained: but if they follow them in virtue/ than the light and glory of the progenitors shynneth more radiantly by virtue of their progeny. Of this laud and honour of my progeny I can not boast me for they were but of base degree. Their deeds can not advance me nor make me noble. But it is lawful to me to speak of mine own deeds which laud is much more clear and excellent than to boast of other men's acts. But now consider ye how unrightwise these gentlemen be to me: they will not grant me that laud and honour by mine own virtue and acts: which they usurp and proudly take upon them: by virtue and deeds of other men. And wherefore think ye do they this? plainly I suppose because I have no images of my progenitors exalted in remembrance of them as these gentlemen have: and because my nobleness it but new and springing. But theirs is ancient and by their disorder decaing. But certainly I count it more better and honourable to be rote and beginner of nobleness unto all my progeny and to leave the same unto my branches: than to corrupt and defele nobleness received of my progeny: as many of these gentlemen do. Forsooth I am not ignorant but that if these estates were now present & should answer to my words their speech should be abundantly painted/ ornate/ and elegant enough. But sith they cease not to blame and revile with their lewd words in every place both you and me for this your great office which ye have given unto me: it hath not pleased me to be still nor to keep secret their faults: lest some might count culpable and worthy their rebukes: by reason of mine indiscrete patience and silence. Nevertheless soothly their words can not grieve nor hurt me: after the conscience of mine own mind. For if they say truth they can nought say but good and worship by me: but if they will needs lie on me my manners/ my living/ and conversation is such that I shall overcome their words & prove their injust accusements feigned and false. But sith your counsel is blamed of these noble men because ye have committed to me this great honour & greater business: consider ye in your minds diligently & often whither ye shall need to repent you of this deed or not. To say truth I can not boast myself of the images of my progenitors nor I can not recount unto you the triumphs or consulshyps of mine ancestry. But if the matter required: I could well show unto you spears/ standerdes'/ horse/ trappers/ harness: with many other rewards of chyvalry: some given to me of th'emperor/ and some of other captains for mine acts in battle. And other some which with mine handis I have won of thennemies of the empire. I could also if it needed show you i● the fore part of my body manifold scars of many & large wondes which I have taken in good worth for defence of our country and comen weal. These be my images which I can show. This is my nobleness: not left to me by heritage (as theirs is to them) but nobleness which I have won & gotten with great & sore labours of my body & paryll of my life. ¶ My words be not ordered in ornate language nor my speech ypaynted with rhetoric like theirs for I set little thereby. My virtue showeth itself plainly enough without glossed or painted words. But these noble men must of necessity have craft for to cover their shameful and ungodly deeds/ with this eloquent words/ their crafty & rhetoric speech. Nor as for me: I never learned the greek letters nor language/ which thing these estates object against me: as a great fault. But to be plain: my pleasure was never much to learn such things/ which have little availed unto the teachers or lerners of the same/ neither to acquisition of virtue nor expulsion of vice. But I have learned & am taught in other things much better/ & more profitable to the comen weal: as to assail & strike mine enemies: to despoil their ordinance & victuals: to chafe their garnison. Nothing to dread nor fear/ save an ill name: to endure & take in good worth the pleasure of the summer & the hardness of the winter both in like: to lie upon the ground: to endure hunger & labour both together. Therefore I shall exhort & inform my soldiers with these precepts: which I myself have learned/ used & assayed. Nor I shall not handle or treat them by craft to th'intent that they may advance me with richesse: nor use them sharply and myself pleasantly: but in every▪ difficulty I shallbe their example of labour: nor I shall not put the labour to them and take the worship to me. This order is profitable. Thus ought a captain demean him among his soldiers and namely among worthy citizens. For when a man liveth delicately himself/ and driveth his soldiers to the peril of battle by punishment or other rigour: he is not to be called a captain or ruler of an army: but rather a proud lord or tyrannous oppresser of citizens. Our elders worthily behaving themself after this manner have made noble & excellent and enriched this comen weal: and themself also. But these estates which now liveth trusting to be honoured by the worthiness of their ꝓgenitours/ they themseffe unlike of conditions despice us & have us in disdain which follow the manners of their progenitors. And every high office and all honours they chalange & demand of you not by their merits: but as it were of duty and heritage. But ●othely the over proud men err moche from the truth. For though their progenitors & ancestry have left unto them every thing which to them was possible to leave: as riches/ patrimony/ & their images: for remembrance and example of them & of their worthy deeds. Nevertheless their virtue have they not left unto them: nor they could not keep it: for that only can neither be given unto them in reward nor received of any man. These gentlemen say that I am a man without manners & uncleanly of behaviour. And why? Forsooth because that I prepare & dress not curyously many delicious banquets so superfluous & deyntyous as they do: and because I have no iougler nor dysar with me to move sports & dissolute laughing: nor no more curious coke than one of the village longing to rural people/ which things to have as these gentlemen have: it pleaseth me not to knowledge. For I never had pleasure in such things. For I have herd of my father and of other incorrupt and well disposed men: that such delyciousnesse and curiosity belongeth unto women. And that labour and business belongeth unto men. Every good man: thinketh it more convenient to have plenty of worship than of richesse. And more honour it is to a good man to have the walls of his house garnished & overcovered with armour/ wherewith he may defend his country/ his friends/ and himself than with rich ornaments of curious work of no profit save only the sight & vain regard thereof. But sith these gentlemen thus object such matters to me: let them continued always in such vices which liketh them/ and that they have ever reputed so dear. Let them incline to voluptuousity: as dancing/ singing/ banqueting/ playing/ to lechery/ to gluttony/ & drunkenness. For in such vices have they spend their youth: in the same let them pass forth their age: utterly subdued to the belly/ to sleep/ to idleness/ and subject to the lusts of the vilest part of the body. Let them leave the sweet of fighting/ the peril of death/ the blinding of dust in battle: and otherlike perils unto us/ to whom these be more acceptable/ than their feestes and voluptuous banquets or other vile pleasures. But they do not so/ they be not so contented. For after that such ungodly and vile men have dishonested themself/ by their foul deeds: than be they ready to take a way the rewards of good men unto themself. Thus (against all right) lechery and sloth most cursed vices doth no hurt to such as occupieth them: but they be utter destruction to the comen wail/ and commons which be innocent and unculpable.  
¶ But sith I have made answer to these dysordred gentlemen: and that moderately after my custom and condition and not so largely as their cursedness & vices are worthy. I shall speak now a few things touching the comen weal. And first of all have ye good trust & asperance touching the business of Numidy. For ye have now moved & avoided every thing whereby jugurth was defended from beginning of the war unto this time: that is to say the covetise of Calphurnius/ & of Albinus: the uncraftynes and folly of Aulus: and the pride of Metellus. By these found jugurth succour hitherto: but all these be avoided now. Moreover ye have there an army which knoweth the country/ but verily it is more noble & manly than fortunate or happy. For a great part thereof is wasted & spent (and that worse is) infected and corrupted: what by the avarice and by the unboldnesse & cowardice of their captains. Wherefore ye which be of lusty age and meet to endure the hardness of war & battle: now labour ye with me/ and take ye in hand the defence of the comen wail. Nor let none of you be afraid nor abashed for misfortune of the other soldiers which have fought there before this time nor of the pride of their captains. For I myself as counsellor of your business & fellow of your perils shall be present with you in every business both in your iournays & in your battles also. So that I shall govern you & myself without difference/ and under one form in every point. And verily by help of the gods we shall within short season obtain all avamtages & commodities which any man may win in battle/ as prays/ victory/ with immortal laud & worship. And certainly if these pleasors & avantages were in doubt or hard to obtain (as they be not): Nevertheless it were convenient to every good man (as ye be) to succour & defend the comen wail of their country fro destruction & dishonour. For certainly there was never man which obtained immortal laud nor everlasting name by cowardice or sl●uth. Nor there was never wise father which would wish his children or sons to live ever: but only that they might live so long as they behaved themself worthily in goodness & honesty: and so to pass forth their life as natural course requireth. ¶ Worthy romans: I would speak more unto you if I understood that strength could be increased to feeble or fearful men: by words: but it is not so. Wherefore me seemeth that I have said enough and abundantly to noble and bold hearted men: as my trust is to prove you.   

¶ How Marius after his exhortation ended: anon laded ships with ordinance of war and send forward with the same one Manlyus his ambassador: and how he himself anon after followed withal his company. And how he behaved himself in Numidy at first beginning. ¶ The li chapter.  
When Marius had uttered and ended his words under this form: and when he saw all the minds of the commons inclined to the war in trust of victory & prays. Than anon without more delay he caused ships to be charged with viteyls/ & treasure for the soudyors wages with armour/ wepyn/ and all other things necessary to war. And commanded one named Aulus Manlius/ which was assigned ambassadors to him: to depart forward with the same ships so charged. In the mean season Marius himself remained at Rome a little time: and chose forth soudyours such as him thought most expedient: and not after the custom of the old romans his predecessors nor after institution of the ancient captains/ which had ordered cartayne manner of people of whom soldiers should be chosen for warfare in time convenient. But contrary wise Marius admitted every man indifferently which was any thing lyckely and had pleasure to go with him. And many such he admitted also which were poor and not suffered to go warfare before: lest their poverty might have constraned them rather to fall to robbery than to deeds of chivalry. How beit/ it was enacted of the old romans that such excused of war for cause above said: should pay a certain some of money pretaxed toward the wages of such as lawfully were admitted to war. Marius suffered none of these to pay any thing at all: but elect many of them for his soldiers. Many of the romans surmised that Marius elected unto war these abject parsons: for want of other good soldiers. Some other deemed that he so did for favour/ ambition/ and parcialite: because this sort of people assisted and honoured him by advancement at beginning of his promotion. And also men considered that unto a man desirous of dignity and power: the most needy men be most meet and behovable. For such needy wretches be most adventurous: for they have nought to lose and always trust in advancement by aventuring themself. And therefore they judge every thing which they do: good/ honest/ and laudable: if any advantage be thereto appendent. Thus doubt they no paryll so that they may come thereby to promotion. At last Marius departed from Rome with somewhat greater number than was granted and decreed to him of the senators. Within few days after that: he took shipping and arrived in the province next unto Africa under the romans at a town named Utica. The army which was there with Metellus/ was delivered to him by one Publius Rutilius/ which was ambassador with the said Metellus. For Metellus himself fled the sight of Marius because he would not see that with his eyen/ which he could not endure to here. But when Marius had restored and fulfilled the legions of his soudyors/ and the cohortes for the subsidies and rescous. Than went he into a plentiful place of Numidy which was full of prays. All that he took there: he gave freely inrewarde to his soldiers. This done: he assailed such castles and towns which were but feebly defended with men and walls. He had many battles & light skirmishes: and many other things he did in other places not with moche difficulty. In the mean time the new soldiers were ready manly fighting without fere: and seeing that they which fled were other taken or slain: therefore they advised them well that the strongest and boldest was most sure of all. They considered well that it stood them in hand to defend with wepyn and armour their liberty/ their country/ their friends/ and all other things longing to their health and honour. Thus laboured they for glory/ laud/ and riches which they obtained: so that within short season the old soldiers and the new increased together cherisshing and infourming one an other till their virtue and boldness was like. But when the two kings jugurth and Bocchus understood of the coming of Marius: they divided their hosts and went in sunder into divers places where no man could attain to them for difficulty of the places. This was done by counsel of jugurth. For it pleased him so to do trusting that within short space the romans would be spread abroad in spoiling and than thought he to assail them in every place when they were most without fere at liberty/ at large/ and unprovided: as men are wont to be specially when their enemies behaveth them as if they were afraid. Than often be the victor improvident and less circumspect.   

¶ How Metellus the old consul returned to Rome: and of the worthy and valiant behaviour of Marius against jugurthe and of his great acts at his beginning. ¶ The lii chapter.  
IN the mean time Metellus returned to Rome: which contrary to his opinion was received with glad minds of the romans & after that the envy which Marius had moved against him was assuaged and overpassed: he was like dear and beloved both to the commons and senators.  
¶ But Marius on his part applied and took heed to his own business and his enemies also: without sloth but with great wisdom. He perceived well & knew what was good and ill for advantage on both sides. He caused the ways and iournayes of the two kings to be daily searched & espied. He prevented and interrupted their counsels/ provisions/ and guiles. He suffered nothing to be unprovided and unready on his side: but of the other side and party of his enemies: he suffered nothing to be sure or provided: for always he prevented their ꝓuisions and pursued them. Often while jugurth and the Getulyans spoiled the Numidyens which had yielded themselves to the romans Marius was ready in their way & valiantly assailed them: and over threw many of them/ while they were dispersed abroad and fleeing away for fear. And also not far from the town of Cirtha/ he made jugurth himself so trust in his flight that for haste to ren away: he laft his armour behind him. But when Marius considered that his acres were only glorious and excellent without any advantage: and that he might not execute battle with jugurth for his unsteadfastness and moving from place to place: he considered in mind and ordained him ready to besiege the cities of the country one after another. And namely such as either of men or of place were necessary and behovable to his enemies/ and contrary or hurtful to him. This did he thinking: that if jugurth without dystourbance suffered him so to do he should other be spoiled and bereft of his cities/ ordinance/ succour/ & refuge: or else he must abide the fortune of battle & strive for the mastery in plain field. Bocchus the king of the mauriens had often send messengers before unto Marius: saying that he would gladly come into favour/ amity/ & friendship of the romans: and bidding Marius' not to doubt him as an enemy nor to fear any thing longing to an enemy to be committed of him against the romans. It is but little known for truth whether Bocchus feigned this thing to the intent that his coming to battle unknown, & unproved might be to Marius more grievous: or else whether he was wont by unstableness of mind to change peace sometime for war: & sometime war for peace. But Marius the consul (as he had purposed before) drew him unto the castles and towns which were walled & defended: and fiercely assailed them. Anon he turned many of them from his enemies to him▪ some by strength & violence/ some by fear: and other some by ꝓmising & giving of rewards & prodition of their captains. But at first beginning he meddled but with mean castles & towns thinking that jugurth should come to defend and succour his people & towns: and so come into danger of the romans. But when Marius heard that jugurth was far thence and occupied in other business: than thought he not to lose his time: but to adventure on greater things wherein was more hard business and greater labour & honour. Wherefore he intended to besiege the cite of Capsa/ which was a great cite/ strong/ and rich.   

¶ How Marius wan the great and rich city named Capsa: and how he utterly destroyed the same and gave all the richesse thereof to havoc among his soldiers. ¶ The liii chapter.  
Among the most widest and thickest wildernesses of Numidy was this great and rich cite named Capsa: which (as men say) was first builded by that Hercules which was borne in the land of Libya: and not by Hercules the son of jupiter and Alcumena. Thinhabitors of this cite were ruled by jugurth peaceably & easily put to no charges nor business/ and therefore were they most true and faithful to him. They were defended against all enemies: not only with walls/ armour/ and men: but also with moche stronger defence of the difficulty & hardness of the place and country near about them. So that it was in manner impossible that any army could come near them for want of water and scarcity of victuals. For except the fields & places near to the cite all the other be void & waste ground & desert without habitation/ uneared/ barren/ and dry without water. All full of serpents: which were somuch more violent and fires for lack of meat and sustenance/ as all other wild beasts be wont to enrage for hunger. And moreover the mischievous and perilous nature of serpents is more kindled to raging and vexed with thirst/ than with any other thing: which thirst they could not quench there for want of water. Wherefore neither man nor be'st might surely pass by them. When Marius cast all these difficulties in his mind: his heart was pierced with a marvelous desire to win this cite/ both for that it was much hurtful to him: and profitable to jugurth/ and also because it was hard to do and much honour might be gotten in winning thereof. And moreover because Metellus the other consul before him had won the cite of Thala/ with great honour and glory: which of situation was not unlike to this city: neither unlike in defence. Save that not far from the walls of Thala were a few fontayns: but about this cite of Capsa was no water/ well/ nor fountain: save one and that was within the walls of the city always full of water. All other which dwelled without the walls/ as in the suburbs: occupied but rain water. The inhabitants of that country and of all the remanant of Africa/ which were far from the see and rude people could much the better endure this scarcity of water and thirst: for this cause. For the most part of them were fed with milk and venison not looking after salt/ sauces/ nor other such things as be norisshynges or provocatives to gluttony. They took meat and drink only to s●ake their hunger/ and to quench their thirst: and not without measure to provoke themself to pleasure of the flesh/ as many christenmen do now in our days: which make of their belly their god. And eat not to live: but they live to eat contrary to man's life/ and utterly inclined to bestialite. O cursed gluttony let us christenmen learn her of paynims to eschew thee: which wasted the body and goods: damnest the soul: and art mother and norice of all vices. But to return to my purpose: this Marius after that he had searched every thing by his espies/ he proceeded in his enterprise and purpose (as men thought) helped of the gods. For against so many & hard difficulties he could not have made sure provision by counsel of man nor by his own private wit: as he which had impediment and was letted not only by shapnesse of the country: but also by lack & scarcity of wheat and of all other corn. For the numidians intendeth more/ to nourish pasture for beasts than to labour or ere the ground for corn. And also they had brought together all the seed and corn of the year before into strong holds as their king jugurth had commanded them and moreover at that season the fields on every side were dry and bare without corn: and no maruale. For it was about the extremity or later end of summer. Nat withstanding all these difficulties and sharpnesses Marius made provision enough as the matter required. First he committed all the beasts which he had taken in prey in foretime unto the horsemen/ which of their own wylfolowed him to war: or were send to him for help by friends of th'empire. Marius commanded them to take charge to drive forth these beastis. Than sent he Aulus Manlius ambassador of the host to a town named Laris/ and all the cohortes of his soldiers with him which were footmen and light harnysed for to keep the treasure of the soldiers wages and victuals: which he had left in the same town. Marius kept his counsel of this enterprise so secret that none of all his company high nor low knew of his purpose nor when he intended. But when Manlius and his company should departed toward Laris: Marius dissimuled with them saying that he would stray abroad in Numidy in roving and afterward within few days: he and his company would come also to the same town of Laris/ laded with prays of his enemies. This done he departed toward a flood named Tana: no creature lively knowing of his purpose. And every day he distributed in his journeys among his boost xlii heed of oxen for victual/ which he commanded to be divided by even portion among them by hunders and half hunders' together: dividing victuals to every company after their number. And in the mean season he charged bottles and bowges to be made of the hides of the same beasts and of other ledder in great number. Moreover he eased their scarcyte wheat and other corn: by wise provision. And without knowledge of all his company he made good provision of every thing/ which might be necessary unto his army in time of need. At conclusion the sixth day after when they were come to the said flood of Tana: thither was brought a mighty multitude of bottles and bowges made of ledder. There pitched they their tents with easy labour and small defence. Than refreshed they themself with meat and drink: and eased themself a certain space. This done: Marius commanded them that every man should be ready to proceed forward even with the son going down and that every man should only lad himself and his beasts with water in the said bowges and bottles leaving all other carriage/ burdens/ and baggage: there behind them in their tents/ under the custody of other soldiers thereto assigned. After this when he saw his time: he departed forth from his tents with his company: and lauboured all the night long in his journey. The day after following he rested in a secret & covert place. In the same wise behaved he himself the night next ensuing: and in the third night moche before the day light/ he entered into a fair and large field full of small hills and downs/ no more but two mile space from Capsa. And there he tarried withal his host in the most priveest manner abiding the day light. But assoon as the day began to appear: many numidyens issued forth of the town: some to disport themself: and some about their business/ nought fearing nor suspecting of their enemies. When Marius saw that: anon withal haste he sent all his horsemen to the town/ and with them as many footmen in light harness as were most swift and speedy. Whom he commanded to ren withal haste and boldly and valiantly to assail the town: and to besiege the gates. Than after he himself followed speedily: but with good heed and advisement: not suffering his soldiers in the assault nor in the way thitherward to fall to robbing nor prays by spoiling of their enemies. When thinhabitantes of the town knew hereof: their case was unsure/ their fear great and horrible: for the sudden chance of them was nothing suspected before/ nor provided. Many of the cetezins which were without the town and were taken and in power & captivity of the romans their enemies sent unto them within the town desiring them for save guard of their lives to yield themself and the cite to Marius. So was it done at conclusion. Howbeit this nat withstandyng Marius brent the cite. All the numidians inhabytantes thereof which were of full age & able to bear weepen were slain: and the remanent as women/ children/ and aged men were taken prisoners and sold for their ransom. The pray and richesse was divided among the soldiers. This deed against the law of arms was not thus done by Marius: by covetise nor any other cruelty of him: but because the town & place was profitable/ and necessare to jugurth & to the romans hard to come to. And the manner of the people proved movable and unlawful ever of nature before: and neither refrained from their ill appetite by benefit or good deed: nor yet with awe or fear of punishment.   

¶ How Marius by fortune more than by strength wan the strongest castle of all Numidy/ wherein were the treasures of jugurth. ¶ The liiii chapter.  
AFter that Marius had brought to end so great and hard an enterprise without any loss or damage to him or any of his people. Though he were reputed noble/ great and excellent before: than began he to be counted more famous & excellent. Every noble deed: was reputed to be done by strength & wisdom of Marius: and ascribed to his strength and policy. And that such things as were done by good counsel and provision/ and also such as happened by fortune or chance: and by negligence of their enemies. The soldiers were so mannerly treated without cruelty or fiersnesse of their captain/ and also made rich and abundant in treasure and jewels: that they exalted and praised his name to the heaven. And loved him as themself. But in contrariwise the numidyens feared him more than any man living. Shortly to speak: both the friends of th'empire and enemies also thought verily that other Marius had a godly mind and was a god himself: or else that he was prive with the gods: and did all his deeds and business by their advise/ counsel/ and provision: which showed him before what should fortune after. But when this chance had fortuned so well at Capsa: anon Marius drew him to other towns/ and took as many as he besieged. In some towns the numidyens resisted him to their power: but it could not avail. In many other towns the dwellers gave them over and left them void and ran away fearing so to be treated & dealt withal as they of Capsa were: because their towns were like behovable to jugurth▪ and hurtful to Marius. When Marius came to any such town: destitute and void of dwellers he set fire in them & brent them ground smooth. The aged men/ women & children: took them to woods and caves to hide themself. The young men & lusty which were taken were slain down right. Thus was every place filled with weeping & wailing/ brenning and slaughter: one mingled with other. Finally af● that Marius had won into his hands/ many towns & castles: and some without resistance or blood shedding of his men/ he went in hand with an other mastery and difficulty not so sharp nor hard to come to as was Capsa/ but to be won or besyged it was not less hard nor of less difficulty.  
¶ Nat far from the flood of Mulucha (which water divideth the kingdom of jugurth: from the kingdom of Bocchus) was a great rock or mountain of stone in mids of a plain: open enough to be seen having thereupon builded a mean castle of quantity: but of a marvelous altitude & only one strayet passage and narrow/ left to come thereto. But on every other side the rock of natural growing was down right like a wall: as if it had been made for the nonce with man's hands. Marius' purposed with all his might to take this castle: and namely because the treasures of jugurth were within the same. But this his purpose at last came to effect/ rather by chance of fortune/ than by provision or counsel. For this castle was garnished & plenteously instored with men/ weepen/ vytels/ and withal orther ordinance requisite & necessary to defence of such a forteres. Moreover win the same was a fountain plentyful of clear water. And beside this the situation thereof was such that without marvelous difficulty & unmeasurable labour none enemies might attain or approach near thereto their enginings of battle to frusshe the walls or any other part thereof. beside all these defences the double walls o● this castle were garnished with towers/ bulwarks/ & all other defences & enginings which could be imagined by man's mind: and that round about in compass aswell within/ as without. The way thereto: by which the inhabitants & garnison used to go and come/ was very strayet and narrow. Insomoch that the romans entering by the same way with their enginings of battle were constraned to cut their pavases on both sides and to make them more narrow for strayetnesse of the passage. And in such manner they proceeded forward under the same in great paryll and with much difficulty: and at conclusion all in vain. For when they were come near to the walls and would have set up and adjoined the same pavases to the walls to have undermined under them: all their labour was frastrate. For what with stones and what with fire the defenders of the castle broke and brent them again down to the ground. Thus could not the soudyors which undermined the walls continue together at their work and business: for strayetnes and difficulty of the place and importune violence of them within the castle. Nor other soudyours could not serve them which made and repaired the pavases without great paryll & danger. For continually as fast as they raised the pavases to cover and defend themself: they were broken and brent between their hands. In the mean time no soldier was so good/ strong/ nor bold: but that he was other wounded or beaten done to death. Than was fear increased to other that were feeble and faint hearted. ¶ But after that many days & great labours in this manner were overpassed and spent in vain. Marius was sore angered & vexed in his heart revolving many things in mind: but specially whither he might give over his purpose (seeing his labour frustrate) or else abide the chance of fortune which at many times before he had found favourable and friendly to him. While Marius chafed & brenning in desire revolved such things in his mind both day & night: it happened by chance of fortune that a certain lumbard a simple soldier/ one of the company which was last send from Rome to Numidy to supply the army strayed abroad from his company a little way which lumbarde as he wandered found among the stones many small snails creeping on the ground: not far from that side of the castle which was over against the side which the romans besyged and assailed. Because this lumbard in his country was accustomed like other of his country men to eat such snails prepared after their manner: therefore he gathered first one and than an other/ and after that many: ascending up by little and little: sometime creeping sometime climbing/ for no other intent or purpose save to gather such snails: and so far he preceded by little and little till at last he came almost to the top of the mountain. But when he saw all that side of the castle desolate and no person stering: anon he began to have a pleasure & desire in his mind for to work some mastery/ as the property and condition is of every man coveting to win a name/ laud and riches: and to be spoken of. By chance of fortune in the same place where the lumbard stood in this advisement/ among the stones grew a great and old oak tree having the mids a little bowing down toward the ground: and the remnant croaking upward again with mighty arms and branches ascending to the highest of the walls with the top erect & lyfred up as every herb & tree of nature is wont to grow upward at the top. This lumbard well advised the same & adventured to climb up ward taking his hold sometime by the branches and bows of this oak: and sometime taking hold & leaving by the stones which appeared forth in the wall till at the last he attained unto the very top of the wall. And when he saw no man stirring on that part there stood he still espied of no man and noted & considered well at his pleasure all the inward part of the castle and the plain within the walls about the tower. This lumbard had so much the more leasour to take so long advisement unespied for all the numidyens defenders of the castle were on the other side attending & giving heed to the assault and defending themself and the castle against the romans. When the lumbard had espied and considered every thing which he thought might be advantage to his after purpose: than he descended again downward by the same way which he ascended: but not without heed nor with so little advisement as he ascended upward: but proving every way/ and looking about if it were possible to bring into the castle any company of men by that side or not. This well considered: assoon he descended: anon he went to Marius and informed him of every thing as he had done exhorting & requiring him to put in proof whether the castle might be won on that side where he had been. furthermore he promised himself to be guide unto such as would undertake that intprise saying that in the matter was no danger. Marius hearing these words of the lumbard/ send forth with him certain of his men of them which were there present to understand & know the truth of the matter. When they had been there & returned to Marius again: some brought him word that the matter was easy to do: and some other said that it was very hard & perilous. The sentence of every man was after as their mind gave them. The cowards thought it hard/ but such as were of bold hearts and desirous of worship thought it easy and without moche peril. Nevertheless the mind of Marius was somewhat exalted to comfort/ and good hope: and therefore of all the company of trumpets/ and of other such mynstrels as be wont to be in battle to give courage and signs to the fig●ters/ he chose forth five which were most swift & most light and deliver: and four hundred men he assigned to assist and defend the said trumpets. And all them he commanded to obey to the lumbard and to be ruled & ordered by him in every thing. The day next following was assigned to them to proceed forth in their business. When the time assigned & prefixed by Marius was come the lumbard with his company had made ready and ordered every thing: and so went to the place where be had been before. But when they were come thither: the lumbard their guide caused them to change their armour/ and to make bare their heeds and their feet: to th'intent that they so bore heeded the better might see above them and on every side of them: and that they being bare foot might labour so much the better and take better hold in clymming up by the stones. Their sword were fastened behind at their backs & their bucklers withal/ which were made after the fashion of the numidyens bucklers of leather: because of lighter weight and burden. And also to shintent that they should give less sound or noise/ if it happened any stone to smite against them. This done: the lumbard went up before them/ and bound small cords to the stones and to the old roots which appeared above the stones where he could espy any such whereby the soldiers sustaining themself & taking hold might more lightly & with more ease mount and climb upward. And sometime he went before and helped them up with his hands specially such as for that uncustomed way were somewhat fearful. Sometime when thascending or going up was over hard and sharp: he put each of them up before him without armour: and than he himself followed with their armour and wepyn. Such places where most doubt was in: he specially proved and assayed them most of all: and in going & coming often times up & down by the same most dangerous passages: he increased audacity & boldness to the remenant. Thus after they had been sore wearied/ and with long & great labour endeavoured themself: at last they came into the castle/ which on that side they found desolate & without defence. For (as said is before) all they which were with in the castle were occupied in fighting/ or ready to fight against the romans: as they were on other days before. But when Marius understood by messengers how the lumbard had done: how beit that all the day before his men had been sore besied and occupied in fighting: & assailing the castle. Nevertheless specially at this time he exhorted & enbolded them: and he himself departing forth from under his pavases caused his soudyors to adjoin themself near together/ & to hold up their sheldes above their heeds/ so that the conjoining of them seemed as it were the frame of a volt. Marius kept him under the same for his defence/ & so approached to the walls. And both he & his company which were near about him valiantly assailed the castle: and also other of his company which stood a far of & could not come near the walls for press: assailed the castle fiercely from a far and sore vexed and put in fear their enemies within the castle throwing against them plumettes of lead with slings/ arrows/ darts/ and all other manner engines of battle wherewith any thing could strongly be thrown into the castle. But the Numidyens within the castle had often before this time overturned and brent the tents and pavases of the romans and took thereby so great audacity and boldness that they defended not themself within the castle walls: but walked up and down without the castle walls both day and night reviling and reproving the romans and objecting cowardice against Marius. And threatening that his soldiers should be made subjects and bond men to jugurth in time to come/ whom they purposed at that time to make bond to them. Thus while they thought themself sure and their matter in good case: they were hard and eager enough reviling and threatening the romans. In the mean space while the romans and their enemies were besyest fight withal their might: the romans for laud/ glory/ and lordship: and the numidians for their health and saving of their lives. Anon suddenly the lumbard with his company which were within the castle on the backside blewe their trumpets. First of all the women and children which went to the walls to see the bykering were all abashed and fled inward to the castle: and after them all the soudyors which were without and nearest to the walls and could escape in. And finally they all both armed and unarmed fled inward. When the romans saw this they assailed the castle more fiercely: some they slew and overthrow: some they wounded overpassing or standing upon the bodies of them which were slain. Al their desire was with their hands to win glory and worship. They strived to ascend unto the walls every man coveting to be before other. None of them all tarried nor was let with spoylingꝭ nor prays. Their great courage suffered them not to look there after/ till by manhood and strength they had won the castle. Thus was fortune favourable to Marius: so that his first negligence and unwise boldness to assail a castle inexpugnable/ was turned by chance from rebuke to glory and laud/ such was his fortune. But when Marius had won this castle after estimation of man not able to be won: than was he lord of the most part of all the treasure of jugurth: the castle was given all to murder and havoc. And the soldiers of Marius richly rewarded every man after his desert.   

¶ How in the mean time while this castle was in winning/ a noble man of Rome named Lucius Sylla: came from Rome to Marius with a great bend of horsemen: and of the manners & behaviour of this Sylla. ¶ The lu chapter.  
IN mean time while this fires assault and victory was concluded at this castle: a famous lord of Rome named Lucius Sylla/ treasurer of the army came from Rome to Marius with a great bend of horsemen. Whom the same Marius at his departing from Rome had left there to raise and assemble socours unto the war among the italians and other nations friends and lovers of th'empire of Rome. ¶ But forasmoch as the matter moveth us to make mention of so worthy a man and of his disposition and manners: therefore it seemeth me convenient in this part somewhat to write of his behaviour & conversation: and that as briefly as I may conveniently: namely for two causes. The first for that I intend not to make relation of his behaviour & manners in any other place of this chronicle save here. Secondly for asmuch as none other author hath written sufficiently of him. For Howe beit that one hystoriagraph named Lucius Sisenna: wrote most diligently and best of his acts of any other before nevertheless me seemeth that he spoke little according to truth nor indifferently. For his tongue nor pen were not at liberty for as much as he was somewhat in danger to the said Sylla: whereby he was prohibited to say or to write/ according to the truth. For what by favour & what by fere he durst not touch plainly the vices which were in him. But here I purpose (all favour and fere laid a part) indifferently to write of him. ¶ This Sylla of progeny: was descended of most noble stock of the remains. Howbeit the name of his ancestry was almost lost and decayed by dullness/ negligence/ and sloth of some of his lineage. In greek and in latin he was of like cunning: and excellently seen in both the languages. His mind was great/ and bold of courage. Of voluptous pleasures he was desirous: but moche more desirous of glory & laud. In vacant leser he was much inclined to the lusts of his body. But such pleasure or voluptuousness did never let nor withhold him from any business or ocupation necessary: howbeit such pleasure so blinded him that he took no wise of birth/ manners/ and honesty convenient for his estate. He was much eloquent of speech crafty & subtle enough. He had the ways easily to get friendship/ and it was also no mastery to get friendship of him: in feigning/ dissimuling/ and counterfaytinge of business: his wit was very high and excellent. He was a marvelous & incredible giver of many things/ but specially of money: and before the war and victory which the noble men of Rome: had against the comen people: He was so noble & worthy reputed that it is in manner incredible: nor his good fortune never passed the policy of his wit: in so much that many men were in doubt whither he was more fortunate than strong. But after the victory of this war: so ungodly was his demeanour & so cruel/ that verily I know not whither I may more be ashamed or grieved to write it or to speak thereof. For after that this war of Numidy was ended: & both Marius & this Sylla were returned to Rome: a great discord fell between the lords & commons. Marius took part with the commons: but Sylla took part with the lords and at last drove Marius forth of the city. After that: an other man of great power called Cynna which had been five times consul of Rome gathered an host of men and took part with Marius against this Sylla. But at conclusion Sylla overcame him in battle: and slew him. After this: Sylla cruelly murdered an other noble man of Rome named Caius ●arbo: and with him young Marius/ son of this Marius which warred in Numidy. Last of all when this Sylla had won victory over Marius & his favourers: than became he most cruel of all other: in somuch that he filled all the city with blood of the citizens. But here will I leave to speak farther of this Sylla/ or of his behaviour in cruelty: and return to write of his behaviour in this war of Numidy under Marius. ¶ After that this Sylla (as I have said before) was come to Africa & to the host of Marius with his company of horsemen: within short season he became most expert in chivalry & crafty above all other: howbeit before this time he was but rude & ignorant of deeds of chivalry. And moreover he treated & governed his soldiers with manners & meekness. And gave rewards to many: to some which desired him: and to some other of his own pleasure non desired thereto. But he would take no rewards nor gifts again/ without it were against his will. And if he so did at any time against his will: than was he more ready to give again that which was given to him: than to pay that money which he had borrowed of other. He demanded nothing again of any man though it were due and det to him: but rather he laboured and endeavoured himself that many might be in his det/ and by such means to have them bound to him. And how beit that he was one of the greatest of Rome: yet disdained he not the company of the most simple soldiers of the host: but communed and acompanyed with them both in sports & in sadness. In labours he was always ready. In battle & in watchyngꝭ with other business of war he suffered no man to be before him. Nor in the mean season he neither hurt the good name of the consul nor of none other good man: which thing men desirous of worship & honour be often wont to do for in dispraising of other they think to obtain great laud to themselves. He only laboured that none might pass him neither in counsel nor in might/ or manhood of his hands. But he passed many. By which manners & conditions in short time he became very dear & well beloved/ not only to Marius: but also to all the host.   

¶ How Marius prevailed in battle against both the two kings/ jugurth and Bocchus. ¶ The lvi chapter.  
But when jugurth had lost the town of Capsa/ as is said before: and diverse other fortresses and other places defensives which to him were profitable. And also a great quantity of his treasure/ wherein he most trusted: Anon he sent messengers to king Bocchus requiring him in all haste to come to Numidy and to bring his army with him: saying that it was high time to make battle with Marius. But when he understood that Bocchus prolonged the time in overlong tarrying/ having divers considerations of peace and war/ as he that was in doubt of the chance and fortune of the end thereof. jugurth again corrupted the next of his counsel with gifts in lykewse as he had done before: and promised unto the king Bocchus himself/ the third part of the kingdom of Numidy: if the romans were driven out of Africa/ or if the war should be brought to end without loss or diminisshing of his kingdom and marches thereof. The king Bocchus induced with hope of this reward: with a great multitude of people came to jugurth/ and adjoined both their armies together in one. ¶ At this time Marius with his company was in his journey toward the province which was in the coost of Africa & apartayned to th'empire: where the said Marius purposed to rest with his company/ till the winter were passed. But when he was in his journey & in least doubt: jugurth and Bocchus both together invaded and set upon him and his men when the tenth part of the day scarcely remained. This did they: thinking that the night which was near come should to them be great succour and defence if they were overcome: and if they did overcome the romans: it should be to them no damage nor impediment because they knew the country & place better than the romans. But on the other side both these chances: in darkness were hard and contrary to the romans: for they knew not the coostes of that country. Marius anon had understanding of the coming of his enemies by many of his espies: but it was overlate. For assoon as he had word: his enemies were even at hand. In somuch that before the army could be set in order or array: and or they could remove or gather together their baggage which at that time was abroad: and before they could take any commandment of their captain by word or sound of trumpets: The horsemen of the Maurians and of the Getulians' ran together upon them not in order nor array of battle: but by companies and bends together/ as it fortuned them to come together in heaps and clusters. The romans for the most part: were all amazed and grievously abashed for that sudden and unprovided fear. Nevertheless they forgot not their old manhood & strength some drew them to their armour: and other some which were armed already defended their fellows till they armed themselves. Other some mounted on horseback and boldly road against their enemies: and encountered them valiantly. The fight on both parties was more like a skirmish among brigands and rovers than to any appointed or ordered battle. For the horsemen & footmen were mingled together without standards/ cognysances/ or any ordinance/ array/ or order. The Maurians & Numidians were fierce on their side. Some of the romans they beat down and overthrew. Some they wounded mortally: And many they bereft utterly of their lives/ and slew them in that place. The remanant which sharply and manly resisted they compassed them about on every side: and aswell behind as before assailed them: so that neither manhood/ strength/ nor armour: was able sufficiently to defend them: And no marvel for their enemies were more in number than they: and compassed them about on every side of them. But finally the roman soldiers which were both of old and new: and therefore both strong/ bold/ and crafty in battle: gathered them as near together as they might. And where it fortuned any number of them to meet together: they turned back to back/ & joined them round one with an other in manner of a compass or circle: and so they saved & defended themself together that on the backhalf no man could assail them: but if he broke in through the mids of them which was in manner impossible. By this manner they sustained the might of their enemies: and also saved themself. Nor their captain Marius in this jeopardous and sharp business was not afraid at all/ nor of less courage and boldness than he was before: but stirred about every where in the battle. And his men of guard about him whom he had chosen rather of the strongest and boldest men of the host/ than of such as were most familiar with him. For he set more by the audacity of them/ than by the familiarity of the other: and namely in such a jeopardous case. sometime he succoured his soldiers in their need/ or such as he saw in peril. And sometime he ran in among his enemies: where they were thickest. And not withstanding their resistance he assailed them valiantly: and wounded/ slew/ and overthrow them on every side he died his weapon in the reed blood of the black Mauriens and Getuliens. And because that in so hard a case: and in so great and troublous noise & rumour/ he could not counsel nor comfort his soldiers with his tongue/ therefore he thought to counsel/ encourage/ and comfort them with his hand/ giving them example surely to bestow their strokes. Many of his enemies send he to hell crying in vain upon their ydo●les for help. The darts/ javelins pikes/ plumettes of lead/ stones/ with other such instruments of battle were cast so thick on both parties/ that the air therewith was indymed. The strokes were so coarsely charged on the bright helms and harness/ that the fire sprang out on every side: so that it seemed to be the lightning: the cry of the men dying: the neyeng of the horses: and the din of the strokes/ with the sound of the trumpets: was horrible and tedious to here. Thus continued they till the day light was passed/ and the night come. The numidyans'/ getulians/ and maurians desysted nor ceased nothing for that. But as both jugurth and Bocchus before had warned & commanded them: they continued more sharply than before/ thinking that the darkness of the night should be for their advantage. Marius this understanding took counsel & made best provision for himself & his men: which he might in such case: and as the matter required. And to th'intent that his people might have some place to resort unto/ for refuge & socours: he provided before and occupied two hills near together of whom the one was over narrow/ & of little ground to receive his hole army & tents: but in the top thereof was a fair fountain of pure water much necessary. The other hill was sufficiently large to receive his hole host and tents: and also very defensive/ for it was of a great altitude and done right on every side. insomuch that they which should take that hill were sure enough without great defence of themself/ for nature had it sufficiently defended. This well considered: Marius commanded Sylla his undercapten to take with him all the horsemen/ and to tarry that night about the smaller hill where the fountain was. This done: he himself gathered together by little and little the remanent of his soldiers dispersed abroad: their enemies being not less troubled than were they. When Marius had thus assembled again his men together he led them all with full course up unto the larger hill. Thus the two kings jugurth & Bocchus seeing it in vain to fight with them which were on the higher ground/ and also on so sure a place: were constrained to leave the fight: for difficulty of the place which the romans had taken. But nevertheless in the mean time they suffered not their men to departed far thence: but compassed both the hills round about with their hole multitude & there tarried & rested/ shed abroad upon the ground. When they had taken their place in this manner: they made great fires here & there in many places of their host: and the barbarians after their custom passed forth the most part of the night in mirth/ pleasure/ & gladness/ rejoicing/ dancing: and making great noise and din: running and going from place to place: and loudly crying/ singing and revelling. The kings themself were also not a little proud and fierce: because they had not fled from the battle: and counted themself as overcomers seeing that they held the romans so besieged which as they thought durst not abide them. On the other part the Romans intentyfly gave advertences to the demeanour of their enemies. And for that the romans were on the height of the hill and without light: therefore more easy from darkness of higher places they perceived all the deeds and behaviour of their enemies which were beneath them: and much more evidently by light of the fierce. This unwise behaviour of the numidians put the romans in great comfort and was great courage to them. And specially Marius was greatly confirmed in hope seeing their negligence/ their folly/ and uncraftinesse: wherefore he commanded his folk to keep silence as still as might be possible without any noise. In so much that he suffered not the trumpetes to sound the watch: as warryours are wont against night. afterward when the day began to apere: the numidians were all wearied with their crying/ overlate watching/ and revel: and had given themselves to rest a little before as men without fear or doubt of the romans. But certainly it is a true proverb which is often said: that after fair wether succeedeth tempestuous clouds: and aft mirth & joy often cometh sadness and sorrow. So it happened to the numidyens. For while they ingorged & filled with wines lay sleeping on the ground as beasts without fere & without provision: Marius commanded suddenly all his trumpetes & clarionistes with other mynstrels to sound their instruments as shrill as they could altogether and that all his soldiers should set up a shout or cry as horribly as they might: and with that invade and break into the tents of the numidyens. This was shortly done: wherefore the numidyens/ mauriens/ & getuliens astonied and abashed with that unknown and horrible noise: were suddenly awakened of sleep: and seeing them thus compassed with their enemies: what for fear of death and of the noise they were so amazed that they had no power neither to i'll nor to draw to them their armour/ nor utterly to do or provid any manner succour for themself. Thus they stood astonied for this horrible noise and cry as if madnesshe had entered them: none able to succour himself nor other. The romans always increased to them their noise and fear assailing/ murdering/ and wounding them without any resistance. Finally all they were other overthrown/ slain/ or wounded: or else fled their armour/ standerdes' and weapon left behind them: and more were in this battle slain: than in all the battles before. For among them all none was taken prisoner: for with fere and sleep so amazed were they/ that few escaped by flight.   

¶ Of the great provision and wisdom of Marius after his victory: and of the second battle which he had against the two kings/ in which also he had great victory with laud & honour. ¶ The lvii chapter.  
When Marius had gloriously thus over come the most part of his enemies except the two kings: he drew him than toward his wyntring places as he had purposed before. And ordered himself & his men specially in haven towns because of more easy provision of vytels: but nevertheless: in his journey thitherward: for all his victory: he became not negligent/ unware/ nor proud: as captains often are wont aft victory gotten of their enemies: but he ꝓuided and went forward with his army quadrat and divided into four parts ordered & appointed as if his enemies had been in his sight Sylla was assigned to take charge of the right wing of the army and all the spear men with him. And Aulus Manlius of the life wing. And with him the slyngars/ archers/ & the cohortes of Lombard's. The peticapitayns with footmen of light harness: were distributed and divided in the vanguard and rearward. Of the traitors which had forsaken jugurth and came to the romans: such as were best laboured and knew best the country/ were chosen forth and sent out to espy the country and ways of jugurth & Bocchus. But not withstanding Marius himself was as provident/ circumspect/ and diligent withal: as if he had committed the charge to none other. He was moving continually from place to place over all the army: lauding/ commending/ and rewarding the good soudyors: and blaming and rebuking the bad he himself armed/ and diligently providing and ministering unto them every thing necessary and expedient: and compelled them that were froward and ylwilling to labour. In every place where he set his tents in his journey: he ordered defence with deep dyches and trenches round about his host. And in the entries of the tents he assigned soudyors elect thereto to keep watch and some to keep scoutwatch about the tents in compass. Moreover some other he ordered on the casting of the dyches and on outward bulwarks to defend the remanent if any sudden peril appeared. He himself armed nightly went about and searched the watch. Nat specially for any fear nor mistrust of any peril to come nor for fear that his soldiers would not obey his commandment. But specially to th'intent that the loudyours seeing their captain not refusing labour nor peril: should be also more willing to follow the same and to take pain upon themself as ashamed if they did not as much as their captain. And certainly at this time & at many other during this war (as I read) Marius constrained his soudyors to labour rather for shame than with sharpness or punishment. For shame it is to the servant to be idle when the master sore laboureth. Howbeit some said that Marius took this labour upon him for the desire of commendation & worship: because that from his youth he was ever wont with hardness/ hunger/ thirst/ and labour: and many other things which the delicate gentlemen of our time count for miseries. But to Marius were these hardnesses much pleasure and delight for affection which he had against the comen wail/ as equal persons supposed. But to what ever intent Marius: treated his army in this wise: it was known that his deeds did asmuch profit and worship to the comen wail of Rome: as if he had more rigorously and sharply treated his soldiers. For all things were ordered well and worthily for the honour and profit of the comen wail: as if he had more rigorously treated his army.  
¶ But to return to my purpose: when Marius with such diligence as said is: was come not far from the town of Cirtha/ at the last the fourth day after the foresaid battle: the espies of their enemies appeared on every side. The Romans understood anon thereby that their enemies were at hand. The espies of the romans also which were send forth: brought the same tidings from every coost of the country. Marius perceived that his enemies were in diverse companies and divided: wherefore he was uncertain how he might best order his host to receive them: And therefore perceiving it unsure: how to order the forfront of his battle as it ought: he abode his enemies in the same place no order changed with his host divided in four parts (as said is) as he which was ready and provided for every chance. Thus was jugurth deceived and frustrate of his purpose. For he had divided his host into four parts trusting to invade some of the romans on the backhalf with part of his army: and with an other part to encounter with them/ and with the other two parts to enclose them on both the sides: and so to environ them round about. In the mean time Sylla which first encountered with jugurth exhorted & comforted his men aswell as he might for brevite of the tyme. That done: anon he proceeded with his company by bends & clustres together/ their horses conjoined in the most thickest manner: and so fiercely assailed the Maurians. The remanent of the footmen which were under Sylla: remained and kept themself still in their first place: and defended their bodies from the darts which their enemies threw against them from far. But if it chanced any of their enemies to come between their hands: they hewed them down to decrease the number. ¶ While Sylla and his horsemen thus fiercely were fighting on the right wing of the battle: The king Bocchus assembled together the footmen whom his son named Volux/ had brought thither with him. These footmen had such impediment in their journey thitherward that they came overlate to the other battle which was last fought before this. Wherefore Bocchus: when he had assembled & inbolded with his words these fresh footmen: with them he assailed fiercely the rearward of the romans.  
¶ In the mean time Marius himself was occupied in the forward of his host and there employed his wisdom and strength/ as a valiant and worthy captain: and so stood it him in hand. For in the forward jugurth himself with his greatest power & strongest company of men inbatayled with him. ¶ But after that jugurth knew of the coming of Bocchus to the field: anon he turned him with a small company about him privily unto the footmen of the romans: and there with an high voice he cried unto them/ saying that they fought but in vain. For a little before he had slain Marius with his own hands. And in crying these words he lifted up withal/ and showed his sword all oversprincled and died with blood: which he had so coloured in the battle fiercely enough in murdering the footmen of the romans. These words jugurth cried in latin tongue. For he had learned to speak latin long before in the battle of Numaunce. When the romans heard these words they were afraid/ but more for cruelty of the noise: than for any confidence or trust which they had to the messenger. But on the other side the minds of the barbariens were bolded & exalted by these words: by reason whereof more sharply they invaded the romans/ saying them abashed & astonied. And now were the romans of the forward at that point that they were ready to give themself to flight: as men discouraged for the said tidings. ¶ When they were at this point: it fortuned so at the same time that Sylla had beaten and overthrown the mauriens which invaded and assailed him on the right wing of the battle: wherefore he returned to his company & fiercely assailed the fresh footmen which were with Bocchus/ and at one side broke in among the thickest of them. But Bocchus anon turned his back: and gave himself to flight.  
¶ On the otherside jugurth which in his part of the battle almost had obtained victory did his diligence to encourage & support his company: and to mentayne that advantage which he had won. And at conclusion all in vain. For while he laboured there about as a worthy captain: the spear men of the romans so compassed him & his company about both on the right side & on the life: that all his guard & other which were about him at conclusion were slain. But he himself glad to save his life/ broke forth alone from among the mids of his enemies: and from wepyns and darts with great difficuly. ¶ But in the mean time Marius had overcome & driven away the horsemen which assailed him. Wherefore anon he returned fiercely to help and socours of his company whom he understood somewhat put back by violence of their enemies. But he by his policy and valiant deeds anon so reconforted his men that none of his enemies were able to withstand their violence in any part of that battle.  
¶ Thus finally the romans after great labour and many grievous wounds discomfited their enemies on every side. But when the battle was ended and the romans began to pursue the chase: than verily it was a pitiful and horrible sight to behold in the open fields and to consider the cruel spectacle of battle. How some fled: Some pursued/ some enraged murdering/ some roared dying/ some slain/ some taken prisoners. The horse and men mingled together: labouring in the pangs of death. The ground overspread with deed corpses mangled/ mutulate/ and horribly hewyn: involved in blood congealed. The horse wounded: as mad drew after them the deed carcases of their masters/ their legs hanging in the styropes/ and their spears half thorough their bodies trailing after in the dust. The coursers wounded and fleeing cast up with their feet the dust tempered with blood running over the deed bodies of their lords. Many of the Numidians which were sore wounded could neither i'll: nor be suffered to take rest on the ground. Sometime they laboured to rise & avoid: and anon after for feebleness fell down to the ground again: each rolling & turning in other blood. And finally: as far as any man's sight might extend/ all the ground was overspread and covered with armour/ weepen/ and deed carrions running of blood. And all the ground infect with the same/ horrible to behold.   

¶ How Bocchus after that he was thus twice overcome in battle/ purposed to make peace with the romans: and how at his request Marius send unto him Sylla and Manlius to know his mind in that behalf. ¶ The lviii Chapter.  
AFter that this battle was thus ended to the utter damage & destruction of the numidians: and to the laud & honour of the romans. Marius was now without doubt overcomer & victor and went unto the town of Cirtha as his journey and purpose was at first beginning before these two battles. When Marius had sojourned there five days aft this battle: there came unto him ambassadors from king Bocchus. Which in their kings behalf desired of Marius to send unto him two of the most trusty men which he had: saying that he would comen & treat with them of divers business both for his own profit/ & for ꝓfet & advantage of the romans also. Marius without tarry send forth Sylla for one: and Aulus Manlius for an other. When they were come to king Bocchus: howbeit he had send for them to comen with them in his matters. Nevertheless it was concluded between them to speak to him first to th'intent to kyndell and inflame his mind the more against jugurth: or else seeing him somewhat desirous and willing to have peace to provoke him with more desire thereto. Wherefore Sylla (to whom Manlius gave place not for his age/ burr for his eloquence) began & spoke to Bocchus in manner: as followeth.   

¶ Of the words of Sylla treasurer of the roman army had before king Bocchus. The lix cha.  
KIng Bocchus we have great gladness and joy sith it is so that the gods have thus admonished & inspired you so noble a man that at last ye have reputed peace better & more acceptable than war: lest ye might dishonest & defile your worthiness by associating yourself to the most unhappy tyrant jugurth. And also we are glad that ye have avoided the occasion & necessity: whereby we were moved to pursue in battle: you being ignorant of our quarrel: and in the company of the said most cursed jugurth tyrant & enemy to th'empire of Rome. And certainly the people of Rome ever sith their poor/ simple/ & small beginning have thought it better to win friends than servants or bondmen and also they have thought it a much surer thing to have under their empire such as willingly & of their own motion would yield themselves: than such as they have constrained thereto against their will. But verily no friendship is more necessary to you than our amity or friendship. At first of all: because we and ye be far in sunder: whereby we shall have less power to grieve you/ or to put you to any charge: by reason of our friendship. But our favour & thanks may be as ready to you: as if we were near together: considering the many & great friends which we have not far from your marches. And also unto th'empire of Rome be obeyers/ subgettes & servants abundantly. But as touching lovers & friends we nor none other can have sufficiently enough. For this consideration king Bocchus your friendship shallbe more acceptable unto us. And would god it had pleased you thus to have done at the beginning of this war. Forsooth if ye had so done: than should ye before this time have received of the romans more commodities/ avantages/ and good deeds than ye have now suffered loss/ damages/ or hurts. But while it is so that man's deeds & business (for the most part) be ruled by fortune: to which fortune it hath pleased that ye should both prove and assay our might and violence in battle: and also our love & favour in peace: Therefore now syht amity is proffered to you by sufferance of fortune: and sith it is lawful to you to take it: be not slow from hens forward/ but hastily proceed as ye have begun: that ye may prove the romans friends to you like as ye have proved them enemies before this tyme. Ye have many expedient oportunites & necessary commodities by whom ye may make amends with your good deeds for that ye have offended against the romans & overpass your old faults with new kindnesses and benefits: and finally fix this in your heart that ye or any other shall never overcome the people of Rome with kindness or good deeds. And as touching their hatred/ and of what might they are in battle: yet yourself know that by proof & experience. Wherefore proceed in acquiring of their friendship: which gladly shallbe granted unto you/ if your merits shall so deserve.   

¶ Of the answer of Bocchus made to Sylla: and of the unstableness of mind of the same Bocchus. ¶ The lx chapter.  
TO these words of Sylla answered Bocchus mildly and soberly: and a few words he spoke in excusing his offence done again the romans/ saying that he had not taken armour nor begun war against them as enemy to do injury or wrong unto them: but to defend his own kingdom. And that the third part of Numidy belonged unto him by law of arms: of the which the romans laboured to expel jugurth. And in that doing they destroyed his part of the country: which he could not suffer unrevenged. Moreover Bocchus said for himself that he had send unto Rome before to require amity and friendship of the romans: which thing unto him was denied. But at conclusion he said: that he would omit & lay a part all old malice & that allthing should be done and agreed between them: if Marius would grant him that his ambassadors might be send to Rome: for the said friendship to be confederate with the romans. Upon this answer Sylla & his fellow returned to Marius which anon agreed that the same ambassadors should be sent to Rome. But shortly after: what time jugurth understood of the coming of Sylla & Manlius he feared the same thing/ which was ordend & in hand. And anon with rewards so he corrupted the friends of Bocchus: that again they changed his mind with their counsel: so mutable and variable was he of mind.   

¶ How Bocchus changed his purpose yet once again: and send new ambassadors to Marius to treat of the peace: and how Sylla received and treated them in absence of Marius. ¶ The lxi chapter.  
IN the mean time Marius set and ordered his host in their wyntring places & took with him such men as were of light harness: and also a part of his horsemen: & with them went into a desert not far thence/ to besige a certain tower belonging to jugurth: into which tower the said jugurth had put for garnison & defence: all the treators which had forsaken & fled from the romans to jugurth. But in the mean while Bocchus of new again considered in mind the misfortune which had happened to him in the two battles before. Or else by counsel of some other of his friends: whom jugurth had not corrupted with rewardis: he chose forth among all .v. men whose fidelity & truth he had well known & often proved before: and whose wisdom was most expert & ready. Them send he to Marius: & commanded them afterward if the matter required as ambassadors to take their way to Rome: and committed to them his full authority in every thing which was to be done: and to conclude the war by what ever manner should seem best/ and most expedient to their discretion. These ambassadors took le●e & speedily took their journey to the places where the romans sojourned the winter season. But while they were in their journey thitherward: they were assailed of thieves of the getulians/ and rob & spoiled of all that they had about them. Thus at last without worship or apparel: all afraid & abashed they fled unto Sylla for refuge. This Sylla was left by Marius in the wyntering places: to be ruler of the roman army in his absence. What time these ambassadors: thus spoiled were come to Sylla for refuge/ he received them not faintly as vain & unstable enemies as they deserved: but courteously with much gentleness & liberality/ treating them in all points honourably. By this means these barbarians & rude people counted and supposed that the name of covetise/ which was imputed unto the romans by comen fame was but false & feigned of their enemies/ to distain their honour. And also for the much liberality of Sylla: they counted him as their special friend. For yet unto that time: the accloyeng of gifts given for rewards for policy & falsehood to overcome covetous or simple minds/ was unknown unto many. No man was liberal in gyftis: but that he was thought & counted to be faithful of heart withal. Thus the barbarians reputed the liberty & rewardis of Sylla to be a great & evident token of love which he had to them: as they deemed. But to our purpose: the ambassadors anon opened & declared to Sylla the will & commandment of Bocchus their king: given to them to be excuted: And also they required him to be unto them a friendly favourer & counsellor in their business. furthermore with their words and speech they commended & exalted the army/ the truth/ the greatness & excellence of their king: and all other things which they thought might avail them to obtain benevolence of the romans. After they remained with Sylla about the space of xl. days: which granted them all his help and succour and also in the mean space informed them in what manner they should order their words when they should speak with Marius/ and also before the senators at Rome.   

¶ How Marius hard them bassadours of Bocchus & send them to Rome: and how they were answered of the senators. ¶ The lxii chapter.  
IN the mean time Marius which was in assault of the kings tower could not perform his enterprise. Wherefore he returned again to Cirtha: anon was he certified of coming of the ambassadors of Bocchus. Wherefore he commanded them & Sylla also to come before him: and also he called together all the most worthy men of his hole host from every place. Before them all presently he commanded the ambassadors of Bocchus to rehearse the petition of their king (which rehearsed & hard) it was granted unto them to go Rome for the same points. And of Marius was truesse required in the mean time between Bocchus and him. Sylla with many other noble men were pleased withal. A few other fiercely and sharply counseled otherwise: as men without pity and ignorant of others hard fortune which when it beginneth to be froward and contrary: it turneth every thing to adversity.  
¶ But when the mauriens had obtained of Marius all their desire: three of them went to Rome with one named Octavyus Rufo: whom Marius had assigned to convey them thither This Octavyus Rufo was send before from Rome into Africa to Marius with wages for the soldiers. The other two imbassadors of Bocchus returned home again to their king: which of them gladly hard of the good report which they made of the romans in every point: and specially of the good will/ lyberalite/ and courtesy of Sylla. ¶ But when the other three ambassadors were come to Rome they appeared before the senators and in the humblest wise that they could devise/ did their message excusing their king: and confessing that he had offended against the empire not by his own seeking: but by the cursed fault provocation/ and instygation of jugurth: whereof their king sore repent. Wherefore in his behalf at conclusion they besought the romans of pardon/ amity/ and peace. Than was it briefly answered to them in this manner.  
¶ The senators and people of Rome: is wont to remember both the kindness and benefits of their friends: and also the injuries of their enemies. But sith it repenteth and forethinketh Bocchus of his trespass: grace and pardon of his offence is granted unto him. Peace and amity shallbe also granted unto him hereafter/ when he shall so deserve.   

¶ How Marius sent Sylla again to Bocchus at his desire: and what danger the same Sylla escaped by help of Volux/ son of king Bocchus. ¶ The lxiii chapter.  
When Bocchus understood all these things: he desired Marius by his letters to send unto him Sylla: to th'intent that after his advise & discretion counsel might be had of the comen business to both parties belonging. Sylla anon was send forth with a great retinue of footmen & horsemen: with diverse weapon & strong defence as archars/ slyngars/ with otherlike. And to thintent to speed their journey more hastily: they were all armed with lightest harness which could be provided but for all the lightness of their armour it was defensite enough against the weapyns of the mauryans: for their wepyns be light in likewise. But finally when Sylla had passed five days of his journey: suddenly Volux the son of Bocchus appeared and showed himself to the romans in the open fields: with no more but. M. men which went scattered and dispersed abroad negligently: so that they seemed to Sylla: and all other a greater number than they were in deed. Sylla and all his company feared them/ thinking them enemies: wherefore the romans made them ready with armour and weapon: to defend themself/ and to resist their enemies: if need should so require. A little fear was among them: but their hope and comfort overpassed their fear. For why? they had the upper hand before: and considered that they should bycker with them whom they had often overthrown and overcome before. In the mean time the horsemen which were sent before of both parties to espy the truth of the matter/ certified each of them that all thing was quiet and sure enough: as it was in deed: without treason or peril. Volux in his meeting called Sylla by name: and welcomed him benyngely/ saying that he was sent from his father Bocchus to meet the said Sylla for his honour/ succour/ & defence. And so proceeded they forthewarde all this day and the next day after in company together without fear or danger. But after that it was night & their tents pitched: suddenly the maurian Volux came running to Sylla all pale & quaking: and said that he was informed of the espies/ that jugurth was not far thence. And with that prayed & exhorted him to i'll away with him privily by night. Sylla denied that utterly as fierce and bold of courage/ saying that he feared not a coward numidyan: which so often had been overcome before. And that he trusted well enough to the strength & courage of his men: and finally he gave Volux this answer. If I knew without doubt that our sure destruction were instant: and that I and mine should be slain in the field/ yet would I not i'll for any dread: but rather abide and die manfully: than cowardly to flee & shame my people of whom I have charge in sparing our lives/ which be so incertain & unsure: and peraventure shortly after this shall finish with some sickness or disease. Is it not better to die in a noble quarrel manly/ than to live in shame cowardly? When Sylla had thus answered: than Volux counseled him to departed from that place & to remove forward by night. Thereto Sylla consented: and anon commanded his soldiers to refresh them in their tents with such victuals as they had/ and to make plenty of fires over all the place to the intent that if their enemies were near: in beholding the fires they should think that they would not remove thence that night. But in the first hour of the night Sylla commanded all his soudyors to leave their fires brenning and so to departed forward in their journey with silence: so they did. And went all the night long: and even with the son rising they all being wearied: Sylla pitched his tents again. With that certain horsemen of the mauriens brought word that jugurth had taken place to his tents: and rested about the distance of two mile before them. When these tidings were hard among the romans: a marvelous & great fear entered the minds of them al. For they thought themself betrayed of Volux. And so enuyrounde with falsehood & treason. Many advised to take punishment of Volux: saying that it was a thing unworthy to suffer him to escape unpunished for so great a mischief and treason against them committed. But howbeit that Sylla was inwardly of the same opinion: nevertheless he defended the maurian from damage. And exhorted his men to be of strong & bold minds: saying that often before that time it had been seen that a few worthy men had won victory of a moche multitude of cowardꝭ. And how much the less that they spared their bodies in battle fro fighting: somuch the surer should they be: and that it seemed no man to whom god & nature had given hands to defend his body: to sick defence in his feet unarmed by running away. And that in such a jeopardy/ a noble soldier aught not to turn away his body from his enemy/ though he were naked and unarmed. ¶ When Sylla had exhorted his men with such words: he called unto him Volux: and called in to witness jupiter and all his idols to record the falsehood and treason of Bocchus/ father of Volux: which had so betrayed him. Than for as much as Sylla supposed that Volux had brought him by treason into hands of jugurth by counsel & commandment of his father Bocchus he commanded Volux anon to departed from his company sight/ Volux piteously weeping: besought Sylla not to believe such things in him: & said that certainly by guile nor by treason was nothing done of him nor of his father: but rather by jugurth which by his subtilty had espied & searched their journey & ways by his espies & so known the same. But at conclusion said Volux: sith it is so that jugurth hath no great company & that his hope/ his trust & comfort for the most part dependeth on my father: I think that he shall not be so bold to do any damage to you openly while I am in your company: which may record his dedis to my father. Wherefore Sylla to th'intent that ye may perceive that no treason is in me: I shall openly go with you alone by the mids of the tents of jugurth & so safely convey you: and other send my folk before: or else leave them hexe with your company whither of both shall please you best. This counsel was allowed of Sylla: & anon without tarry he proceeded forward with all his company through mids of the tents of jugurth. And because this was suddenly done: jugurth not knowing thereof before/ he marveled much thereat: & doubted long what was to be done. But at last he suffered the romans to pass & to escape safe and sound for love of Volux/ and dread of Bocchus his father. And within a few days after: Volux and Sylla with their company came to Bocchus: whether they intended.   

¶ Of the meeting and secret apoyntmentes between Bocchus and Sylla: and how between them both they abused Asper/ the ambassador of jugurth. ¶ The lxiiii chapter.  
AT the same season was with Bocchus a certain numidyan named Asper/ send before Bocchus from jugurth/ by craft and subtlety: to espy his counsel/ assoon as it was hard that Bocchus had send for Sylla. This numidyan was much & familiarly conversant with Bocchus at that tyme. Moreover there was an other named Dabar the son of Massagrade: which of his father's side was of the stock of Massinissa. But of his mother's side unlike of birth: for his mother was borne of a concubine. This Dabar (as I have said) was at this season also in the company of Bocchus: and to him dear and well-beloved for subtel wit and great acts which he had done before: and namely because that Bocchus had found & proved him trusty & faithful many times before. Anon Bocchus send this Dabar to Sylla commanding Dabar to show him that he was ready to do every thing which the romans to him would command or assign. And that Sylla himself should appoint/ & chose a time & place where they might comen together of their matters: and that he should not fere nor doubt though the ambassador of jugurth were there with him. For he had reserved all things touching their counsel hole till coming of Sylla: & of nothing had appointed/ communed/ nor concluded with the same ambassador of jugurth. Which ambassador was called thither to th'intent that their comen besynesses might be done more at liberty & with less suspection of jugurth: for by other means they could not resist nor make provision against his guiles. Such words send Bocchus to Sylla: by his trusty servant Dabar. But natwtstandynge all these fair promises of Bocchus it was understand that he ꝓlonged the romans & the numidians in hope of peace/ rather for falsehood & treason after the credence of affrycans: than for profit to the romans or troth of such things as he promised to Sylla. And often times he cast in his mind & doubted whether he might betray jugurth to the romans: or else Sylla to jugurth: the pleasure & desire of his mind advised/ moved/ & counseled him against the romans: but the dread which he had of punishment in time to come: moved him with the romans. But to our purpose: Sylla answered to Dabar the messenger of Bocchus that the would come thither/ & first speak a little of the peace & of such other things in presence of Asper the ambassador of jugurth: but concerning the remanant of the business: he would differ that to comen secretly with Bocchus/ few or none called to counsel. And also he taught Dabar what words Bocchus should answer unto him again/ when they should come to communication: and so departed Dabar. But when Sylla saw his time he went to Bocchus/ and said that he was sent from Marius the consul to inquire if he would liefer peace or war: and whereon he would conclude. Than Bocchus (as Dabar had warned him before) commanded Sylla to return again afterd ten days: and than should an answer be given unto him. For at that time nothing was concluded. That answer well noted & hard Asper the ambassador of jugurth ● which was sent to espy the intreatement: and so thought he that nothing should be treated nor concluded without his knowledge. And thus after this answer Bocchus and Sylla departed: each to their tents.   

¶ Of the second coming together of Bocchus and of Sylla: and of the words of Bocchus had to Sylla: and replycation and answer of Sylla again to him. And how Bocchus granted & concluded to betray jugurth to the romans. ¶ The .lxv. chapter.  
But after that moche of the night was overpassed: Bocchus privily send for Sylla none being in their company/ save such as on both parties might truly interprit and declare the sentence and understanding of their words. And also Dabar the said messenger/ was present which solemnly swore and promised to be faithful interpreter of both their sayings/ and sentences. Than Bocchus anon began his words in this sentence.  
¶ I have thought forsooth: that it should never have fortuned that I the greatest king of all them in these lands: and richest of all them that I know: should have been bound a mean & private person. And forsooth Sylla or ever I hard of you: I have given help & socours to many other men. To some of mine own voluntary and free-will. And to some other: required of them: myself not needing help of any man. But now sith I have known you: I have need of your help and friendship of which I am glad: not withstanding other men are wont to be sorry of such fortune. And certainly this need which I have of your friendship is not of me counted damage nor loss: but moche profit and pleasure. For inwardly in my mind nothing is dearer/ nor more acceptable: which ye may conveniently prove if it please you: demand & take of me armour/ men/ treasure: and finally what ever it pleaseth you in your mind: and use & occupy the same as your own. And think ye for certain that while ye live & I together: I can never render worthy thanks unto your kindness: nor condignly recompense your great humanity: but ever my good will & mind shallbe hole and new against you. And certainly if I may know your mind & will: ye shall nought need to desire of me: I shall prevent your requests with my benefits: so that ye shall covet nothing in vain. Verily as I think it is less reprovable and less dishonour a king to be overcome with armour: than with liberality. Wherefore I have concluded in mind that a man shall rather overcome me in battle with weapon & force of arms: than with liberality.  
¶ But touching your comen wail (for whose business ye be send hither as procurator of the same) this is my sentence and mind in few words. Against the romans/ nor against their empire: I never moved nor made war: nor to make battle against them: it was never in my mind by my will. But the bounds of my marchesse have I endeavoured me to defend against the violence of your armed men. But this I leave & set a side: sith I see that it pleaseth you to do the same: execute & continue ye battle with jugurth as ye will. And as touching me: I shall not overpass the water of Mulucha/ which was bounds between my marches and Micipsa while he lived. Nor into my country I shall not suffer jugurth from hens forth: to enter for succour/ as he hath done in times passed. furthermore if ye desire any thing of me conveniently: which I may worthily grant/ my royalty not distained: it shall not be denied unto you. Thus concluded Bocchus his words.  
¶ Unto these words Sylla answered for his own part but moderately and with few words. But touching the peace and business concerning the comen wail: he spoke many words/ whereof the conclusion was such.  
¶ King Bocchus I insure and promise you: that the romans shall not be unkind to you if ye do some pleasure to them: which may rather long to them all holly in comen: then in me alone. And think ye for certain: that they which have overcome you in battle: shall likewise overcome you with liberality/ kindness/ and good deeds: if ye so contend with them: which thing is now ready in your power to do: considering that I have jugurth ready at your will and pleasure. Therefore among all benefits or pleasures: ye can do none more acceptable unto the romans: than to deliver unto them jugurth. By this means shall they be much beholden to you: and think ye steadfastly: it shall not be unrewarded on our behalf. For than shall the Senate grant unto you amity and peace: and also a part of numidy which ye do now claim: shul than be granted unto you vnrequired.  
¶ Bocchus hearing these words of Sylla: first excused himself by the affinity which was between him and jugurth: and by the long familyarite & aquayntance which they had together: saying also that a bond of peace was confyderate and sworn between them. And also that he feared & suspected that if he so did: his own subgettis should hate him therefore which moche loved jugurth: & greatly hated the romans. But not withstanding these words of Bocchus: Sylla desysted not to attyse and counsel him: till at last he agreed and consented to his desire/ promising to do every thing as Syl●a required him. But to th'intent to fain a treaty of peace (of which jugurth wearied in war was much desirous) they ordained such craft: as to their purpose seemed most expedient. But when they had imagined and devised all things after their minds: than both they departed in sunder: and returned again to their rest.   

¶ How Bocchus betrayed jugurth and delivered him bound to Sylla. ¶ The lxvi chap.  
ON the morrow after Bocchus called to him Asper the ambassador of jugurth/ and said to him that he understood of Silly by the interpretation of Dabar that the war might be ●inysshed upon certain conditions. Wherefore he bade him go & inquire the mind & pleasure of his king in that behalf. Asper of these tidings was glad & took h●s leave of Bocchus: and departed to the tents of jugurth: & certified him of the same. jugurth showed to Asper: all his mind and pleasure concerning the premises. And within viii days aft send him again to Bocchus. When Asper was returned again to Bocchus: he showed to him the will of jugurth/ saying that he coveted to do allthing which should be commanded to him of Bocchus: but he had but small confidence in Marius. For asmuch as the peace which often before had been convented & appointed of the roman captains had anon after been frustrate: & broken of them again. But if ye will (said Asper to Bocchus) that peace shallbe confirmed of the romans with jugurth & you also: jugurth desireth & requireth you to labour so: that Sylla/ jugurth/ & ye: may come together to communication: as if it were to treat of peace & that ye will there betray and deliver Sylla to him. For if ye may once bring such a man into power & hands of jugurth: anon after it shall fortune without doubt that peace shallbe made and granted to him by comen assent of the senators: & commons of Rome also. And that: to thintent to recover Sylla again out of the hands of jugurth. For without doubt the romans will not suffer so noble a man to be left in hands & danger of their enemies. And namely: when they shall understand him taken/ not by his own folly nor cowardice: but in business belonging to the comen wail.  
¶ Bocchus hearing these words: revolved & cast long in mind/ what he might answer to them: but at last he granted thereto But whether he doubted so long before he granted for subtlety or very troth/ it is hard to discern. But this is plainly known that for the most part in likewise as the wills & minds of kings be vehement/ immoderate/ & hasty: right so be they moving/ unsteadfast/ & variable: and often adverse & contrary to their own self: and with themselves repugnant. But to our matter: Bocchus assigned to Asper a place & time: where Sylla and they should comen together of the peace. And in the mean while sometime he communed secretly with Sylla: sometime with Asper ambassador of jugurth/ treating them both meekly and courteously: and ꝓmising one self thing unto them both. Wherefore they both were glad: and also each of them both had good hope in the promises of Bocchus.  
¶ But the nigh before that day: which was assigned to entreatment of the peace: Bocchus called unto him diverse of his friends/ as if he would have taken counsel of them: and than immediately he changed that mind/ commanding them again to avoid from him. And so (none of his counsel about him) he stood all alone revolving & turning in mind many things by himself/ changing oftentimes in countenance/ and colour variable & diverse: appearing forthward by tokens of fear conceived in his mind & expressed by outward tokens of his body. In so much: that all if he expressed not his mind by words: nevertheless this often changing of countenance/ declared the secrets of his heart. But at conclusion: after long cōfly●● had within himself: at last he commanded Sylla to be called unto him. And than aft his advise & counsel he devised & prepared althyngis concerning the prodition of jugurth.  
¶ After this counsel concluded: assoon as the day light appeared▪ tidings were brought to Bocchus/ that jugurth was not far thence: and coming toward him. Bocchus this hearing: anon prepared himself and proceeded forth against him accompanied with a few of his friends/ and also with Sylla: feigning that he went so forth to meet with jugurth and to receive him/ because of honour. And thus they proceeded forward: till at last they came to an opyn heyth/ where they might easily see the coming of jugurth: which place was appointed before to their treason. For in diverse valleys of the same height: were armed men dying in wait ready and appointed before by Bocchus: for to assail jugurth and his company/ when signs should be given to them: to issue forth of their lurking places. Anon jugurth with many of his men about him came to the same place all unarmed: as appointment was made before. For it was ordained that Bocchus/ jugurth/ and Sylla: should come together to communication: each one with a small company/ and all unarmed.  
¶ Anon as jugurth was come thither: king Bocchus gave a token to his men/ which lay in wait for jugurth. Anon as they hard the token: suddenly they brack forth and invaded jugurth and his company: compassing them about on every side. Without great labour: all the company of jugurth were murdered: and he himself taken and bound hand and foot/ and so delivered unto Sylla: which without tarry led him forth and delivered him unto Marius: whose heart was replenished and environed/ with joy inestimable.   

¶ How Marius was received into Rome with triumph: and how jugurth was cast into prison: where he continued in miserable captivity till he died. ¶ The lxvii cha.  
AFter that jugurth thus bound was delivered by Bocchus unto Sylla: and than to Marius. Anon all the numidians/ submitted and yielded themself to the romans. Marius with great wisdom set an order among the people/ and garnished and fortified the towns: and than with the remanent of his army took his journey again to Rome: leading jugurth and his two sons bound with him: with innumerable other prisoners/ great treasure/ elephants/ and armour: which he had won in the war of jugurth. But after that tidings were brought to Rome: how the war was ended in Numidy: and how jugurth was led thitherward bound and prisoner. Anon the Senate and commons assembled to counsel: and Marius was create consul again for the next year: in his absence. And by decree and ordinance: the province of France was committed unto him to be recovered.  
¶ For the same time while Marius warred in Numidy: and took jugurth prisoner. That country of France (whose people that time were named Cymbrians) rebelled against the empire of Rome. Against whom the romans send forth to repress their rebellion: a great army with two captains: the one named Quintus Scipio/ the other Marcus Manlyus: which at last with froward fortune had a great and grievous battle with the same frenchmen Cymbrians. In which both these roman captains were overcome· and twice lost the field. Of the romans men of war: were slain lxxx thousand: of tylmen/ and pages xl thousand. Thus was this battle fought with so ill fortune unto the romans: that the cite of Rome/ and all the country of Italy trembled for fear thereof. In so much that both the romans which lived at that time: and all their progeny which succeeded them: counted all other nations ready to their obesance: and to win honour by them: but they thought never to contend in battle with this nation of frenchmen: to win glory or honour by them: but rather to defend themself and their liberty: which thing if they might do/ they counted themself fortunate. Wherefore (as I have before recounted) the Senate: and commons of Rome/ decreed this province of France to Marius for to revenge the death of their men: and to recover the country.  
¶ But (to our purpose) when Marius should intre into Rome he was joyfully received with great glory and triumph: whereof the order was such. Marius himself was set on high in a golden chair: which was drawn of four white palfreys. jugurth and his two sons/ with many other noble men: whom he brought captive from Numidy/ proceeded before his chariot: their hands and arms bound as prisoners. Fathermore for more ample ostentation of his glory/ and to declare how moche he had enriched the comen wail of Rome: all the elephants/ armour/ jewels/ presentense/ and richesse which he had won in Numidy of jugurth: were led and borne before him. Than all the senators: all the officers and noble men of Rome/ with an unnumerable multitude of commons received him with all honour and joy: and conveyed him unto the principal palace of Rome/ named the Capytol: where he made sacrifice with a bull unto jupiter: for his victory: after the custom of that tyme. His sacrifice ended: than was he conveyed into the Senate house/ in his rob triumphal: as never consul was brought before his tyme. Marius was received at Rome with such triumph at the kalends of january. From thenceforth all the hop● of comfort/ health/ socors/ & wealth of the cite of Rome resisted in Marius. ¶ jugurth was casten into prison: where he ended his wretched life in miserable captivity/ and manifold calamities/ as to such a murderer unnatural: and t●ran inhuman was convenient.   
FINIS.  
¶ Thus endeth the famous chronicle of the war which the romans had against jugurth usurper of the kingdom of Numidy: which chronicle is compiled in latin by the renowned roman Sallust. And translated into english by sir Alexander Barclay priest: at commandment of the right high and mighty prince/ Thomas duke of Norfolk. And imprinted at London by Richard Pynson printer unto the kings noble grace: with privilege unto him granted by our said sovereign lord the king.   

REVERENDISSImo in Christo patri ac dno: dno joanni Veysy Exonien episcopo Alexander Barclay presbyter de bita cum obseruantia. S.  
MEMINI me superi oribus annis cum adhuc sacelli regij presul esses: pastor vigilam tissime: tuis suasionibus incitatum: ut Crispi Salustij hystorian (quam Iugurthy num bellum vocant) eromana lingua: in anglicam compendio se verterem: quam rem (tametsi ardua videbatur) tn̄ quantum ꝑ exi●le inge●●●/ aliasque (quae me premunt) curas licuit certum erat capesser●● Indignun enim duxi. viti bonarum literarum studiosis faventissimi▪ monitis tis literario in negotio non obtē●●●●●e. Sane quum ad●ceris/ tibi/ vn●uersis● anglici nominis proceribus ●em gratissima ●ore: qui plerunque huiuscemodi labores sponte subeo: a tanto patre admonitus: non potui provinciam recusare. Huc acce dunt ●liustr●●● principis Thome: bo●ialis gentis duc●s hortamenta: qui & ip●e paulo posteaquam tua dnatio ad ●anc operam me ꝑsuaserit non minori impu●●u/ eandem ad rem adegit: atque eo● cunstantem aīm redegit: ut postridie/ prouīciam aggrederet Cuius quoque magnificentie (ut duci rerum mi●ita●ium p●●●ssimo/ hystoria bellicis de rebus conscripta: conveniret) libellum non immerito nūcupau●. Atque ut du ●i strēnuis●imo/ pontificique doctissimo morem gererem: tentavi insegnem illam hystorian/ bellunque/ quod cum lugurtha tryanno/ reg● Numidiae inva so●e: pop. romanu●▪ varijs sub consu●ibus variaque uctoria victoria ges sit ● ex latio sermone: in anglicum (tu ●s sub auspicijs) vertere. Vt (te authore) habeant tandem angl●ci proceres: quod ad rerum magnarum imitationem dign legant. Adhoc/ ipsius Crispi Salusti● verba huic ●●r̄e trans lationi ydon●ū visum est in margine annotare: tum ut due linguae una in pagina/ per colunnas: meo more disticte/ altera alteram magis illustret. Tum vero: ut tetrici sensores isti: qui soli sibi sapere videntur: quique seriosū quicquam aut grave/ vulgarem in sermonem redigi egre ferunt ac pene dedignantur: habeant etiam quod latine legant: obscurius tamen: ac hystorian legant: vix illis ●orsan/ satis intellectam: ni vel cōmentariorum aut interptis alicuius elucidamenta interuenirent. Atqui hunc nostrum laborem/ vi●is literatis: ac latinae linguae eruditis tedio futurum: vix facile crediderim: verum plerisque proceribus est ro mana lingua vix bene intellecta: non dubium est et delectamento futurum ac commodo Nempe eodem ad lingu●e latinae intellectum aliquantulum adiumenti acquirenti acquirent: hystorian etiam peru●ilē intelligent/ nulli mortalium generi non necessariam: potissimunque nobilibus adolescentutulis/ qui rei militaris exercitij● clarissimis ad famam glorianque nitun tur. Verum eni vero: non dubito ●u turos qui huic labori meo: quantum vis utili calunnientur: quique forsan oblatrabunt/ homini sacerdoti: sacreque religionis obseruantijs iniciato: long alienum atque absurdum sese militaribus rebus imp●●ca●e/ aut bel licis sese immiscere tumultibus/ consilio factis: scriptisue. Caeterum hoc in loco: haud absurdum videtur presul eximie aliquid inserere: quod tam hictoriae commoditates paucis aperi at quam qd calumniantium huiuscemodi livorem compescat. Ac primum quidem fa teor/ magis sacerdotem decere/ magisque par esse/ constancia/ sacrarum literari peritia/ vite sanctimonia/ ac puritate/ caeterisque virtutibus sese armare: atque hijs psidijs quasi fulgentibus armis munitum: forti fiden tique animo vicijs bellum indicere/ obstinatosque scelerum sectatores ꝑsequi▪ Ad haec ingenti pectore totisque aim viribus/ carnalibus concupiscentijs: mundi blandimentis: et antiqu● hostis suggestionibus re●uctari. Nempe hoc modo: job a●testāte: Militia est vira hominis super terram: ac vere miseria rum labarinthus/ inextrica●iliūque errorum domus ābigua● neque in●i c●or sane: viri sacris iniciati ac divinis ministeriis addicti militiamtalem esse debere. Verum altera illa militia feculi amatoribus permittitur: ut. s. vim vi repellant. Neque ab ea abstineri posse arbitror: presertim in orb tot tyrannicis inuasionibus obruto/ tot odiosis exaccio nibus spoliato/ tot raptorum gregibus laniato. Quorum at●ox pertinatia: insultusque ferocissimi: non aliter reprimi possint: quam violenti armor● tumult●●dque auspici●s bonorum principum re●publice ●autorū. Neque minus d●cere arbitror huiuscemod● res gestas/ presbyterum literis man dare: in posteritatis exemplum inque perpetuam bonorum principum me morian gloriosam: qui ad tyrannorum aliorunque sceleratorum hoīm flagitia coercenda: summi dei optimi▪ maximi flagella iterris fuere: quam duces illos magnanimos huiuscemodi bella strennue gessisse.  
Caeterum quae ad hystoriae commoditates attinent: quam brevissime pote ro absoluam. Nempe ex eiusdem lectione (ut Beroaldus quam disertissime ꝓsequit) omni aetatum oim gentium: omni populorum res gestas quasi presentes intueri possumus: quod quanti sit: Cicero declarat dicens. Nihil earum rerum scire: quae antequam nascereris fact sunt: hoc est semper esse puerum. Cumque senibus maior sit experientia fidesque maior propter unius seculi rerum cognitionem: quanto maior esse debet hystorias lectitanti: ex quibus tot seculorum res geste reperuntur. Est enim hystoria testis temporum: lux veritatis: vite magistra: vetustatis nuntia: quae et oratori perquam est necessaria. Nam alere potest (ut Quintilianus ait) oratio nem: molli quodam ac ●ucundo succo: nec ferme concionem reperias in qua non alicu●us rei geste citetur exemplum. Est praeterea (ut idem Beroaldus inquit) operi precium in hystoricorum voluminibus omnis ex empli documenta velut in illustri monumento posita intueri. Atque (ut Diodorus inquit) pulchrum est ex aliorum erratis vitam nostram in melius iustituere: et quid expetendum/ quid sectandum: quidue sugiendum sit ex aliorum exemplis posse cognoscere. non ab re: igit Demetrius Ptolomeum regem admonebat: ut libros ac pnsertim hystoricos lectitaret qn̄ quidem quae amici non audent principibus demonstrare: ea omnia in libris scripta: oculis obijciunt. Haec Beroaldus Ascentius/ caeteri●que autores/ de hystoriae laud scripsere: quibus ex dictis quanti sit hystoria quamad vitam humanam utilis accom moda● atque nemini non clarescit. ● Quas res si lividi oblatratores ꝑ pendant ● perpenderent autem saperent●. Haud absurdum ●neptūue existimabunt/ sacerdotem hystorias rerum militarium literis mandare nec minus volumptatis accommodi/ egregijs viris in eisdem lectitandis proventurum. quip (ut paucis dicam) justo bello: divina humanaque iura aut violata reparantur: aut inviolata conse●uātur sc● lera reprimuntur: flagiciosi coercentur: virtus eminnet/ clarescit/ extollitur: boni probique debitis honoribus illustrantur promouētu●. Christi fides contra eiusdem sacratissimi nominis hostes protegitur munitur. tyranni legum contemptores alieneque libertatis violatores subijciuntur. Postremo divina humanaque omnia debitum in ordinem rediguntur stabiliuntur & augescunt. Praeterea eadem rerum gestarum lectio ad rerum terrenarum noticiam: earundemque contemptum ac presentis vite miseria●ū fastidium: non modicum videntur conducere. Sane cum hystoriarum lectio ante oculos obijciat: magnanimos duces ac milites armis fulgentibus deco ratos sompedibus ostro auroque insignibus insidentes: splendidos ordines apparotusque exercituum feroces ac bello instructo●: lituos rauco clamgore aera replentes: vectes vexillosque auro fulgentes ad solemque micantes: caeteraque id genus rei militaris insignia. Quid aliud queso universa haec pompa●quam terre ne opulentie inanis ostentatio: curio●●●se conquesita: anxie coaceruata: et ad ruinam perniciemque ingenti mortalium demencia obiecta inque perditionem exposita? At contra: cum paulo post eisdem in hystorijs legamus et ante oculos cernamus▪ duces comarcoes/ satrapas equites veteranos/ gregariosque milites sparsim postratos horrida ferocium cadavera militum humi strata moribundaque membra solum pul●●ncia/ occisorum cumulos sine de ●●ctu conculcata arma sanguine le data ●auc●o●●quos moribunda dominorum corpora trahentes/ gemitum morientium: flammam ac ●umum c●strorum vib●um templorumque ard●ntium caeteraque belli horrenda spectacula. Quid ea atque huiuscemo d●●d genus alia? Nempe nihil aliud quam ma●ifesta mortalium belluine seui●ie argumenta: terrene vanitatis exempla: humanique exitus mise randa spectacula: quae principum immoderatam dominandi libidinem declarant: quaeque secundas res generi humano intollerabiles pro bant: ac su●●psius stulticia: ne dicam dementia in praecipicium ruentem hominem manifestant. Innumerabilia saluberrimaque huiuscemodi exempla: quae ex rerum gestarum lectione proveniunt: animum adigerunt ut ex latino in vulgarem sermonem hanc hystorian transferrem: atque eo libentius presul eximie quoniam rem gratam acceptamque tibi futuram intelligo. Ego igitur animo accip●as queso hanc laboris nostri lucubraciunculam. In qua quicquid absurdum ●neptū minusque elimatum fuerit: id meae ignorantiae ascribi velim. Sin quid consonum quod legentium audien t●umue animos aut aures oblectet obiter occurrat: omnem in te praesul egregie: gratiam transferri volo qui omnium primus ad hunc me impuleris laborem: sopitumque inge molum ac studium resuscitaveris. Vale.  
Ex cellula Hatfelden regij. iij. Idus Novembris.   


HVius hystori●● narrationem ne inanit nova queram aut superb inventa contem nam sic ex joanne Chrisostomo soldo habeto. Exordio premislorem ipsam aggredit. Numida est pars Anricae in qua regnavit Massi●●●a rex, socius, et amicus/ popul● romani. Hic Massimi●a tres ha buit filios Micipsa●, Manastabalem, et Ga●u● sā. Sed mortuo Manastabale et Galu●a: Micipsa solus regnum obti nuit/ qui Adherbalem/ et Hiempsa●ē filios ex se genuit. jugurtham autem filium fratris Manastaba●●s educavit ut filium quem Massims●a auus privatum reliquerat: quia ex concubina natus erat. Sed jugurtha et corporis viribus ac virtute animi plurimum valebat, ingenio maxime excellens, ma●er natu Adherbale et Hiēp●ale Micipsa ●g●t timens ne post mortem suam jugurtha paru●s liberis Adherbale et Hiempsale exist●tibus regnum sibi vsurpar●t ● mu●tum eo negocio 〈◊〉 〈…〉 modis 〈…〉 tollere possit 〈◊〉. Tandem haec in 〈…〉 sententia● 〈◊〉 Iu●gu●thā bel● 〈◊〉 periculis obiectare 〈…〉 modo fortunam 〈…〉 quo modo 〈◊〉 posset. Quum igit populus Romanus Num●ciam Hispanie 〈…〉 Scipione 〈◊〉 Micipsa 〈…〉 et equitum 〈◊〉 bello populo Romano 〈◊〉 quibus Iugurthā●fecit sperans 〈◊〉 bello posse 〈◊〉. Sed ea 〈◊〉 long 〈…〉 erat 〈◊〉. Nam virtus 〈…〉 bello plurimum 〈◊〉 ac multa 〈…〉 gessit: 〈◊〉 Scipio Iugurtham 〈◊〉 conci●e 〈◊〉 donis 〈◊〉 magnifice donatum: 〈◊〉 bello, ac cap●a et de●e●a numane●a: ad 〈◊〉 re●●sit cum 〈…〉 quibus 〈◊〉 jugurthae mitis 〈…〉 extoll●l 〈…〉 est ut M●cip●●●utato cōc●●o atque 〈…〉 vellet. 〈…〉 Iugurtham 〈…〉 adoptavit: et paulo post mortens fortunas suas o●s: ac 〈◊〉 ipsum: cum liberis 〈…〉 reliquit. Mortuo 〈…〉 jugurtha regnum inter se dividere cōstitu●●iēt loco et tempore ad id faciendum constituto jugurtha Hiempsalem natu minorem ꝑ insidias interfecit. Quo extincto quum ad occupandum universum regnū●ecisset animum contra Adherbalem exercitum parat: et prelio facto illum victum fundit fugatque Adherbal victus ac regno spoliatus Roman venit: expositaque nephanda crudelitate jugurthae in se/ fratremque suum Hiempsalem extinctum a senatu petit auxilium contra illum. Senatus decreto fit ut mittantur decem legati qui regnum inter Adherbalem et Iugurtham dividerent. Diviso itaque regno cum legati Romani ex Africa dicessiliēt rursus jugurtha animum intendit ad occu pandum imperium Adherbalis. Igit exercitu comparato regnum eius invadit. Adherbal necessitate coactus: et ipse copias parat: et jugurthae obu●am proficiscit. Mox pr●●●o commisso jugurta Adherbalis exercitum fundit: atque ipsum Adherbalem cum paucis equitibus in Cirtha oppidu fugere compellit. jugurtha oppidum obsidet. Interea Adherbal per lras senatum monet quo in statu fortuna su● sint positae: regno se spoliatum a jugurtha 〈◊〉 fame ac ferro ad extre●●● 〈…〉 Roman redijt Aulo ●r●tre suo pro ●tore relicto ꝗ exercitu● et proninciae praeesset. Hic s●u belli cōsiciēd● cupidus: seu ut a rege pecuniam acciperet: men se januario aspera hyeme exercitum ex tabernaculis in expeditionem vocat. jugurtha cognita imperi tia eius velut pavidus ad eum supplices legatos mittit. Ipse exercitum per loca saltuosa veluti sugiens ducit. Aulus hoc magis nisequitur. Vbi jugurtha videt se trax●●e Romanos in locum s●bi commodum ad pugnandum pre●um committit: ● quo Romanos sundit ac ●ugat. Postera die quum Aulus et jugurtha in coloquium veni●●ēt ●edus it●● eos factum est ita ut oes Romani icolumes sub jugum mitterentur: et post ut d●cem diebus extra Numidiam disced●r●●. Quae quum Romae nunciata e●ent dolor ac timor oens inua●it. Post Auli ●edus et romam exercitus ●ugam Metello consuli provincia Numidia per sortem evenit. Hic optimi imperatoris artibus usus cum exercitum vicio suꝑiorū ducum licentia solutum accipisset: ad norman veterꝭ disciplinae reduxit. Atque ita Iugurtham aggre●●● aliquot gravibus praelijs opes eius attrivit. Post remo Ca●jus Marius post Metellun cō●u● 〈…〉 Numidia provincia decreta esset Iugurtham bello persequ●s tandem illum ad exc●●ma compulit et p●prodition● sibi traditum in ●●●ūphū duxit. Hoc est totius huius operis a● numentum.   

Praefatio hu●us operis 〈…〉 Crispum Sa●●●tium h●storiograp●●m clarissimum.  
FAlso querit de natura sua genus humanum q●ae●as imbecilla atque a●u● brevis ●orte poc●us quam virtute rega●. Nam contra reputando neque maius aliud n●que prostabilius invenies▪ magisque naturae in dust●●am hoīm, q vim aut ●empus dees●e.  
Sed dux atque imperator vitae mortalium animus est qui ubi ad gloriam v●rtuti via grassat abū 〈…〉 potensque et 〈◊〉 est: neque fortuna 〈◊〉. quip quae probitatem ●ndustriam ● alius● bonas artes neque dare ● neque eripere cui quam potest. Sin captus pravis cupidinibus ad ●●err●am ● voluptates corporis possundatus est 〈◊〉 libidine paulis●er usus: ubi p●secordiā vires/ aetas ●genium/ 〈◊〉: naturae infirmitas accusat svam quique culpa authores ad negotia trans●erūt. Ꝙ si hominibus bonarum rerum tanta cura esset: quant● studio aliena nihil profitura: multunque etiam periculosa perunt: neque magis regerent ea sibus quam regerent casus et eo magnitudinis procederent: ubi pro mortalibus glia eterni fierent. Nam uti genus humanum compositum ex corpore et anima est: ita res cunctae: studiaque oina: alia corporis, alia animi naturam sequuntur. Igit pclara facies/ magne divitiae/ ad hoc vis corporis et alia huiusmodi oina brevi dilabuntur. At ingenij egregia facinora: sicuti anima immortalia sunt. Postremo corporis et fortunae bonorum ut initium sic finis est.  
Omniaque orta occidunt et aucta senescunt.  
Animus incorruptus/ eternus/ rector humani generis: agit atque habet omnia/ neque ip●e habetur. Quo magis pravitas corum est admiranda: qui corporis dedit● gaudijs ꝑluxun et igna viam aetatem agunt Caeterum ingenium (quo neque melius neque amplius est in natura mortalium) incultu atque secordia tor pescere sinunt ●sertim cum tam multe varieque ar●tes animi sint ꝗbus summa claritudo paratur. Verum ex his magistratus/ et imperia postremo omnis cura rerum publicarum minime mihi hac tempestate cup●ēda vident ● qm neque virtuti hono●atur▪ 〈…〉 ill● quibus 〈…〉 ruti aut 〈…〉. Nam 〈◊〉 qui●●m ●●gere patriam aut 〈◊〉 quamquam et 〈…〉 del●cta corrigas▪ 〈◊〉 importunum est: quum presert●m oens rerum mutationes: cedem, fugam, aliaque hostilia po●tendant.  
Frustr● autem niti● neque aliud/ se fatigando/ nisi ●di● querere: extremae denient●ae est. Nisi forte q●ē●nhonesta et pinciosa l●●●do tenet: d●cus atque libertatem gratificati svam. Caeterū●x alijs negocijs quae inge●●o exercentur: inprimis magno vsu● est memoria rerum gestarum: cuius de virtute/ quia ●ulti dix●re/ puto pre tere●dū: 〈◊〉 ne per inso 〈◊〉 ●qbar; s ex●stimet me studium meum lauda●do ex●●●iere. At contra cre 〈…〉 quia decrevi proc●l●a rep. aetatem ege re tanto tam▪ vtili●la ●ori meo: nomen inertiae●●●●porāt. Certe qui bus maxima industria videtur saluta●e p●ebē: et 〈◊〉 gratiam que●ere.  
Qui si reputaverint et in q●●bus ego temporibus magistratus adeptus ●um: et quales viri a 〈◊〉 nequiverint: et 〈◊〉 g●nera hominum postea insenatum peruenerint: profecto existimabunt me magis merito quam ignavia judicium animi mei mutavisse: magisque commodum ex ocio meo quam ex aliorum ne gocijs reipublice venturum.  
Nam saepe audiu● Quin tum Maximun/ Pub●●ū Scipionem: praeterea civitatis nostrae praeclaros viros solitos ita dicere/ quum imagines maioru tuerentur vehementi●●●me sibi animum ad virtutem accendi. Scilicet non ceram illam neque figuram tantam vim in sese habere sed memoria rerum gastarū eam flammam egregijs viris in pectore crescere: neque prius sedari: quam virtus eorum famam atque gloriam adequauerit.  
At qui contra quis oim est his moribus qui non de divicijs/ et sumptibus/ non probitate/ neque industria: cum maioribus suis contendat.  
Etiam homines novi ꝗ per virtutem soliti erant nobilitatem anteue●ire: furtim: et per latrocinia potius quam ex bonis artibus ad imperia et honores nitunt▪ Pe●inde quasi pretura et consulatus atque oina alia huiusmodi: ꝑ se ipsa clara et magnifica sint: ac non ꝑinde habeantur: ut eorum: qui ea sustinent virtus est.  
Verum ego liberius al●iusque processi dum me civitatis piget, tedetque. Nunc ad inceptum opus redeo.   

BEllum scripturus sum: quod populus Romanus cum jugurtha rege Numida●um gessit.  
Primum quod magnum et a●rox variaque victo●●a 〈◊〉.  
Deinde: quia superbiae nobilitatis tum primum obu●atum est.  
Q●●ia contentio divina cuncta et humana permiscuit, eoque vecordiae processit, ut studijs civilibus, bellum, atque vastitas Italiae, finem faceret.  
Sed priusquam huiuscemo di initium expediam, pauca supra repetam, quo ad cognoscendum oina illustria magis magisque in aperto sint.   

Bello punico Secundo, quo dux Carthaginensium Hamnibal post magnitudinem nominis Romani Italiae opes maxime attriverat.  
Massinissa rex Numidarum in amicitiam receptus a Publio Scipione (cui postea Affricano cognomen ex virtute fuit) multa, et pre●la ra rei militaris facino ra fecerat: ob quae victis Carthaginensibus et capto Sciphace (cuius in Affrica magnum atque latum imperium valuit) populus Romanus quascunque urbes et agros man● ceperat regi dono dedit. Igitur amicitia Massinissae bona atque honesta nobis ꝑmansit. Sed imperij vitaeque eius finis idem fu●t.  
Deinde Micipsa filius regnum solus obtinuit Manastabale et Galussa fratribus morbo absumptis. Is Adherbalem et Hiempsalem ex se genuit: jugurthanque filium Manastabalis quem Massinissa (ꝙ ortus ex concubina erat) privatum reliquerat: eo dem cultu quo liberos suos domi habuit. Qui ubi primum adolevit pollens viribus, decora facie, sed multo maximo ingenio validus: non se luxui, neque inertiae corrumpendum dedit, sed uti mos illius est gentis: equitare, iaculari, cursu cum aequalibus certare, et cum gloria ante omes iret: oimbus tamen charus esse: ad hoc pleraque tempora in venando agere. Leonem atque alias feras primus, aut in primis fe●●re, plurimum facere: et minimum de se ipse loqui. Quibus rebus Micipsa tametsi in initio laetus fuerat ex●stimans virtutem jugurthae regno suo gloriae a f●ore: tamen postquam hominem adolescentem exacta aetate sua, et ꝑuis liberis, magis, magis ● crescere intelligit vehementer eo negocio ꝑmotus in animo multa voluebat.  
Terreba● eum natura mortalium avida imperij▪ et preceps ad explendam animi cupidinem.  
Praeterea oportunitas sue liberorumque aetatis: quae etiam mediocres viros speprede transuersos agit. Adhoc studia Numidarun in jugurtham accensa. Ex quibus si talem virum do lis interfecisset/ nequa seditio/ aut bellum oriretur/ anxius erat. His difficul tatibus circumuentus: ubi videt/ neque per vim/ neque per insidias/ opprimi posse hominem tam acceptum popularibus: ꝙ erat jugurtha manu promptus et appetens gloriae militaris: statuit eum obiecta re periculis, et eo modo fortunam tentare.  
Igitur bello Numantino Micipsa quum populo romano equitum/ atque peditum auxilia mitteret: sperans vel ostendendo virtutem: vel host●um sevitia: ●acile eum occasurum: prefecit Numidi●, quos in Hispaniam mittebat.  
Sed ea res long aliter, ac ratus erat, evenit. Nam jugurtha (ut erat ip●gio atque acri ingenio) Vbi naturam Publij Scipionis, qui tum Romanus imꝑator erat: et mores hostium cognovi, multo labore, multaque cura, praete●ea mode sti●●ime pa●ēdo: saepe obuiam ●undo periculis: in tantam claritudinem brevi ꝑuenerat, ut nostris vehementer charus, Numantinis maxime terrori esset. At san●● quod difficillimum 〈◊〉. in primis et plio str●nu● erar: et bonus consili●: quorum alterum ex providentia timorem: alterum ex audatia temeritatem plerumque afferre solet.  
Igitur imperator omnes fere res asperas per Iugurtham agere: in amicis habere: magis magisque eum indies amplecti.  
quip cuius consilium: neque inceptum ullum frustra erat. Huc accedebat munificentia animi et ingenij solertia▪ quibus rebus jugurtha multos ex Romanis sibi familiari amicitia coniunxerat. Ea tempestate in exercitu nostro fuere quam plures no●i/ atque nobiles/ quibus divitiae bono/ atque honesto/ pociores erant: factiosi domi: potentes apud socio●: ciari magis quam honesti: qui jugurthae non mediocrem animum pollicitando accendebant Si Micipsa rex occidisset: fore ut solus imperio Numidiae potiretur. In ipso maximam virtutem. Romae omnia ven alia esse.   

SEd postquam Numantia deleta▪ Publius Scip●odimittere auxilia et ipse reverti domum decrevit: donatum/ atque laudatum magnifice pro concione Iugurtham in pretorium adduxit: ibique secreto mo nu●r: ut potius publice/ quam privatim amicitiam populi Romani coleret. Neu aliquibus largiri insuesceret. Periculose a paucis emi: quod multorum esset.  
Si permanere vellet in suis artibus: ultro et illi gloriam/ et regnum venturum: Sin properantius pergeret suam pecuniam et ipsum precipitem casurum. Sic locutus: cum literis eum (quas Micipsae redderet) dimisit.  
Earum sententia haec erat.   

IVgurthae tui in bello Numantino long maxima virtus fuit.  
Quam rem tibi certe gaudio esse scio. Nobis ob merita sua charus est: ut idem senatui et populo Romano sit: summa ope nitemur.  
Tibi quidem pro nostra amicitia gratulor. En habes virum dignum te atque avo suo Massinissa.   

IGitur rex ubi ea quae fama ●cceperat: ex litteris imperatoris esse ita cognovit: tum virtute, tum gratia viri permotus flexit animum suum.  
●t jugurtham beneficijs vincere aggressus est.  
Statimque eum adoptavit: et testamento pariter cum filijs haeredem instituit.  
Sed ipse paucos post annos morbo/ atque aetate confectus: cum sibi finem vite adesse intelligeret: coram amicis/ et cognatis: itemque Adherbale et Hiem●sale filijs, dicitur huiuscemodi verba cum jugurtha habuisse.   

parvum ego jugurtha te amisso patre: sine spe: sine opibus: in meum regnum suscepi: existimans non minus me tibi: quam liberis (si genuissem) ob beneficia charum fore.  
Neque ea res falsum me habuit. Nam ut alia magna et egregia facta omittam) novissime tu rediens Nu mancia meque, regnumque meum gloria decorasti: tuaque virtute Romanos ex amicis amicissimos fe cisti.  
In Hispania nomen familiae nostre renovatum est: postremo (quod difficilimum inter mortales est) gloria invidiam vicisti.  
Nunc (quoniam mihi natura finem vitae facit) per hanc dexteram: per regni fidem moneo: obtestorque te: uti hos qui genere tibi propinqui beneficio meo fratres sunt: charos habeas.  
Neu malis alienos adiungere: q sanguine coniunctos retinere.  
Non exercitus/ neque thesauri presidia regni sunt. Verum amici, quos neque armis cogere, neque auro parare queas: officio et fi de pariuntur.  
Quis autem amicitior quam frater fratri? Aut quem alienum fid●m invenies: si tuis hostis fueris▪  
Equiden ego vobis regnum trado firmum/ si boni eritis: sin mali imbecillum.  
Nam concordia paruae res crescunt, discordia maxime dilabuntur.  
Caeterum jugurtha ante hos te (quia aetate et sapi entia priores) ne aliter quid eveniat providere decet.  
Nam in omni certamine qui opulentior est: etiam si accipit iniuriam tamen (quia plus potest) facere videtur.  
Vos autem Adherbal et Hiempsal colite et obseruate hunc talem virum: imitamini virtutem: et enit●mini: ne ego meliores liberos sumpsisse videar: quam genuisse.  
Ad ea jugurtha tametsi regem ficta locutum intelligebat: et ipse long aliter in animo agitabat, tamen pro tempore benign respondit.   

Micipsa paucis post diebus moritur.  
Postquam illi regio more justa magnifice fecerant: reguli in unum conveniunt: ut inter se de cunctis nego tijs disceptarent.  
Sed Hiempsal, qui minimus ex illis erat: natura ferox: etiam antea ignobilitatem jugurthae: quia materno genere impar erat: despiciens: dextera Adherbalem assedit, ne medi● ex tribus (quod apud Numidas honori ducit) jugurtha foret▪  
Deinde tamen ut aetati concederet/ fatigatus a fratre: vix in partem alteram traductus est.  
Ibi cum multa de administrando imperio dissere rent: jugurtha inter alias res ait: oportere quinquen nij consulta et decreta oina rescindi.  
Nam per ea tempora confectum annis Micipsam parum animo valuisse.  
Tum Hiampsal placere sibi respondit: nam ipsum illum his tribus proximis annis adoptione in regnum pervenisse.  
Quod verbum in pectus jugurthae altius quam quisquam ratus erat descendit.  
Itaque ex eo tempore ira/ et metu anxius: moliri/ parare/ atque ea modo in animo habere: quibus Hiempsal per dolum caperetur. Que ubi tardius procedunt: neque lenitur animus ferox: statuit quovis modo inceptum perficere.  
Primo conventu: quem ab regulis factum supra memoravi/ propter dissensionem placuit dividi thesauros. finesque imperij singulis constitui. Itaque tempus ad vtrāque●em discernitur/ sed maturius ad pecuniam distribuendam.   

REguli interea in loca propinqua thesauris/ alius alio/ concessere. Sed Hiempsal in oppido Thirmida forte eius domo utebatur/ qui proximus lictor jugurthae: charus/ acceptusque ei sem per fuerat. Quem ille casu ministrum oblatum promissis onerat/ impellitque: uti tanquam suam visens domum eat▪ portarum claves adulterinas paret.  
Nam vere claves ad Hiempsalem referebantur. Caeterum (ubi res postula ret) seipsum cum magna manu venturum.  
Numida mandata brevi confecit.  
Atque (uti doctus erat) noctu jugurthae milites introducit. Qui postquam in aedes irrupere: diversi regem querebant: dormientes alios: alios occursantes interfecere.  
Scrutari loca abdita: clausa affringere: strepitu et tumultu oina miscere.  
Quum interim Hiempsal reperitur/ occultans se in tugurio mulieris ancille: quo in initio pavidus: et loci ignarus ꝑfugerat. Numide caput eius (uti nissi erant) referunt. Caeterum fama tanti facinoris per omnem Aphrican brevi dewlgatur. Adher balem omnesque qui sub imperio Micipsae fuerant/ metus invadit. In duas partes Numide discedunt. Plures Adherbalem sequuntur Sed illum alterum bello meliores.  
Igitur jugurtha/ quam maximas potest copias parat: urbes partim vi: alias voluntate: imꝑio suo adiungere: Omni Numidiae imperare.  
Adherbal (tametsi legatos Romam miserat: qui senatum docerent de cede fratris: et fortunis suis) tamen fretus multitudine militum parat armis contendere.   

SEd ubi res ad certamen venit: victus ex prelio profugit in provinciam.  
Ac dehinc Romam contendit.  
Tum jugurtha peractis consilijs/ postquam omni Numidia pociebatur: in ocio facinus suum in animo reputans: timere populum romanun: neque adversus iram eius usquam▪ nisi in avaricia nobilitatis: et pecunia sua spem habere.  
Itaque paucis diebus post/ cum auro et argento multo Romam legatos mittit: quibus precepit primum uti veteres amicos muneribus repleant: deinde novos exquirant. Postremo quaecunque possint largiendo ne cunctentur.  
Sed ubi legati Romam venere: et ex praecepto regis hospitibus alijsq▪ quorum ea tempestate in senatu authoritas pollebat: magna munera misere: Tanta commutatio incessit: ut ex maxima invidia et malivolentia in gratiam et favorem nobilitatis jugurtha veniret. Quorum pars spe/ alij premio inducti: singlos ex senatu ambiendo nitebantur: ne gravis in cum consuleretur. Igitur ubi legati satis confidunt: die constituto▪ senatus utrisque datur.  
Tum Adherbalem hoc modo locutum accepimus.   

PAtres conscripti Micipsa pa●er meus moriens p●acep●●●yt regni Numid●ae tantummodo procurationem existimarem meam▪ Caeterum ius et imperium eius penes vos esse populumque romanum▪ simul enitere● vobis domi militiaequequam maximo usui esse: vos mihi cognatorum et affinium loco ducerem. Si ea fecissem: in vestra amicitia exercitum/ divitias/ munimenta regni me habiturum. Quae praecepta patris cum agita●em: jugurtha (homo omnium: quos terra sustinet: sceleratissimus) contempto vestro imperio/ Massinissae me nepotem/ a stirpe socium atque amicum populi romani: regno/ for runisque omnibus expulit. Atque ego patres conscripti (quoniam eo miseriarum venturus eram) vellem potius ob mea quam ob maiorum beneficia meorum▪ posse me auxilium a vobis petere: ac maxim● deber● mihi beneficia a populo romano quibus utinam non egerem.  
Sed si ea desideranda erant uti debitis uterer.  
Sed quoniam parum tuta ꝑ seip●ā probitas est: neque mihi in manu fuit: qualis foret jugurtha: ad vos confugi patres conscripti: qui bus (quod mihi miserrimum est) cogor prius one ri quam usui esse.  
Caeteri reges aut bello victi in amicitiam recepti sunt: aut in suis du bijs rebus societatem vestram appetiverunt.  
Familia nostra cum populo romano bello Carthaginensi amicitiam instituit. Quo tempore: magis fides eius quam fortuna petenda erat.  
Quorum progeniem vos patres conscripti nolite pati me nepotem Massinissae frustra auxilium pet●re. Sed si ad impetrandum nihil causae haberem praeter miserandam fortunam abquod; paulo ante ego rex genere, fama, atque copijs potens: nunc deformatus erumnis: inops alienas opes expecto. Tamen erat magestatis populi romani prohibere iniuriam neque pati cuiusquam regnum par scelus crescere.  
Verum ego his finibus eiectus sum: quos maioribus meis populus romanus dedit: unde pater et auus meus una vobiscum expulere Siphacem et Carthaginenses▪ vestra beneficia mihi erepta sunt▪ patres conscripti in mea iniuria despecti estis. Heu me miserum. Huccine Micipsa pater beneficiatua evasere▪ Vt quem tu parem cum liberis ●uis, regnique participem fecisti: is potissimum stirpis tue extinctor sit. Nunquam ne ergo familia nostra quieta erit? Semper ne in sanguine, ferro, fuga versabimur? Dum Carthaginenses incolumes fuere iure omnia seva patiebamur: hostes a latere. Vos amici procul. Sed omnis in armis. Postquam illa pestis ex Aphrica eiecta est: leti pacem agitabamus: quip quibus nullus hostis erat nisi illi forte quem vos iussissetis. Ecce autem ex improviso: jugurtha intolleranda audacia, scelere, atque superbia sese efferens: ●ratre meo atque eodem propinquo suo interfecto primum regnum eius sceleris sui predam fecit. Post ubi in eisdem dolis me nequiverit capere: nihil minus quam vim aut bellum expectantem in imperio vestro (sicut videtis) extorrem patria, domo inopem et coopartum miserijs effecit: ut ubivis tutius quam in meo regno essem. Ego sic existimabam patres conscripti uti predicantem audiueram patrem meum qui diligenter colerent amicitiam vestram: eos multum laborem suscipere, caeterum ex omnibus maxime tutos esse.  
Quod in familia nostra fuit praestitit, uti in omnibus bellis adesset vobis. Nos uti per ocium tuti simus in manu vestra est.  
Patres conscripti pater nos duos fratres reliquit ●ertium Iugurtham beneficijs suis ratus est coniunctum nobis fore.  
Alter eorum necatus est, alter eius ipse ego manus impias vix effugi.  
Quid agam? aut quo porissimun infelix accedam? Generis oina presidia extincta sunt. Pater uti necesse erat naturae concessit.  
Fratri quem minime decuit propinquus per scelus vitam eripuit affines, amicos caeterosque meos propinquos alium alia clade oppressit.  
Pars cap●ti a jugurtha, pars in crucem acti, et pars bestijs obiecti sunt.  
Pauci (quibus relicta est anima) clausi in tenebris: cum merore et luctu morte graviorem vitam exigunt. Sed si oina mihi quae aut amisi, aut quae ex necessarijs adversa facta sunt incolumia manerent: tamen si quid ex improviso mali accidisset vos implo rarem patres conscripti quibus pro magnitudine imperij ius et iniurias oens cure esse decet. Nunc vero exul patria, domo, solus atque omni honestarum rerum egens quo accedam aut quos appellem? Naciones ne an reges? qui oens familiae nostre ob vestram amicitiam infecti sunt. An quoquam mihi adire licet ubi non meorum maiorum monumento hostilia plurima sint.  
An quisque nostri misereri potest qui aliquando nobis hostis fuit?  
Postremo Micipsa ita nos instituit patres conscripti ne quem coleremus nisi populum romanun: ne societatem, neque federa nova acciperemus: abunde magna presidia nobis in vestra amicitia fore. Sed si huic imperio fortuna mutaretur: una occidendum nobis fore.  
Virtute ac dijs volentibus magni et opulenti estis. Oina secunda et obedientia sunt: quo facilius sociorum iniurias curare licet. Tantum illud vereor ne quos privata amicitia jugurthae parum cognita transuersos agat: quos ego audio summa ope niti/ ambire fatigare vos singulos: ne quid de absent (incognita causa) statuatis.  
Finge●e me verba: et fugam simulare: cui licuerit in regno manere.  
Ꝙ utinam illum (cuius impio facinore in has miserias proiectus sum) eadem haec similantem vide Turrian: et aliquando aut apud vos aut deos immortales: rerum humanarum cura oria tur: ut ille qui nunc sceleribus suis ferox atque preclarus est omnibus malis ipse excruciatus impietatis in parentem nostrum: fratrꝭ mei necis: mearunque miseriarum graves penas reddat.  
jamiam frater a●o meo charissime quamquam tibi immaturo: et unde minime decuit: vita erepta est tamen letandum magis quam dolen dum casum tuum puto.  
Non enim tantum regnum: sed fugam/ exilium/ egestatem/ et has oens erumnas (quae me premunt) cum anima simul amisisti. At ego infelix in tanta mala precipitatus ex patrio regno rerum humanatum spectaculum prebeo.  
Incertus sum quid agam: tuas ne iniurias ꝑsequar/ ipse auxilij egens: an regno consulam: cuius vitae necisque potestas ex opibus alienis pendet. utinam emori fortunis meis honestus exitus esset: ne vivere contentus videre●/ si defessus malis iniuriae concessissem.  
Nunc neque vivere libet mihi neque mori licet sine dedecore.  
Patres conscripti obtestor vos ꝑ liberos atque parentes vestros: ꝑ magestatem populi romani: subvenite mihi misero.  
Ite obuiam iniuriae: nolite pati regnum Numidiae (quod vestrum est) per scelus et sanguinem familiae nostre tabescere.   

POstquam rex loquendi finem fecit: legati jugurthae largitione freti magis quam causa paucis respondent, Hiempsalem ob sevitiam suam a Numidis interfectum.  
Adherbalem ultro bellum inferentem (postquam superatus sit) queri, ꝙ iniuriam facere nequivisset. jugurtham ab senatu petere ne se alium putarent ac Numanciae cognitus esset: neu verba inimici ante facta sua ponerent.  
Deinde vt●ique a curia digrediuntur. Senatus statim consulitur: fauto●es legatorun: preterea senatus mag●a pars gratia depravata Ad●erbalis dicta cort●tere: jugurthae virtu● extollere ●audi●us● gia, voce▪ Denique omnibus modis pro ali●●o scelere et flagitio: sua quasi pro g●ia nitebantur. Ac contra: pauci quibus bonum et a quum divitijs car●us erat/ subu●m●rdū Adherbal●, et Hiempsalis mortem severe vindic●dā censebant. Sed ex oibus maxīe Aemilius Scaurus homo nobilis, impiger, factiosus, avidus potentiae, honoris, divitiarum. Caeterum vitia call: de sua occultans. Is postquam videt regis largi tionem ●amosam impudē temque● veritus (quod in tali re fieri solet) ne polluta licentia invidiam accenderet aīm a consueta libidine continuit: vicit tamen in senatu pa●s illa que vero precium aut gratiam antefer●bat.  
Decretum sit uti decem legati regnum quod Micipsa obtinuerat inter Iugurtham et Adherbalem dividerent: cu●us legationis princeps ●uit Lucius Opimius: homo clarus: et tum in senatu potens: qui consulibus Caio Graccho et Ma●co Fulu●o flacco interfectis/ acerrime nobilitatis victoriam in plebem exercuerat.  
Eum jugurtha tametsi Romae in inimicis habuerat: tamen accuratissime accepit. Dando et pollicendo multa/ perfecit▪ uti fame, fidei, postremo omnibus suis rebus commodum regis anteferret.  
Reliquos legatos eadem via aggressus est: plerosque capit. paucis charior fides quam pecunia erat.  
In diuisione regni que ꝑs Numidie Mauritaniam attingit agris virisque opulentior▪ jugurthae tradit. Illam alteram specie pociorem quam usu: quae portuosior/ et edificijs magis exornata erat: Adherbal possedit.  
Res postulare videtur/ situm Aphrice paucis exponere: et eas gentes quibus cum nobis beslun aut amicitia fuit/ attingere.  
Sed que loca et nationes ob calorem et aspiritatem inter solitudines minus frequentata sunt: de hijs haud facile compertum/ narravero. Caetera quam paucissimis absoluam.   

IN diuisione orbis terrae/ plerique in part tertia Aphricam posuere: pauci tantummodo Asiam et Europam esse: sed Aphricam in Europa.  
Ea fines habet ab occidente fretum nostri maris et oc●ani.  
Abortu sodis declivem latitudinem: quem locum Catabathmon incole appellant. Marc seuum importuosū: ager frugum fertilis/ bonus pecori: arbo●i infecundus: caeli terraeque penuria aquarum.  
Genus hominum salubri corpore, velox, patiens laborum: plerosque senectus disioluit: nisi qui ferro aut bestijs interiere. Nam haud morbus saepe quemquam superat. Adhec malefici generis plurima ainalia. Sed qui mortales in initio Aphrican habuere: quique postea accesserint: aut quomodo inter se ꝑmixti sint quamquam ab ea fama quae plerosque obtinet diversum est tamen uti ex libris punicis qui reg Hiemp●alis dicebant: interpretatum nobis est: utique r●m sese habere cultores eius terre putant: quam pa●cis●i mus dicam. Caterum f●des eius penes authores erit. ¶ Aphricam habuere in initio Getuli et L●bes, asperi, incultique quibus cibus erat caro ferina: atque humi pabulum uti pecotibus. Hi neque moribus, neque lege, aut imperio cuiusquam regebantur: vagi, palantes, quo nox coegerat sedes habebant. Sed postquam in Hispania Hercules (sicuti Aphri putant) interijt: exercitus eius compositus ex varijs gentibus amisso duce: ac passim multꝭ sibi imꝑium petentibus brevi dilabit. Ex eo numero Medi, Per se, et Armeni navibus in Aphrican transuecti/ proximos nostro mari locos occupavere. Sed pierce intra magis occeanun. Hique alueos navium inuersos pro tugurijs habuere. Quia neque materia in agris, neque ab Hispanis emendi: aut mutuamdi copia erat: mare magnum et ignara lingua commercia prohibebant. Hi paulatim per connubia Getulos secum miscuere. Et quia saepe tentantes agros: alia, deinde alia loca petiverant: semetipsi Numidas appellavere. Caeterum adhuc edificia Numidarumquam agrestim● mappalia illi vocant/ oblonga▪ curuis lateribus tecta, quasi navium carinae sim. Medi autem et Armeni accessere Lybes. Nam hi mare propius Aphricum agitabant. Getuli sub sole magis/ haud procul ab ardoribus: hique mature oppida habuere: nam freto divisi ab Hispania/ mutare res inter se constituerant. Nomen eorum paulatim Lybes corrupere: barbara lingua Mautos pro Medis appellantes.  
Sed res Persarum brevi adolevit: ac postea nomine Numide propter multitudinem domi minuendam/ a parentibus digress● possidere ea loca/ quae proxime Carthaginem Numidia appellatur. Deinde utrique alteris freti/ finitimos armis, aut metu/ sub imperium suum coegere: nomen, glorianque sibi addidere: magis hi▪ qui ad nostrum mare process rant: quia Lybes quam Getuli minus erant bellicosi. Deinde Aphricae pars inferior pleraque a Numidis possessa est/ victi omnes in gentem nomenque imperantium concessere.  
Postea Phenices alij multitudinis domi minuende gratia: pars cupidine imperij, solicitata plebe, et alij novarum rerum avidi: Hiponem, Adrumentum, Leptim, alia●que urbes in ora maritima condidere.  
Haeque brevi multum aucte: pars originibus suis presidio, alie decori fuere. Nam de Carthagine silere melius puto, quam pa●um dicere: quoniam alio properare tempus admonet.  
¶ Haec tum ex Marone, tum ex Seruio, reliquisque probis auctoribus sunt excerpta.  
Igitur ad Catabathmon (qui locus Egyptum ab Affrica dividit secundum mare) prima habitatio Cirene est, Tolonia, There con, ac deinde due sunt Syrtes, inter quas Leptꝭ, Deinde Philenorum are, quem locum Egyptum ver sus/ finem imperij habuere Carthaginenses.  
Post alie Punice urbes▪ caetera loca usque ad Mauritaniam Numidae tenent. proxime Hispaniam Mauri sunt.  
Supra Numidiam Getulos accepimus, partim in tugurijs, alios incultius Vagos agitare. Post eos Ethiopes esse.  
Igitur bello Iugurthino pleraque ex Punicis oppida: et fines Carthaginensium: quos novissime habuerant: populus Romanus per magistratus administrabat. Getulorum magna pars et Numdiae usque ad flumen Mulucham sub jugurtha erant. Mauris oimbus imꝑitabat rex Bocchus praeter nomen per caetera ignarus populo romano. itemque, neque pace, neque bello ante cognitus erat. De Aphrica et de eiusdem incolis ad necessi tudinem rei satis dictum est.   

POstquam autem diviso regno legati ab Aphrica discessere: et jugurtha contra animi timorem premia sceleris adeptum sese videt: certum esse ratus quod ex amicis apud Numantiam acceperat, oina Romae venalia esse: simul et illorum pollicitationibus accensus: quos paulo ante muneribus expleverat: in regnum Adherbalis animum intendit.  
Ipse acer● bellicosus. At is quem petebat: quietus imbellis, placido ingenio, oportunus injury, metuens magis quam metuendus.  
Igitur jugurtha ex improviso eius fines cum magna manu invadit: multos mortales cum pecore atque alia preda capit: edificia incendit: pleraque loca hostiliter cum equitatu petit.  
Deinde cum omnium multitudine in regnum suum convertit: existimans Adherbalem dolore ꝑmotum iniurias suas vindicaturum eamque rem belli causam fore. At ille: ꝙ neque se parem armis existimabat: et amicitia populi ro mani magis quam Numidis fretus erat: legatos ad Iugurtham de iniurijs questum misi: qui tametsi contumeliosa dicta retulerunt prius tamen omnia pati decrevit quam bellum sumere quia tentatum ante secus cesser●t.  
Neque eo magis cupido jugurthae minuebatur.  
quip qui totum regnum eius animo iam invaserat▪ Itaque non uti ante cum pre datoria manu: sed magno exercitu comparato bellum gerere cepit: et totius imparium Numidiae petere: caeterum qua pergebat: urbes, agros vastare: predas agere: suis animum: hostibus terrorem augere. Adherbal ubi intellexit eo processum: uti regnum aut reliquendum esset: aut armis retinendum necessario copias parat et jugurthae obuius procedit. Interim haud long amari prope Cirtham oppidum utriusque exercitus consedit et quia diei extremum erat: prelium non est inceptum: sed ubi plurimum noctis processit: obscuro etiam tunc lumine: milites Iugurthi ni signo dato castra hostium invadunt: semisonnos partim alios sumentes arma sugant sunduntque. Adherbal cum paucis equitibus Cirtham profugit: et ni multitudo togatorum fuisset: quae Numidas insequentes menibus prohibebat: uno die inter duos regos ceptum atque patratum bellum forer. jugurtha oppidum circum sedit: vineas, turribusque et machinis omnium generum expugnare aggreditur: maxime festinans tempus legatorum ante capere quos ante prelium factum ab Adherbale romam missos audiverat.   

SEd post quam senatus de bello eorum accepit: tres adolescentes in Aphrican legantur: qui ambos reges adeant senatus populique romani vrbꝭ nuncient censere et velle: eos armis discedere, ita seque, illisque dignum esse. Lega ti in Aphricam maturantes veniunt, eo magis/ ꝙ Romae, quum proficisci parant, de prelio facto et oppugnatione Cirthae audiebatur.  
Sed rumor clemens erat. Quorum jugurtha accepta oratione respondit, sibi neque mai● quicquam, neque charius authoritate senatus esse: ab adolescentia ita se enixum: ut ab optimo quoque probar●t.  
Virtute, non malitia Publio Scipioni summo viro placuis●e, ob easdem artes a Micipsa non penuria liberorum in ●egnum adoptatum esse.  
Caeterum ꝙ pleraque bene atque strennue fecisset, eo aīm suum iniuriam minus tollerare. Adherbalem do lis vitae suae insidiatum esse: quod ubi comperisset: sceleri obuiam isse.  
Populum romanum neque recte, neque pro bono fact●rum: si a iure gentium sese prohibuerit.  
Postremo de omnibus rebus legatos Romam brevi mis●urum Ita utrique d● grediuntur.  
Adherbali modo fuit appellandi copia.  
jugurtha ubi eos Aphrica discessisse ratus est neque propter loci naturam armis expugnare Cirtham potest: vallo atque fossa menia circundat, turres extruit, easque presidijs firmat.  
Praeterea dies noctesque aut per vim, aut dolis tentare: defensoribus moenium praemia modo: modo formidinem ostentare suos hortando ad virtutem erigere/ prorsus intentus cuncta parare.  
At ubi Adherbal intelligit omnes fortunas suas in extremo sitas: hostem infestum: auxilij spem nullam penu●ia necessariarum rerum bellum trahi non posse: ex his, qui una Cirtham profugerant, duos maxime impigros delegit: eos multa pollicendo ac miserando casum suum confirmat: uti per hostium munitiones noctu ad proximum mare, deinde Romam pergerent.  
Numidae paucis diebus jussa efficiunt.  
Litterae Adherbalis in senatu recitate sunt, quarum sententia haec erat.   

NOn mea culpa saepe ad vos oratum mitto patres conscripti, sed vis jugurthae subegit: quem tanta libido extinguendi me invasit: ut neque vos, neque deos immortales in aio habeat. Sanguinem meum quam oina malit. Itaque iam quintum mensem socius, et amicus populi romani armis obses●us teneor, neque Micipsa patris mei beneficia, neque vestra decreta auxiliantur.  
Ferro an fame acrius vrgear incertus sum.  
Plura de jugurtha scribere dehortatur me fortuna mea: etiam ante expertus sum parum fidei miseris esse, tamen intelligo illum supra quam ego sum petere. Neque simul amiciciam vestram et regnum meum sperare utrum gravius existimet nemini occultum est.  
Nam in initio occidit Hiempsalem fratrem meum. Deinde patrio regno me expulit. Que sane fuerit nostre injury: nihil ad vos. Verum nunc regnum armis tenet. Me quem vos imꝑatorem numidis posuistis clausum obsidet: legatorum verba quanti fecerit: pericula mea declarant.  
Quid reliquum nisi vis vestra qua moveri possit Nam ego quidem vellem hec que scribo et illa quae antea in senatu questus sum vana forent: potius quam miseria mea fidem vobis faceret: sed quoniam in eo natus sum: ut jugurthae scelerum ostentui essem. Non iam mortem nec erumnas tantummodo imꝑium inimici et cruciatus corporis depcor. Regno Numidiae patres conscripti quod vestrum est: uti libet consulite me manibus ab impijs eripite per magestatem imperij: per amicitiae fidem: si ulla apud vos memoria manet avi mei Massinissae.   

HIs literis recitatis fuere qui exercitum in Aphricam mittendum decernerent: quam primum Adherbali subveni endum. interim de jugurtha consuleretur quoniam legatis non paruisset. sed ab ijsdem regis fautoribus summa ope enixum est ne tale decretum fieret: ita bonum publicum (ut plerisque negotijs solet) privata gratia devictum. Legantur tamen in Aphrican maiores natu/ nobiles amplis honoribus usi: in quis fuit Marcus Emilius Scaurus de quo supra memorauimus: homo consularis: & tum in senatu potens princeps.  
Hi ꝙ jugurthae res in invidia erat: simulet a Numidis obsecrati: triduo in navem ascendere. Deinde brevi Vticam appulsi literas ad Iugurtham mittunt quam ocissime ad provinciam accedat: seque ad eum ab senatu missos.  
assumitur Scaurus: qui ta metsi a principio plerisque aex factione eius corruptis acerrime regem impugnabat: ●n̄ magnitudine pecuniae a bono honestoque in prau●m abstractus est.  
Sed jugurtha primum belli tantummodo moram redime bat: existimans sese aliquid interim Romae preci● o aut gratia effecturum. Poste●a vero quam participem negocij Scaurum accepit: in maximam spem adductus recuperan de pacis: statuit cum eis de omnibus pactionibus presens agere.  
Caeterum interea fidei causa mittitur a consul Sextius questor in oppidum jugurthae Vaccam: cuius rei species erat acceptio srumenti: quod Calphurnius palam legatis imperaverat: quoniam deditionis mora inducie agitabantur.  
Igitur rex (uti constituerat) in castra pervevit ac pauca presenti consil●o locutus de invidia facti sui atque uti in deditionem acciperetur:  
reliqua cum Bestia et Scau●o secreto transegit.  
Deinde postero die quasi per satyram legem sentem tijs exquisitis in deditionem accipitur:  
Sed uti pro consilio imꝑ atum erat: eliphante/ triginta pecus/ atque equi multi non cum parvo argenta pondere questori traduntur.  
Calphurnius romam ad magistratus rogādos proficiscitur.  
In Numidia et in exerci tu nostro pax agitabat.   

POstquam autem r●s in Aphrica gestas et quomodo acte forent fama diwlgavit. Rome ꝑ omnis locos et conventus de facto consulis agitari: apud plebem gravis invidia orta est. Patres solici ti erant an probarent tantum flagitium an decretum consulis subverterent: parum constabat. At maxime eos potentia Scauri ꝙ is auctor et socius Bestie ferebat a vero bonoque impediebat.  
At Caius Memmius: de cuius libertate ingenij/ et odio potentie nobilitatis supra diximus inter dubitationem: et moras se natus in concionibus populum ad vendicandum hortari: monere populum romanum ne libertatem suam desererent: crudelia et superba multa facinora nobilitatis ostendere: prorsus intentus omnino plebis animum accendebat.  
Sed quoniam ea tempestate Rome Memmij facundia clara/ pollens que fuit decere existimavi unam (ex tam multis) orationem eius perscribere: ac potissimum eam dicam quam in concione post reditum bestie huiuscemodi verbis disseruit.   

MVlta me dehortant a vobis quirites: ni si studium rei publicae omnia superet: opes factionis: vestra patientia: ius nullum: ac maxime ꝙ innocentie plus periculi quam honoris est.  
Nam illam quidem piget dicere: his annis quindecim quam ludibrio fueritis su perbie paucorum quam fed●●quamque multi perierunt vestri defensores ut nobis animus ab ignavia atque seco●dia corruptus sit: qui ne nunc quidem obnoxij inimicis exurgitis.  
Atque etiam nunc timetis eos: quibus terrori decet esse. Sed quamquam haec falia sunt: tamen obu●am ire potentie factionis animus subegit.  
Certe ego libertatem que mihi aparente meo tradita est experiar. Verum ●d frustra/ an ob rem faciam/ in vestra manu situm est. Neque vos hortor quod saepe vestri maiores fecere uti contra iniurias armati eatis: nihil vi nec secessione opus est: necesse est suomet ipsi more pcepites eant.  
Occiso Tiberio Graccho (quem regnum parare homines a●ebant) in plebem romanam graves habite sunt quaestiones. Post Caij Gracch● et Marci Fuluij cedem: item vestri ordinis multi mortales in carcere necati sunt. Vtriusque cladis non lex verum libido eorum finem fecit. Sed sane suerit regni re paratio plebi sua ●ura re stituere quicquid sine sanguine c●uium ulcisci nequit in●e ●actum sit▪  
Superioribus annis taci ti indignabamini erarium expilari: reges et populos liberos paucis nobili bus ve●●igal pendere penes eosdem et summam glï am et maximas divitias esse t● talia facinora impune suscepisse parum ha buere.  
Itaque postremo leges/ magestas yr̄a divina et humana oia hostibus tradita sunt.  
Neque qui ea fecere pu●e● aut paenitet: sed incedunt perora vestra magnifice: sacerdotia et consulatus: pa●s triumphos su●s ostentantes perinde quasi ea honori non prede habeant.  
Setu●aere comparati/ iniusta imperia dnorum non ꝑferunt. Vos quirites in imperio rati/ equo animo s●ruitutem toleratis. At qui sunt hi/ qui rempublicam occupaucre? homines sceleratissimi/ cru●ntis manibus/ imma●● avatitia/ nocentissimi/ ●●demque superbissimi/ quibus decus/ fid●s/ pietas/ postremo honesta atque in honesta oia questui sunt.  
Pars occidisse tribunos plebis: alij questiones iniustas plerique fedem in vos fecisse/ pro munimento habent.  
Itaque quamtum quisque pessime fecit/ tam maxime tu tus est: metum a scelere suo ad ignaviam vestram tran stulere: quos omnis eadem cupere: eadem odisse: eadem metuere in unum co egit. Sed haec inter bonos amicitia: inter malos factio est.  
Ꝙ si tantam vos curam libertatis haberetis: quam illi ad dominationem accen si sunt: profecto: neque res publica (sicuti nunc) vastaretur: et beneficia vestra penes optimos non audacissimos forent.  
Maiores ●estri parandi juris et magestatis constituende gratia▪ per secessionem armati: bis Auentinum montem occupavere: vos pro libertate quam ab illis accepistꝭ: nonne summa ope nitemini: atque eo vehententius/ ꝙ maius dedecus est parta amittere quam omnino non paravisse?  
Dice● aliquis: quid igit ●enses? vindicandum in eos qui hosti prodidere rempu: non manu neque ●i: quod magis vobis ●ecisse: quam illis accidisse indignum est▪  
Verum questionibus et indicio ipsius iugurthae: qui si deditus est: profecto iussis vestris obediens erit.  
Sin ea contemnit: scilicet existimabitis qualis illa pax aut deditio sit: ex qua ad Iugurtham scelerum impunitas: ad paucos potentes maxime diuitie: ad rempu. damna atque dedecora peruene rint. Nisi fore non dum etiam vos dnationis eorum satietas tenet: et illa quam haec tempora magis placent: cum regna/ prouincie/ leges/ ●ura/ judicia/ bella/ atque paces: postremo divina & humana omnia penes paucos erant. Vos autem invicti ab hostibus imperatores omnium gentium satis habebatis animam retinere.  
Nam servitutem quidem quis vestrum recusare audebat?.  
At ego tametsi virum flagitiosum existimo impune iniuriam accepisse: tn̄ vos hoimbus sceleratissimis ignoscere: qm c●ues sunt aequo animo paterer nimīa in perniciem casura esset. Nam et illis quantum importunitatis habent parum est impune male fec●sse: nisi faciundi licentia deinde eriptatur. Et vobis eterna folicitudo remanebit: quum intelligitis aut serutendum esse aut per manus libertatem retinendam.  
Nam fidei quid● aut concordie quae spes est?  
Dnari ●i●i volunt: vos liberi esse: facere illi iniuriam vos prohibere: postremo socijs nostris velu ti hostibus: hostibus pro socijs utuntur: potest ne in tam diversis mentibus pax aut amicitia esse? Quare moneo horrorque vos ● ne tantum scelus impunitum omittatis. Non peculatus erarij factus est neque per vim socijs erepte pecume que▪ quamquam gravia sunt, tamen ex co suetudine iam pro ni●ilo habentur.  
Hosti acerrimo prodita senatus authoritas: proditum imperium vestium est: domi militieque refpublica venalis suit que nisi quesita erunt: et nisi vindicatum in noxios quid erit reliquum/ nisi ut illis obedientes vivamus qui ea ●ecerunt? Nam impune quodlibet agere: id est regem esse.  
Neque vos quirites hortor/ ut malitis cives vestros ꝑpe●āquam recte fec●●●e sed ne ignoscendo malis bonos p●●ditum eatis.  
Ad-hoc in republica multo prestat benefici●quam maleficij immemorem esse: bonus fit tantummodo f●gn●o●/ ubi negligas: at malus improbior: ad hoc si injury non sint: haud saepe auxilij egeas.   

HEc atque alia huius cemodi saepe dicendo Memmius populo ꝑsuadet ut Lucius Cassius qui tum pretor erat ad jugurtham mitteret: eumque interposita fide publica Roman duceret: quo facilius idicio regis Scau●i et reliquorum quos pecunie capte arcessebant delicta pat●fierent.   

DVm haec Rome geruntur: qui in Numidia relicti a Bestia exercitui pre erant: secuti morem imperatoris sui plurima & flagitiosissima f●cere facinora. fuere qui auro corrupti elephantos jugurthae traderent. Alij perfugas venderent: pars expacatis predas agebant. Tanta vis avaricie animos eorum veluti ●abes invaserat.   

AT Cassius/ perlata rogatione a Caro Memmio/ ac percul sa omni nobilitate/ ad Iugurtham proficiscitur: ei que timido et ex conscientia diffidenti rebus suis persuadet (quoniam se populo romano dedisset) ne vim quam misericordiam experir● mallet.  
Privatim praeterea fidem suam interponit/ quā●ō minoris quam publicam ducebat.  
Talis ca tempestate fama de ●assio erat.  
jugurtha contra decus regium/ cultu quam maxime miserabili/ cum Canto Romam venit. Ac tametsi in ipso magra vis animi erat confirmato ab omnibus/ quorum potentia aut scelere cuncta ea gesserat: quae supra d●ximus Ca●um tamen Bebium tribunum plebis/ magna mercede parat cuius impudentia contra ius et iniurias omnes munitus foret.  
A● Caius Memmius advocata concione (quamquam regi infesta plebs erat: et pars in vincula duci iuberet: pars vero nisocios sceleris aperiret: more maiorum de hoste supplicium sumi dignitati magis quam ire consulens: sedare motus et animos eorum mollire/ postremo confirmare fidem publicam per sese inviolatam fore.  
Post ubi silentium cepit/ producto jugurtha/ verba facit. Rome Numidiaeque facinora eius memorat scelera in patrem fratresque ostendit: et quibus iwantibus quibusque ministris ea egerit: quamquam intelligit populus Romanus tamen se velle manifest magis ex illo habere: si verum aperiat: in fide et clementia populi romani magnam spem illi sitam.  
Sin reticeat: non saluti ●ocijs fore: sese et suas opes corrupturum. Deinde ubi Memmius dicendi finem fecit/ et jugurtha ●ussus est respondere Caius Bebius (quem pecunia corruptum supra diximus) regem tacere jubet: ac tametsi multitudo quae in concione aderat vehementer accensa terrebat eum clamore vultuque: sepe impetu: atque alijs omnibus quae ira fieri ama●: Vicit tn̄ Bebij impudentia. Itaque populus ludibrio habitus ex contione discessit.  
jugurthaes/ Bestieque et caeteris quos illa questio ex agitabat aim augescunt.   

ERat ea tempestate Romae Numida quidam nomine Massiua filius Galussae: nepos Massinissae: qui (quia in dissensione regum jugurthae adversus fuerat) dedita Cirtha et Adherbale interfecto profugus ex Aphrica abierat. Huic Spurius Albinus qui proximo anno post bestiam cum quinto Minutio Ruffo consulatum gerebat: ꝑsuadet: quoniam e stirpe Massinissae sit jugurtham ob scelera in vidia cum metu urgeat: regnum Numidiae a senatu petat. avidus consul belli gerundi moveri quam sene scere omnia malebat.  
Ipsi provincia Numidia Minutio Macedonia obuenit. Que postquam Massiva agitare cepit: neque jugurthae in amicis satis pnsidij est (quia corum alium conscientia: alium mala fama et timor impediebat) Bomilchari proxīo ac maxime fido sibi imperat ut precio (sicuti multa confecerat) ●i sidiatores massive paret: ac maxime occult: sinid parum procedat: quovis modo Numidam interficiat. Bomilchar mature regis mandata exequitur ꝑ homines talis negocij artifices: itinera/ egre●●usque/ eius/ postremo loca/ atque tempora explorat. Deinde ubi res postulabat: insidias tetendit. Igit unus ex eo numero qui ad cedem parati erant: paulo incon ultius Massivam aggreditur: illunque obtruncat. Sed ipse ●eprehēsus multis hortanribus, et in primis Albino consule in dicium profitetur. Fit reus magis ex aequo et bono quam ex iure gentium Bomilchar comes eius qui Roman fide pu. venerat.  
At jugurtha manifestus tanti sceleris non prius omisit contra verum niti/ quam anima duertit supra gratiam ac pecuniam suam invidiam sact●esse.  
Igitur quamquam in priori actio ne ex amicis quinquagin ta vades dederat: regno magis quam vadibus consulens: c●am in Numidiam dimittit Bomilchar enveritus ne reliquos populares metus invaderet parendi sibi: si de illo supplicium sumptum foret.  
Et ipse paucis diebus eo profectus est: iusius a senatu Italia discedere.  
Sed postquam Roma egressus est/ fertur saepe tacitus respiciens/ postremo dixisse/ urbem venalem/ et mature perituram: si emptorem invenerit.   

INterim Albinus renovato bello/ commeatum/ stipendium/ aliaque/ quae militibus usui forent: maturat in Aphrican portare ac statim ipse profectus est/ uti ante comitia (qd tempus haud long aberat) armis aut deditionem aut quovis modo bellum conficeret.  
At contra jugurtha trahere omnia: et alias/ deinde alias causas more facere: polliceri deditionem ac deinde metum simulare: cedere instanti: et paulo post (ne sui diffiderent) instare: ita belli modo: modo pacis mo●a/ consulem ludificare.  
At fuere/ qui tum Albinum haud ignarum consilij regis existimarent.  
Neque ex tanta properantia: tam facile tractum bellum secordia magis quam dolo crederent. Sed postquam dilapso tempore/ comitiorum dies aduen●abat▪ Albinus▪ Aulo fratre in castris pro pntore relicto/ Roman distescit.   

EA tempestate Romae seditionibus tribunitijs atrociter respu. agitabatur. Publius Lucullus: Lucius Annius tribuni plebis resistentibus collegis continuare magistratum nitebantur.  
Quae dissensio totius anni commitia impediebat.  
Ea mora in spem adductus Aulus (quem pro pretore in castris relictum supra diximus) aut conficiendi belli gratia: aut terrore exercitus ab rege pecunie capiunde/ milites mense Ianuario ex taber naculis in expeditionem evocat: magnisque itineribus hyeme aspera pervenit ad oppidum Suthul ● ubi regis thesauri erant.  
Quod quamquam et sevitia temporis et oportunitate loci neque capi neque obsideri poterat (nam circa murum situm in prerupti montis extremo planicies limosa hyemalibus aquis paludem fecerat) tn̄ aut similandi gratia quo regi formidinem adderet: aut cupidine cecus opidi potiundi: vineas agere: aggerem ●acere: aliaque quae incepto usui forent preparare.  
At jugurtha cognita vanitate atque imꝑitia legati/ subdole eius augere amentiam/ missitare supplicantes legatos: Ipse quasi vitabundus ꝑ saltuosa loca et trami●es exercitum ductare.  
Denique Aulum spe pactionis pepulit: uti/ Suthule relicto/ in abditas regiones sese veluti redentem insequeretur.  
Ita delicta occultiora fuere.  
Interea jugurtha per homines callidos die noctu que exercitum tentabat: centuriones/ ducesque turmarum partim uti transfugerēt corrumpere▪ alij signo dato uti locum desererent.  
Quae postquam ex sententia instruxit/ intempesta nocte cum multitudine Numidarum Auli castra circumuenit.  
Milites Romani perculs●●nsolito metu arma cape● alij sese abdere: pars territos confirmare: trepidare omnibus locis vis magna hostium:  
●alum nocte atque nubibus obscutatum: periculum anceps.  
Postremo ●ugere an manere tutius foret ● in incerto erat.  
Sed ex eo numero quos paulo ante corruptos diximus/ cohors una ligurum cum duabus turmis Tracum et paucis gregarijs militibus transiere ad regem: et Centurio pri mipili tertie legionis ꝑmunitionem/ quam uti defenderet acceperat) locum hostibus intro ●undi dedit. Ea part Numide cunct●●rrupere. Ex nost●is feda fuga: plerique abiectis armis proximum collem occupavere. nox atque preda castrorum hostes quominus victoria uterentur remorata sunt. Deide postero die jugurtha cum Aulo in colloquio verba facit: tametsi ipsum cum exercitu fame/ ferroque clausum tenet: tamen dicit se memorem humanarum rerum si secum fedus faceret: incolumes omnes sub ●ugum missu●um: preterea uti decem diebus Numidia decederent.  
Quae quamquam gravia et flagitij plena erant: tamen que a mortis metu nutabant sicuti regi libuerat pa● convenit.   

SEd ubi ea Romae comperta sunt: metus atque meror civitatem invasere. Par● do●ere pro gloria imperi: pars insoli ti bellicarum rerum time re libertati.  
Aulo omnes in festi: ac maxime qui bello ●elari sepe fuerantque armatus de decore potiusque manu salutem quesiverat.  
Obea consul Albinus ex delicto fratris invidiam ac deinde periculum timens senatum de foedere consulebat: tamen exercitur interim supplementum scribere.  
A sceli● et nomine latino auxilia accersere: denique omnibus modis sestinare.  
Senatus (uti par fuerat) d●cernit suo atque populi imussu nullum potuisse fedus fieri.  
Consul impeditus a tribuno plebis ne quas paraverat copias secum portaret: paucis diebus in Aphricam proficiscitur.  
Nam omnis exercitus ● uti cōuene●at/ Numida deductua in provincia hyemabat.  
Postquam eo ventum est (quamquam persequi jugurtham: et moderi fraterne invidie animus ardebat) cognitis militibus quos preter sugam soluto imperio licentia atque lascivia corruperat ex copia rerum sta ●uir sibi nihil agendum.  
Interin Romae Caius Manlius limitanus tribunu●pl. rogationem ad populum promulgat uti quereretur in eos quorum consilio Iugu●tha senatus decreta neglexisse: et qui tradid●ssent elephantos e● ꝑfugas: quique ob eo aut in legationibus aut imperijs pecunias accepi●ent.  
Item qui de pace/ aut bello cum hostibus pactiones fecissent.  
Huic rogationi partim conscij sibi: alij ex partium invidia pericula metuentes: quoniam apart resistere non poteran● quin illa et alia ralia placere sibi faterentur occult ꝑ amicos ac maxime ꝑ homines nominis latin● et socios Italicos impedimenta parabant.  
Sed plebs (incredibile memoratu est) quamtum intenta fuerit quamtaque vi rogatio nem iuss●rit: magis odio nobilitatis (cui illa mala parabantur) quam cura re●publice.  
Tanta libido in partibus erat. Igitur caeteris ꝑculsis metu Marcus Scaurquem legatum Bestie supra memoravimus inter leticiam plebis et svorum fugam trepida etiam tunc civitate quum ex Māli● rogatione tres quesitores rogarentur: effecerat uti ipse in eo munero crearetur.  
Sed questione exercitata aspere violenterque ex rumore et libidine plebis: ut saepe nobilitatem: sic ea tempestate plebem ex secundis rebus insolentia ceperat.   

CEterum mos partium popularium: et se●a tus factionum: ac de inde omnium malarum artium paucis ante annis Romae ortus est otio atque habundantia earum rerumque prima morta●●s ducunt.  
Nam ante Carthaginem deletam populus et senatus romanus placide modesteque inter se rempublicam tractabant. Neque glory certamen neque dominationis inter cives erat. Metus hostilis in bonis artibus civitatem retinebat.  
Sed ubi illa formido a mentibus discessit: scilicet ea que res second amant: lascivia/ atque superbia incessere. Ita (quod in adversis rebus optaverant) ocium postquam adepti sunt acerbius/ asperius que tulere.  
Nam cepere nobilitas dignitatem in dnationem: populus libertatem in libidinem vertere: sibi quisque ducere/ trahere/ r●pere.  
Ita omnia in duas partes abstracta sunt. respublica/ quae media fuerat dilacerata est.  
Caeterum nobilitas factione magis pollebat plebis.  
Vis soluta ac dispersa in multitudine minus poterat.  
Paucorum arbitrio belli domique respublica agitabatur: penes eosdem aerarium/ prouincie/ magistratus/ glory/ triumphi que erant.  
Populus militia atque inopia urgebatur.  
Predas bellicas imꝑatores cum paucis diripiebant.  
Interea parentes aut parvi liberi militum (uti quis que potentiori confinis erat) sedibus pellebantur. Ita cum potentia avaritia sine modo modestraque invadere/ polluere/ et vastare omnia: nihil pensi ne que sancti habere quo ad semetipsan precipitavit.  
Nam postquam Tiberius et Ca●us Gracchus (quorum matores in punico bello atque alijs multum respubl●cae addiderant) vendicare plebem in libertatem: et paucorum scelera patefacere cepere nobilitas noxi a atque eo ꝑculsa modo ꝑ socios ac nomen latinum/ interdum per equites romanos (quos spes societatis a plebe dimoverat) Gracchorum actionibus obuiam erat: et primo Tiberium▪ deinde paucos post annos ingredientem eadem Ca●um tribunum al terum triumu●rū in educendis colonijs cum Marcho Fuluto Flacco ferro necaverat. Et sane Gracchis cupidine victory non satis moderatus fuit.  
Sed bono vinci facius est quam malo more iniuriam vincere.  
Igiturea victoria nobilitas ex libidine sua usa multos mortalis ferro aut fuga extinxit: plusque in reliquum sibi timoris quam potentie addidit.  
Quae res plerumque magnas civitates pessundedit dum alteri alteros vincere quovis modo/ et victos acerbius ulcisci volunt. Sed de studijs partium oimbus que civitatis moribus si singulatim aut pro magnitudine parem disserere: tp̄s quam res maturius me desereret. Quam obrem ad inceptum redeo.   

POst Auli fedus/ exercitus que nostri fugam fedam/ Quintus Metellus et Marcus silanus consules designati/ provintias inter se parti verant.  
Metelloque Numidia obuenerat/ acri viro: et quamquam adverso populi partibus/ fama tamen aequabili et inviolata.  
Is ubi primum magistratum ingressus est: alia omnia sibi cum collega coina ratus/ ad bellum (quod gesturus erat) aīm intendit.  
Igitur diffidens veteri ex ercitui: milites eligere/ scribere/ presidia undique accersere/ a●ma/ tela/ equos/ et caetera instrumenta militie parare: ad hoc commeatum affatim: denique omnia quae in bello vario et multarum rerum egenti/ usui esse solent.  
Caeterum ad ea patranda senatus authoritate/ socij/ nomenque latinum/ et reges. Postremo omnis civitas summo studio adnitebantur.  
Itaque ex sententia om●●●●s rebus paratis compositisque in Numidiam proficiscitur magna specivium: tum propter artis b●nas: tum maxime ꝙ adversum divitias invictum animum gerebat: et avaritia magistratuum ante id tempus in Numidia nostre opes contuse: hostiūque aucte erant. Sed ubi in Aphricam venit exercitus ei traditur a Spurio Albino proconsule iners imbecillis neque periculi neque laboris patiens: lingua quam manu promptior: predator ex socijs et ipse preda hostium sine imperio & modestia habitus. Ita imperatori novo plus e malis maioribus solicitudinis quam ex copia militum auxilij aut bonae spei accedebat. Statuit tamen Metellus (quamquam et estivorum tp̄s comitiorum mora imminuerat: et expectatione eventus civium ainos intentos putabati non prius bellum attingere: quam maiorum disciplina● milites laborare coegisset. Nam Albinus Auli fratris exercitusque clade perculsus, postquam decreverat non egredi provintia, quamtum temporis aestiuorum in imperio fuit: plerumque milites in statutis castris habebat: nisi cum odor● aut pabuli eges●●s locum mutare sub egerat. Sed neque more mil●tari vigilie ducebantur: uti cuique libebat, ab signis aberat. Lixae ꝑmixti cum equitibus die noctuque vagabantur: & palantes ●gros vastare: villas expugnare: pecoris et mancipiorum predas/ certantes agere: eaque mutare cum marcatoribus/ provino advecticio/ et alijs talibus.  
Praeterea frumentum publice datum vendere: panem indies mercari. Postremo quaecunque dici aut fingi queunt ignauie luxurieque probra in illo exercitu cuncta fuere: et alia amplius. Sed in ea difficultate Metellum non minus quam in rebus hostilibus magnum et sapientem virum fuisse comperio: tanta temperantia inter ambitionem sevitiamque moderatum. Nanque edicto primo adiumenta ignaviae dicit sustulisse ne quisquam in castris panem/ aut quem▪ aliumcibum coctum venderet: ne lixe sequerentur exercitum: ne miles gregarius in castris● neue in agmine servum aut iumen tum haberet.  
Caeteris arte modum statuisse. Praeterea transuersis itineribus/ quotidie castra movere: vallo ac fossa munire: vigilias crebras ponere: et eas ipse cum legatis circumire.  
Item in agmine inprimis modo: modo in postremis: saepe in medio adesse: ne quispiam ordine ●grederetur: ut cum signis frequentes incederent: miles cibum et arma portaret.  
Ita prohibendo a delictis magis quam vindicando exercitum brevi confirmavit.   

INterea jugurtha ubi ea quae Metellus agebat ex nuncijs accepit si mulde innocentia eius certior Rome factus diffidere suis rebus: ac tum deinum veram deditionem facerere conatus est.  
Igitur legatos ad consulem cum supplicijs mittit. Qui tantummodo ipsi liberis que vitam peterent: alia omnia dederent populo Romano. Sed Metello tam antea experimentis cognitum erat genus numidarum infidum ing●nio mobili: novaru rerum avidum esse. Itaque legatos alium ab alio diversos aggreditur: ac pausatim tentando postquam oportunos sibi cognovit: multa pollicendo persua det ut jugurtham maxīe vivum: sin id parum procedat: necatum sibi trade●ent.  
Caetera palam ● quae ex voluntate forent nunciari regi jubet.  
Deinde paucis diebus/ in tento atque infesto exercitu/ in Numidiam procedit. Vbi contra belli faciem tuguria plena hominum: pecora/ cultoresque in agris erant: ex oppidis et mapalibus profecti regis obuiam procedebant: parati frumentum dare: commeatum portare.  
Postremo omnia quae imperarentur facere.  
Neque Metellus idcircominus sed pariter ac si hostes adessent: munito agmine incedere: late explorare: oina illa deditionis sig●a ostentui esse credere: & insidijs locum tentare.  
Itaque cum expeditis cohortibus: Item funditorum et sagittariorum delecta manu apud primos erat. Postremo Caius Marius legatus cum equitibus curabat. In utrum que latus auxiliarios equites tribunis legionum/ et prefectis cohortum dispertiverat: ut cum his velites ꝑmixti quocumque accederent: equitatus hostium ꝓpulsarent. Nam in jugurtha tantus dolus/ tantaque peritia locorum et militie erat: ut absens● an presens pacem an bellum gerens ꝑnitrosior esset: in incerto haberetur. Erat haud long ab eo itinere/ quo Metellus ꝑgebat/ opidun Numidarum nomine Vacca forum rerum venalium totius regnitet maxime celebratum: ubi et incolere: et mercari res consueverant Italici generis multi mortales. Huic consul simul tentandi gra et capiundi (si paterent oportunitates loci) presidium imposuit. Praeterea imꝑavit frumen tum et alia quae bello usui forent/ comportare: ratus (id quod res monebat) frequentiam negociatorum et commeatum etiam paratis rebus munimento fore. Inter haec negotia jugurtha impensius modo legatos supplices mittere: pacem rogare: preter suam liberorumque vitam Metello omnia dedere.  
Quos item (ut priores) consul illectos dimittebat ad proditionem: regi pacem (quam postulabat) neque abnuere: neque pollicer●: et inter eas moras promissa legatorum ex pectare.  
jugurtha ubi Metelli dicta cum factis composuit: ac se suis artibus tentari ainaduertit (quip cui pa● verbis nunciabatur: caeterum rebellum a spertimū erat: Vrbs maxima alienata:  
Ager hostibus cognitus animi popularium tentati) coactus rerum necessitudine statuit armis cae●●are.   

IGitur explorato itinere hostrum/ in spem victoriae adductus ex opportunitate loci: quam maximas copias potest oim generum parat: ac per tramites occultos exercitum Metelli antevenit.  
Erat in ea Numidie part: quam Adherbal in diuisione possederat: flumen oriens a meridie/ nomine Muthul/ a quo mons aberat ferme milia pa●●uū viginti tractu par●: vastus a natura/ et humano cultu alienatus: sed ex eo medio quasi collis oriebat/ in immensum pertingen●/ vestitus oleastro/ ac myrthetis/ alijsque arborum generibus/ que humo arida atque a●enosa gignuntur. Media autem planicies deserta erat penuria aque/ preter flumini propinqua loca: ea consita arbustis/ pecore atque cultoribus frequentabantur. Igitur in eo colle (q●em transuerso itinere portectum docuimus:) jugurtha extenuata acie svorum consedit: elephantis et parti copiarum pedestrium Bomilcharem prefecit: eum edocet/ quae ageret: ipse propior montem cum omni equitatu atque peditibus delectis suos collocat.  
Deinde singulas turmas et manipulos circū●en●● monet atque obtestatur● uti memores pristine virtu●is e● victory: sese/ re●● umque ab Romano rū●●a●icia defendant. Cum ●us certamen fore quos antea victos sub ●ugum miserint. Ducen illis non animum mutatum. Quae ab imꝑatore decuerint omnia▪ suis provisa locum superiorem: uti prudentes cum imperitis/ nec pauciores cum pluribus/ aut rudes cum bello melioribus/ manum consererent: proinde parti intentique essent ● siguo dato Romanos invadere. Illumd●ē/ aut omnis labores et victorias confirmaturum: aut maximarum erumnarum initium fore. Adhoc viritim: uti quemque ob militare facinus pecunia: aut honore extulerat commone facere beneficij: et eum ipsum alijs ostentare.  
Postremo pro cuiusque in genio pollicendo: minitando: ostentando: alium alio modo excitare.  
Cum interim Metellus ignarus hostium/ monte degrediens cum exercitu conspicitur: primo dubius/ quidnam insolita facies ostenderet (Nam inter virgulta equi Numideque confederant/ neque plane occultati humilitate arborum: et tamen incertum/ quidnam esset/ tum natura loci: tum dolo: ipsi atque militaria signa obscurati) Deinde b●●ui cognitis insidijs paulisper agmen constituit Ibi commutatis ordinibus in dextro latere quod pro ●●●mum hostibus erat: triplicibus subsidijs aci●m instruxit: inter manipulos funditores et sagitta rios dispertit.  
equitatum omnem in cornibus locat:  
ac pauca pro tempore milites hortatus: aciem sicuti instruxerat: transuersis principijs in planum 〈◊〉.  
Sed ubi Numidas quictos/ neque digressos colle animaduertit: ex anni tempore veritus/ et inopia aquae/ ne siti conficeretur exercitus: Rutilium legatum cum expeditis cohortibus/ et part equitum pre misit ad flumen: uti locum castris ante caperet: existimans crebro hostes impetu/ et transuersis prelijs iterum/ remoraturos: et (quoniam armis diffiderent) lassitudinem et sitim militum tentaturos. Deinde ipse pro re atque loco/ sicuti monte descenderat/ 〈◊〉 paulatim procedere/ Marium post principia habere: ipse cum equi tibijs sinistrae alae esse/ qui in agmine princeps facti erant.   

AT jugurtha ubi ex tremun agmen Metelli primos suos praetergressum videt: prae sidio quasi duum milium peditum montem occupat: quo Metellus descenderat: ne forte cedentibus adversarijs receptui: ac post munimento foret. Deinde repent/ signo dato hostes invadit. Numidae alij postremos caedere pars a sinistra ac dextra tentare: infensi adesse: instare atque omnibus locis romanorum ordines conturbare. Quorum etiam qui firmioribus animis obuij hostibus fuerant▪ ludificati incerto praelio: ipsi modo eminus sauciabantur: neque contra feriendi aut con●erendi manum copia erat.  
Ante iam docti ab jugurtha equites: ubi romanorum turmae insequi coeperant/ non confertim neque in unum se recipiebant: sed alius alio quam maxime diversi. Ita numero priores si a persequendo hostes deterrere nequiverant: disiectos a tergo aut a lateribus circunueniebant. Sin oportunior fugae collis/ quam campi fuerat: Ea vero loca consueti numidarum equi facile inter virguita evadere: Nostros asperitas et insolentia loci retinebat.  
Caeterum facies totius negoci● varia: incerta: feda atque miserabilis:  
diversi a suis pars rede-  
re: alij insequi: neque signa neque ordines observare:  
Vbi quemque periculum ceperat: ibi resistere ac propulsare.  
Arma/ tela/ equi/ viri/ hostes/ atque cives ꝑmixti: nihil consilio aut imperio ag●: sors omnia regere·  
Itaque multum diei processerat: cum etiam tum even tus in incerto erat.  
Denique omnibus labore et estu languidis/ Metellus ubi videt Numidas minus instare: paulatim milites in unum conducit: ordines restituit: et cohortes legionarias quatuor adversus pedites hostium collocat.  
Eorum magna pars locis superioribus sessa consederat simul orare: hortari milites ne deficerent▪  
Neu paterentur hoste● fugientes vincere:  
neque illis castra esse: ne que munimentum ullum/ quo cedentes tenderent: in armis omnia sita.  
Sed nec jugurtha quidem interea quietus erat: circumire/ hortari/ renovare/ prelium: et ipse cum delectis oina subvenire suis: hostibus instare dubijs: quos firmos cognoverat: eminus pugnando retinere.  
Eo modo inter se duo imperatores summi viri certabant: ipsi pares: caeterum opibus disparibus.  
Nam Metello virtus militum erat et locus adversus. jugurthae alia oina pnter milites opportuna. Deinde romani ubi intelligunt neque sibi profugium esse: neque ab hoste copiam pugnandi fieri: etiam diei vesper erat: adverso colle (sicuti praeceptum fuerat) evadunt.  
Amisso loco/ Numidae fusi fugatique pauci interiere. Plerosque velocitas/ et regio hostibus ignara tutata sunt.   

INterea bomilchar/ quem eliphantis et parti cop●arū pedestrium prefectum a jugurtha/ supra diximus: ubi eum Rutilius pretergressus est: paulatim suos in equum locum deducit: ac dum legatus ad flumen/ quo premissus erat/ festinans pergit quie●tus (uti res postu●abat) aciem instruxit: neque remittit explorare quid ubique hostis ageret.  
Postquam Rutilium consedisie ●am et animo vacuum esse accepit: simulque jugurthae ex prelio clamorem augeri: veritus ne legatus cognita re laborantibus suis auxilio foret: aciem, quam diffidens virtuti militum arcte statuerat, quo hostium itineri officeret, latius porrigit.  
Eoque modo ad Rutilij castra procedit. Romani ex improviso pulueris vim magnam ainaduertunt. Nam prospectum ager arbustis consitus prohibebat.  
Et primo humum rati sunt aridam vento agitari. Post ubi aequabilem manere: s●cuti acies movebatur: magis magis que appropinquare videbant cognita re/ properantes arma capiunt: ac pro castris (sicuti imperatur) consistunt.  
Deinde ubi propius ventum est/ utrimque magno clamore concurritur. Numidae tantummodo sunt remorati/ dum in eliphantis auxilium putant: postquam eos impeditos ramis arborum atque ita dis●ectos circumueniri vident: fugam faciunt: ac plerique abiectis armis collis aut noctis (quae iam aderat) auxilio integri abeunt. elephanti quatuor capti: reliqui oens numero quadraginta interfecti sunt.  
At romani quamquam itinere atque opere castrorum et praelio fe●si lassique erant: tnnque Metellus amplius opinione morabatur instructi/ intentique obuiam procedunt.  
Nam dolus Numidarum nihil languidi neque remissi patiebatur.  
Ac primo obscura nocte/ postquam haud procul inter se erant strepitu velut hostes adventare: alteri apud alteros formidinem ●imul et tumulum facere: et pene imprudentia admissum facinus miserabile foret: ni utrimque proemissi equites rem exploravissent.  
Igitur pro metu repent gaudium exhortum est.  
Milites alius alium laeti appeliant: acta edocent: atque audiunt: sua quisque fortia facta ad celum ef●ert.  
quip human res ita se habent: in victoria etiam ignavis gloriari licet: adverse res etiam detractant bonos.  
Metellus inijsdē castris quatriduo moratus: saucios cum cura reficit: me ritos in prelijs more militiae donat: universos in contione laudat: atque agit gratias:  
hortatur/ ad caetera quae levia sunt/ parem animum gerant:  
Pro victoria satis iam pugnatum: reliquos labores praedae fore.  
Tum interim transfugant et alios oportunos ubi jugurtha gentium: aut quid ageret: cum pauci● ne esser: an exercitum haberet: ut sese victus gereret: exploratum misit.  
At ille sese in loca saltuosa et munita natura receperat: ibique cogebat exercitum numero hominum ampliorem: sed hebe●em infirmumque: agri ac pecoris magis quam belli cultorem.  
Id ea gratia eveniebat: ꝙ praeter regios equites n●mo omnium Numidarum ex fuga regem sequebat. Quo cu●usque animus fert eo descedunt: neque id fla●●tium militiae ducit: ita se mores habent.   

IGitur Metellus ubi videt regis etiam tum animum ferocem esse bellum renovari: quod nisi ex illius libidine ge●i non posset:  
Praeterea iniquum certamen sibi cum hostibus: minore detrimento illos vinci quam vincere: statuit non praelijs neque in ac●e/ sed alio modo bel●um esse gerendum.  
Itaque in loca Numidiae opulentissima pergit: agros vastat: castella multa et oppida temere munita aut sine presidio capit: incenditque.  
Puberes interficit: iube● oina alia 〈…〉 esse.  
Ea formidine multi mortales romanis dediti: obsides/ frumentum/ et alia que vsu● rorēt: affatim prebita sunt: ubicumque res postulabat/ presidium impositum. Que negotia multo magis quam praelium male pugnatum ab suis/ regem ●errebant.  
quip cui spes omnis in fuga sita erat: sequ● cogebatur: et qui sua loca defendere nequiverat: in a lienis ●ellum gerere: tamen ex inop●a/ quod optimum videbatur consilium/ capit:  
exercitum plerumque in ijsdem locis oꝑiri jubet.  
Ipse cum delectis equitibus Metellum sequitur noc●u●nis avijsque itineribus ignoratus roma nos palantes repent aggreditur. Plerique inermes cadunt: multi capiuntur. Nemo omnium i●tactus profugit. Numidae priusquam subveniretur (sicuti i●●●i erant) in proximos colles discedunt.   

INterim Rome gaudium ingen● ortum est cognitis Metelli rebus ut se/ exercitumque more maiorum gereret.  
quamquam inaduerso loco tn̄ victor fuisse virtute hostium agro potiretur.  
jugurtham magnificum ex Auli secordia ꝙ spem salutis insolitudine aut fuga coegessit habere.  
Itaque senatus ob ea feliciter acta/ dijs immorta libus supplicia decernere. Civitas anrea trepida et solicita de belli eventu laeta agere.  
Fama de Metello preclara esse. Igitur eo intentior Metellus ad victoriam niti omnibus modis: festinare: cavere: tn̄ necubi hosti oportunus fieret.  
Meminisse post gloriam invidiam sequi: ita quo clarior eo magis anxius erat: neque post insidias jugurthae effuso exercitu praedari.  
Sed ubi frumento aut pabulo opus erat: cohortes cum omni equitatu praesidium agebant.  
Exercitus partem ipse: reliquos Marius ducebat: sed igne magis quam praeda ager vastabatur.  
Duobus locis haud long iter se castra faciebant. Vbi vi opus erat: cuncti aderant: caeterum quo ●uga atque formido latius cre●●eret: divisi agebant.  
Eo tempore jugurtha per colles sequi: tp̄s aut locum pugnae quaerere: qua venturum hostem audierat/ pabulum aut aquarum fontes (quorum penuria erat) corrumpere.  
modo se Metello: interdum Mario ostendere: postremo in agmine tentare: a● statim in colles regredi.  
Rursus alijs post alijs minitari: neque prelium facere: neque ocium pati●tantummodo hostem ab incepto retinere.   

ROmanus sperator/ ubi se dolis fatigari vide●: neque ab hoste copiam pug●andi fieri: urbem magnam et in ea part qua sita erat ● artem regni nomine Zamam statuit oppugnare: ratus (id quod negotium postu labat) jugurtham laborantibus suis auxilio venrurū: ibi que prelium fore. At ille/ que parabantur ●doctus a perfugis magnis itineribus Metellum ●nteuenit:  
oppidanos hortatus/ more nia defendant: add●●is auxilio perfugis/ quod genus ex copijs regis (quia fallere nequibat) fortissimum erat.  
Praeterea pollicetur in tempore semet cum exercitu affore.  
Ita compositis rebus/ in loca quam maxime occulta descendit: ac post paulo cognoscit ex itinere Marium frumē●atum cum paucis cohortibus Siccam missum/ quod oppidum primum omnium post malam pugnam ab rege defecerat. ●o cum delectis ●quitibus pergit noctu: et egredien tibus romans/ in porta pugnam facit. Simul magna voce Siccenses hortatur uti cohortes a tergo circumueniant: fortunam illis praeclari facinoris casum dare: si id fecerint: postea sese in regno: illos in libertate sine metu aetatem acturos.  
At ni Marius signa inferre ●atque evadere oppido propetavisset: profecto cuncti (aut magna pars) Siccensium fidem mutanissent. Tanta mobilita te sese Numidae ge●unt. Sed milites jugurthini/ paulisper a rege sustentati/ postquam maiore vi hostes urgent/ paucis amissis/ profugi discedunt.  
Marius ad Zammam pervenit.  
Id oppidum in campo situm/ magis opere quam natura munitum erat▪ nullius rei idoneae egens: armis viris que opulentum.  
Igitur Metellus/ pro tempore atque loco paratis rebus ● cuncta menia exercitu circumuenit. Legatis imperat ubi quisque curaret.  
Denique signo dato/ undique simul clamor ingens oritur: neque ea res Numidas terret: infensi/ intentique sine tumultu manent: praelium incipitur.  
Romani pro ingenio quis que: pars eminus glande aut lapidibus pugnare: alij invadere: ac muruni suffodere modo scalis aggredi: cupere praelium manibus facere.  
Contra ea oppidani in pro ximos saxa volvere: sudes/ pila/ praeterea pice et sulphur tedam mixtam ardenti mittere.  
Sed nec illos qui procul manserant timor animi satis munierat. Nam plerosque iacula tormentis aut manibus emissa vulnerabant. Parique periculo: sed ●ama impari: boni atque ignavi erant.   

DVm apud zammam sic certatur: jugurtha ex inproviso castra hostium cum magna manu invadit (remissis qui in praesidio erant) et (omnia magisquam prelium expectantibus) portam it rumpit.  
At nostri repentino motu perculsi: sibi quisque pro moribus consulunt: a●ij fugere: alij arma cap●re: magna pars vulnerati aut occisi sunt.  
Caeterum ex omni multitudine non amplius qua draginta memores nominis romani: grege facto locum coepere paulo quam alij editiorem ne que inde maxima vi depelli quine runt:  
Sed tela eminus missa remittere: pauci in pluribus frustrari.  
Sin Numidae propius accessissent: ibi vero virtutem ostendere: et eos maxima vicedere: fundereatque fugare.  
Interim Metellus cum ace●rime rem gereret clamorem a tergo ●●ecepit. Deinde converso equo/ animaduertit fugam ad seversum fieri: quae res indicabat populares esse. Igitur equitatum omnem ad castra propere misit▪ ac statim Caium Marium cum cohortibus sociorum eumque lachrimans per amicitiam▪ perque rem publicam obsecrat: ne quam contumeliam remanete in exercitu victore: neve hostes inultos abire sinat.  
Ille brevi mandata efficit. At jugurtha munimento castrorum impeditus cum alij super vallum praecipitarentur: alij in angustijs ipsi sibi properantes officerent: multis amissis in loca munita sese recipit.  
Metellus/ infecto negocio/ postquam nox aderat/ in castra cum exercitu revertitur. Igitur postero die priusquam ad oppugnandum egrederetur: equitatum omnem in ea part/ qua regis adventus erat: pro cas●●●s agitare ●ubet: portas et proxima loca tribunis dispertit: deinde ipse pergit ad oppidum atque uti superiore die murum aggreditur. Interim jugurtha ex occulto repent nostros invadit: et qui in proximo locati erant paulisꝑ territi/ ꝑtur bantur/ tamen reliqui cito subveniunt. Neque diutius Numidae resistere quivissent: ni pedites cum equitibus permixti magnam cladem in congressu facerent: quibus illi ●reti/ non (uti inequestri fieri praelio solet) sequi: deinde vero cedere: sed adversis equis concurrere: implicare: ac ꝑturbare aciem.  
Ita cum expeditis peditibus suis hostes pene victos dare.   

●Odem tempore apud 〈◊〉 Zammam magna 〈◊〉 cer●abatur. Vbi quis 〈◊〉 legatus aut tribunus 〈◊〉: ibi acer●ime 〈◊〉 alius spem in alio 〈◊〉 quam in se habere.  
Pariter oppid ani agere oppugnare: aut parate omnibus locis: avidius alteri alteros sauciare/ quam semet tegere.  
Clamor ꝑmixtus hortatione: leticia gemitu: item strepitus armorum ad caelum ferri: tela utrinque volare.  
Sed illi, qui menia defensabant: ubi hostes paululum modo pugnam remiserant: inten●i praelium equestre prospectabant. Eos (ut quaeque res lugurthae erant) letos modo: pavidos modo aiaduerteres: ac sicuti audiri a suis aut cerni possent: admonere alij: hortari alij aut manu significare: aut niti corporibus: et huc et illuc quasi vitabundi: aut iacientes tela agitare.  
Quod ubi Mario cognitum erat (nam is in ea part curabat) consulto levius agere: ac diffidentiam rei simulare: pati numidas sine tumultu prae●●ū regis visere.  
Ita illis studio svorum astrictis repent magna vimurum aggreditur: et iam scalis aggre●●● milites/ peope summa ceperant: cum oppidani concurrunt: lapides/ ignem/ alia praeterea tela ingerunt. Nostri primo resistere de inde ubi une ac altere sealae imminutae sunt: qui suꝑstiterant ● afflicti sunt. Caeteri quoquo modo potuere: pauci integri: magna pars confecti vulneribus abeunt Deinde utrinque ●lium nox diremit.   

MEtellus ubi videt frustra inceptum: neque oppidum capi: neque Iugurtham nitinisi ex insidijs/ aut suo loco pugnam facere: etiam estatem exa●tam esse ab Zamma discessit: et in hijs vrb●bus quae ad se de iccerant: satisque munite l●co aut menibus erant: praesidia imponit.  
Ceterum exercitum in ꝓuintia/ quae proxima est Numidae hyemandi gratia collocat.  
Neque id tempus ex aliorum more quieti au● luxury concedit.  
Sed quoniam armis bellum parum procedebat: insidias regi per amicos tendere: et ●orum persidia pro armis uti parat. Igitur Bomilcharem qu● Romae cum jugurtha fuerat et inde vadibus datis clam Massi●ae n●cis judicium fugerat: ꝙ ei ꝑ maximam amicitiam proxina copia fallendi erat: multis policitationibus aggredit ac primo efficit uti ad se coloquendi gratia occult veniat: deinde fide data si jugurtham vi●um aut necatum sibi tradidisse●: fore ut illi senatus impunitatem et sua oina concederet: facile Numidae ꝑsuadet: tum ingenio rufido tum metuenti ne si pax cum romanis fieret: ipse ꝑ conditiones ad supplicium traderetur  
Is ubi primum opportunum fuit Iugurtham anxium ac miserantem fortunas suas accedit.  
Monet atque lachrimans obtestatur uti aliquando sibi/ liberisque et genti Numida●um optime merit provideat: oimbus praelijs sese victos: agrum vastatum multos mortalis captos aut accisos: regni ope● comminutas esse: satis sepe iam virtutem militum et fortunam tentatam: caveat ne illo cunctante Numidae sibi consulant.  
His atque alijs talibus ad deditionem regis animum impellit: mittuntur ad imperatorem legati: qui Iugurtham imperata facturum dicerent: ac sine ulla pactione sese/ regnumque suum in illius fidem tradere.  
Metellus cunctos senatorij ordinis exhibernis propere accersi ●ubet: eorum atque aliorum quos idoneos ducebat: consilium habet.  
Ita more maiorum consilij decreto ꝑ legatos jugurthae imperat argenti pondo ducentamilia/ elephantos omnes/ equorum et armorum aliquātulum.  
Quae postquam sine mora facta sunt: jubet omnes perfuga● vinctos adduci. Eorun magna pars uti iussum erat adducti.  
Pauci quum primum deditio cepit: ad regem Bocchum in Nazan abierant. Igitur jugurtha ubi armis/ virisque et pecunia spoliatus est: cum ipse ad imperandum Tisi dium vocaretur rursus cepit flectere aīm: et ex mala conscientia digna timere.  
Denique multis diebus ꝑ dubitationem consumptis: quum modo taedio rerum adversarum oina bello potiora duceret: interdum secum ipse reputaret quam gravis casus inseruitium ex regno foret multis magnisque praesidijs ne quicquam perditis de integro bellum sumit.  
Et Romae senatus de provincijs consultus: Pansan Metello decreverat.   

PEr idem tempus Vtice sort Caro Mario per hostias dija supplicanti magna atque mirabilia portendi haruspex dixerat.  
Proinde quae animo agitabat fretus dijs ageret.  
quam sepissime fortunam ex ꝑiretur: et omnia prospere eventura.  
At illum iam antea consulatus ingens cupido exagitabat: ad quem capien dum preter vetustarem family oina abunde erant: industria/ probitas/ militie magna scientia/ animus belli ingens/ domi modicus: libidinis: et divitiatum victor: tantum modo glory avidus.  
Sed is natu et per omnem pueritiam Arpin● alitu● ubi p●imum etas militie patiens fuit stipendijs faciundis: non greca facundia: neque urbanis munditi ●s sese exercuit: ita inter artis bonas integrum in genium brevi adolevit.  
Ergo ubi primum tribunatum militarem a populo petit plerisque faciem eius ignorantibus facile notus per omni● tribus declaratur.  
Deinde ab eo magistratu alium post alium sibi pep●tit: semꝑque in potestatibus eo modo agitabat: ut ampliore honore quam ge●ebat dignus haberetur.  
Tamen is ad id locorum talis vi● consulatum pe●ere non aude bar.  
Nam postea ambitiōe pceps datus est.  
Et iam tum alios magistratus plebs: consulatum nobilitas ꝑ manus inter se tradebat▪ novus nemo tam praeclarus: neque tam egregijs factis erat: quin is indignus illo honore haberetur.  
Igitur ubi Marius har●▪ spicis dicta eodem quo cupido animi hortabat intendere videt ab Metello consulatum petendi gratia missionem rogat. Cui quamquam virtus/ gloria atque alia optanda boni● suꝑabant: tamen inerat cōtem●tor animus et superbia c●e nobilitatis malum.  
Itaque primum cōmotu● insolita re/ mirari eius consilium: et quasi pera micitiam movere: ne tam prava inciꝑet: neu supra  
fortunam aīm gereret. non ominia omnibus cupienda esse: debere ille res suas satis placere.  
Postreno caveret id petere a po. romāo quod illi iure negaretur.  
Postquam haec atque alia talia dixit: neque animus Marij flectitur: respondit ubi primum potuis●e● ꝑ negotia publica facturum sese quae peteret.  
Ac postea sepe eadem postulanti fertur dixisse: ne festinaret abire: satis mature illum cum filio consulatum petiturum.  
Is eodem tempore in contubernio patris ibidem militabat annos natus circiter viginti.  
Quae res Marium tum pro honore quem affectabat: ●um pro licentia redeundi quem ab eo impetrare nequibat: contra Metellum vehementer accenderat. Ita cupidine atque ita pessimis consultoribus gra ●ari: neque facto vllo neque dicto abstinere: quod modo ambiciosum foret.  
Milites quibus in hibernis praecrat laxiore imperio quam ante habere.  
apud negociatores quorum magna multitudo Vticae erat: criminose et simul magnifice de bello loqui d●m dia pars exercitus si sibi ꝑmitteretur: paucis diebus Iugurtham in cathenis habiturum: ab imperatore consulto bellum trahi: ꝙ homo inanis et regie superbie imperio nimis gauderet:  
Quae omnia illis eo firmiora videbantur: quia diuturnitate belli res familiares corruperat: et animo cup●enti nihil satis festinatur.  
Erat preterea in exercitu nostro numida quidam nomine Gauda Manasta balis filius: Massinisse nepos: quem Micipsa testamento secundum heredem scripserat: morbis consectus et ob eam causam ment paululum imminuta. Cui Metellus petenti more regum ut sellam juxta ponere: item postea custody causa turmam equitum romanorum: utrum que negaverat: honorem ꝙ eorum modo foret quos populus romanus reges appellavisset: presidium ꝙ contumeliosum foret: si equites romani satelliti numidae traderentur.  
Hunc Marius anxium aggreditur: atque hortatur ut contumeliarum imꝑatoris cum suo auxilio penas petat: hominem ob morbos animo parum valido secunda oratione ex tollit: illum regem ingentem virum Massinissae ne potem esse: si jugurtha captus aut occisus foret imperium Numidiae sine mora habiturum.  
id adeo mature posse evenire: si ipse consul ad id bellum missus foret.  
Itaque et illum/ et equites romanos: milites et negotiatores alios ipse▪ plerosque pacis spe impellit uti romam ad suos necessarios aspere in Metellum de bello scribant▪  
Marium imperatorem poscant sic illi a multis mortalibus honestissima suffragatione consulatus petebatur. Simul ea tempestate plebs nobilitate susa per legem manliam no●os extollebat.  
Ira Mario cuncta procedere.   

INterim jugurtha post q omissa deditione bellum incipit: cum magna cura parate omnia festinare: exercitum cogere: c●uitates quae a se def●cer●t formidine: aut ostentando praemia affectare: communire suos locos: arma  
●●la: aliaque quae spe pac●●●m serat reficere aut cōm●●cari: seruitia ronarorum allicere: et eosipsos qui in praesidijs erant p●c●nia tentare: prorsus i●tactum nihil neque quietum pati: cuncta agitare.  
Igitur Vaccenses (quo Met●llus in initio jugurtha pacificante presidium imposuerat) fatigati regis supplicijs: neque antea sua voluntate alienati principes civitatis inter se cōiurant.  
Nam vulgus uti plerumque solet et maxime Numidarum ingenio mobili seditiosum atque discordiosum erat cupidum novarum rerum quieti et otio adversum. Deinde compositis inter se rebus in diem tercium constituunt ꝙ is festus celebratus que per omnem Aphricam: ludum et lasciviam magis quam formidinem ostendebat. Sed ubi tempus fuit centuri ones tribunosque militares et ipsum praefectum oppidi. Titum Turpilium Sillanum alius alium in domos suas invitant:  
eos omnis praeter Turpilium inter epulas obtruncant.  
Postea milites palantes: inermes quip in tali die ac sine imperio aggrediuntur.  
Idem plebs facit pars edocti a nobilitate: alij studio talium rerum incitati.  
Quis act● consiliumque ignoratibus tumultus ipse et res novae ●atis p●ace 〈◊〉 Romani milites īproui●o metu incerti ig●●atique quid potissimum facerent trepidare. Ad arcem oppidi ubi signa et scuta erant praesidium hostium: portae ante clausae ●ugam prohibebant ad hoc mulieres puerique protectis aedificiorum saxa et alia quae locus praebebat certatim anceps malum neque a sortissimis in firmissimo generi resisti posse: juxta boni malique strenui et imbecilles multi obtruncati sunt. In ea tanta asperitate saevissimis numidis et oppido undique clauso. Turpilius praefectus unus ex oimbus Itali cis profugit intactus. Id misericordia ne hospitis an pactiōe an casu ita evenerit parum comperimus nisi quia quod illi in tanto malo turpis vita integra fama po●ior fuit improbus instabili●que videtur.   

MEtellus postquam de rebus Vaccae actis comperit paulisꝑ moestuse conspectu abijt.  
Deinde ubi ira et aegritu do permista sunt cum maxima cura ultum ire iniurias festinat.  
Legionem cum qua hyemabat et quam plurimos pont numidas equites pariter cum occasu solis expeditos educit.  
Et postera die circiter horam tertiam pervenit in quandam planiciem locis paulo superioribus circumuentam. Ibi milites fessos itineris magnitudine etiam abnuentes oina docet: oppidum Vaccam non amplius mill passuum abbess decere reliquum laborem aequo animo pati: dum pro civibus fuis viris fortissimis atque miserrimis poenas caperent: praeterea praedam benign ostentat sic animis eorum arrectis equites in primo latere: pedites quam arctissime ire et signa occultare jubet.  
Vaccenses ubi ainaduertere ad se versum exercitum ꝑgere: prīo (uti res erat) Metellum esse rati: portas clausere. Deinde ubi neque agros vastari: et eos qui primi aderant Numidas equites vident: rursum Iugurtham arbitrati cum magno gaudio: obuij procedunt.  
Equites et pedites repent signo dato alij vulgum effusum oppido caedere alij ad portas festinare: pars turres capere.  
Ira atque praede spes amplius quam laditudo posse.  
Ita Vaccenses biduum modo ex perfidia laetati.  
Civitas magna et opulenta cuncta poene atque praedae fuit.  
Turpilius quem prefectum oppidi unum ex oimbus profugisse supra ostendimus iussus a Metello causam d●cere: postquam se parum expurgat: condennatus verberatusque poenas capite soluit.  
Nam is civis ex latio erat.   

PEr idem tempus Bomilchar: cuius ipulsu jugurtha deditionem quam metu deseruit inceperat: suspectus regi et ipse eum suspicans: no●as res cupere ad ꝑniciē eius dolum quaerere: diu noctuque fatigare aīm: denique oina tentanto socium sibi adiungit Nabdalsan hominem nobilem magnis opibus clarum acceptunque popularibus suis.  
Is plerumque seorsum ab rege exercitum ductare: et oens res exequi solitus erat: quae jugurthae fesso aut maioribus astricto superant: ex quo illi gloria opesque invent.  
Igitur utriusque consili● dies insidijs statuitur.  
Caetera uti res posceret pro tempore parari placuit. Nabdalsa ad exercitum pro●ectus est quem inter hiberna romanorum iussus haberet ne ager in ultis hostibus vastaret.  
Is postquam magnitudine facinoris perculsus ad tps non venit metusque res impediebat. Bom●●char simul cupidus incoepta patrandi: et timore socij anxius: ne omisso vetere consilio nowm quaereret literas ad eum ꝑ homines fideles mittit in quis molliciem secordiamque viri accusare: e● testari deos per quos iurasset monere ne praemia Metelli in pestō converteret: jugurthae exitum adesse: caeterum sua ne an Metel●i virtute periret: id modo agitari.  
Proinde reputaret animo suo praemia an cruciatum mallet:  
sed cum literae allatae fuere: sort Nabdalsa exercitato corpore fessus in lecto quiescebat. Vbi cognitis Bomilcharis verbis prino cura: deinde uti aegrum animum solet: somnus coepit.  
Erat ei numida quidam negotiorum curator fidus acceptusque et omni consiliorum nisi novissimi particeps. Qui postquam allatas literas audivit et ex consuetudine ratus opera aut ingenio suo opus esse: tabernaculum introivit. Dormiente illo eplam super caput in puluino temere positam sumit ac ꝑlegit Deinde propere cognitis insidijs ad regem pergit Nabdalsa post paulo exprectus ubi neque eplam repperit et rem omne uti acta erat ex ꝑsugis cognovit: primo indicem persequi conatus est post quam id frustra suit: jugurtham placandi gratia accedit: dicit quae ipse facere paravisset ꝑfidia clientis sui praeventa: lacrimans obtestatur ꝑ amicitiam perque sua ante fideliter acta ne super tali scelere suspectum se haberet.  
Adea rex aliter quam animo gerebat placide respondit Bomilchare interfecto/ alijsque multis/ quos socios insidiarum cognovit/ iram oppresserat: ne qua seditio aut bellum ex eo negotio oriretur.  
Neque post id/ jugurthaes dies aut nox ulla quieta fuit: neque loco/ neque mortali cuiquam/ aut tempori satis credere. Cives hostes que juxta metuere circumspectare oina/ et omnistrepitu pavescere: a●o atque alio loco saepe contra decus reg●um noctu requiescere:  
interdum somno exitus arreptis armis/ tumultum facere: ita formidine qua si vecordia agitare.   

IGitur Metellus ubi de casu Bomilcharis/ et inditio patefacto ex perfugis cognovit rurfus tāquamad integrum bellum cuncta parat festinatque Marium fatigantem de profectione simul et invisum et offensum sibi parum idoneum ratus: domum dimitti●▪ Haec Romae plebs/ literis quae de Metello et Mario missae erant/ cognitis/ volenti animo de ambobus acceperat▪ imperatori nobilitas, quae antea dècori fuit invidie esse. At illi alteri genis hunilitas favorem addiderat.  
Caeterum in utroque magis studia partium quam mala aut bona sua moderata sunt.  
Praeterea seditio si magistratus vulgum exagitate. Metellun omnibus concionibus capti● atcessere. Ma●ij virtutem in ma●● celeb●a●e.  
Denique plebs s●e est accensa uti opifices▪ aggrestesque omnes: quorum res fidesque in manibus site erant rel●ctis operis frequentarent Marium: et ut sua necessaria post illius honorem ducerent.  
Ita perculsa nobilitate post multas tempestates novo homini consulatus mandaret.  
Et postea populus a Tribuno plebis Lucio Manlio mancino rogatus/ quem vellet cum jugurtha bellum gerere: frequens Ma●●um ●ussit. Sed senatus paulo ante Metello Numidiam provinciam decreverat ea res frustra erat.   

EOdem tempore jugurtha amissis amicꝭ (quorum plerosque ipse necaverat: caeteri ●ormidie: pars ad romanos: alij ad regem Bocchum profugerant) quum neque bellum geri sine ministris posset: et novorum fidem in tanta perfidia veterum experiri periculosum duceret: varius incertusque agitabatur: neque illi res: neque consilium/ aut quis quam hominum satis placebat: itinera/ profectus que indies mutare: modo adversus hostes: interdum solitudines pergere: sepe in fuga/ ac paulo post in armis spem habere: dubitare/ virtuti an fidei popularin̄ minus crederet. Ita quocunque intenderat res adverse erant.  
Sed inter eas moras repent sese Metellus cum exercitu ostendit. Numidae ab jugurtha pro tempore parati/ instructique sunt. Deinde praelium incipitur: qua in part reae pugnae affuit: ibi aliquan 〈◊〉 certatum est. Caeteri eius oens milites prino congressu pulsi fuga●ique sunt. Romam signo●●/ et ●●morum/ et aliquanto numero hostium paucorum potiti ●unt. Nam form numidas in oibus praelijs magis pedes/ quam arma tu●ati sunt. ●a fuga jugurtha impensius modo rebus suis d●ffidēs/ cum perfugis et part equitatus in solitudines: deinde Thalam puenit: id oppidum magnum atque opulentum: ibi plerique thesauri filiorumque eius multus pueritiae cultus erat. Quae postquam Metello▪ comperta sunt/ quamquam inter Thalam flumenque proximum in spatio milium qui quaginta loca arida atque vast● esse cognoverat: tn̄ spe patrandi belli/ si eius oppidi potitus foret: omnis asperitates superuadere/ ac naturam etiam vince ●e aggreditur. Igitur oina iumenta sarcinis levari jubet: nisi frumento dierum decem. Caeterum utres modo et alia vasa aquae idon●a portari. Praeterea conquirit ex agris quam plurimum potest domiti pecoris: eoque imponit vasa cuiusque modi: sed pleraque lignea collecta ex tugurijs numidarum. Ad hoc finitimis imperat: qui se post regis fugam Metello dediderant: quam plurimum ut quisque aquae portaret. Diem locumque vb● praesto fuerint praedicit. Ipse flumine: quam proximam oppido aquam esse supra diximus: iumenta onerat. Eo mon instructus ad Thalam proficicitur. Deinde ubi ad id loci ventum est/ quo numidas praeceperat et castra posita/ munitaque●unt: tanta repent celo missa vis aquae dicitur ut ea modo exercitui: satis superque foret.  
Praeterea commeatus spe amplior: quia numidae (sicuti plerique faciunt) in nova deditione officia intenderant:  
Caeterum milites pro religione plwia magis usi. Eaque res multum animis eorum addidit.  
Nam rati sunt sese dijs immortalibus curae esse.  
Deinde postero die contra opinionem jugurthae/ ad Thalam pue●unt. Oppidani/ qui se locorn̄ asperitate munitos crediderant/ magna atque insolita re ꝑculsi: nihilo segnius bellum parare: idem nostri facere.  
Sed rex nihil iam infectum Metello credens/ quip qui omnia tela: et arma: locos: tempora: denique naturam ipsam/ caeteris imperitantem industria viceraticum liberis et magna part pecuniae ex oppido noctu profugit. Neque postea vllo in loco amplius una die aut una nocte moratus simulabat se negotij gratia properare. Caeterum proditionem timebat/ quam vitare posse celeritate putabat. Nam talia consilia solent per otium ex opportunitat● capi.  
At Metellus ubi oppidarios prael●o intentos/ simul oppidum et operibus et loco munitum videt: vallo follaque moenia circumuenit.  
Deinde ●ubet duobus locis ex copia maxime ido nei● vineas agere super● eas aggerem ●acere: et super aggerem impositis turrib● opus et administros ●utari.  
Contra haec oppidani festinare: parare: prorsus ab utrisque nihil reliquum fieri: denique romani multo ante la●ore praelijsque fatigat● post dies quadra ginta q eo ventum erat: oppido modo potiti. Praeda omnis a perfugis corrupta est.  
Hi postquam murum arietibus f●riri: resque suas afflictas vident: aurum a●que argentu● et alia quae prima dicuntur domum regiam comportant: ibique vino et epulis gravati/ illaque et domum: et semet igni corrum punt:  
Et quas victi ab hostibus poenas metuerant eas ip●i volentes pendere.   

SEd pariter cum capta Thala/ legati ex oppido Lepti ad Metellum venerant: orantes/ uti praesidium praefectumque eo mit teret:  
Amilcharem quendam hominem nobilem/ factiosum novis rebus studere adversum quem neque imperia magistratum/ neque leges valerent: ni id festinare in summo periculo suam salutem et illorum socios fore:  
Nam leptitani iam inde a pricipio belli lugurthini ad Bestiam consulem: et postea romam milerant amicitiam societatenque rogatum. Deinde ubi ea impetrata fuere semper boni fidelesque man●ere: er cuncta a Bestia Albino Metelloque imꝑata/ gnauiter fecerant. Itaque ab imꝑatore facile quae petebant adepti sunt. Emissae sunt eo cohortes. Ligurum four et Caius Annius praefectus.  
Id oppidum a sydonijs conditum est/ quos accepimus pro fugos ●b discordias civiles navibus in eos locos venisse. Caeterum situm inter duas Syrtes quibus nomen ex re inditum. Nam duo sunt sinus prop● in extrema Aphrica ip●res magnitudine: par●s natura: quorum loca proxima terre ꝑalta sunt. Caetera uti sors tulit alta alia in tempestate vadosa. Nam ubi mare magnum esse saevire ventis coepit: limum arenanque et saxa ingentia fluctus trahunt ita facies locorum cum ventis simul mutat.  
Igitur eius civitatis lingua modo conversa connubio numidarum. leges cultusque pleraque Sydonica: quae eo facilius retinebant: ꝙ procul ab imꝑio regis aetatem agebant. Inter illos et frequentem numidiam multi vastique loci sunt.   

SEd quoniam in has regiones ꝑ Leptitano●um negotia venimus: non indignum videtur/ egregium atque mirab●le sacinus duorum Carthaginem sium memorare. Eam rem dicere locus admonuit.  
Qua tempestate carthaginenses plereque Aphrice imꝑitabant Cirenenses quoque magni atque opulenti fu●te. Ager in medio are n●sus una specie neque flumen neque mon● erat qui fines eorum discerneret. Quae res eos i magno diuturnoque bello inter se habuit. Post quam utrimque legiones/ Item classes saepe fusae fugataeque et alteri alteros aliquamtulun attriverant▪ veriti/ ne mox victos victoresque defessos alius aggred●retur ꝑ insidias/ spon sionem faciunt/ uti certo die legati domo proficiscerentur: et quo in loco inter se obuij fuissent: is communis utriusque populi finis haberetur.  
Igitur Carthaginae duo fratres missi▪ quibus nomen Philenis erat: matu ravere iter pergere.  
Cirenenses tardius ire: id secordia ne/ an casu acciderit/ parum cognovi. Caeterum solet in his locis tempus haud secus atque in mari retinere hoies. Nam●bi per loca aequalia et nuda g●gnentiū ventus coortu● arenam humo excitat: ea magna vi agitata/ ora oculosque implere solet. Ita impedito prospectu/ morari iter. Postquam cirenenses aliquanto posteriores se esse vident/ et ob rem corruptam domi poenas metuunt criminari Carthaginenses ante tempus digressos. conturbare rempub. Denique oina mall quam victi abire. Sed cum poeni aliam conditionem tantummodo aequam peterent: Cirenenses optionem Carthaginensibus faciunt ut vel illi quos fines populo suo quaeterent ibi vivi obruerentur: Veleadem conditione sese/ quem in locum vellent processuros dimitterent. Phileni conditione probata seque vitanque suam reipu. cōdonauere: ita vivi obruti sunt. Carthaginenses in eo loco Philenis fratribus aras consecravere: alijque illis honores domi instituti.  
Nunc ad rem redeo.   

IVgurtha postquam amissa Thala/ nihil satis firmum contra Metellum putat▪ per magnas solitudines cum paucis profectus pervenit ad getulos: genus hoīm ferum incultunque et eo tempore ignarum nominis romani. eorum multitudinem in unum coegit ac paulatim consuefacit ordines habere: signa sequi: imperium observare. Iten alia militaria facere.  
Praeterea regis Bocchiproximus magnis muneribus et maioribus promissis ad studium sui pellicit: quis adiutoribus regem aggressus impellit uti aduersus romanos bellum incipíat. Id ea gratia facilius proniusque fuit ꝙ Boccus in initio huiusce belli legatos roman miserat: foedus et amicitiam petitum. Quam rem opportunissima incepto bello pauci impediverant. caeci avaritia quis oina honesta atque inhonesta vendere mos erat.  
Etiam antea jugurthae filia Boccho nupserat. Verum ea necessitudo apud numidas maurosque levis docitur: ꝙ singuli pro opibus quisquequam plurimas uxores: alij denas alij plures habeant. Sed reges eo amplius ita animus multitudine distrahitur: nullam pro socia obtinet: pariter oens viles sunt.  
Igitur in locum ambobus placitum exercitus conveniunt ibi fide data & accepta jugurtha Bocchi animum oratione accendit: romanos iniustos profunda avaritia: communes omni hostes esse eandem causam illos belli habere cum Boccho quam secum et cum alijs gentibus: libidinem imperandi.  
Quis oina regna adversa sunt tum sese: ante paulo carthaginenses. Item regem Persen. post uti quisque opulentissimus videatur: ita romanis hostem fore.  
〈◊〉 atque alijs talibus ad Cirtham oppidum constituunt ꝙ ibi Quintus Metellus praedam captivosque & impedimenta locaverat.  
Ita jugurtha ratus aut capta vebe operae prerium sore aut si romanus dux auxilio sui venisset praelio sese certaturos.  
Nam callidus id modo festinabat Bocchi pacem in minuere ne moras agitan do aliud quam bellam mallet.   

IMperator postquam de regum societate cognovit non temere▪ neque uti saepeiā victo jugurtha consueverat: oimbus locis pugnandi copiam facit. Caeterum haud procul a Cirtha castris munitis reges operitur: melius esse ratus cognitis Mauris (quomam is novus host is accesserat ● ex commodo pugnam facere.  
Interim Roma per litteras certior fuit Mario ꝓuinciam numidiam datam. Nam consulem factumiā antea acceꝑat quibus rebus supra ac honestum percullus: neque lacrimas tenere neque moderari lin guam ut egregius in alijs artibus nimis molliter aegritudinem pati.  
Quam rem alij in superbiam vertebant: alij bonum ingenium contumelia accensum esse.  
Multi ꝙ iam parta victoria ex manibus eriperetur. Nobis satis cognitum est illum magis honore Marij quam iniuria sua excruciatum: neque tam anxie laturum fuisse si adempta provincia alij quam Mario traderetur. Igitur eo dolore impeditus et quia stulticiae videbatur alienam rem suo periculo curare: legatos ad Bocchum misit postulatum: ne sine causa hostis populi romani fieret: habere tum magnam copiam societatis amicitiaeque coniungendae: que potior bello esset: quamquam opibus suis confideret tamen non debere certa pro incertis mutate. Omne Bellum sumi facile: caeterum aegerrime desinere: non in eiusdem potestate initium eius ac finem esse. incipere: cuivis etiam ignavo licere deponi autem cum victores velint.  
Proinde sibique regno consuleret: neu florentes res suas cum jugurthae perditis misceret.  
Ad ea rex satis placide verba facit: sese pacem cupere. Sed jugurthae fortunarum misereri. Si eadem illi copia fieret omnia conventura.  
Rursus imperator contra postulata Bocchi nuntios mittit: ille probare ꝑtim alia abnuere.  
Eo modo saepe ab utreque missis remissisque nuntiis tempus procedere: et ex Metelli voluntate bellum intactum trahi.   

AT Marius (ut supra diximus) cupientissima plebe consul factus/ postquam ei provinciam Pansan populus jussit: antea iam infestus nobilitati: tum vero multus & ferox instare. modo singulos: modo universos ledere. Dictitare sese consulatum ex victis quasi illis spoli a coepisse. alia pnterea magnifica pro se/ et illis dolentia. Interim que bello opus erant/ prima habere: postulare legionibus supplementum: auxilia a populis et regibus sociisque accersere.  
Praeterea ex latio fortissimum quemque/ plerosque militia/ paucos fama/ cognitos accire: et ambiendo cogere hoies emeritis stipendijs proficisci: neque illi senatus/ quamquam adversus erat: de vllo negotio abnuere audebat.  
Caeterum supplementum etiam laetus decreverat: quia/ neque plebe militiam volente/ putabatur Marius: aut belli usum/ aut studia vulgi amissurus.  
Sed ea res frustra sperata▪ tanta libido cum Mario eundi plerosque invaserat: sese quisque praeda locupletem ●ore: victorem domum rediturum: alia huiuscemodi ais attrahebant: et eos non paululum oratione sua Marius arrexerat. Nam postquam oimbus decretis/ quae postu laverat: milites scribere vult hortandi causa/ simul: et nobilitatem (uti consueverat) exagitandi concionem populi advocavit. Deinde hoc modo disseruit.   

SCio ego Quirites plerosque non ijsdem artibus imperium a vobis petere: et postquam adepti sunt gerere. Primo industrios/ supplices/ modicos esse: dehirc per ignaviam et supbiam etatem agere.  
Sed mihi contra videtur. Nam quo pluris universa respu. est quam consulatus aut praetura: maiore cura illam administrari quam haec peti debere.  
Neq: me fallit/ quamtum cum maximo vestro beneficio negotij sustineam. Bellun parare● simul et aerario ꝑcere: cogere ad militiam eos quos nolis offendere:  
domi forisque omnia curare et ea agere inter invidos/ occursantes/ factiosos: opinione quirites asperius est.  
Ad hoc alij si deliquere: vetus nobilitas: maiorum fortia facta: cognatorum et affinium opes: multae clientelae: omnia praesidio adsunt.  
Mihi spes omnes in memet sitae: quas necesse est et virtute et innocentia tutari: nam alia infirma sunt. Et illud intelligo Quirites omnium ora in me conversa esse: aequos bonosque favere: quip mea benefacta reipu. procedunt: nobilitatem invadendi me quaerere locum. Quo mihi acrius adnitendum est: uti neque vos capiamini: et illi frustrari sit.  
Ita ad hoc aetatis a pueritia fui: ut omnes labores et pericula consueta habeam: quae ante vestra beneficia gratuito faciebam ea● uti/ accepta mercede/ deseram/ non est consilium/ Quirites.  
Illis difficile est in potestatibus temꝑare: qui per ambitionem ●ese probos simulavenre. mihi qui omnem aetatem in optimis artibus aegi: benefacere iam ex consuetudine in naturam convertitur.  
Bel ●um gerere me cum jugurtha ●ussistis/ quam rem nobilitas aegertime tulit. queso reputate cum animis vestris num id mutari melius sit: si quem ex illo globo nobilitatis ad hoc negotium: aut ad aliud tale mittatis hominem veteris prosapiae: ac multarum imaginum et nullius stipendij: scilicet ut in tanta re ignarus omnium trepidet: festinet: suma● aliquem ex pplo monitorem sui officij: ita plerumque evenit ut quem vos imꝑare iussistis: is sibi imperatorem alium quaerat.  
Atque ego scio quirites/ ꝗ postquam consules facti sunt: acta maiorum/ et graecorum militaria praecepta legere coeperunt/ hoēs praeposteri: nam gerere quam fieri tempore posterius re ● atque usu prius est.  
Comparate nunc Quiri●●● cum illorum superbi●●●e hominem nowm.  
Quae illi audire et legere solent eorum partem vidi: alia agomet gessi: q illi litteris/ ego ea militando didici: nunc vos existimate facta an dicta pluris sint. Contemnunt novitatem meam ego illorum ignaviam: mihi fortuna illis probra obiectantur: quamquam ego naturam unam et communem omni existimo● sed fortissimum quemque generosissimum esse.  
At si iam ex patribus Albini● aut Bestiae/ quetis posset me ne/ an illos ex se gigni maluerint: quid responsuros creditis? nis● sese liberos quam optimos voluisse?  
Ꝙ si iure despiciunt me faciant idem maioribus fuis quibus uti mihi/ ex virtute nobilitas coepit.  
Inuident honori meo: ergo invideant labori/ & in nocentiae● periculis etiam meis● quoniam ꝑ haec illum honorem coepi.  
Verum corrupti homines superbia/ ita aetatem agunt qua si vestros honores contemnant: ita hos petunt/ quasi honest vixerint.  
Nae illi fals● sunt/ qui diversissimas res pariter expectant: ignaviae voluptatem/ et praemia virtutis. Atque etiam cum apud vos aut i senatu verba faciunt pleràque oratione maioros suos extollunt eorum fortia facta memorando/ clariores esse putant: quod contra est Nam quanto vi●a eorum praeclarior: tanto horum secordia flagi ciosior. Et prof●cto ita se res habet· Maiorum gloria quasi posteris lumen est: neque bona neque mala eorum in occulto patitur.  
Huiusce rei ego inopiam patior quirites. Verum id quod multo preclarius est meamet facta mihi dicere l●cet. Nunc videte/ quam in ●qui sunt: quod ex aliena virtute sibi arrogant id mihi ex mea non concedunt: scilice●/ ꝙ imagines non habeo: et quia mihi nova nobilitas est: quam certe peperisse melius est quam acceptam corrupisse.  
Equidem non ignoro: si iam respondere velint/ abunde illis facundam et compositam orationem fore. Sed in maximo vestro beneficio cum oimbus locis me vosque maledictꝭ lacerent non placuit reticere: ne quis modestiam in conscientiam duceret.  
Nam me equidem ex animi sententia nulla oratio laedere pont: quip vera necesse est praedicent▪ falsa vita moresque meisu perant.. Sed quoniam vestra consilia accusantur qui mihi summum honorem et maximum negotium imposuistis: etiam atque etiam animis reputate num eorum poenitendum sit. Non possum fidei causa imagines: neque triumphos aut consulatus maiorum meorum ostendere. At si res postulet hastas/ vexillum: phaleras: al●a militaria dona praeterea cicatrices in adverso corpore.  
Hae sunt meae imagines: haec nobilitas non hereditate relicta ut illa illi● sed quae meis laboribus et periculis quaesivi. Non sunt composita mea verba: parum id facio: ipsa se virtus satis ostendit.  
Illis artificio opus est ut turpia facta oratione tegant. Neque graecas litteras didici: parum placebat eas discere: ꝗppe quae ad virtutem doctoribus nihil profuerant.  
At illa multo optima reipu. doctus sum: hostes ferire: praesidia agitare: nihil metuere/ nisi turpem famam: hyemem et aestatem juxta pati: humi requiescere eodem tempore inopiam et laborem tolerare. Ergo his ego praeceptis milites hortabor: neque arcte colam illos ut me opulentēt neque gloriam meam laborem illorum faciam.  
Hoc est utile hoc civil imperium. Nam cum tute per molliciem agas: supplicio cogere: id est dnm non imperatorem esse.  
Haec atque alia talia nostri maiores faciendo seque remque pu. celebrauere: quis nobilitas freta ipsa dissimilis moribus: nos illorum aemulos contemnit et omnis honores non ex merito▪ sed quasi debitos a vobis repetit. Caete ruin homines suꝑbissimi: procul errant. Maiores eorum oinaquae licebat/ illis reliquere: divicias imagines: memoriam sui praeclaram virtutem non reliquere neque poterant: ea sola neque datur dono/ neque accipit.  
Sordidum me et incultis moribus aiunt ꝙ parum scite conuivium exorno: neque histrionem ullum neque pluris coquum quam villicum habeo: quae mihi non libet confiteri quirites: nam ex parent meo et a lijs sanctis viris ita accepi: mundicias mulicribus viris laborem convenire omnibus bonis oportere plus gloriae quam divitiarum: arma non supellectilem decori esse.  
Quin ergo quod juuat: quodque c●arum aestimant id semper faciant ●ament: potent ubi adulescentiam habuere: ibi senectutem agant in conu●u●js: dediti ventri et turpissimae parti corporis: sudorem: pulverem: e● alia talia nobis relinquant quibus illa epulis iucundiora sunt.  
Verum non ita est. Nam ubi se flagitijs dedecora vere turpissimi viri bonorum praemia ereptum ●unt: ita iniustissime luxuria et ignavia/ pessime artes/ illis qui coluere eas/ nihil officiunt reip. in noxiae cladi sunt. Nunc quoniam illis/ quantum mei mores/ non quantum illorum flagicia poscebant respondi: pauca de rep. loquar.  
Primum omni de Numidi a bonum animum habetote Quirites. Nam quae usque hoc tempus lugurtham tutata sunt: oina removistis/ avaritiam/ imperitiam/ atque superbiam. Deinde exercitus ibi est locorum sciens: sed me her●le magis strennuus/ quam felix. Nam magna pars eius avaritia aut temeritate ducum attrita est. Quamobren vos/ quibus in est militaris aetas: adnitimini mecum: et capessite rempu. Neque quemquam ex calamita te aliorum aut imperato rum superbia metus coeꝑit Egomet in agmine atque in praelio consultor idem et socius ꝑiculi vobiscum ad ero: me vosque omnibus in rebus juxta geram. Et profecto dijs iwamtibus: omnia matura sunt/ victoria praeda/ laus. Quaesi dubia: aut procul essent: tamen omnes bonos reip. subvenire deceret.  
Etenim ignavia nemo immortalis factus est neque 〈◊〉 quam pa●ens ●iberis/ uti a ●erni forent optavit/ magis quam uti b●n/ honestique vitam exigerent.  
Plura dicerem Quirites si timidis virtutem verba adderent. Nam strenuis abunde dictum puto.   

HViu s●emodi oratione habita/ Marius postquam plebis ainos erectos videt propere com m●atu/ stipendio/ armis/ atque alijs utilibus naves onera●.  
Cum his Auium Manlium legatum proficisci jubet. ipse interea milites scribere non more maiorum neque ex cla●●ibus: sed uti cu●usque libido erat: capite censos plerosque.  
Id factum alij inopia bonorum: a●j per ambitionem consulis memorabant ꝙ ab eo genere celebratus ad●utus que erat: et homini potentiam querenti egentissimus quisque oportunissimus: ●ui neque sua chara (quip q nulla sunt) et oina cum precio honesta videntur.  
Igitur marius cum aliquanto maiore numero quam decretum erat/ in Aphricam profectus: paucis diebus Vticam advehit. Exercitus ei traditur a Publio Rutilio legato: nam Metellus prospectum Marij fugerat: ne videret ea/ quae audita animus tolerate nequiverat. Sed consul/ expletis legionibus cohortibus que auxiliarijs/ in agrum fertilem et praeda onustum proficiscitur: oina ibi capta militibus donat. Deinde castella et oppida parum munita natura et viris aggreditur: praelia multa caeterum alia l●uia locis facere. Interim novi milites sine metu pugne adesse: videre fugientes capi aut o●cidi: fortis●imū quemque tutissimum: armis/ libertatem patriam/ parentesque/ et alia oina tegi: gloriam atque divitias queri. Sic brevi spacio/ nou●/ veteresque coaluere: et virt●s omni aequalis facta. At reges ubi de adventu Marij cognovere: diversi in locos difficiles abeunt.  
Ita jugurthae placuerat speranti▪ mox esfusos hostis invadi posse romanos sicuti plerosque remoto metu laxius licentiusque ●i●●uros.   

MEtellus intetea Roman profectus: contra spem suam laetissimis ais excipitur plebi pribusque postquam inu●dia decesserat: juxta charus.  
Sed Marius impigre prudenter que suorum et hostium res patiter attendere: cognoscere/ quid utrique boni▪ aut contra esset. explorare itinera regum/ consilia et insidias ante veni●e. Nihil apud ser●mi●sum/ neque apud illos tutum pati.  
Itaque et getulos et Iugurtham praedas agentes ex socijs ●r̄is/ saepe aggre●●us itinere suderat: ipsumque regem haud procul ab oppido Cirtha arm●s ex●erat. Quae postquam gloriosa modo facta su●t: neque belli copiam patrandi cognovit: statuit urbes/ quae viris aut loco pro hostibus/ et adversum se oportunissime erant singulas circumuenire: ita ratus/ aut Iugurtham praesidijs nudatum/ si ea pateret/ aut praelio certaturum.  
Nam Bocchus nuncios ad eum saepe miserat/ velle populi●●ro. amicitiam. ne quid a se hostile timeret.  
Id simulaverit ne/ quo inprovisus gravior accederet: an mobilitate ingenij/ pacem atque bellum mutare solitus/ parum exploratum est. Sed consul/ ut constituerat▪ oppida castellaque munita adire partim vi: alia metu aut premia ostentando avertere abhostibus.  
A● primo mediocria gerebat: existimans Iugurtham ob suos tutādes in manus venturum/ sed ubi illum procul abbess/ et alijs negotijs intentum accepit: maior● et magis aspera aggredi tempus visum est.   

Erat inter ingentes solitudines oppidum magnum atque valens/ nomine Capsa/ cuius conditor Hercules libys memorabat. Eius cives apud Iugurtham immunes leni imperio: et ob ea fidelissimi habebantur: muniti adversum hostes non moeni bus modo et armis atque viris: verum etiam multo magis aspitate loco●.  
Nam proeter oppido loca propiqua: alia omnia vasta: inculta: egentia aquae: infesta a serpentibus: quorum vis (sicuti omnium ferarum) inopia cibi acrior. Ad hoc natura serpentium ꝑniciosa: siti magis quam alia re accenditur.  
Eius potiundi Marium maxima cupido invaserat: tum propter usum belli: tum quia res aspera vi debatur. et Metellus oppidum Thalam magna gloria coeperat: haud dissimiliter situm munitumque: nisi ꝙ apud Thalam non long a moenibus aliquot sontes erant. Capsences una modo atque ea intra oppidum rugi aqua: caeteri plwia utebantur. Id ibique et in Aphrica quae procul a mari incultius agebat) eo sacilius tolerabatur: quia numidae plerumque lact et ferina carne vescebant: et neque salem neque alia irritamenta gule quaerebant: cibus potusque illis adversus famen atque sitim non libidini neque luxury erat.  
Igitur consul omnibus exploratis credo dijs fretus.  
Nam contra tantas difficultates consilio satis providere non poterat (quip etiam frumenti inopia tentabatur/ ꝙ Numidae pabulo pecoris/ magis quam aruo student.  
Et quodcumque semen natum fuerat/ jussu regis in loca munita contulerant. Ager autem aridus/ et frugum vacuus/ ea tempestate: nam aestatis extremum erat). Tamen pro rei copia satis providenter exornat. Pecus omne/ quod superioribus praedae fuerat: equitibus auxiliariis agendum distribuit.  
Aulum Manlium legatum cum cohortibus expeditis ad oppidum Larim (ubi stipendium et commeatum locaverat) ire jubet: dicitque se praedabundum▪ post paucos dies eodem venturum. Sic incoepto suo occultato/ pergit ad flumen Tanam.  
Caeterum in itinere quotidie quadraginta duum pecus exercitui per centurias/ item ꝑ turmas aequaliter distribuerat:  
et ex corijs utres uti fierent/ curabat: simul et inopiam frumenti lenire: et ignaris omnibus parare/ quae mox usui forent.  
Denique sexto die cum adflumen ventum est maxima vis utrium effecta ō▪ Ibi castris levi munimento positis milites cibum capere atque uti simul cum occasu solis egrederentur paratos esse jubet: omnibus abiectis sarcinis aqua modo seque et iumenta onerare.  
Deinde postquam visum est tempus castris egreditur: noctemque totam itinere facto consedit. Idem proxima facit. Deinde tertia multo ante lucis adventum pervenit in locum tumulosum/ long a Capsa non amplius duum milium interuallo: ibique quam occultissime potest/ cum omnibus copijs diem opperitur. Sed ubi dies coepit/ et Numidae nihil hostile metuentes/ multi oppido egressi: repent omnem equitatum: et cum his velocissimos pedites cursu tendere ad Capsam: et portas obsidere jubet. Deinde ipse inten●tus propere sequi/ neque milites pndari sinere. Quae postquam oppidani cognovere: res trepidae metus ingens: malum improvisum.  
Ad hoc pars civium extra moenia in hostium potestate deprehensa/ cogere uti deditionem facerent. Caeterum oppidum incē sum. Numide puberes in terfecti: alij omnes venum dati praeda militibus divisa. Id facinus contra ius belli▪ non avaritia▪ neque scelere consulis/ est admissum: sed quia locus jugurthae opportunus: nobis aditu difficilis: genus hominum mobile/ infidun ante: neque beneficio▪ neque metu coercitum.   

POst quam tantam rem pe● egit Marius/ sine vllo suorum incommodo: magnus et clarus antea/ maior clariorque haberi e● pit. Oia non bene consulta modo/ verumetiam casu data/ in virtutem trahebantur.  
Milites modesto imperio habiti: simul et locupletes ad coelum ferre Marium.  
Numidae magis quam ullum mortalem timere postremo omnes socij: arque hostes credere/ illi aut mentem divinam esse/ aut deorum nutu cuncta portendi.  
Sed consul: ubi ea res bene evenit: ad alia oppida pergit: pauca/ repugnantibus Numidis/ capit:  
plura propter capsensium miseras igni corrumpit.  
luctu atque caede omnia complentur.  
Denique multis locis potitus ac p●erisque exercitu incruento: aliam rem aggreditur/ non eadem asꝑitare qua capsens●●/ caeterum haud secus difficilem. Nanque haud long a flumine Mulucha (quod jugurthae Bocchique regnum disiungebat) erat inter ceteram planiciem mons sax●us▪ mediocri castello: satis patens in immensum editus: uno per angusto aditu relicto. Nam per omnia natura● velut opere atque consulto/ praeceps erat quem locum Marius/ qd ibi regis thesauri erant summa vi capere intendit: sed ea res forte quam cōs●●o melius gesta erat.  
Nam in castello virorum atque armorum satis magna vis▪ et frumenti●: et fons aque: aggeribus/ turribusque et alijs machi nationibus locus importunus.  
Iter castellanorum angustum admod●m. utrinque precise vinca cum ingenti periculo frustra agebantur.  
Nam cum hae paululum pr●ces●erant/ igni aut lapidibus cor●umpebātur.  
Milites neque pro opere consistere propter iniquitatem loci: neque inter vinea● sine periculo administrare: optimus qui●que cadere aut sa●ciari: caeteris metus augeri.  
At Marius/ multis diebus & laboribus consumti● anxius trahere cum animo suo omitteret ne incoeptum: qm frustra erat: an fortunam exꝑiretur qua saepe prospera usus fuerat.  
Quae quum multos dies noctesque aestuams agitaret: ●o●te quidam ligu● ex co horribus auxiliarijs/ miles gregarius aliquantulum egre●sus castris/ haud procul a latere castelli quod adversum praeliantibus erat: ainaduertit inter saxa repentes cocleas quarum cum unam atque alteram: deinde plures peteret studio legerdi paulatim prope ad summum montis egrellus est.  
Vbi postquam solitudinem intellexit more ingenij humani cupido difficilia faciundi animum vertit.  
Et forte in ●o loco grandis ●lex coaluerat/ inter saxa/ paululum modo prona: d●inde flexa atque aucta in altitudinem▪ quo cuncta gignentum natura fert.  
Cuius ramis modo: modo eminentibus saxis nixus Ligur/ castelli planic●em perscrips●t ꝙ cuncti Numidae i●tenti praeliantibus aderant.  
Expioratis omnibus quae mox usui fore ducebat: eodem regreditur non temere/ uti ascenderat: sed tentans omnia et circumspiciens.  
Itaque propere adit Marium: acta edocet: hortatur ab ea part/ qua ipe descenderat/ castellum tentet: pollicetur se ducem itineris: periculique nihil esse. Marius cum ligure promissa eius cognitum ex presentibus misit: quorum/ uti cuiusque ingenium erat: itarem difficilem aut facilem nunciare.  
Consulis tamen animus paululum arrectus est. Itaque ex copia tubicinum et cornicinum quinque numero quam velocissimos delegit: et cum his/ praesidio qui forent quatnor centuriones: omnesque liguri parere jubet: et ei negotio proximum diem constituit.  
Sed ubi ex praecepto ducis tempus visum est paratis compositisque oibus ad locum pergit. Caeterum illi qui centurijs praeerant edocti a duce/ arma ornatumque mutaverunt/ capite atque pedibus nudis/ uti prospectus nixusque per saxa facilius ●oret.  
Super terga gladij & scuta: verum ea numidica excorijs ponderis gratia: simul● et offensa quo leurus s●●eperēt. Igitur praegrediēs ligur/ saxa/ et si quam vetusta te radices eminebant/ laq̄is vinciebat: quibus allevati milites facilius ascenderent: interdum timidos insolentia itineris levare manu. ubi paulo asperior ascensus erat/ singulos prae se inermes mitte re Deinde ipse cum illorum armis sequi. q dubia nixu videbantur/ potissimum tentare/ ac saepius eadem ascendens et descendens: deinde statim di grediens caeteris audaciam addere.  
Igitur diu multumque fatigati/ tandem in castellum perveniunt desertum ab ea part/ ꝙ sicut alijs die bus/ omnes adversum hostes aderant.  
Marius ubi ex nuneijs ea quae ligur agerat/ cognovit quamquam tota die intentos praelio suos habuerat: tum vero cohortatus est milites: etipse extra vineas egressus testudine acta succedere: et simul hostem tormentis/ sagittarijsque: et sunditoribus eminus terrere.  
At Numidae/ saepe antea vineis Romanorum subversis/ item incensis/ non castelli moenibus sese tutabantur: sed pro muro dies noclesque agitare: ac Romanis m●ledicere: Mario vecordiam obiectare: militibus nostris seruitium jugurthae minari secundis rebus feroces esse. Interim oibus remanis hostibusque praelio intentis: vi utrinque: pro gloria pro imperio his: illis pro salute rertantibus: repent a tergo signa canere:  
ac primo mulieres et pueri qui visum processerant fugere Deinde uti quisque muro proximus erat: post remo cuncti armati in ermesque: quod ubi accedit: eo acrius instare romani: fundere ac pleros que tantummodo sauciare. Deinde super occisorum vadere corpora: avidi gloriae: certantes murum ascendere: neque quemquam omnium praeda morari. Sic forte correpta Marij temeritas gloriam ex culpa invenit.   

Caeterum dum ea res agitur: Lucius Silla questor cum magno equitatu in castra venit qui/ uti ex lation et socijs exercitum cogeret/ Romae relictus erat.  
Sed quoniam nos tanti viri res admonuit idoneum visum est de natura cultuque eius paucis dicere. Neque enim alio loco de Syllae rebus dicturi sumus. Et Lucius Sisenna optime et diligentissime omnium/ qui eas res dixere ꝑsecutus: parum mihi libero ore locutus videtur.  
Igitur Sylla gentis patriciae nobilis fuit: familia prope iam extincta maiorum ignavia.  
Literis graecis atque latiis juxta atque doctissime eruditus animo ingenti cupidus voluptatum: sed gloriae cupidior: ocio luxuriosus esse tamen ab negotijs numquam voluptas remorata est nisi ꝙ de uxore potuit honestius consuli. Eacundus callidus: et amicicia facilis: ad simulanda negocia altitudo ingenij incredibilis multarum rerum/ ac maxime pecuniae largitor atque illi foelecissimo omnium ante civilem victoriam numquam super industriam fortuna fuit: multique dubitavere/ fortior an foelicior esset.  
Nam postea quae fecerat incertum habeo: pudeat mag●an pigeat disserere.  
Igit Sylla (ut supra dictum est) postquam in Affrican atque in castra Marij cum equitatu venit rudis ante et ignarus belli: solertissimus omnium in paucis tempestatibus factus est. Ad hoc milites benign appellare: multis rogantibus▪ alijs ipse per se●dare beneficia: invitus accipere: sed ea properanti us quam aes mutuum reddere: ipse a nullo repetere:  
magis laborate id/ ut illi quam plutimi deberent: ●oca atque seria cum humillimis agere.  
In operibus: in acie atque ad vigilias multus adesse neque iterim (quod prava ambitio solet) consulis aut cuiusquam boni famam laedere: tant ●imod o consilio neque manu priorem alium pati: plerosque anteuenire. Quibus rebus et artibus brevi Mario et militibus c●arissimus factus est.   

AT jugurtha postquam oppidum Cap●am aliosque munitos et sibi utiles/ simul et pecuniam magnam amiserat ad Bocchum nuncios mittit quam primum in numidiam copias adduceret. Praelij faciendi tempus adesse. Quem ubi cunctari accepit: et dubium belli atque pacis rationes trahere: rur sus/ uti an ten proximos eius donis corrumpit.  
Ipsique Boccho pollicetur numidae tertiam partem si aut romani aphrica expulsi/ aut integris suis finibus bellum compositum foret. Eo praemio illectus Bocchus/ cum magna multitudine jugurtam accedit. Ita amborum exercitu coniuncto Marium iam in hiberna proficiscentem/ vix decima part diei relicta/ invadunt: rati noctem quae iam aderat/ et victis sibi munimento fore: et si vicissent: nullo impedimento: ꝙ locorum scientes erant.  
Contra romanis utrumque casum in tenebris difficilem ●ore. Igitur simul consul ex multis de hostium adventu cognovit/ et ipsi hostes aderant et priusquam exercitus aut instrui aut sarcinas colligere: denique ante quam signum aut imperium vilum accipere quivit: Equites mauri atque getuli: non acie neque vllo more praelij: sed cateruatim▪ uti quosque sors conglobaverat: in nostros concurrunt. Qui omnes trepidi improviso metu: attamen virtutis memores: aut arma capiebant: aut capientes illos ab hostibus defensabant.  
Pars equos ascendere: obuiam ire hostibus: pugna latrocinio magis quam praelio similis fieri: sine signis: sine ordinibus equi●es peditesque permisti caedere alios:  
alios obtruncare: multos contra adversos acerrine pugnantes ab tergo circumuenire: neque virtus: neque arma satis tegere: ꝙ hostes numero plures/ et undique circum fusi erant. Denique romani veteres: novique et ob ea scientes beli●/ si quos locus aut casus coniunxerat: orbes facere.  
Atque ita ab oibus partibus simul et tecti et istructi hostium vim sustentabant.  
Neque in eo tam aspero negotio Marius territus: aut magis quam antea dimisso animo fuit: sed cum turma sua (quam ex sortissimis: magis quam ex familiarissimis ꝑaverat)  
vagari passim: ac modo suis laborantibus succurrere: modo hostes/ ubi confertissimi obstiterant/ invadere:  
manu consulere militibus quoniam imperare conturbatis oimbus non poterat.  
jamque die● consumptus erat cum tamen barbari nihil remittere: atque uti reges praeceperant: noctem pro se rati acrius instare.  
Tum Marus ex copia rerum consilia trahit: atque uti suis rec●ptui locus esset: colles duos propinquos inter se occupat. Quorum in uno castris parum amplo foris aquae magnus erat: alter usui oportunior: quia magna part editus et praecepa pauca munimenta gerebat.  
Caeterum apud aquam Syllam cum equitibus noctem agitare jubet. Ipse disꝑsos milites paulatim/ non minus hostibus conturbatis/ in unum contrahit. Deinde cunctos plen● gradu in collem subducit. Ita reges loci difficultate coacti/ praelio deterrentur: neque tamen suos longius abire sinunt. Sed utroque colle multitudine circundato/ effusi consedere.  
Deinde crebris ignibus factis plerumque noctis barbari more suo laetari: exultare: strepere pedibus: vocibus: et ipsi reges feroces/ ꝙ non fugerant pro victoribus agere.  
Sed ea cuncta romanis ex tenebris editioribus locis facilia visu magnoque hortamento erant.  
Plurimum vero Marius imperitia hostium confirmatus/ quam maximum scilentium haberi jubet: ne sign●● quidem/ uti per vigilias solebant/ canere. Deinde ubi lux adventabat: defessis iam hostibus ac paulo ante somno captis: de improviso victigales: item cohortum turmarum: legionum tubicines simul omnes tuba canere et milites clamorem tollere aut portis erumpere.  
Mauri atque getuli ignoto atque horribili sonitu repent exciti/ neque fugere/ neque arma capere neque omnino facere/ aut providere quicquam poterant: ita cunctos strepitu/ clamore nullo subueniente▪ nostris instantibus tumultu: terrore: formidine●: quasi vecordia acceperat.  
Denique omnes fusi fugatique arma et signa militaria pleraque capta: pluresque in eo praelio quam omnibus superioribus interempti sunt. Nam sonno et metu insolito impedita fuga.   

DEinde Marius/ uti ceperat/ inhiberna it propter commeatum. in oppidis mari timis agere decrevit: neque tamen victoria seco●● aut insolens factus: sed pariter ac si in conspectu hostium quadrato agmine incedere.  
Sylla cum equitatu apud dextimos: in sinistra part Aulus Manlius cum funditoribus et sagittarijs: praeterea cohortes ligurum curabat. Primos et extremos cum expeditis manipulis tribunos locaverat. Perfugae regionum scientissimi hostium iter explorabant. Simul consul/ quasi nullo imposito/ omnia providere: apud omnes ad esse: laudare fortis: et increpare moerentis. Ipse armatus intentusque. Item milites cogebat/ neque secus atque iter faceret castra munire: excubitum in porta cohortes ex legionibus: pro castris equites auxiliarios mittere praeterea alios in munimentis super vallum locare vigilias ipse circum ire: non tam difridentia fu●urum/ quae imperavisset quam uti militibus exaequatus cum imperatore labor volentibus esset.  
Et sane Marius illo alijsque tꝑibus iugurthini belli magis pudore quam malo exercitum cocice●at: quod multi ꝑ ambitionem a●ebant alij ● ꝙ a pueritia cōsuetā duritiam/ & ali●/ que caeteri miserias vocant: voluptati habuisset: nisi tn̄ reip. pariter ac saevissimo imꝑ ●o bene atque decore oina gestá sunt.  
Igitur quarto denique die haud long ab oppido Cirtha undique simul specula tores citi sese ostendunt. Quare hostis adesse intellegitur. Sed quia diversi redeuntes/ alius ab alia part/ atque omnes idem significabant: consul incertus/ quonammodo acrem instrueret: nullo ordine commutato: adversum oina paratus ibidem opperit.  
Ita jugurthae spes frustrata/ qui copias in quatuor partes distribuerat ratus ex oimbus aeque alios ab tergo hostibus venturos.  
Interim Sylla quem primum hostes attigerant/ cohortatus suos turmatim quam maxie consertis equis ipse alijque mauros invadunt:  
Caeteri in uno loco manentes ab iaculis eminus emissis corpora tegere: et si qui in manus venerant obtruncare.  
Dum eo modo equites praeliantur Bocchus cum peditibus/ quos Volux filius eius adduxerat/ neque in priore pugna in itinere morati affuerant: postremam aciem romanorum invadit:  
Tum Marius apud primos agebat: ꝙ ibi jugurtha cum plurimis erat.  
Deinde numida/ cognito Bocchi adventu/ clam cum paucis ad pedites convertit: ibi latin (nam apud numantiam loqui didicerat) exclamat nros frustra pugnare: ante paulo Marium sua manu inter fectum: simul gladium sanguine oblitum ostendere quem inpugna satis impigre/ occiso pedite nostro cruentaverat. Quod ubi milites accepere/ magis atrocitate rei quam fide nuntij terrentur: simulque barbari animos extollere et in perculsos acrius intendere.  
jamque paululum a fuga ab erant cum Sylla (profligatis his quos adversum ierat rediens mauris ab latere incurrit.  
Bocchus stati avertitur. At jugurtha dum sustentare suos: et prope iam adeptam victoriam retinere cupit circumuentus ab equitibus dextra sinistra que omnibus occisis: solus interteia hostium vitabundus erupit.  
Atque interim Marius/ fugatis equitibus/ occurrit auxilio suis/ quos pelli iam acceperat.  
Denique hostes iam undique fusi sunt: tum spectaculum horribile in campis patentibus:  
Sequi/ fugere/ occidi/ capi/ equi atque viri afflicti: ac multi vulneribus acceptis▪ neque sugere posse: neque quietem pati:  
niti modo ac statim concidere:  
Postremo omnia/ qua visus erat/ constrata telis▪ armis/ cadaveribus/ & interea humus infecta sanguine.   

POstea loci consul haud dubie iam victor pervenit in oppidum Cyrthā quo in initio profectus intenderat: eo post quintum diem quam iterum barbari male pugnaverant/ legati a Boccho veniunt qui regis verbis ab Mario petiere: duos quam fidissimos ad eum mittere: velle de suo et de populi romani commodo cum his disserere. Ille statim Lucium Syllan/ & Aulum Manlium ire jubet. Qui quamquam acciti ibant tamen placuit verba apud regem facere: quo ingenium aut adversum flecterent: aut cupidum pacis vehementius accenderent.  
Itaque Sylla cuius facundiae non etati a Manlio concessum est: verba pauca huiuscemodi locutus est.   

REx Bocche magna nobis laeticia est: cum te talem virum dij monuere: ut aliquando pacenquam bellum malles neu te optimum cum pessimo omni jugurtham miscendo comma culares. Simul nobis demeres acerbam necessitu dinem: pariter et te errantem/ et illum sceleratissimum ꝑsequi. Ad hoc populo romano iam a principio inopi: melius visum amicos quam servos quaerere tutiusque rati volentibus quam coactis imperitare.  
Tibi vero nulla opportunior amicitia nostra: primum ꝙ procul absumus in quo offensae minimum est: et gratia par/ ac si prope adessemus. deinde ꝙ parentes abunde habemus.  
Amicorum neque nobis neque cuiquam hoim satis fuit Atque hoc utinam tibi a principio placuisset: profecto ex populo romano ad hoc tempus multo plura bona accepisses: quam mala perpessus esses.  
Sed quoniam humanarum rerum fortuna pieraque regit: cui scilicet placuit vim et gratiam nostram te experiri nunc quoniam per illam licet/ festina atque uti coepisti/ perge.  
Multa opportuna habes quo facilius errata officijs superes.  
postreno haec in pectus tuum demitte nunquam populum romanum beneficijs victum esse. Nam bello quam valeat tute scis.   

ADea Bocchus placide et benign/ simul pauca pro delicto suo verba facit: se non hostili animo/ sed ad regnum tutandum arma cepisse. Nam Numidiae partem unde Iugurtham expulerit/ iure belli suam factam eam vastari a Mario pati nequivisse.  
Praeterea missis antea romam legatis/ repulsum ab amicitia. Caeterum vetera omittere: actun● si per Marium liceret/ legatos ad senatum missurum.  
Deinde copia facta mittendi/ animus barbari ab amicis flexus/ quos jugurtha cognita legatione Syllae et Manlij metuens id/ quod parabat/ donis corruperat.   

MArius interea exe●citu in hibernis composito/ cum expeditis cohortibus et ꝑ●e equitarus ꝓficiscitur in loca sola/ obse●iū turrim regiam quo jugurtha perfugas oens praesidium imposuerat. Tum rursus Bocchus scilicet erga romanos seu reputando/ quae sibi duobus praelijs euenerāt seu monitus ab alijs amicis quos jugurtha incorruptos reliquerat/ ex omni copia necessariorum/ quique delegit: quorum et ●ides cognita/ et igenia validissima erat. Eos ad Marium: ac deinde si placeat/ Romam legatos ire jubet: agendarum rerum et quocunque modo belli componendi licenciam ꝑmittit. illi mature ad hyberna tomanorum proficiscuntur. Deinde in itinere a Getulis latronibus circumuenti/ spoliatique pavidi sine decore ad syllam profugiunt: quem consul inexpeditionem proficiscens pro praetore reliquerat. Eos ille non pro vanis hostibus uti meriti erant/ sed liberaliter habuit.  
Quare barbari et famam romanorum avaritiae falsam et Syllam ob munifi centiam in sese amicum esse rati suut. Nam etiam tum largitio multis ignora erat. munificus etiam nemo putabatur/ nisi pariter volens dona omnia in benignitate habebant.  
Igitur quaestori mandata Bocchi patefaciunt: simul ab eo petunt: uti fautor consultorque sibi adsit. copias/ fidem/ magnitudinem regis sui: et alia/ quae aut utilia: aut benevolentiae esse credebant: oratione extollunt.  
Deinde Sylla omnia pollicito: doctic quomodo apud Marium item apud senatum verba facerent circiter dies ibidem xl opperiuntur.   

MArius postquam/ infecto negotio/ quo intenderat/ redit Cyrthā: & de adventu legatorum certior factus est iliosque & Syllan ab Vtica venire jubet itemque Lucium Bellienum praetorem praeterea omnes undique senatorij ordinis: quibuscum mandata Bocchi cognoscit: in quis legatis potestas eundi Romam fit: et ab consule interea induciae postulantur  
Ea Syllae et plerisque placuere. pauci ferocius decernunt/ ignari rerum humanarum: quae fluxae et mobiles semper in adversa mutantur.  
Caeterum mauri/ impetratis omni● rebus/ tres Romam profecti/ cum Cneo Octavio Rufo: qui quaestor stipendium in Aphricam portaverat. Duo ad regem redeunt. Ex his Bocchus cum caetera: tum maxime benignitatem: et studium Syllae libens accepit. Romaeque legatis eius postquam errasse regem et jugurthae scelere lapsum dep̄ ●ati sunt: amiciam et foedus perentibus hoc modo respondetur.  
Senatus et populus romanus beneficij et iniuriae memor esse solet. Caeterum Boccho/ quoniam poenitet delicti/ gratiam facit. foedus et amicitia dabuntur/ cum meruerit.   

QVis rebus cognitis/ Bocchus ꝑ litteras a Mario petivit/ uti Sillam ad se mitteret. Cuius arbitratu de negotijs communibus consuleret. Is missus cum pnsidio equitum atque peditum: item funditorum et ba●listariorum. Preterea iere sagittarij: & cohors peligna cum velitaribus armis itineris properandi causa neque secus his/ atque alijs armis adversum tela hostiūꝙ ea levia sunt muniti erant. Sed in itinere/ quinto denique die/ Volux filius Bocchi repent in campis patentibus cum mill non amplius equitibus sese ostendit: qui temere et effuse euntes/ Syllae alijsque omnibus et numerum ampliorem: et hostilem metum efficiebant. Igit se quisque expedite: arma atque tela tentare: intendere: timor aliquamtus/ sed spes amplior: quip victoribus et adversum eos/ quos saepe vicerant. Interim equites exploratum premissi/ rem/ uti erat/ quiet Turrian nuntiant. Volux adveniens/ quaestorem appellat: dicitque se a patre Boccho obuiam illi/ simul et praesidio missum. Deinde per illum et proximum diem sine metu comuncti eunt. Post ubi castra locata: et diei vesper erat repent Maurus incerto vultu pauens ad Syllam accurrit dicitque sibi a speculatoribus cognitum haud procul Iugur tham abbess. Simul uti noctu clam secum profugeret/ rogat atque hortat. Ille animo feroci negat se toties susum numidam pertimes●ere: virtuti suorum satis credere: etiam si certa pestis adesset mansurum potius quam pro ditis his/ quos ducebat turpi fuga/ incertae/ ac forsitan post paulo interiturae morbo/ vitae parceret. Caeterum ab eodem monitus/ uti noctu prosicisceretur: consilium approbat: ac statim milites coenatus esse in castris●: ignesquequam creberri mos fieri: deinde prina vigilia silentio egredi jubet.  
jamque nocturno itinere fes●is omnibus/ Sylla pariter cum ortu solis castra metabatur: cum equites mauri nunciant/ jugurtham circiter duum milium interuallo ante eos consedisse. Quod postquam auditum est: tum vero ingens metus nostros invadit: credere se proditos a Voluce/ et insidijs circumuentos. Ac fuere qui dicerent manu vindicandum neque apud illum tantum scelus inultum relinquendum. At Sylla quamquam eadem existimabat/ tn̄ ab ī●uria maurum prohibet suos hortatur/ uti fortem animum gererent. Saepe antea paucis strennuis adversus multitudinem bene pugnatum▪ quanto sibi in praelio minus peper cissent: tanto tutiores fore. neque quemquam decere qui manus armauerit/ ab inermibus pedibus auxilium p●tere. in maximo metu nudum et cecum corpus ad hostem vertere. Deinde Volucem (qm hostilia faceret) lovem maximum obtestatus: ut sceleris atque praefidiae Bocchi testis adesset: castris abire jubet. Ille lacrimans orare/ ne ea crederet: nihil dolo factum: ac magis calliditate jugurthae/ cui videlicet speculanti iter suum cognitum esset.  
Caeterum quoniam neque ingentem multitudinem haberet & spes opesque ex patre suo penderent crederet illum nihil palam ausurum: cum ipse filius testis adesset. Quare optimum factu videri per media eius castra palam transire sese/ v● praemissis vel ibidem relictis mauris/ solum cum Sylla iturum. Ea res/ uti in tali negocio solet/ probata est: ac statim profecti: quia de improviso acciderat/ dubio atque hesitante jugurtha/ incolumes transeunt.   

Deinde paucis diebus quo ire intenderant/ perventum est.  
IBi cum Boccho quidam numida/ Asper nomine multum et familiariter agebat: praemissus a jugurtha/ postquam Syllam accitum audierat/ oratum/ et subdole speculatum Bocchi consilia ierat. Praeterea Dabar/ Massagradae filius/ ex gente Massinissae/ caeterum materno genere impar (Nam mater eius ex eoncubina orta erat) Mauro ob ingentia facta charus acceptusque quem Bocchus fidun multis antea tempestatibus expertus illico ad Syllam nunciatum mittit paratum sese facere/ quae populus romanus vellet colloquio: diem: locum: tempus: ipse deligere● consul to sese omnia cum illo integra habere neu jugurthae legatum pertimesceret: ꝙ eo advocatus esset quo res comunis licentius gereretur: nam ab insidijs eius aliter sibi cavere nequivisse.  
Sed ego comperio Bocchum magis punica fide: quam ob ea quae praedicabat/ simul romanos et numidam sp● pacis detinuisse multumque cum suo animo volvere solitum Iugurtham romanis/ an illi Syllam traderet: libidinem adversum nos: metum pro nobis suasisse.  
Igitur Sylla respondit/ s● pauca coram aspare locuturum caetera occult aut nullo present/ aut quam paucissimis: simul edocet: q sibi responderent.  
Postquam sicuti voluerat cōgre●●i: dicit se missum a consul/ venisse quae situm ab eo/ pacem an bellum agitaturus foret. Tum rex (uti praeceprum fuerat) post diem decimum redire jubet. At nihil etiam d●creu isse: sed illo die responsurum.  
Deinde ambo ad castra sua degressi.   

SEd ubi plerumque noctis processit Sylla a Boccho occult accersit ab utroque tantummodo fidi interpntes adhibent. Praeterea Dabar internuncius/ sanctus vi●/ jurat ex sententia ambobus: acstatim sic rex incipit.  
Nunquam ego ratus sum ●ore/ uti rex maximus in hac terra/ et omnium, quos novi, opulentissimus privato homini gratiam deberem: et me he●cle Sylla/ ant te cognitum/ multis orantibus/ alijs ultro/ egomet opem tuli: nullius indigui.  
Id esse imminutum/ quod caeteri dolere solent/ ego letor: fuerit mihi eguisse aliquando praecium tuae amicitiae: qua apud animum meum nihil charius habeo: id adeo experir● licet arma: viros: pecuniam postremo quicquid animo libet sume: utere: et quo ad vives nunquam tibi reddi tam gratiam putaveris: sed semper apud me integra erit. Denique nihil me sciente frustra voles. Nam ut ego existimo regem armis quam munificentia vinci minus flagitiosum.  
Caeterum de republica vestra cuius curator huc missus es paucis accipe. Bellum ego populo romano neque feci● neque factum unquam volui fines meos adversum armatos tutatus sum. Id omitto quoniam ita vobis placet. Gerite uti vultis cum jugurtha bellum. ego flumen Mulucham quod inter me et Micipsam suit non egrediar. Denique id Iugurtham intrare sinam. Praeterea si quid me vobisque dignum pe●iueris haud repuisus abibis.  
Ad ea Sylla pro se breviter et modice: de pace de q: communibus rebus multis disseruit.  
Denique regi patefecit: quod polliceatur senatum et pplm romanum: quoniam armis amplius valuissent non in gratiam habiturum: ●aciendum aliquid quod illorum magis quam sua retulisse videre tur: id adeo in prompt● esse quoniam Iugurth● copiam haberet: quem si romanis tradidisset fore ut illi plurimum de beret amicitiam: sedus: Numidiae partem quam nunc peteret: tunc ultro adventuram.  
Rex primo negare agitare cognitionem affinitatem praeterea foedus interuenisse. Ad hoc metuere ne fluxa fide usus popularium animos averteret. quis et jugurtha charus et romani invisi erant. Denique saepius fatigatus leuit●r et ex voluntate Syliae omnia se fact urum promittit.  
Caeterum ad simulandum pacem cuius numida defessus bello avidissimus erat: quae utilia visa sunt constituunt. Ita composito dolo degrediuntur.   

AT rex postero die Asperen jugurthae ●egatum appellat dicitque sibi ꝑ Dabaren ex Sylla cognitum posse conditionibus bellum sui sententiam exquireret. Ille laetus in castra jugurthae ꝓficiscit. Deinde cuncta ab illo edoctus properato itinere post diem octawm redit ad Bocchum et ei nunciat Iugurtham cupere omnia quae imperarentur facere sed Mario parum confidere. Saepe antea cum imperatoribus romanis pacem conventam frustra fuisse. Caeterum Bocchus si ambobus consultam et ●atam pacem vellet: daret operam ut una quasi de pace in colloquium conneniret ibique Syllam sibi traderet▪ cum talem virum in potestate habuisset tum fore uti jussu senatus ac populi romani foedus fieret: neque hominem nobilem non sua ignavia captum: sed ob remp. in hostium potestate relictum ir●.  
Haec Maurus secum ipse diu voluens tandem promisit. Caeterum dolo an in re cunctatus parum comperimus sed plerumque regiae voluntates ut vehementes sic mobiles: saepe ipi●e sibi adversae.  
Postea tempore et loco constituo in colloquium uti de pace conveniretnt Bocchus Syllam modo: modo jugurthae legatum appellare: benign habere: idem ambobus polliceri: illi leti pariter ac spei bonae esse pleni: sed nocte ea quae proxia ●uit ante diem colloquio decretum maurus adhibitꝭ amicis ac statim immutata voluntate remotis a se caeteris dicitur secum multa agitavisset: vultu/ colore/ ac motu corporis pariter atque animo varius quae scilicet ipso tacente occulta pectoris oris immutatione patefecit.  
Tamen postremo Syllam accersiri jubet: et ex eiu● sentencia numidae insidi as tendit.  
Deinde ubi dies advenit et ei nunciatum Iugurtham haud long esse cum paucis amicis et quaesto●e nostro quasi obuius honoris causa procedit in tumu●um facillimum v●su insidiantibus eodem numida cum plerisque necessarijs suis inermia uti dictum erat accedit: ac statim signo dato undique simul ex in sidijs invadit.  
Caeteri obtruncati jugurtha vinctus Syllae traditu●: et ab eo ad Marium deductus est.   

¶ Per idem tempus adversum Gallos ab ducibu● nostris Quinto Scipione/ et Caio Manlio male pugnatum est.  
Quo metu Italia omnis contremuerat.  
Illique et denique omnes romani usque ad nostram memoriam sic habuere: alia omnia virtuti sua● prona esse: cum Galli● pro salute non pro gloria certare.  
Sed postq bellum in Numidia confectum et Iugurtham Romam vinctum ad duci nuntiatum est. Marius consul absens factus est et ei decreta provincia gallia.  
Isque kalendis januarij magna gloria consul triumphavit.  
Ex ea tempestate spes at que opes civitatis in illo sitae. Telos.