A DISCOURSE Upon the Reasons OF THE RESOLUTION taken in the Valteline against the tyranny of the GRISONS and HERETIQVES. To the most Mighty Catholic King of Spain, D. PHILIP the Third. Written in Italian by the Author of The Council of Trent. AND Faithfully translated into English. With the Translators Epistle to the Commons House of PARLIAMENT.  
LONDON, Printed for William Lee, at the Turks head in Fleetstreet, next to the Mitre and Phoenix. 1628.   

TO THE KNIGHTS, BARONS AND BURGESSES of the House of Commons, assembled in Parliament.  
THings compared, though contrary, or alike in nature, do illustrate one the other: Contrariorum & similium eadem est ratio. 
Iust. Iust.  And therefore, to discern the strengths, counsels, and ends of diverse Kingdoms, the straightest rule is comparison of their actions, government, and foundation: All Monarchies and Republics which have an end proposed, whether to enlarge, or preserve their Dominion, most effectually work to their own ends, because such operation is natural; 
Polib:  Is quino●it quaenam sint uniuscuinsque Rerumpublicarum principiae naturalia, etiam incrementum et florentissimum statum, ac mutationem, & finem potest cognoscere.  
A wise and rational Historian comparing and censuring diverse Commonwealths, why one subsisted, and others decayed; and how the one prevailed upon the other; examined the forms and institutions, their designs, and ends, and what was possible to be built upon them. That of Plato he esteemed uncapable of comparison, other then as a Statue to a man, which had excellent art, without life. Athens and Thebes were not underlaid to bear any adversity: But when they were most like to rise, the temperature of their policy was insufficient to allay the abundance and increase of humours, & the growth was too sudden and heavy for the foundation: when they began to shake, their root had no earth. The Lacedaemonian, to subsist of itself, to oppose foreign violence, to need nothing exotique, to live in peace, was in all perfection instituted. Caeterùm ad parandum sibi in vicinos dominatum, to extend their Empire, even their own foundation was an impediment. A blessed state, if Ambition were banished the world; but defective to absolute safety: For no defence is secure, that cannot offend. Therefore, as soon as that State began to affect conquest, and to raise Armies, they found in their constitution, that the Laws made to keep them happy, 
Plat●.  were too narrow to hold others in servitude: and their untried felicity blinded their judgement, to overvalue their own abilities. Qui vitam instituisset contra naturam, meritò etiam contra naturam fato functus est. 
Polib.   
The Carthagenians and Romans had larger ends, & a broader foundation, like abilities and aptitudes to effect them, which were Imperium mundi. And though all Commonwealths do convenire in aliquo medi●, yet they which design quiet possession of their own, and usurpation of the Estates of others, are at both ends utterly repuguant.  
The reasons why the Romans prevailed upon Carthage 
Polib.  being alike instituted, are another consideration, the manner of building, the constancy, virtue, and goodness of Instruments are great differences. In these the Romans excelled▪ and perhaps in the youth (for every State hath an Infancy, a mature, and a decrepitage) and consequently soon arrived at their ends. But that wherein most effectually they prevailed, was in Counsels; in which they had advantage in the form of their government: For the people in Carthage, in all deliberations, had too much authority, which bred delay, and hindered secrecy; whereas in Rome, the Senate and Optimati, 
Tacit.  experienced and wise men, only resolved. Imus ad bellum, non omnes Nuncios palam audiri, 
Polib.  non omnia consilia cunctis praesentibus tractari, ratio rerum, aut occasionum velocitas patitur. Victoria consilijs, & ratione perficitur.  
From these Considerations a Consequence is deduced, that when any two great Kingdoms fall into a war, that which will prevail, must consider the ends of the other, and the ways and means wherewith they are prosecuted, and to them must apply all industry, and direct opposition. In the ends, as there is great difference, so there is great advantage by them: because active things, etiamsi agendo repatiantur, weare-out passive, though of equal strength and hardness, as the iron that strikes, in time batters that which suffers. Commonwealths that design conquest, and are always attentive to watch occasion, get ground upon the modest, more by vigilancy then force: and fraud, which is a terrible instrument, doth ever accompany Ambition. Counsels vanquish Arms, as spiritual things are predominant upon material, and as fire dissolves the fastest metals: & those Counsels are most prevalent, which are united in one head, and issue from one fountain.  
Therefore rising and increasing Empires are dangerous, if they once grow great, and must be resisted in their ends, and in their counsels: single defence is not sufficient: troublesome neighbours must be made passive, to abate their reputation, which the spirit of action presupposeth.  
To apply these premises, having read with pleasure the following Discourse of the Reasons of the Resolution in the Valteline; and being at leisure, either to sleep, or waste in mine own meditations, I thought it would be a good recreation, and not unacceptable to my loyal Countrymen, to teach it to speak as plain English, as it doth truth; and finding the whole scope of the Author (an Author of great worth, and greater works) to be an information to the World, of the dangerous increase, and ambition of the house of Austria: and, if possible, to read the King of Spain a lesson, not to be learned, but under a Rodd of Iron, that in time necessity would open the eyes of all Princes, to oppose his secret project of Universal Monarchy; I believed that some profit might be gathered out of this foreign Garden.  
I will suppose that this Theme is sufficiently handled; and that there are few practised in the world, who will deny it. The witnesses are great and evident; India unjustly usurped; Sicily surprised by treason; Naples by breach of Contract; Milan held by Intrusion; Navarre by excommunication of the lawful Prince; Portugal oppressed by the Sword; 
Con●stag.  and the Pope refused to judge either competently, or as Arbiter, the pretences of Parma & Braganza, when it was possible in temporal Causes, his spirit might err in not adoring Spain: The Valteline possessed under the colour of Religion; The Palatinate and the States of Cleve seized by auxiliars, and kept for Debts forced upon the Proprietaries, which they desired not to borrow: Wesell stolen in a truce; and the Rhine passed over under the favour of a Treaty; Embden attempted; Venice conspired; Piedmont assaulted; France twice corrupted into Combustion, with holy leagues and open Arms: and England practised, and invaded; And to be able to do any, or all these, a scelerous peace sought with the Turk, to whom, in truth, Spain is only a true friend. These are such a Cloud of witnesses, as no modesty will oppugn them.  
Which being now manifest to the world, and that it is expected every wise Prince and State will consider, nunc meares agitur, I also have presumed to warn divisos ab orbe Britannos; who being separated from General Commerce by the Sea, which is our wall, true Information may be kept out, as well as Enemes.  
To which purpose, without any malignity or willing offence, I must look one age back; For in the former, Alas, the Kings of Castille were good Neighbours, and were content not to be supplanted by their own Moors, mingled with their Subjects, both in house and blood.  
England hath been the special and most advantageous mark at which this new Monarchy hath aimed, since cupido dominandi outgrew Conscience, and all laws of justice; England, the Queen of the Sea, and Lady of Traffic being conquered, half of the whole is done. England hath more hindered this unnatural growth, than all Europe; it is then out of question, that the wisdom of Spain, which never erreth in the way of greatness, loves and hates no kingdom so much, as England.  
When Don john of Austria had won the famous battle of Lepanto, 
Raphael Pereg.  and therein laid to himself a foundation of advancement, and had gotten possession of the City of Tunis; the Spanish Council, foreseeing the rising Star of a new Monarchy, though in their own Prince's blood, rather resolved to raze, and destroy that Town; and accordingly gave order to the General. But he, who had higher thoughts, fortified it, and solicited the Pope Pius quintus, to intercede with the Catholic king, that the Title of that kingdom might be conferred upon him, to erect a fresh opposite to the Ottoman Empire. The king of Spain, jealous of any Concurrent, utterly refused this honour to his own Brother: and suddenly, to exercise his great mind upon some subject of his private service, sent him Governor into Flanders, where he was as like to break, as rise; The young Prince, whose father's blood boiled in his veins, discontent to be shut up in so narrow a Compass, fell upon a new practice, to conquer England, and procured so fare with the same Pope, that he dealt earnestly with the Catholic King, to consent to that Enterprise, and to contribute Aids for the Execution, in favour whereof his Holiness had already granted him Bulls, Breves, Money, and the secret Inuestiture, though this Project in the manner was not acceptable to King Philip, that the Pope should give that away, without first consulting with him, which he had embraced in his own thoughts, yet he yielded and promised to assist Don john in the Invasion of England; So much more he thirsted to deprive a Christian Prince of an ancient Inheritance, then to keep a great Kingdom, opportunely seated to annoy the Turks, from his friends, the Ottomans; I will not Physically conjecture what blood begat this Counsel; but propose it, as a worthy and great Consideration.  
The attempt of the Duke of Medina, and the invincible Armado, was a fruit of the same root; But that the sword might not seem to cut through all justice, to corrupt the minds of the ignorant, and to satisfy the doubtful and scrupulous, a counterfeit book; 
Dolman.  under a counterfeit name, was published, discussing the several titles of England, and seeming to give every one their own right, it cunningly insinuates, that the reasons of the Infanta Isabel were more pregnant than all the rest, which could not come into question until Sixteen Princes successorily reigning, were condemned for Usurpers, one of whom her father had married and by her taken the title of England. But God fought for us; Tonante in coelis jehovah, 
Psal: 18.  & Excelso edente vocem suam, grando, & prunaeigneae: it a emittens sagittas suas, dispergit, & fulgura iaculans, fundit illos.  
When feigned Titles were foolishness before God and men, and the Chariot wheels of the Enemy were taken off, outward force not prevailing, Religion, and the defence of that, as the last refuge and Sanctuary of Ambition, was taken up, and a holy pretence advanced to practise Treason and Rebellion in Ireland. To this end, the Earls of Desmond and Tyron were thrust out, and maintained in defection, against their natural Prince; and as soon as their actions were worth the avowing, Aids, and Supplies were openly sent from Spain, and that Kingdom doubly invaded, by Conspiracy, and Arms. But Kinsale is a famous sepulchre of their honour: that Climate perhaps having as natural an Antipathy to Choleric complexions, and Intruders, as to noisome and venomous beasts.  
I purpose not to enumerate private and clandestine minings and machinations: These three notorious examples will prove the general Assertion, That Spain doth aspire the subjection of Europe by the first ascent of England: yet to show more clearly the wiles and religious Counsels, wherewith this Design is prosecuted, it will be no unprofitable digression, to reveal to the world the Negotiations of this Monarchy with the Ottomans, when either it hath been in want, or fe●re, or preparing for some new Attempt; Catholic ways, which the Lion hath never trodden in the Desert, nor the Praetors eye seen in the wilderness.  
It is one of the Vaineglories of Spain, that they hold no correspondence, nor ever made any peace with the great Enemy of Christendom, calumniating and reproaching all other Princes and States, who, for utility of Trade, maintain a Civil Commerce with them: But wise men will discern the fallacy, and difference between those, who, according to the liberty of the laws of God and Nations, do only traffic & communicate the abundancies of their Countries, with Infidels; and others, who will have no exchange nor intercourse, but under the condition of dividing the world, and oppressing, by mutual consent, of all Princes. And such a Peace and opportunity the Spaniard hath offered, and sought of the Emperor of Turkey: And if this be not sufficient, to return the ignominy cast upon others; Let it be weighed uprightly, and it shall appear, that all the correspondence and trade of all the Princes in amity with the Grand Signior together, doth not bring to him half the profit and security, as the dissensions and Intrusions of the House of Austria, wherewith they keep all Christendom in continual fear, or war. Whereby that common Enemy life's in safety, and at ease, watching advantages upon all, indifferently.  
About the time that Philip the second (the holy League to deprive Henry the Fourth of the Crown of France, failing him) in the Reign of Mehemet, Grand father of Morat now living, a certain rich Portugal jew, Don Alvaro Mendes, resident in Constantinople, pretending occasion to send another of his Tribe called jehuda Serfati, upon private affairs (but practised by the Ministers of Spain) into that Country; as soon as he arrived at the frontier, by the King's order he was created an Ambassador from the Grand Signior, and conducted in that quality to the Court, and a Counsel held, in what manner to give him audience; His name was already changed to Don Gabriel di Bona-Ventura, his Instructions drawn by a junto for the purpose; and thus he was showed abroad, defrayed by the King, and his Message published, that he was employed to offer Peace and friendship from the Turkish Emperor.  
When this Scene was acted, he was sent back with true Letters of Don Christofero di Mora, and the Secretary Catagna, to the great Vizier, and for his better security, a safe Conduct and Credance was given him, signed by the King Yoel Rey.  
Passing by Sicily, by Catholic Order, Forty Turkish Slaves were delivered him, to present at the Port, in earnest of the Spanish and Ottoman amity; Letters also of credit for good sums were furnished, to enable him to spend, & procure answer from the Grand Signior, and favour of the Vizier, Mufti, and other of the great Officers.  
With which Orders and Arms being arrived at Constantinople, he used all means, with all men, to induce an acceptance of the Peace, urging and demonstrating the earnest affection, and desire of the King of Spain to conclude it.  
But this practice being discovered by the Ambassadors resident at the Port, and others not too well affected to Spain, the falsehood was made appear: and Don Gabriel by the great Vizier was clapped in prison, as a Counterfeit and Impostor.  
In a few months this Vizier was displaced, and another advanced to his Office, and, as it is a common rule with them, to run a contrary course to their fallen Predecessors, without examining the merits or causes: this jew was set at liberty, and all his actions and Letters approved, as true and authentical; And thereupon Petition made to the Grand Signior to inform the Negotiation; and by the counsel of the new Ministers, it was admitted, and accepted, and answer granted to the King of Spain, that seeing he had showed so much affection to peace, and to enter into a sincere Correspondence with the Port, especially by the charitable liberty of so many Mahometans freely presented; that the Gates of the Ottoman Empire were always open to whomsoever did seek their friendship: and that Ambassadors might securely come to treat and conclude it.  
With these Letters to the Catholic King, and others to Don Christofero di Mora, and the Secretary Catagna from the Vizier, Don Gabriel was dispeeded with two Messengers of the Port, by the way of Wallachia to the confines of the Empire, purposing to take his journey through Germany.  
But Rodolphus being then in war with Sultan Mehemet, he was stayed, and examined on the Borders; To free himself, he feigned that he had Letters to the Emperor; whereupon all his papers were seized, and sent to Prague. His Imperial Majesty very discontent, and jealous of such Treaties between Spain and Turkey, without his communication, and in such a Coniuncture; gave order, that the jew should be brought to Vienna, and kept in close Prison, until he had some advice from Madrid. The Catholic King, finding diu non latêre scelera, to save the honour of his private Designs, denied the fact, forsook and protested the poor Don Gabriel, who miserably there ended his life, conassai mala-ventura. It may be collected, that the Spanish ends of this Treaty were such as durst not abide the light, seeing they might not be trusted to the nearest friend; and it was judged great modesty, to be ashamed, and the part of a good Christian, to renounce secret practices with Turks, by the mediation of jews, but of an ill Master, to leave and abandon his Servant. Such Vessels in the hands of Princes are form for honour, or dishonour, as their interests counsel them.  
In later times, the extraordinary Ambassadors of the Emperor, treating at Constantinople the frontier Affaires, and accidental Breaches, another overture was by them made in the name of the King of Spain, and the best argument used was, that the world knew but two great and Imperial Families, Austria, and Ottoman, who if they were reconciled, might make another Division of East and West: The rest, it is more humanity to conceal, than Christianity to negotiate.  
This last year a Bolognese was sent from the Vice-King of Naples, in pursuit of the same Design; and counterfeit Letters printed in Spain, with a Catalogue of impossible presents, pretended from the Grand Signior, to beg peace, and spread abroad, to add reputation to his Armies; as if the world would tremble at a smoke: And though this Engine returned fruitless, yet Spain is not hopeless. They know the ease and advantage they should draw, by security on this side, to have all their Galleys at liberty, to shut up the straits, to hinder traffic, and to succour Genova; and their Garrisons of Calabria and Sicily free, to be employed in their other necessities. And here it cannot be over-passed, that while Spain did negotiate this Peace, doubting not to effect it, the same instruments were employed with moneys and Letters, to excite the Cossacques (though in prejudice of the Peace of the King of Poland, allied to the House of Austria by a double marriage) to invade the Bospherus, that the Armado of the Grand Signior might necessarily be kept in the blacke-Sea, for defence, whereby the Spaniard, by a fine Art, doth enjoy half the fruits of the Peace, without obtaining it: These are a model of the ways and counsels of the Spanish Monarchy.  
If the King of Spain envied his Brother the Conquest of a Mahometan kingdom; and treat underhand with the Turks, without respect or knowledge of the Emperor; If he solicit the seeds of a war between Poland and the Grand Signior, under the colour of a peace, without care of the utility of that Crown so nearly to him allied: It may be concluded, that ambition of universal Monarchy, is only able to extinguish all obligations, both of Religion and blood: Because, Si violandum jus est, 
Eurip.  imperijgratia violandum est, alijs rebus pietatem colas.  
If the first step to this sole Empire be the Conquest of England, as the Designs of the Enemy, from whom some lessons are best taught, and their Counsels to their own ends do clearly demonstrate, and the resolution of diverse Iuntoes have laid for a foundation: It is happy for England to foresee the blow, and to provide timely to prevent it: and not be bound to the disadvantage of making a desperate Bet, when the adversary shall call, and the game irrecoverable.  
These Demonstrations admitted for true, the next Consideration will be, by what means most effectually and virtually to work a just defence; Wherein if the Ends, Counsels, and Ways, whereby Spain hath in few years advanced, be observed, they will reflect a true light upon the contrary, how they may be humbled.  
The end of Spain is Universal Monarchy, conformable to the Romans in all; but the noble contempt of Treasons: Herein, and in Counsels, they have advantage of us. It must then be concluded to oppose this end, we must resolve the like, and pursue it with the like ways, and Counsels, (except only the ways of Darkness) to take from them those rank parts, which nourish this Concupiscence.  
To discover the right line of this opposition, it may be enquired, what Spain did advance in the last war, in the blessed days of the glorious Queen Elizabeth, either upon England, France, Germany, Italy, or Holland, and the total sum shall be found nothing. Whether they lost in Flanders, or of their own, is not the question, for the war was in the end defensive, and he is beaten, that assailing conquers not; But that the Indies were not able to supply, nor appease the mutinies of his Soldiers, nor to pay the Interests of Genova, and that they had lost all Reputation, and sought peace on all sides precariò, Hoochstrat, the Electo's, their Bills protested, their travailng Friars, their own Ambassages and the World, are irrefutable witnesses.  
To account what they have gotten in these latter years of Peace, only by peace, besides the daring so bold an Act, as to expel many Millions of inborn Enemies, and thereby raising another Indea of treasure for a designed war, at the spring tied of their full Coffers, would, if it lay together, make a competent estate for a moderate Prince. Somewhat in this point hath been touched in a general enumeration, but particulars do fully instruct. Alarache in Barbary, to strengthen their South Coasts of Spain, and to help to shut up the straits of Gibralterra; Acon, under the Imperial Colours deprived of the liberty of Conscience, the Reformed Magistrates banished, and the City reduced to their Devotion; The non Plus Vltra of the Rhine, 40 years defended, sliptover; and thereby wesel, the Retreat, and Sanctuary of our Religion, made the Spanish Garrison; Gulick, and the Inheritance of the Heirs of Cleve possessed under the title of protection, and kept as a pledge; The Palatinate distributed to their Dependants, but the Ports and Fortresses of Importance held in hostage; And thus Holland surrounded; The Valtoline blockt-upp; The Crowns of Bohemia and Hungary entailed, and the Nobility spoiled of their privilege of free Election; The evangelics universally exiled and oppressed; And all Germany trembling under the example: These are the fruits of a Spanish peace. If the slumbering Lion bite so mortally, what shall he do, enraged after his pursued Prey? And if in peace, contrary to the nature of peace, such achievements are obtained, that the ship of Spain run in the night so many leagues, while the Pilot seems to sleep; It is evident, in peace and War they have one end of Conquest. 
Seneca.  Sapiens non semper it uno gradu, sed unavia.  
From these examples we must learn bellum utiliter inire, & prosequi. I will not presume to understand where the Spanish Empire is most sensible and weak; but exhibit some general rules, that Rivers are only to be prevented of their waters, by stopping or diverting their fountains. Egypt depends upon the courtesy and pays tribute to the King of Ethiopia to give leave to Nilus to water it. The body is soon reduced to a consumption, by destroying the Liver, the Indies of blood; And then demonstrate these axioms by a few Roman and Spanish Parallels, what they did, and what they suffered, and leave the application to Active men.  
That Princely People had no Indies, but their Virtue; Rome and the Senate was all; while they carried their Armies abroad, they had no returns but victories and triumph, and they could lose nothing, except men, that sold their lives dear. But when their Emuli the Carthagenians, discovered by their Invasion of Sicily, that their ambition had no limits, and considered that while they fought for their own ground, they could get nothing, but blows; They resolved to send Hannibal to the Gates of Rome: where he reduced that Empire to nothing, but a College of brave old men, prepared to dye in Majesty. Eighteen years this glorious Captain trod on the spoils of Italy, and doubtless had finished that Dominion, and in that day, in which he turned to Capua had supped in the Capitol, 
Hor.  Si quemadmodum sciret vincere, sic uti victoria scisset. From whence grew the proverb▪ Capuam Hanibali, Cannae fuisse. We must not trust in errors, nor hope this Courtesy of our Enemies.  
When the young Scipio revived the hearts of the Romans by undertaking the Province of Spain, where his Father and Uncle, and so many Legions were buried, he found three Armies greater than his own, 
Polib.  to oppose him. Vulgaria omnia consilia, & quorum venire in mentem cuiusuis poterat, omisit. To fight with all at once was impossible; to begin with one desperate; the other two were at his back, entire, vincendo, vinceretur. And fortune must not be often tempted; But when he fell upon the consideration, that new C●rthage was the fountain from whence all the divisions were supplied, the Port, and harbour of succours, he resolved, omnes unà aggredi; by taking that City, to dry up the streams at the spring head; Thus the Enemy's retreat & storehouse became his, tota Regio in una urbe superataest, and he changed the face of the whole war, by one deliberation, and was victorious without the uncertain trial of Battle, dubium an utiliori faliciorive concilio.  
Lastly, when there was no other way to retire Hannibal out of Italy, this fate of Carthage undertook to transport the war to their own doors; and then, he that never refused to fight, treated, sought peace, and almost confessed that he was vanquished; then he made that pitiful oration, the most inglorious of all his Acts: 
Hanib. ad Scip.  Si nunc esset integrum, optaturum se fore, ut neque Romani quicquam unquam eorum quae sunt extra Italiam, nec Carthagenienses, eorum, quae extra Affricam concupiscent. To this moderation must Spain be reduced. Hannibal knew he might safelier have lost all his battles within the Alpes, than one at the gates of Carthage: In them he adventured nothing, but the superfluity of youthful blood, which en gaijetè de coeur, sought their destiny in the field of honour. But now the Commonwealth was at stake, and they played their Altars, Liberties, Wives, and Children, at one game; Hannibal, to avoid this destiny attempted Italy, to waste Rome at their own charges. But Scipio had learned that wisdom of him, which himself could not use, and finished at once a double war: and the Spaniards imitating the one part, shows us the way to take the other; Spain, while it was a single Kingdom threatened no body, and in Spain litl e is to be gotten, where me ate must be supplied, and a victorious Army may starve. Therefore, that not being the root, it must be sought from whence this evil of ambition ariseth: and as in natural Bodies, there are other parts, besides the head and the heart, which being cut off, or wounded, cause dissolution, so it is possible to find a way to weaken that Monster, which cannot be killed at one blow.  
Great preparations at mighty expenses give too great warning, are subject to many accidents and hazard too much reputation. And if one State know any one Design that may much annoy the Enemy, it is like the other is not ignorant of their own weaknesses. Wise Gamesters play not all at a Cast, the By, often helps the Main. Therefore, both rule & example hath taught us, that Spain is more easily wasted, than any part of their Christian Dominion conquered, while the stream of money is open, and undiverted. But if this long and sure course threaten also a reciprocal Consumption, yet that war in Europe will be most profitable for us, which shall be made nearest our own Kingdom, both for the keeping our forces united, and at hand, and for the easiness of supplies in all Events; and out of Europe, by a Royal Action, it is not impossible at one stroke, to behead the Indies,  
To oppose them in their Counsels we must first observe what they are, 
Pierre Mat.  Espagne practiquant tousiours sa vieille maxime de se maintenir par la querra de ses voisins.  
Sedition, separation, and disunion are the dangerous weapons wherewith they prepare to themselves easy Conquests, and these Arts have their first efficacy under the pretence of Treaty, then is the Spaniard most to be suspected, 
Tacit.  because they know how hostibus prodere prima belli tempora, and if they can raise any jealousy, or variance, to remove any one, all are weakened; rebusque turbatis, malum extremum discordia accessit. The contrary then, which is a firm and constant League, is only powerful, and able to arrest them. In the Colleagued war of the Commonwealths of Greece against the united power of the Spartans, some of the Confederates, who lay next the danger, beginning to waver, this sentence of their common safety was given, 
Polib.  unicam spem superesse video omnibus, agri sui longum tempus possidendi, si Epaminondae consilio usi, omnium temporum, omniumque rerum societatem sinceram inter se colant: To hope to divide indivisibile is lost labour, the Designs of Spain are one, united in the head, in genere generalissimo, the House of Austria, which cannot be distracted. They have no other main and important adherent, but the Pope, and his Ecclesiastical Dependants, and these also make but one, and meet in the Centre, concurring in common and mingled ends. And they greatly err, who suppose, that it is ever possible to find a Pope unpartial for Spain, or to favour any other Prince against them. Let Vrban the Eighth serve for an example, raised and fed by France, yet fallen to their enemies, per ragione di stato. One fresh and pregnant instance will discover both this unity, and the advantage of Spanish Counsels. When the Treaty of Madrid for the liberty of the Valteline was not performed, and roundly pressed by the French, some difficulties remaining, to prolong the possession, the Forts of that Valley were, by consent, delivered to the Pope, tanquam communi Patri in Deposito.  
This seemed very equal, but the French were overreached; For they hoped upon the justice of their Cause, and that a sentence would timely be given for them, which was impossible: For the Spaniard was content, that the Deposition should remain for ever to his use; and he knew that the Pope, by accepting it, was engaged never to surrender to the Grisons, because the spiritual Father could never deliver his Children (behold another title) to the subjection and will of Heretics: and if the French should at last use force, his Holiness was doubly entangled, both in honour and conscience, to unite with Spain, to maintain his Depositation. This the French did not foresee, and fell upon a disadvantage to recover it from the Pope, a matter of dangerous consequence. Who, at last, taketh Arms in the Cause, as the World knows. But when both the Pope and Spain saw such a general storm, and Colleguation, and foresaw, that there was no remedy but to lose it by Arms, which being victorious, might quarrel with Milan, or find new objects of their disdain, they resolved rather to surrender it, and to seem to yield to justice. But who must do it? The Pope by no means can consent to deliver part of his flock to wolves, so his Ambassage protested in France, therefore, by secret connivance and agreement, the King of Spain doth suddenly seal the old Articles, and makes the Transaction before Barbarini shall arrive, to save the Pope's honour: For a temporal Prince may saluâ conscientiâ restore Heretics to their temporal rights, which the Pope, a higher pretender, over soul, body and goods, cannot do. By this cunning they hope to separate the Princes united, the quarrel being, in outward appearance, ended; and by this Intelligence it is evident, that the Spiritual and temporal serve one another, and take turns, and shift Interests, for mutual advantage. But if examples prove not categorically let it be considered, that the spiritual and temporal Monarchies, affected by Rome and Spain, have such mutual interest and affinity, and are so woven one within the other, that though natural affection, or other respects of gratitude, may for a time retard, & perhaps strive against an open declaration, yet when necessity exacteth a resolution, the essence and mystery of the Papacy will prevail: It must forsake father and mother, and cleave to this double supremacy; for Rome and Spain must stand and fall together.  
To proceed, when the Romans first transported their Legions into Greece, they were called in by division, to restore that show of liberty to a part, which they absolutely took from all Greece. Separation and disunion by them fomented, opened a Port to a Dominion, which united, was like their Phalanx, not to be broken. And certainly this day, the Spaniards have more hope to divide the Princes colleagued, then to vanquish them: To which use, they have two dangerous Instruments, Money for the Traitor, and a Pope for the Conscience. It is observed, that Spain will buy Treasons dearer, than other Nations do Faith; Omne scelus externum cum laetitia habetur. 
Tacit.  And another noteth, that with a bit of parchment, the Pope will reduce any Kingdom to him disobedient, to the State of Navarre, when the true King john Albret, and Queen Katherine were expelled, l'excommunication du Pape jules 1. 
Pierre  aquant eu plus de forces que les armes de Castille. 
Math.  And they are not ashamed to glory with Philip of Macedon, another oppressor, that the victories gotten with words, are more sweet than those of the Sword: For every Soldier can fight, and share the honour, but Arts and deceits of Treaties, are only proper to the Prince and his Counsel.  
I will not enter into a search of the Treaties of Spain, nor how they are maintained; I will not censure Equivocation, nor rip up our own wounds: only I may have leave to note, that anciently some States were branded, there was proverbially Fides Punica, and Foedus Locrense; and therefore I admonish all good Towns, which capitulate to have no Citadel built within their walls, to provide, that none be built upon them.  
By what blood, I know not, the Kings of Spain are become heirs unto Francis Sforza D●ke of Milan, of whom, when Lewes the Eleventh of France, pressed by the Confederate war du bien public, wherein his brother, the Earl of Caralois, and the Duke of Bretagny were engaged, desired aids of money, he supplied the King with a good Counsel, 
Comines.  to agree to any conditions, with any of the League, to disband, or to sow a jealousy among them; preserving only his Arms entire, with which, when they were separated, he might humble them singly, at his pleasure; adding, that Princes lost no reputation, when they attained their ends. The History is vulgar, and the success of that advice, was, the flight of the Duke of Berry, the stain of Charles of Burgundy, and the beggary of Bretagny. I am persuaded, the Spaniards have concocted the Doctrine, and would come to an agreement with any of the Leagues, to disunite them: and the Breach once made is not easily repaired. Perhaps in this Coniuncture, they would (if honour would suffer it) consent to make a general peace, until Arms were deposed; But here is the present danger, to lose an opportunity, not to be recovered in many years. The Counsel of Spain doth know at how great expense of time, and charge of Ambassages, these Leagues have been composing; which once dissolved, and lulled asleep in security, would slowly return to the present perfection. Therefore there is great Caution to be used, in giving ear to the Enchantments of a Spanish Treaty: For some lie nearer punishment, some make easier Conditions, but all singly, shall feel the revenge of their particular Interests, 
Polib.  in the general offence, Occasione enim tu●●itati, ●os ultum ineunt, qui per occasionem temporum ipsis nocuerant. The truce that Amilcar gave the Romans, 
Idem.  when the Insubrian and Alpine Nations hung over them like a Cloud, Vt ne patriam retinere sine periculo potuissent, did more advance their future Empire, than the three Battles of his son Hannibal did hinder it, because he gave them leave to grow, and to have no Enemy but Carthage; Therefore I have resolved, there is no safety in any sudden accord, ●or profit in accepting wasted Countries, until some ambitious blood be let out, and the Spanish Reals consumed, and that Nation, and all the World brought to know, that it is possible to resist their greatness, and to abate their pride, and that in themselves they are truly humbled. 
Polib.  Hoc igitur, si quid aliud qui Remp: regunt solicitè obseruandum meminerint; ut quos animos esserant qui in gratiam positis inimicitiis redeunt, aut novam amicitiam ineunt, ne ignorent quando temporibus cedentes, quando victis animis pacis conditiones amplectantur: ut ab illis quidem, seu temporum suorum Insidiatoribus, semper sibi caveant.  
But seeing the end of all just war is a good and safe peace, qua nihil pulchrius, nihil utilius, & the means thereunto treaty, and the assurance thereof, public faith; when it shall be necessary to negotiate a reconciliation with Spain, Let it be accepted for a Rule, and foundation, that the one part is never secure what the other would have, esse dolum, quia credidit hostis, and when all reasons of State are narrowly enquired, and outward Counsels weighed with vtile and honestum; yet there is a secret fit to be revealed, That the Kings of Spain have a Council of Conscience, which may approve, or annul all that is, or shall be transacted, and dormant dispensations, which have reference to Contingences in ordine ad spiritualia, to continue or dissolve all Conclusions: and this Retreat is form like wax, to take the Impression of the present aspect and necessity of affairs.  
In the last treaty between France and Spain, in which Amiens was surprised, when King Philip saw the vigorous resolution of Henry the fourth to recover the Towns in Picardy by the sword, and that he had given express Command to the Precedent de Silerye to consent to no Convention, so long as one foot of ground unsurrendered, remained in the possession of the Spaniards considering, that the bounds of that Province were the entrance into Artois, 
Pierre  and that victorious Armies extend their pretences with prosperity, 
Math.  especially the Title of Sovereignty inviting, and justifying that progress, he consulted first, his Council of State, for the restitution, who, loath to remit any thing of their stiffness, interposed the respects of honour, and so it was necessary, not to confess inability to keep them; but the wise King, knowing, to contend might draw the quarrel into the bowels of Flanders, resolving both to prevent the occasion, and to save his reputation, called his Council of Conscience to deliver their opinion, who concluded, that he could not by the Laws of Religion usurp, nor dye with quietness of soul, if he restored not to every man his own: and so those places were piously surrendered, which could not safely be maintained; But Conscience extended no further, then present question.  
When the same Catholic King found it necessary, for Spanish reason of State, that his own brave and eldest son should dye, Nature; and honour both, contended against the Sentence; but obligations were pretended, and found, above humanity, as the Act was without humanity. The Council of Conscience, and to these a junto of Divines were added, to resolve the tender Conscience of a Father, whether he might with safety of Conscience pardon his own Child of offences not yet fully published and therefore for ever suspected. 
Id●m.  These Ephori pronounced with weeping eyes, que le salut de son peuple, luy deuoit estre plus cher, que celuy du son filz, and the geatest favour the Prince could obtain, was to choose his death, that which was preferred and enjoyed by Caesar; & facinus intragloriam fuit.  
Before Alva appeared near Portugal with his Army, the Duke of Ossuna and Don Christofero di Mora, 
Cones.  were employed to buy a party for the Catholic King, and they promised mountains of Gold, to withdraw some of the Lords from Don Antonio. When the kingdom was settled, these did demand their recompense, and pleaded their Contracts in the name, and by virtue of the King's order: Who remitted them, not to the Counsel of State, for they must justify their own Acts, but to that of Conscience; Who gave sentence, that if the Crown belonged to Don Antonio, they could not rightfully confer it upon Philip. If Philip were the true heir, the Petitioners could not sell their Allegiance to their own Prince, for money, so that both ways they were judged Traitors, and their expected reward was changed into a shameful pardon. I conclude, Nothing is sure, without the approbation of this Court of Conscience; Nothing so unsure, as what Law, or equity is the rule thereof. Therefore, that Peace only will be secure with Spain, which the two Counsels of State, and Conscience shall together resolve, to be profitable, because necessary.  
To reduce this Discourse to a brief Conclusion, If right judgement of all States arise from their ends; If their Counsels direct the way to discover them, and both being discerned to affect Conquest, must be actively opposed, lest they prevail upon a suffering modesty; If the ends of Spain are apparently Universal Monarchy, and all their Counsels, by Negotiations, infamous, and unchristian, or by practices of fomenting Treasons, and divisions among their neighbours, are directed to attain that end; If the Pope must be always obsequious for the affinity of their common ends; If there be no security of Peace, but in their poverty: What other resolution can be proposed, then that a lively war must be transported to that part of the Dominions of Spain, which being separated and cut off, the ancient modesty, and natural constitution of that Kingdom may return, to be glad to live in Peace, and eat quietly their own Figs and Olives. And because in great diseases, as well blood and ill humours must be diverted, as the main Cure intended; so it will be requisite, more for expedition then necessity of health, to imitate other States in thrift. France in times past, had Scotland, England, Burgundy, and Navarre; Spain their own Moors and Barbary, every kingdom had a backfriend upon their Enemies. Such may be found upon the weakest side of the House of Austria, Port d' Atras, drawn from their own Confessions, that though the Palatinate be conquered, Hungary & Bohemia will never be secure until the Hills of Transylvania be made the Bulwark of their Empire. But this would be too large a Digression.  
There remains only of my purpose, to prevent a Question; why I have chosen to dedicate, by this Epistle, the ensuing Translation, to you most worthy Senators of the House of Commons. For this boldness may be subject to various misinterpretations. No man will suspect me of so great arrogance, as that I hope to teach you any thing you do not know. But seeing your own wisdom did first foresee the necessity of a war with Spain, and your own zeal to the honour of your King, did counsel to undertake it, I thought such foreign Meditations as these, concurring with your own thoughts, might also animate and nourish in you a spirit, and generous Resolution, vigorously to maintain it. You know how much of the good success of great Actions depends upon reputation, and they have advanced much, who have gotten opinion. As Astrologers make their judgements upon the first minute of time in Nativities, so doth the world prognosticate of the happy successes of Princes, by the first coniunctures in their Kingdoms, and their first actions abroad: Therefore instandum fame, nam ut prima cessissent, fore universa. You know, 
Tacit.  Monies are the sinews of war, 
Idem.  Neque arma sine stipendijs, neque stipendia sine tributis, haberi queunt. If you now restrain your liberal hand, you expose your Prince to dishonour, and your Country to Consumption. It is Time only that will macerate England, when without traffic and exchange, and that especially of Germany, our own treasure must be exported to pay foreign Armies. Qui citò dat, bis dat, 
Seneca.  and it is ill husbandry to do that sparingly, which cannot be well done but at once and speedily. It will be time to be thrifty in the members and particulars, when the Head and the whole State is safe. And if you defer until a lingering war hath exhausted you, Remember that which remains will not suffice, because sera in fundo parsimonia; non enim minimum, 
Idem.  sed & pessimum remanet.  
Your humble Servant Philo-Britannicos.   

THE REASONS OF the Resolution lately taken in the Valteline against the Tyranny of the Grisons and the Heretics.  
THe miseries of the unhappy Valteline, are now at last so notorious; so intolerable are the barbarous oppressions, and tyrannies, that the inhabitants thereof do suffer, as slaves under the Grisons, their pretended Lords and Superiors; that they ought certainly to stir up great compassion in the minds, and for their relief also, the force of Princes, and people fare removed; And seeing this, contrary to all expectation and equity, is not to them administered; now, that of themselves, with the means given them almost immediately from the hand of God, they have procured to free them from so sharp a bondage, they might believe, that for their justification in that action before the World, there needed no other diligence: Nevertheless, seeing the malice of perverse Ministers, the tongues and infernal pens (with which Tyrants serve their own occasions) have too great credit with the vulgar, to obscure any truth, how clear soever, to calumniate Innocency, and to procure hatred, it hath been thought fit, to publish this Treatise, by which all men may be informed briefly, and truly, that what they have done, is not only right, by all Divine and Humane law, but worthy to be approved with high praises, of men judicious, intelligent, and well affected to justice and Christianity; and to be protected by all States and Princes.  
Omitting therefore colours, and artifice of words, proper to those ministers, who study nothing, but to deceive: Every one doth know, that all which a Subject can pretend, consisteth in Soul, Life, Honour, and Goods; Of all these, nothing remained to the miserable Valtolives, wherein they were not extremely oppressed, and tyrannised.  
Concerning the Soul, it is sufficiently known, that the Inhabitants of that Valley were anciently bred, and nourished in the holy Roman Catholic faith; That therein, are many beautiful Churches, dedicated to the blessed Virgin, and other Saints, favoured by God with graces and miracles, and therefore frequented by the devout concourse of sundry Nations, to the great comfort and benefit of the People, who were by the Catholics to them admitted, in them to celebrate Mass, and Services, for the health of their souls, according to the holy Roman Rite. But now these Barbarians, given up in prey, to the most perverse Professors of every Heresy, and particularly of Caluinisme, have so with all their industry wrought, that this poison hath slided, and infected the whole Valley; from whence it may more easily spread into the bordering parts of Italy. And although first they did not apparently show to take from the People, the use of their ancient religion, yet their actions manifestly were thereunto addressed; seeing by their Decrees, they gave power to the Heretics, to profane the old Catholic Churches, with their Preachings, and Burials; and do take away the revenues left to Catholic Churches for Masses, and other offices, which they transfer to heretical Ministers; That they enforce Catholics too built them Churches; That they extinguish wholly Ecclesiastical jurisdiction, depriving the Catholics of the publication of Indulgence, and jubilees, and of Entrance into Orders, taking away all their Goods; and from the Pastoral Cure of their Bishop, Not suffering any to obey him, nor that he should come to visit or comfort them; That they permit the Heretic Ministers openly to tread down the Sacraments of the Catholic Church, and if any oppose, he is suddenly, and barbarously punished in life and goods; That they exclude out of the Valley, almost all the orders of Religion, admitting on the other part, indistinctly, heretical Ministers, of all Nations; That they erect Seminaries and lately heretical Colleges, assigning them the profits, tithes, Canonryes', and Benefits taken from the Curates and Catholic Church. O● all these, there are passed Decrees, Statutes, and open Edicts; And of Cases particular, there are public Acts whereof the memory is too fresh, and renewed by most cruel death inflicted on Catholics, and Religious men, in the most Infamous manner imaginable. Now what else is this, but to use manifest Tyranny over the souls of the Catholic Subjects, to take from them those helps wherewith they advance their salvation, and their way to Heaven, and to enforce them to embrace a new Religion which leads them down to Hell? The cause too much declares itself, there is no need of greater exaggeration to make it manifest, and to show it more intolerable.  
In the rest, to demonstrate the wretched estate of the said Valley, it shall suffice, simply to represent the manner of Government used many years past; it shall be sufficient to say, that it hath been given only to him that would offer most money, without any the least Consideration of ability or other parts necessary to such a charge; and that the Commissaries sent in appearance to remedy the forepast injustice, were of the same quality, and sometimes worse; Insomuch that both the one, and the other had for their aynie, and thereto only did attend, to get their charges, and to heap up, by all imaginable means, so much Gold that therewith they might return to their own houses enriched for ever.  
From hence it proceeded, that the lives of poor Innocents were a thousand ways ensnared, and often taken away with open injustice, at the instance of their Enemies, who with great sums of money bought them, and sometimes after sharp Imprisonment, and other torments, hardly were dismissed naked, by the price of all their substance, which remained openly to the Officers without any shame, in so much security, that the miserable oppressed, both in life, and goods, durst not thereof lament.  
By the same means, the estate of the Subject in Civil Causes was always in great danger: For the Magistrates being publicly mercenary, it often happened that some did lose by an unjust sentence dear bought of the Adversary; and others, to preserve them against Injustice, were forced to present a great part to the judge.  
No Sentence although confirmed & passed in judgement, whether Civil or Criminal, was ever secure; because the Successor, to dig out money, did renew the trouble to the partty acquitted, and for a new price did often racall without any respect, that which of others, though justly, had been judged.  
Safeconducts were broken at their pleasure, and public faith with vain pretences violated, to deprive life, that by such death, they might enrich themselves. Laws and Statutes were not now with arts, and Stratagems deluded, but openly despised, and trodden under foot, as if all had been freely given to them in prey.  
Orphans and Widows, and others of that Condition, so much recommended, both by divine and humane law to the protection of Princes, and Magistrates, as unable to help themselves, by infamous means; did remain wholly exposed to the avarice of ravening wolves, to the extreme grief and compassion of good men. On the other part, it often occurred, that those wicked men, which had offended others, in life, goods, and honour, being fallen into the hands of justice, in stead of exemplary punishment, were for great bribes, sometimes by unjust judgement absolved, sometimes under colour of feigned escape, let free out of prison to the great oppression and affliction of those, whom they had wronged.  
There were seen numbers of infamous persons, gracious with the officers of justice, and by them rewarded, only because they served as Instruments, many and many ways, to betray the life and goods particularly of Catholics; From whence did often follow the destruction and ruin, now of one, now of another family, always of the most ancient, and honourable of the Valley.  
Lastly, who shall well consider that which the Sicilians did for three years suffer in the Roman Common wealth, under the government of the infamous Verres, shall find that the unhappy Valtelines have endured much more, a longer time from the hands of so many, worse than Verres; and perhaps shall not find, any other government so infamous, and which so well resembles that, as this of the Grisons in the Valley, which should more clearly be manifested, if it were here necessary to represent all the Cases, and their circumstances one by one, as it was for Cicero, handling his Cause for ends far different from ours.  
That which makes our Case more full of compassion, is, that when the miserable oppressed, have attempted the refuge of their Superiors for remedy against so many Tyrannies, and Acts of Injustice, the officers themselves, have opposed with severest banishments, and imprisonments, those, who for the public good intermeddled, and when it hath happened, that all Impediments vanquished, the Procurators of of the Valley have arrived at the Community of the Three Leagues, and have informed particularly their many, and excessive grieuance●; in the end, after having received, in diverse places, such affronts, that scarcely Slaves could suffer, they have rested deluded, without effect, or any provision.  
These things without doubt, are sufficient to take away all hope, ever to find, under that government, any ease of so many miseries. But there are other accidents thereunto added, whereby the Subjects are brought into utter desperation. The Assembly in the town of Tosana, is already notorious, which was applied to nothing else but the destruction of good, and Catholic men, as well Grisons, as Valtelines. In the Diett there called, many banishments, and many Capital Condemnations were decreed: amongst which was that against Nicolo Rusca Archpriest of Sondrio, a Priest of most innocent life, and a true Martyr of Christ, tormented and put to death, with all cruelty, and possible infamy, without any other fault, then being a good Catholic, & a priest. Now these Injuries and Cruelties having necessitated some Catholic Communities, to seek redress of so many evils, using their utmost force; they obtained that these Sentences being reviewed, were, as barbarous, and most unjust, revoked. But a little time the remedy lasted, because those people, stirred up by the fury of their Ministers, and which more imported, moved by the practices and moneys of that Neighbour Potentate (who per ragion di stato makes any thing lawful, how contrary soever to the honour of God, and maintenance of his holy Catholic faith) returned to reassemble in the City of Tavos, where, in their new Diett, they have not only reconfirmed all the evils of that of Tosana, but added others, making Heads of the Persecution, & Executioners of their Arrests against Catholics, the same heretical Ministers, and by this occasion their tyrannical government is so visibly established, (particularly by the Assistance and purse of that Potentate, the principal Cause of so many evils to the Christian Common Wealth) that the Subjects can expect no other, but a declination to a worse Condition, and suddenly to arrive at the height and extremity of all evils, now already approaching.  
Admitting what hath been already compendiously delivered, yet in such manner, that the Reader can never apprehend the degree, whereto their tyrannical government was truly ascended, that seeing, as was in the beginning said, all divine and humane law did permit the Valtolines, to withdraw themselves by all possible means from so great a Tyranny, it will appear so clear to every one, that it will be too much vanity to heap up reasons, proofs, and authorities, in a matter in itself undoubted, even when it were discussed between true Subjects, and Vassals, and their natural and absolute Lord.  
But now by so much more shall it appear lawful, when two things shall be considered; the one, that the ancient Capitulations of the Valley with the Grisons (following the end hereof) do show rather a confederation between them, than a true subjection; and do speak in such sort, that the Empire exercised by them in the Valley, is discovered to be a mere usurpation; particularly, the Valtolines do bind themselves to the Grisons, with limitation to things lawful & honest; besides, the obligation is made jointly to the Bishop of Coira, and the Three-leagues; where now, these Tyrants having the facto excluded with Sacrilegious exulation, their Bishop, have alone usurped that, which neither to them, nor him, was granted. The other thing is, that whatsoever the Valtolines yet have done, hath been prosecuted only with Intelligence and help of the sounder part of the Grisons themselves, and not to rebel against their Lords (for such certainly the Three-Leagus never were) but simply to reduce themselves to the true State declared in their Capitulations, so far forth as the mutations, alterations, and other Accidents would permit them.  

The Agreements between the Bishop of Coira, and the Community of the Three Leagues of the one part: and of the Valtoline of the other, in the year 1513. Which appear by the indented Instrument at jant of the Grison League, kept in the Rolls of Coira.  
PRimò, quod homines vallis Tellina, & Communitatis Tilij velint, & debeant Reverendissimo Domino Episcopo Curi●nsi, & tribus Lighis, perpetu●● temporibus, i● omnibus & singulis licitis, & honestis. parer●, & obedire.  
Secundò, quod praelibati homines vallis Tellina, & Communitatis Tilij sim, & esse debeant, nostri Vlz: Reuerendissims Domini Episcopi Curiensis, & omniun● trium Ligarum cari, & fideles Confoederati, & tales permanere & pro tempore quo necesse fuerit, ad Dietas nostras vocari, in Concilijs pariformiter sedere, & consulere omne id, quod eis Communitatibus magis expediens videbitur: & quando ad Dietas sic, & pro●t supra, vocabuntur, ●unc debeant de quolibet Tertierio, & Communitate Tillij, unum mittere Consiliarium.  
Tertiò, quod homines vallis Tellinae & Communitatis Tilij, gaudeant & utantur eorum priviligijs & antiquis consuetudinibus, si saltem fuerint de iure laudabiles & Deo consonae.  
Quartò quod praelibatus Reverendiss. D. Episcopus Curiensis, & omnes Lighae sint & esse debeant, dictis hominibus vallis Tellinae & Communitatis Tilij, adiutorio & consilio erga Caesaream Maiestatem & Du●atum Mediolani, aut alibi, ubicunque oportuerit, & liberi fiant àtaleis, & similibus, uti homines trium Ligarum.  
Quintò, quod homines vallis Tellinae, & Communitatis Tilij teneantur, singulis annis dare, & soluere Reverendissimo Episcopo Curiensi, & omnibus tribus foederibus, Tainenses mille, in promptis denarijs, persoluendos per quemlibet, seu quoslibet, habentes bona in dicta Valle ad ratam bonorum suorum, exemptum, & non exemptum.    

TO THE MOST MIGHTY CATHOLIQVE King of Spain D. PHILIP THE THIRD.  
Sacred, Royal, Catholic Majesty:  
THE Manifest printed in the name of the Valteline, wherein the Reasons of the Resolutions▪ lately by them taken against the tyranny of the Grisons and Heretics, are alleged, hath given great scandal to all wise men, who easily do comprehend from whence, and why it was put to the Press, the Valtelines having no notice at all, much less any part therein. Whereupon, having proposed, seriously to discourse, and to bring to light, that truth, which others do endeavour to wrap up in darkness; I have thought it an act of justice, and of no little service to your Majesty, whose mind truly religious, it may be feared, lest it become deceived with a false appearance of Piety and Religion, with which the Devil, a perpetual enemy of Princes well inclined, useth oftentimes to transform himself into an Angel of light, and to offer his help, as a guide, in the right path of justice and honesty, to no other end, but to draw them without discovery, into the crooked way of iniquity and tyranny. But the better to ground my Discourse, I will begin somewhat high, and imitate that good Architect, who purposing to build a strong Tower, by how much he designeth to raise the top, so much lower he layeth the foundation.  
That of Religion, (o Sacred, Royal, Catholic Majesty) is certainly a very powerful object, the which, though feigned and disguised, ever raiseth a great commotion in the minds of them, who thereof make profession. For this cause many Princes of the world, either by the counsel of ill ministers, or through the greediness of their own desires, wherewith they embrace Provinces, Kingdoms, and Empires, and yet not satiated, when they want all other just title to make war, and to seize by violence, that which they cannot pretend by justice, suddenly they take the pretence of Religion, under which Cloak, they do not only seek to cover their unjust Actions, and to make them appear lawful and holy, but therewith they invite all men to favour their attempts. Many times also with an affection of holy zeal, with true and unfeigned Religion, with most just and honest Titles, they undertake some Enterprises truly holy: But the Devil, who still practiseth to draw poison from the fairest flowers, and serveth himself with good, for an instrument of evil; in the end reduceth that very Religion to proper interest; that zeal of Piety he converteth to zeal of Ambition; and the most just Titles, he useth to the service of Tyrannical Monarchy. Therefore, where ordinarily the question of the Acquisition of States is handled, a just Prince ought very well to consider, if he have lawful cause, and honest right to possess them; and where he knows no other Title, then that of Religion, much more he ought to be advised, that it be not a fair and honest Cover, of a foul and wicked Covetousness.  
Don Pedro the tenth King of Arragon, and third of that name, having raised the greatest forces in his power, passed therewith into Africa, to make war upon the Moors, the ancient enemies of our Christian Religion: For which holy purpose he received great Aides of money from S. Lewis the most Christian King of France: What more worthy action could he have undertaken? Who would have found occasion to blame him? yet under the herb lay hid the Serpent. 
josephus Bonfilis Hist. Sicil. par. 1. li. 8. Gonzalo de Igliescas Hist. Pontif. par. 1. lib: 5. cap. 45. M. A●ton. Sabel. p. 2 E●●ad. 9 li. 7.  This King had sometime before sent into Sicily john Procita, who offended by Charles of Anjoy his Lord, desired to be revenged, disguised in the habit of a Friar, to stir the minds of that Nation to rebel, who, for some ill usage did show themselves distasted with the French Government. john Procita effected his business: The Rebellion of the Sicilians, and the destruction of the French followed. King Charles armed for the recovery of his lost Kingdom, and the Rebels to resist him: In the mean while Peter of Arragon (that scarcely having touched the Coast of Africa, was retired to Sardinia to be nearer Sicily) observing the time, and occasion of his design fitting, suddenly went to Palermo, where he was received with great joy and gladness, and published, and proclaimed King of the Siciltans', who flocked to him from all parts of the Island. See now your Majesty with what insidious and cursed Art, under the colour of Religion, the King Don Pedro feigning to have taken Arms against the Enemies of Christianity, took that Kingdom from a Christian King, and foedary of Holy Church; and which is more, with the help of that Gold, which he had received from the most Christian King, right Brother of King Charles. Whereupon the blessed Pope Martin the fourth, a man of renowned sanctity (of whom, as the Spanish Pontifical, and other Histories do report, 
Igliescas ubi supra.  were seen many miracles after his death) did excommunicate and deprive him of his Kingdoms, and absolve his Subjects of their Oath of Allegiance, giving power to any Prince to persecute him, as a common Enemy. Perhaps the holy Bishop thought that, with this rigour, the King Don Pedro would be brought to acknowledge his error, and to restore what he had ill gotten: But it proved without any fruit; for he which made it lawful, unjustly to usurp the rights of others, did little fear Ecclesiastical censures for their restitution.  
And what more Catholic, and more pious Enterprise could be imagined, then that of India, for the enlargement or the sacred Gospel? What juster title, then that which the highest Bishop Alexander the sixth did grant to the Catholic Kings Ferdinand, and Isabella, in the new world; ordaining them as supreme Emperors, over those Kings and Infidel Kingdoms? But after, what thing was more unjust, than the Conquest of the immediate Dominion of those Countries? I call it a Conquest, to enter with war, to subdue the people, before they were alured with the peaceful voice of preaching and to take away the life of lawful Lords, and Natural Princes, to usurp their States, notwithstanding they did not hinder the promulgation of the Gospel, but rather were ready to receive the holy Faith. And it is a certain truth, that when also they were not converted whilst yet they did not oppose the progress of Christian Religion, they could not be, by the way of war, subjected: that being contrary to the will of Christ, who said, Speciosi pedes Euangelizantium pacem; And much less could they be spoiled of their Dominion, seeing the same Christ, when he came into the world, did declare, that the empire also of the Gentiles is just, & lawful, commanding even his own Apostles to pay tribute to Caesar. Neither is it to be believed, that the Pope, when he granted to the Catholic Kings, the Sovereign Empire of the Indies, had any thought to prejudice the immediate Dominion of Gentile Princes, because he could not do it. The which the great Atabaliba, King of Peru did know by the only light of nature, to whom Friar Vincenzo di val verde, made the most sottish and abominable oration to reduce him to the holy faith, that could be imagined: amongst other Curious things which he spoke, this was one.  
El Papa, que oy bive, diò a nuestro potentissimo Rey de Espana, Emperador de los Romanos, 
Igliescas p. 2. lib. 6. c. 26. Sect. 14.  y Monarca del mundo, la conquista destas tierras: El Emperador embia agora Francisco Piçaro à rogaros seay●su amigo, y tributario: y que obedezcays all Papa, y recibays la feè de Christo, y creays en ●lla; porque vereys' como es sanctissima, y quc la que vos agora teneys es mas que falsa. Si esto todo no haz●ys, sabed, que os hemos de dare guerra: y os que braremos los Idolos; y os sor çaremos a que dexeys la Religion di westros falsos Dioses. That is.  
The Pope this day living, hath granted our most mighty King of Spain Emperor of the Romans, and Monarch of the World, the Conquest of these lands: now our Emperor doth send Francesco● Pisaro, to desire you to be his friend, and Tributary: to obey the Pope, to receive the faith of Christ, and to believe therein, because you shall see, that it is most holy, and yours most false. If you do not all this, know, that we must make war upon you: we will break your Idols, and enforce you to leave the religion of your false Gods.  
Who ever heard a holier and wiser Sermon?  
Como si el hijo de Dios, que murio per cadauno delloes, 
Vescovo di Chiappa nel lib della d●structione di India.  ovicra en su ley mandado, quando dixo, Euntes docete omnes gentes; que se hiziessen requerimientoes à los insieles pacisicos, y quietos, y que tienen sus tierras propias; y si no lafoy ricibiessen, luego sin otra predication, y dotrina, y si n● diessen a si mesmos all scnorio del Rey, que nunca oyeron, ni vieron, espetialment cuya gente y mensaieros son tan cruel●s, tan desapiadadoes, y tan horribles Tirannos, perdiessen por el mesmo caso, la hazienda, y las tierras, la libertad, las mugeres, y hijos, con todas sus vidas; que es cosa absurda, y estulta, y digna de todo vituperio, ●scarnio y infierno.  
That is:  
As if the Son of God, who died for every one of them, had commanded in his holy Law, when he said, Go and teach all Nations, that only intimation should be made to peaceful and quiet Infidels, which had their proper Lands; and if they did not presently receive the Faith, without other preaching, or instruction, and should not submit themselves to the dominion of that King, whom they never saw nor heard, whose messengers are so cruel, so impious, and so horrible Tyrants; that they should lose, for this only Cause, their goods, lands, liberty, wives, children, and life; which is a thing unreasonable, absurd, & worthy of all reproach, infamy, & it Hell self.  
Thus, wisely speaking of the same matter, though upon another occasion, discourseth the Reverend Bishop of Chiappa, a principal City of New Spain in the Indies, called Friar Bartholmy dalle Case, by Nation a Spaniard, by birth a Sivilian, but zealous of justice, and a friend of truth, in his book of the destruction of the Indies.  
But returning to our Subject; The King Atabaliba was justly scandalised, and grievously moved, at this so learned preaching, that answering to every point, amongst other things he said these words.  
Obedecer all Papa no me esta bien; porque deve de ser loco; puesdà lo que no es suyo, 
Igliescas ubi supra.  y me manda dexar el Reyno que yò heredè de mi padre, y choir, que yo le d● à qui en no conosco. That is.  
To obey the Pope is not good for me, because he must needs be a fool, seeing he giveth that to another, which is none of his, and commands me to leave that Kingdom, which I have inherited from my father, and would, I should give it to one, that I know not what he is.  
He could not certainly answer more wisely, according to the Proposition; which was also false; Seeing the Pope was not so void of judgement, to have granted any such conquest to the Catholic King, or any other, especially by the way of war, as the holy Preacher with threats, did affirm; being in itself, unjust and wicked: And therefore the aforementioned, Bishop of Chiappa earnestly defending the truth, did send upon this matter thirty propositions to the Royal Council of India, printed in Civil in the year 1552. In the 23 whereof, he thus speaketh.  
Soiuzgallos' primero por guerra, es forma, y via contraria de la ley, y yugo suave, 
Vescovo di Chiappanelle. 30. propositione.  y cargal●gera, y mansedumbre de jesus Christo. Es la propia, que lleuè Mahoma, y llevaron los Romanos, con que inquietaron, y robaron el mondo. Es la, que tienen oy, los Turcos, y Moros, y que comenca à tener, el Xarife. Y por tanto, es iniquissima, tirannica, infamativa del mellifluo number de Christo, causativa de infinitas nuebas blasfemias contra el verdadero Dios, y contra la religion Christiana; Come tenemos longissima experientia, que se hà echo y oy se haze, en las India's, porque estimande Dios, ser el mas cruel, y mas iniusta, y sin piedad, que ay en los Dioses; y por consiguiente es impeditiva de la Conuersion de qualesquiera Infieles, y que ha' engendrado impossibilidad de que jamas s●an Christianos en à quel orbe, gentes infinitas. That is.  
To subdue them by war, is a form and way contrary to the law, to the sweet yoke, to the easy burden, and to the meekness of jesus Christ; It is the same which Mahomet, and the Romans did hold, wherewith they did disturb and violate the world; it is the same which at this day the Turks and Moors maintain, and the Xerif doth begin to practice; and therefore it is most wicked, tyrannical, infamous to the glorious name of Christ; the cause of infinite and new Blasphemies against the true God, and Christian Religion, as we have by long experience known, to have been, and yet, used amongst the Indians; For they have an opinion of God, that he is the most cruel, the most unjust, and merciless of all other gods. And by Consequence, it is the hindrance of the Conversion of all sorts of Infidels, and hath caused an impossibiltie, that multitudes of People should ever become Christians.  
In the last proposition whereof, he concludes.  
De todo lo susodicho en fuerça de consequentia necessaria se sigue, que; sin perivycio del titulo, y scnorio soberano, que à los Reys de Castilia pertenece, sobrea quel orbe de las India's, todo lo que en ellas se hà echo, ansi en lo de las iniustas y tirannicas conquistas, como en lo de los repartimientoes, y en comiendas; hà sido nulla yde ningun valour, ne fuerça de derecho. That is.  
From all the fore alleged matters, it is necessarily inferred that without prejudice of the title, and Sovereign Dominion, which appertains to the Kings of Castille in that world of India, all that hath been done, as well concerning the unjust, and Tyrannical Conquest, as the Divisions, and Commendas, is void, of no value, and unlawful.  
And in the seventh Rule of his Confessaries, the same good Prelate uttereth these words:  
Todas las cosas, 
Vescovo di Chiappanel Consess●ionari●.  que se han echo en todas estas India's, assi en la entrada de los Espanoles en cada provincia dellas, como en la s●jetion y seruidumbre, en que pusieron estas gentes, con todos los medios y fines, y todo lo demas, que con ellas, y cerca dellas, se ha' echo, ha' sido contra todo derecho natural, y derecho de las gentes, y tambien contra derecho divino; y por tanto, es todo iniusto, iniquo, tirannico, y digno di todo fuego infernal; y por conseguiente, nullo, invalido, y sin algun valour, ni momento de derecho.  
That is:  
All things which have been done in these Indies, as well in the Entrance of the Spaniards to every Province thereof, as in the subjection, and servitude to which they have reduced this People, with all the means, and ends, and all that besides, which therein, or concerning them, hath been done, is against all Law of Nature and Nations, and contrary to the Law of God; and therefore it is wholly unjust, wicked, tyrannical, and worthy of Hell-fire, and by consequence annihilated, invalid, of no force, nor iuridicall power.  
Certainly (Sacred Majesty,) The Assertions of this Prelate are such, that they strike honour only in hearing, and almost resemble open Maledictions of a mind subdued to Passion: But who shall diligently read all his works, and shall consider distinctly every circumstance, shall clearly know, that these are apprehensions of truth, expressed with an holy zeal, free from all passion, or interest, only in the defence of right.  
Friar Bartholomy dalle Case spent the most part of his life in India, Forty nine continued years (as himself affirms) he saw that which therein was done; and Thirty four years he laboured in the study of holy Laws, to be well instructed in the knowledge of justice.  
He affirmeth nothing which he doth not learnedly prove.  
All his works were directed to his own King, and the Royal Council: before whom more then once he appeared in person, to entreat of this Business. Who can then believe, that he durst say that which was not apparent truth? Men use not to speak ill of Princes to their own faces. Ignorance of the fact, or of the Law cannot be objected to him, so much practised, and who had so long studied these matters. Argument of affection, or of passion, cannot be imagined in a Prelate of most exemplar life, who renounced his Bishopric, only to assist in the Court of his Prince, in the defence of a People, from any interest in him as fare removed as our world is distant from theirs. From whence of necessity it must be said, that only the love of truth did move him, and the invincible reasons wherewith he maintains all his Assertions, do most clearly demonstrate it. So that your Majesty, who is as much a lover of truth, as of God; considering with a 〈…〉, all the fore-alleadged discourses, will in the sincerity of your conscience, conclude that which in the beginning was declared; That Enterprises undertaken only for Religion, are often reduced to proper Interest, and that Titles, Dignities, and Authorities, granted, with most holy zeal, by the Vicar of Christ, have been perversely abused.  
It is very true, that this good Prelatate hath endeavoured to excuse the Catholic Kings, by saying that the above mentioned evils, were against their Intentions, clearly expressed in many orders, and holy instructions, given to those crooked ministers, who observed no part of them.  
But this excuse is not admitted of wise men, yea rather confuted with most strong Reasons.  
First, because it hath not been found, that the Catholic Kings did ever punish any of those Ministers (unless perhaps some for Rebellion) notwithstanding their wickedness was manifest unto them, which the foresaid Bishop doth more than once affirm.  
Secondly, because so many iniquities by them committed were never retracted; in particular, the Divisions of the Commendas, upon which the said Author doth exclaim, even to the Heavens.  
Lastly, because the immediate Dominions are encorporated universally and particularly with the Supreme Dominions, and this is evident in fact, all faculty being taken from them, which had it to choose their Prince; and the inheritance, from them, to whom the estates by succession did appertain; of whom some miraculously escaping alive, in that destruction of the Indies, (lamentably by this Bishop described) were transported into Spain, lest by the love of their Natural Subjects, they should aspire to recover that, of which against reason, they were deprived. And yet to this day, the Issue of that great Motezuma Emperor of Mexico, do live in the Court of your Majesty, prohibited upon pain of life, to go out of Castille. From which most true reasons, the wisdom of your Majesty may easily comprehend, how little the aforesaid excuses 〈◊〉 prevail, and how great Account, the Catholic Kings have to render to God, of the usurpation of the immediate dominion of the Indies under pretence of amplifying the Christian faith.  
The religious zeal of the King Don Philip the second, father of your Majesty, cannot inconsiderately be overpast; when, invited by the Pope he took Arms against Henry the fourth, King of France: The cause of Christ was in question, against a public Heretic, and Enemy of Christ. It was expedient that the sacred Catholic King, Protector of the Church of Christ, should abandon his own Affairs of Flanders to defend that of Christ. The which Heroic Action (the▪ fruit of perfect virtue, which is rarely found among Princes of the World) did beget, in many, wonder, and incredulity, and in others, it caused too malicious suspicion.  
Algunos (saith the Spanish Bishop) que juzga●an la virtud agena por la malitia propia, no querian creer, 
●auia Pontif. par. 3. vita di Grigor. 14. C. 9  que el zelo de Rey Catholico fuesse tan grande che desamparando su haziend● propia, ●on tan gran costa fuesse a remediar la agena.  
That is,  
Some, who judge the virtue of others, by their own malice would not believe, that the zeal of the Catholic King could be so great, that leaving the care of his own business, he should, at so immense Charge, relieve the necessity of others.  
Behold the wonder, and the incredulity.  
Otros (as after follows in the history) que no bien conocian la Religion y Christianidad del gran Filippo II. 
●auia p. 3. vita de Innoc●ntio 9 C. 9  ●ondauan en esta jornada un gran edificio, diz●endo, que se queria hazer Rey de Francia; ò ponelle de su mano; assegurandosse ensus Estados comarcanos; y sacando à bueltas no pequeno interes.  
That is,  
Others that did not well understand the Religion and Christianity of the Grand Philip the second, did from this undertaking lay the foundation of a great building; saying that he desired to make himself King of France, or to place a King of his own dependence, hereby assuring his own neighbouring States, and drawing to himself no little advantage.  
Behold the malice, and that truly very great, against that most innocent Monarch, who did clearly show, to have no other interest, nor further desire, then that the Catholic Religion should not be utterly ruined, as it was freshly threatened in the Kingdom of France.  
But what cannot the Devil do? Saints and Heremits are rarely secure, much less Princes in Courts. Scarcely hath Henry begun, inspired by the holy Ghost, to show himself willing to be reduced to the womb of holy Church, to be truly a most Christian King; when the Catholic fell upon a Council, by no means to consent that he should be King of France. And yet to him the Rights of that Kingdom did appertain; nor for other cause was the opposition, but for being an Heretic; whence the impediment being taken away, it was most unjust any longer to withstand him. But it was whispered in the ears of the Catholic King, by certain Machiavells, rather than Disciples, that the Coronation of Henry might bring some danger to his Majesty for the kingdom of Navarr, and the County of Burgundy, upon which States the Crown of France hath pregnant pretensions; and that his Majesty had cast away in vain, so much Gold, and spent so much blood of his people in that war.  
Therefore.  
Latarde ants (so saith Bavia) que hiziesse la absolution, 
Pontif p. 4 vita de ●le. 8. Cap. 56  el Duq●e de Sessa Ambaxador del Rey Catholico, de su parte, hiza all Papa protestation, que la absolution, que su santitad pensau a dare à Enrico, no perjudicasse all derecho de su Rey ●n lo toccante all Reyno de Navarra, y Contado di Borg●na, ni à los gastos que havia echo en la conservation della feè Catholicho, en el Reyno di Francia, y a instantia y requesta del: y que no pensava dexar las armas hasta cobrallos. O yo el pontifice atenta ment la pret●stacion; y tomò della el Duque instrumento publico. Auertiò antes à sua Santitad, de algunos inconuenientes che temia, havian de resultar de la absolution, que tenia determinado dare à Enrico.  
That is,  
The Evening before the Absolution should be given, the Duke of Sessa, Ambassador of the Catholic King, on his behalf protested to the Pope, that the absolution which his Holiness intended to give to Henry, should not prejudice the Reasons of his King▪ in that which concerned the Kingdom of Navarre, and the County of Bourgundy, nor in the expense which he had made for the Conservation of the Catholic faith in the Kingdom of France, at his instance and request, and that he determined, not to depose Arms, until he had recovered them. The high Bishop attentively heard the Protest, and the Duke took thereof a public instrument, having first advertised his Holiness of some inconveniences which he feared might result from the Absolution, which was purposed to be given to Henry.  
These Protests did appear, to men of sound judgement, ill grounded prentences, & the alleged inconveniences false foundations of that great Building, which those malicious above mentioned did figure to themselves. They said it was requisite to the strict Christianity, which the Catholic King professed, (all humane Interest deposed) to advance with all his spirits, the conversion of Henry, and to exhort the high Bishop, affectionately to receive the prodigal Son, seeing he was returned penitent to his father's house, and to take into his Arms the strayed sheep, which he had now found, to carry him to the Sacred sheepfold of Christ: They did blame, as a work very 〈◊〉 Catholic, but rather as a suggestion of the Devil, to attempt the hindrance of that Absolution, which only he ought to have procured, for the quiet of France, and the public good of Christendom, which if it had not succeeded, might have wholly allenated that Kingdom from the Church, as the like had done in England: They did consider that it was wide of the purpose to fear any prejudice in the kingdom of Navarre, and the County of Burgundy, seeing the Absolution did not derive any more right to Henry, then that which any other, which should be King of France might have.  
But above all, the pretensions of the expense made in the war, did give them greatest scandal. They discoursed; if only for the love of Christ, the Catholic King had disbursed that money, why was he not content to have Christ his Debtor? But how a Debtor? if he doth enjoy of the Patrimony of Christ, above Three Millions yearly Revenue, granted him by the Vicar of Christ, of Tenths, Subsidies, and Croysadoes, and other means, with condition to employ them against the Enemies of Christendome● why takes he no● pen in hand and comes not to a distinct Account, of the Receipts and Issues, well balancing i'll dare; con l' havere, and he shall find himself not Creditor of one Maravedi, but certainly Debtor of many and many Millions, spent, not according to his obligation, for Christianity, but for the interest of his own private Estates? What then doth he pretend? Why then doth he not lay down Arms? Upon what hath he fixed his thoughts? To what end doth he aspire? If he prosecute this war, he prosecuteth an unjust war; How doth that correspond with the zeal of Religion, for which, only at first he undertook it? What change is this? Certainly it proceedeth not from the right hand of the most High. But be it so, let him follow the war, at his own pleasure, there is no remedy, Henry shall be absolved, and shall be King of France; Doth the Catholic King perhaps hope, with his own forces, and by strong hand, to deprive him? If he was not able, with the union of so many other Princes, to hinder him from taking possession of his Kingdom, how shall he now be able to expel him, having set sure footing in his Throne? He attempts a dangerous Action. Here they proceed with witty and politic Consideration, that a good issue of this war against Henry, not ensuing, he should be sure to acquire a powerful, and perpetual Enemy, that might in time make Spain to tremble within her own bowels; and the Prophecy had well near been verified, (the whole world knows it) if a violent death had not interposed to●stay him. But this yet, which perhaps was foreseen, they did judge insufficient to free Spain of the danger; Seeing the offence of the father, and with the offence, the disdain, might descend to the Son, his Successor, as soon as he● came to ripe age, and should fall into consideration, that the Catholic King had done his utmost, to keep him from being King of France, when he endeavoured to take the Crown from the head of his father: and that if his father, in despite of Spain, maintained himself King, he also in despite of Spain, might enjoy his father's Kingdom. But all these considerations, which certainly were very great, before any other conceived them, were resolved by the most wise King Philip, who by common judgement was the Solomon of his time; From whence for the same reasons, that others did judge it requisite to leave the war, he esteemed it necessary to prosecute it. Seeing he knew he had so grievously offended Henry, that he could by no other means, secure himself from his disdain, but only by opposing him to become King of France: Wherefore seeing the cause of Religion did cease, it was expedient to fasten upon some other pretence; to resist (with his Holiness) the absolution, and in France, the Coronation; and to prove, if it were possible (already reason of State had insinuated that great building of the Malicious) to make a King of his own fashion, as he had already caused to be propounded in Parliament.  
Tarde se desengana el desseo de mandar, y ser Rey; 
Bavia p. 4. vita de Clem. 8. C. 30.  Por esto aunque con ●enos brio, no desistian los pretensores. Proponia el Duque de Feria all Serenissima Infanta de Espana Dona Isabel. Afferma●a de●ersele el Reyn●, porque, haviendo faltado la linea masculina de Hug● Cape●o, eraquien tenià meior derecho a la Corona, como hija de hermana mayor de Enrico III▪ ultimo Rey de Francia. Y dezia con esto, que el Rey Catholico so padre, la ca saria con all un principe Frances; con que, el nombramiento del tall, quedasse en so eletion.  
That is.  
The desire to command, and to be King, was slowly cleared from all doubt: For this cause, though with less boldness, the Pretenders gave not over. The Duke of Feria did propound her highness' Donna Isabel, Infanta of Spain. He did affirm the Kingdom to belong unto her, because the Masculine Line of Hugh Capet being extinct, the best title to the Crown was devolved to her, as daughter of the eldest sister of Henry the third, last King of France; And withal, it was said, that the Catholic King her father would marry her to some Prince of France; Provided, the nomination of that Prince might rest in his Election.  
Further.  
No solament estava propuesta la Enfanta de Espana à la Cor●na di Francia, 
Bavia ubi supra.  si no tambien el Archiduque Ernesto de Austria, h●rmano de Emperador.  
That is.  
Not only the Infanta of Spain was proposed to the Crown of France, but the Archduke Ernestus also, brother of the Emperor.  
The French Lords did rest astonished at these so handsome propositions, and grew wary of the danger, wherein the King of Spain had entangled them: whilst he professed to defend the Catholic Religion in France.  
Por estas razones▪ y otras, iuntament con las maquinationes, 
Bavia ubi supra.  y negociaciones, que se descubrian, determinaron en la Assemblea, ò Cortes, que el Duque de Vmena, como Lugartinient● deal R●yno, procurasse impedir ●ost●atos, que y ace descubrian: paraque en ninguna manerase eligiesse à la Carona Princessa ò princip● estrange●o; anulando qualesquier tratos, que hasta este punto hu●tessen echo: y qu● guardassen 'las leys fundamentales deal Reyno, en lo tocante à la elecion de un Rey Christianissimo, y Frances.  
That is.  
For these and other Reasons, together with the Machinations and practices which were discovered, it was determined in their Assembly, that the Duke du maine, as Lieutenant of the Kingdom, should procure to dissolve the Treaties, that already were unmasked; because by no means, a Princess or Prince S●ranger should be elected to the Crown, anulling whatsoever Treaty, which to that day had been begun; and that the fundamental laws of the Kingdom, concerning the Election of a most Christian and French King should be observed.  
Now, let your Majesty see, from the contexture of the forementioned matters, to what terms the most holy zeal of the King Don Philip your father, was reduced, and how the fair beginnings, for sincere Religion, were perverted, only into an undue end, of reason of State; For which also, the war, after the Absolution of Henry, did continue, until the most blessed Clement the Eight did introduce the peace.  
I could allege to your Majesty many other examples upon this Argument: but I esteem these three, so notable, that they are enough with advantage.  
There may perhaps be some, who will reprehend me, that I have only exemplified in the Kings of Spain, where I might doubtless have been furnished from Princes of other Nations, and will accuse me as a man of little judgement, and manners, that speaking with your Majesty I have presumed to mingle my tongue in the Actions, of the never enough praised Don Philip the second, your father. I would they should consider, that domestic examples move much more than foreign; from whence, as noble minds do, with all possibility, endeavour to imitate the Actions worthy, of their famous Ancestors; so, by all means they do endustriate themselves, to avoid that, which in their Predecessors was judged worthy of blame; And, seeing that they, though Princes of worth, and eminent virtue, did sometimes stumble upon unbeseeming Actions; they do learn not to presume too much upon themselves, and to be very watchful, not to fall, where others slipped; and considering, that being their Descendants, they should not esteem themselves better, but rather worse, than they; seeing in descending, nature doth lose, as virtue doth increase by ascending. Wherefore, if by nature they are Descendants, they shall grow worse, and only ascending by virtue, they may make them themselves better. I then, speaking with a Catholic King of Spain, to admonish him of a snare, now with so much fair and hidden Artifice set before him, that easily he might fall therein; how could I better do, then to show him, where his own Progenitors, most wise and Catholic Princes, have fallen headlong into like disorders?  
It is necessary (said the great Henry of France) to show the errors of Princes, 
Pirre Mathiew: en la vie du Mons: Vill.  that they which succeed them, may not err in the same, wherein others did lose themselves.  
I have then purposely taken these examples of the Kings of Spain, as more helpful to your Majesty in this present matter, than any other, which might have been produced; and have ever confirmed them with the Authority of Spanish writers, to avoid the blame, either of falsehood, or Calumny; And because they may be of greater credit, and more efficacy, in the sincere mind of your Majesty.  
To whose consideration, I at last come to represent▪ That the Rising of the Governor of Milan against the Grisons in the Valteline, under the like pretence, did apparently tend to the same end, though shadowed, in the Manifest, much wide of truth, of which I shall now discourse, published (as it was voiced) by the people of that Valley, but in truth by the Ministers of your Majesty, of whom, if your Majesty be not more than heedful, you shall be certainly induced to such Actions, that being added to the other three Narrations of your Ancestors, will serve for an example to Posterity, of an impious and wicked Enterprise, under a Religious and godly veil.  
Returning to the Discourse; I say, that the causes of publishing that Manifest, were Three.  
The first, to insinuate to your Majesty and the World, that the People of the Valteline, being tyranni●ed by the Grisons, were of their own free and voluntary determination, and not by others induced, fallen into Rebellion.  
The second, to persuade your Majesty and the World, that your Ministers had justly undertaken the protection of those miserably oppressed, &, that it was consonant to the greatness and goodness of a Catholic King, not to abandon those, who refuged to his defence; So formerly, Don Pedro of Arragon, 
Sabell. Enead. 9 li. 7.  Non potuisse se aiebat Siculis indigna ferentibus, opemque suppliciter suam implorantibus, non auxilio adesse; yet it was he that seduced them into defection.  
The third, to render the poor Valtelines by so shameless a writing, so odious to their own Lords, that they should despair, of ever obtaining pardon; whereby they might rest the more obstinate in their Rebellion, and willing▪ in any sort to subject themselves to the Dominion of your Majesty, for fear they should return into the power of the Grisons.  
The first is clearly expressed in the Manifest, which turns all things to the justification of the rebellion of the Valtelines: the other two, which are extracted from the intrinsique thoughts of the heart, might appear Imaginations of my own fancy, if the matter itself did not approve them; But arguing securely, from the effect to the Cause, true, and not imaginary Conclusions may be deduced: To this than I invoke, with all my spirits, the attentive mind of your Majesty; for when I shall have demonstrated, that all the Reasons of the Manifest are ill grounded, and false, and what the truth of the business is: it shall together appear, that the Gauses of said Manifest cannot be other, than those above specified.  
The Reasons drawn to excuse the Rebellion of the Valtelines, are reduced to two Heads.  
Religion and Tyranny.  
Upon these are made great Amplifications, but all is affirmed without proof; A manifest sign, that it is spoken without foundation.  
Concerning Religion; it is said that the Grisons utterly have taken from the Valtelines the liberty of Conscience, and have procured, that all should be infected with Heresy, showing, in every occasion, favour to Heretics, and the contrary to Catholics, upon some of whom, they have inflicted most cruel and infamous death, only in hatred of the Religion. I repeat not every particular; It is sufficient to take this Maxim, to which all other matters are reduced, and in the Manifest may be distinctly read.  
Concerning Tyranny, it goeth painting out a kind of government of the Grisons in the Valteline, like to that, which heretofore Verres used in Sicily: and, to speak more modernly, like to some, practised as well by the Ministers of your Majesty, as of your Predecessors in their States of Italy; as by this discourse you shall fully understand; perhaps with some notable benefit to your poor Subjects, who are waiting some ease, from your Royal hand.  
But before we discourse particularly in these two points, it is fit to consider, That the Grisons, though divided in two Religions, Roman and Euangelique (may it please the divine Majesty that in time they may all agree in the unity of the true apostolic) yet, in all matters, in respect of the public good of the State, thee have constantly stood united in the politic Government. With which Concord they have so many years maintained themselves free Princes independent of other, and highly esteemed of all; For which cause, we know with how much diligence and charge many great Princes have sought their friendship. But of late years, in this part, some Ministers of your Majesty, malignant to see them colleagued, now with France, now with Venice, moved with an immoderate zeal of your service, to which they supposed that such Confederations might bring somepreiudice, and judging it most important to your Crown, that you only should have the free passage through the straits of the Valteline into Germany, and that to all other Princes, they should, at your pleasure, be shut; have gone contriving Inventions▪ and insidu●us Artifices, to divide the Grisons, as well in the politic government, as in Religion; to the end they might easily slide into utter ruin.  
To this effect, the late count de Fuentes, Governor of Milan erected that Fort, which to this day bears his name, so prejudicial, as nothing more, to the State of the Grisons; Having first with money corrupted some of the chief of that Country, to the end, that if the Lords would oppose themselves, they should with various Arts be disturbed; as it came right to pass by the labour of Io: Baptista Prevosti, Pompeio, & Rodolfo Planta; Nicholo Rusca, and others, noted in the Manifest of the Grisons, of the year 1618. Instantly after which, Don Pedro de Toledo, Governor of Milan, in the year 1617. did attempt to make a perpetual league with the Grisons, upon Articles moulded by the Lord Alfonso Casale, Ambassador of your Majesty in that Republic, after his own fashion; In which there was nothing inserted in the favour of the Grisons, but a delusory promise to demolish the fort of Fuentes; wherewith, it seemed to him, that they should condescend to all other things, how contrary soever to their liberty. The same men, who did favour the building of the Fort, did not fail to advance also this Confederacy, persuading many, that by all means it ought to be embraced; but the crooked practices of these Patriots, Enemies of their Country, being to the Grisons discovered, they would not accept these Capitulations; but forming a luridicary, and Capital Process, against these Rebels, they found so many Machinations, treasons, and other wicked Actions by them wrought, that proceeding to justice, it was requisite, with Banishments, and death, to give them deserved punishment; From that time, till now, that they remained exiled, aided with money by the Ministers of your Majesty, with which they proceeded, maintaining fresh practices with their friends and adherents, and corrupting many others, they have solicited continually to sow dissension among this people, thereby to raise some insurrection, as finally hath succeeded in the Valteline. The truth of all this is clearly collected from the forealleaged Manifest, of the Actions of the Grisons, in the year 1618. to which Credit cannot be denied as the Ministers of your Majesty desire, seeing the things therein related are matters of fact, and iuridically approved, where these affairs have been handled without passion, or respect of persons; as every dispassionate mind, by the reading thereof will judge.  
The intent then of your Majesty's Ministers was not, to establish a Confederacy with the Grisons; which had it been so, they would have procured by lawful ways, & upon Conditions reasonable, as other Princes used: and not by intervention of particular persons, corrupted with gifts, and upon Articles, so unsavoury, as among them are seen. But their purpose was, so cunningly to frame them, that they should not be accepted, because, being promoved by the factious party of men corrupt, and rejected by the sound part, disinterressed, and lovers of the public good, there might arise a discord, sowed by this art, to cast these people into Confusion, so that from their division, according to the Gospel, the desolation of the State, might follow; For the Ministers of your Majesty, fomenting one part against the other, did hope to oppress both the one and the other, and highly to merit of you by enlarging, in what way soever, your Empire.  
This Artifice (O Sac●ed Catholic King!) to disunite Subjects from their Princes, to send them into destruction, is most proper, and practised by the Ministers of your Crown; and who would here recount, how often, and in what manner, they have plotted disunion in the Kingdom of France, should wove a large History. The French Lords do well know it, and it is a common opinion amongst them, who best understand the Affairs of State, that if all the Hugonotts of France should be reduced to the Catholic Religion, the Spanish Ministers would therewith be grievously displeased; seeing that of them they make principal use, as of most dear friends, to embroile that Kingdom, whensoever they have any doubt, that the French may move his forces to the damage of Spain. And they do glory, not to fear at all, the Arms of his most Christian Majesty, not because the are invalid, but that they know the way to keep them busied, at their pleasure, in his own house: Which therefore being well considered, might produce a contrary effect. For, if the most Christian King shall once resolve himself, to carry the war abroad, he shall rest most secure, and quiet, within his own Kingdom. The great and warlike minds of the French Nobility, borne to Arms and Enterprises, cannot lie wasting in Idleness; While they have not elsewhere to be exercised, it is no wonder that at home they may be easily excited to tumults. But if they shall be employed in foreign Actions, they will run greedily to victories and glory, of which they are most ambitious. And will desire, like wise men, that their own Country should rest in peace, to be the more able with their Sword to subdue others: not will they suffer themselves to be disturbed by the treacherous machinations of them, who affect their ruin.  
But this is spoken by the way, by occasion of the like stratagem at present used among the Grisons; the which seeing it hath begun to take effect in the Valteline, the Governor of Milan is leapt into the field, not with intent to favour, but to oppress the party risen; yet to give another relish, Preposing still this axiom of Machiavelli, that feigned Religion doth much advantage the Actions of Princes: he would make the world believe, that he was moved with piety to take the protection of the miserable Valtelines, oppressed (as saith the Manifest) in Religion, and politic life. Of which two things, it is now requisite distinctly to entreat.  
The Grisons do pretend, that if God when he created man, left him in the state of free will, the Conscience ought to be free, no man being able to take away that, which is the gift of the Divine Majesty. They esteem their Condition to be most wretched and miserable, who are violently forced to profess to believe that, which their Conscience truly doth not believe: and therefore they require liberty of Religion. They are divided into Roman, and Euangelique, every one follows that part, to which his Conscience inclineth him. Every one doth believe he believes well, and sins mortally when he doth transgress from that ancient Institution, wherein he was borne and bred: Violence is done to no man. In the public Government, aswell the one, as the other, do participate without any Distinction.  
Now the Ministers of your Majesty say, (as may be read in the Manifect) that the Professors of the Romish Religion have no more liberty to follow their true saith, because the contrary faction doth tyrannously oppress them; And here they allege many violent Actions; which if in case some are true, certainly they are not happened, but for grievous Injuries and offences first done by the Romanist● to the evangelics: but the truth is, that the most part of them are false, & the effect to this day, hath showed it to be most false, that ever the evangelics did attempt to oppress the Romanists; Upon which, for better illustration, we will with reason discourse a little in the favour of truth.  
These two Factions, Roman, and Euangelique, either are equal, or the one is superior to the other; If they are equal, & every one do persist in their own opinion, (it being certain that in their Di●ts, called by them Dritture, the Ministers of the one, and the other, equally are assistant) of necessity it must be said, that when any thing is handled, which doth prejudice the one, or the other, there can never be any agreement. But seeing they do accord as it appears by the Diett of Tosana, in the year 1618. in which so many Rebels, as well Romans, as evangelics without all respect were punished; Then it must be concluded not to be true, that they practise one to prejudice the other; Then it is false, that the evangelics do oppress the Romanists. But who shall say that the one is too strong, and doth persecute the other? How is it, that in so many, and so many years, that part hath not usurped the absolute dominion? If the Roman prevail, how do ●hey consent, that their Clergy men should be chastised, and as your Majesty's Ministers affirm, in despite of Religion? If the Euangelique be superior, how can it stand, that putting to death the Archpriest of Sondrio, and exiling the Bishop of C●ira for being of the Roman Religion, afterward they admitted another Bishop, and another Archpriest of the same Religion? And why did they condemn only those two, and not many other good and truly religious men, of which in that State there are multitudes? Let it be then said, not to be a truth, that the evangelics do persecute the Romanists.  
And if the aforesaid Clergymen have suffered; the trespasses by them committed, in communem patriam, did cause, that, with Common consent, aswell of the Catholic Romans, as of the evangelics, they have been punished: as it is notorious by the aforementioned writing of the year 1618. And that it was not done in the hatred of Religion, may more clearly from this be discerned, that amongst the accused and condemned there were many more evangelics than Romans. Whence it is evident, that with all integrity, and without any respect, those of the Euangelique faction, have only aimed, not sparing themselves, at the administration of justice: And Rodolfo Planta, that then was banished, as is known to all men, was not only an Heretic, but a principal Head of the Heretics.  
With two things about this Subject the World is greatly amazed and scandalised: The one, that the Ministers of your Majesty in the Manifest printed by them for the Valtolines, have dared to give the title of a true Martyr of Christ, to the Archpriest of Sondrio, a man bloodthirsty, and a Traitor to his Prince; whence it appears, that only for being their favourer, he obtained the merit, to be Canonised for a Saint. The other is, that they have always held so strict Intelligence with Rodolfo Planta, and other principal Heretics, and have favoured, and stipendiated them, both before and after their Banishment, and have made use, and yet do use them continually in matters very indecent. Neither do they make at all scruple of Conscience thereof, though they publicly proclaim themselves Protectors of the Religion, and perpetual Enemies of all Heretics; If the wonder and Scandal be just, I remit it to the Righteous judgement, and prudent mind of your Majesty.  
I expect, that convicted with the force of these reasons, some should step forth, and say; That when notwithstanding the evangelics do not seek to oppress the Romanists, and do suffer every one to live to himself, yet by all means it is requisite to extirpate the ill race of Heretics, Enemies to holy Church. I unwillingly enter into this particular, but of force the matter requires that somewhat therein be spoken. I do believe, and I think am not deceived, that to punish Heretics, the Ecclesiastical, authority is necessary: How then will the Ministers of your Majesty intermeddle in that, which to them appertains not? And who will not say, that greediness to usurp the State of others, doth move them also to usurp the Pontifical jurisdiction? O God if yet they did use it well! Holy Church doth continually pray for the extirpation of heresy; not so of Heretics; But those Ministers, with too much excess of holy zeal, will first usurp the Estates of Heretics, and destroy their persons, throughly to root out their heresies.  
Quid saeviunt, ut stultitiam suam dum minuere volunt, 
Lact. ipst. Diu. li. 5. C. 20.  augeant? longè diversa sunt carnificina, & pietas; nec potest, aut veritas cum vi, aut justitia cum credulitate coniungi.  
Here a Consideration comes into my head, which makes me astonished. The evangelics among the Grisons (so your Ministers affirm, and I believe it) are the superior party. These, as we say are impious, wicked, and our Capital Enemies, they desire our harm, and our utter ruin. They might perhaps, have been able, with little difficulty, with their own force, and with the aid, of those of Zurich, and Berne, obliged to them, by love by law, and particular Confederation, utterly to ruin, destroy, and annihilate the Roman faction, in their Country, and to become Lords alone of the whole Dominion: And yet these wicked, these impious, these Enemies of the true faith, have had so much humanity, that they have abstained; and have been contented, that the Roman Catholics live freely and quietly among them, and to have them friends and Companions in the politic Government. And those of Zurich and Berne, no whit better than the Euangelique Grisons, have never promoved, nor counselled them to Alterations; On the contrary, the true Sons of the holy Roman Church, instructed in the meekness, patience, and benignity of Christ, Men charitable, pious, and holy, do make it lawful to rise against those, who molest them not; to rebel from those, who admit them into fellowship of Government; to procure the loss of State to those who being able, have never attempted to expel them out of the State. And the Ministers of your Majesty who profess to be the most true Catholics this day living in the World, are they, who instigate, foment, and aid, yea who principally do opperate, in these so honest Rebellions: and with war, fire, and ruins, do pronounce, that it is requisite to defend the holy Religion.  
O quam honesta voluntate miseri errant; 
Lactant. ubi supra.  fentiunt enim nihil esse in rebus humanis Religione praestantius, eamque summa vi oportere defendi; sed in defensionis genere falluntur. Defendenda enim Religio est, non occidendo, sed moriendo, non saevitia, sed patientia, non scelere sed fide; Illa enim malorum sunt, haec bonorum: & necesse est, bonum in Religione versari, non malum; Nam si sanguine, si tormentis, si malo, Religionem defendere velis, iam non defendetur illa, sed polluetur, atque violabitur. Nihil est enim tam voluntarium, quam Religio; in qua si animus Sacrificantis aversus est, iam sublata, iam nulla est.  
The Politicians say, that, 
Sallust. de con. Catil. li. 1.  Imperium his artibus retinetur, quibus initio partum est. So is it consequent to say of our Religion; the which was planted, not by killing, but dying, not with cruelty, but patience, not in wickedness, but faith. With these Arts Christ laid the foundation, with these the Apostles and those holy fathers of the Primitive Church did build upon it, and since their Successors from these ways have declined, it is diminished, restrained, and in many places utterly extinct: Religion is more free than the will of man, because the forced will, remains still a will, but enforced Religion, is no more Religion; for in the will, the Act is regarded, and in Religion the mind: And therefore, If the mind of the sacrificer be averse, the efficacy is taken away, and annihilated.  
Then the Ministers of your Majesty do err in these their cruel proceed against Heretics: They too fare wander from the path in which Christ hath guided them: Let your Majesty be advised, not to suffer yourself to be drawn into the same error, by giving them faculty, & power, to prosecute so bloody Enterprises. Command them by your Royal authority, to leave so preposterously to favour Christian Religion: For now the world doth know their ends, and Christ himself doth hate, detest, and abhor them: And when they shall endeavour to persuade you otherwise, be not easy to give them credit, seeing (as I have already showed) under holy pretences, they do counsel Devilish actions. Let your Majesty give full credence to their Advices, when they shall persuade you to employ your forces against the Mahometans, Capital and continual Enemies of Christianity: when they shall say, that therein you ought to spend those many Millions which you draw from the Church for that holy end, when they shall excite you to dress your Fleets and Armies to recover so many Provinces usurped by Infidels upon miserable Christians. But why do I say recover them? I tremble (O Sacred Majesty) to speak it, but it may not be passed in silence. I fear that they rather will counsel you to take from the Christians; Arzila in Africa enforceth me to speak, wrested from the possession of the portugals by the King Don Philip the second, and given to Muley Achmett, King of Morocco. I well know what they will answer, that he gave it because he could not defend it. But if a King of Portugal did keep it, how can it be, that a Monarch of Spain, of the new World, and of so many other Kingdoms and Provinces should be unable? No, no, we are not deceived: how matters did then pass with the portugals doth too clearly show the truth, Philip did fear that Muley might secure Don Antonio, who did claim the Kingdom of Portugal, wherefore to extinguish that Christian King, the Ministers did persuade King Philip, with the price of that City, to buy the friendship of that Infidel: Consider now your Majesty this perfidious Counsel; the which drew King Philip into so evil considerations, (though otherwise an excellent Prince) that he became publicly reproached; 
Giou. Hist. li. 34.  and it was said, that he had learned this liberality to Barbarians of the most famous Emperor his father, Charl●s the fift: 
Iglies. vit● de Paolo. 3 lib. 6. C. 27 sect 1.  who after the Conquest of the City of T●●us in Barbary, did presently render it to the King Muleasses, which he would not have done, if it had been taken from any Christian Prince; 
Giou li. 37. Iglies. nel Capit. preditto. sect. 9  As he refused to restore castle novo to the Republic of Venice, recovered from the Turks, at the instance of that Commonwealth, and with the aid of their own Armado, although by particular convention thereunto obliged. Then again I say, let your Majesty take heed of the false Counsels of your Spanish Ministers; who, where reason of State is in question, would have Princes utterly deprived of Conscience.  
Antonio de Leva discoursing, 
Gio. Boteras dettis memorabi●●. l. 1.  by occasion, with Charles the fift Emperor, concerning the Affairs of Italy, did persuade him to put to death this, and that Prince, and to take possession of their States, and to make himself Lord of all. The Soul? answered the Emperor; What? replied Leva, hath your Majesty a soul? then renounce your Empire.  
This was truly too shameless an Impiety of Leva: such, I am sure as none of your Ministers would dare to propound to your Majesty; for knowing the great goodness of your most Catholic mind, they should be sure to incur your Royal Indignation. But it doth not therefore follow, that they preserve not in their heads the same rules, and that they do not thereby govern all their Actions, and thereunto conformable, address all their Counsels, the which are so much more dangerous, in as much as they cover them under holy pretences, as at present in the war against the Grisons. Wherefore your Majesty hath so much more cause to fear, and to take heed, and so much more reason to accept in good part this Advertisement.  
But to return to our Matter; Let your Majesty consider that to punish Heretics (as already I have said) is not the office of a secular Prince; And therefore your Ministers do ill to put their Sickle into another's harvest, and so much the worse because they know it. And to deceive the world, they make it lawful without the Pontifical authority, to advance he standard of the high Priest, to justify a war which they know to be unjust; Wherefore his Holiness, whose jurisdiction is directly offended, ought not, and cannot bear it. And if he have, and do suffer many other things; in the end a long abused patience is converted into a just anger. Besides, let your Majesty be advised, that all Heretics are not to be treated as Rebels, with extreme ●igour, but only those, who borne within the womb of the Church, by their own malice have revolted; these which are borne, nourished and brought up in the Sect of their Parents, it is true, they err, but under an excuse of well doing; they err it is true, but they know not their error: they are more worthy of Compassion then of penalty, they deserve help, and not punishment.  
Multum enim interest inter illos qui in ignorantia sunt, 
Chrisost. 1. Math. Homil. 49 c.  & in ignorantia perierunt; & inter ●os, qui in veritate quidem nati sunt propter aliquod autem mundiale, scientes, ad mendacia tran●ierunt, & perierunt in cis, & pereunt. Illi enim forsitan aliquo modo habebunt remissionem, isti antem nullam remissionem habebunt, neque in hoc s●cul●, neque in future; quoniam ipsi sunt qui blasphemaverunt in Spiritum Sanctum; Illi enim iudicandi sunt, quia veritatem non quaesierunt, isti autem condemnandi, quia spreverunt. Levior enim culpa est, veritatem non apprehendere, quam contemnere apprehensam.  
Let Preachers then be sent to instruct them, let gentle means be used, that they may hearken unto them; Let prayers be continually made for them, and after leave the care to God, to illuminate them, in the holy ●aith; seeing that faith is the only gift of God, which he freely gives, not given by Mars, nor by the means of war,  
God did command that the Foxes, which destroyed the Vines should be taken, 
Cant. c. 2.  not slain; Capite nobis Vulpes parnula● quae demoliuntur Vineas.  
Et si iuxta allegoriam, 
S. Bernard tom. 1. In Cant. ser. 46.  Ecclesias, Vineas: Vulpes, Hereses, seu potius Haereticos ipsos intelligamus, simplex est sensus; us H●retici capiantur potius quam effugentur; capiantur dico, non armis, sed argumentis, quibus reffellantur eorum errores: Ipsi vero, si fieri potest, Ecclesiae Catholicae reconcilientur, revocentur ad veram fidem; haec est enim voluntas eius, qui vult omnes homines saluo● fieri, & ad agnitionem veritatas per●emire: And a little after; Quod si reverti noluerit; nec convictus post primam iam, & secundam admonitionem (utpote qui omninò subversus est) erit secundum Apostolum devitandus.  
This is the way (o Sacred Majesty) to proceed against Heretics, which this holy man doth teach, and not that by the rigour of Arms which your Minister's practice. Esteem it a truth, that to use cruelty against Heretics, doth ever make them more perverse; And if this in no place should be done, much less there where Heretics and Catholics are together mingled, with liberty of Religion; because our persecution of them for Religion, doth teach them to do the like, as well for preservation of their own, which they esteem as good as we do ours, as for the security of their States & lives. From which so many losses have happened to the Church of God, that it is a consideratition worthy of many tears. Poor Germany, into what state is it reduced by this occasion? which perhaps (but why do I say perhaps) certainly, certainly, had been in much better estate, if therewith, other proceed had been used. I call not England to witness, the story is too notorious. What hath ruined Flanders but a will to introduce with too much rigour, the Spanish Inquisition? And the City of Naples, for the same cause hath it not fallen into general tumult? which, if it had further proceeded, to day, by God's grace, it remains Catholic, that perhaps we had found, with all that noble Kingdom, full of heresy. May it please the Divine Majesty that the present war against the Grisons prove not a fire of faith and Religion, in all Italy. The Devil hath prepared the wood, the Ministers of your Majesty have kindled the flame. If presently there be not some ready to extinguish it, this paper (God make me a liar) which some will esteem foolishness, & others call malignity, will perhaps be found a Prophecy from heaven. But of this enough hath been said; let us proceed to the rest.  
The second head of Tyranny doth follow: Great matters are related in the Manifest, printed in the name of the Valtolines; But seeing there is not one particular case objected, nor any thing proved, it might be said the whole is false; but we will not use that advantage, because we know many things are most true.  
Lucio da Monte, with the money of foreign Princes supplied him by Pompeio Planta, to the sum of two thousand florins distributed among particulars, did procure the office of supreme Provincial judge of the Grison League, binding himself to administer that charge, not according to right and justice, and the liberty of his Country, but conformable to the will of the said Planta. Whence it is confirmed for truth, that the Government was conferred upon him, who did offer the greatest price; that from thence a thousand Tyrannies did proceed against the goods and lives of the Subjects, there is no cause to doubt: seeing this is the way to riches, and he that buys an office, pretends to have right to sell it, in selling justice; as it was once said of that good Spanish Pope, who by force of money ascended to the Chair, did dispense for monies all Rights of the Church.  Emerat ille prius, vendere iure potest. 
Here I could open the eyes of your Majesty with a like abuse in your own Court, and tell you, that los Alguazile●, or as we call them Marshals, or Captains of Sergeants, pay for that charge five or six thousand Ducats; Los Escrivanos', or Notary's of Magistrates, pay, some eighteen, some twenty thousand Crowns; los Alcaldes, or speaking in our own Idioms, the Criminal or Civil judges do not pay a certain sum, but they never climb to that degree without bestowing large donations upon the Favourites of your Majesty. What may then be said of Governors, and Vice-Kings, which you send into remote Provinces? All the Court doth know, and the Provinces are not ignorant, that no man, gratis, doth obtain these honours, but they all pass in the Common way. Your Majesty may well believe, that your Ministers are not so zealous of the weal public, profusely to expend their own, to go and weary themselves, to govern others, though in the most eminent dignity. Whence you may firmly collect, that they propose to disburse at Interest, and so provide that the poor Subjects pay them an annual Tribute, not of five, ten, or twenty, but of a hundred for a hundred, and sometimes a thousand; and that at the end of their Government, they do level the Capital. I could read in Cathedra upon this matter, as that which I have seen with mine own eyes, and whereof in part to my great loss, have had experience. But being a public thing, it behoves not that I weary myself therein. I return then to the Tyranny of the Grisons.  
Pompeio Planta above mentioned, did usurp the power of Magistracy in the Praefecture of Forstenau: binding all the officers not to intermeddle in any Cause of Importance without his knowledge, or of Redolpho Planta, his Brother.  
This man, who was Provincial Captain of the Valtoline & Criminal judge of Zernez, & of the bordering Communities, did usurp the power of Magistracy of the three Leagues, exercising therein most great Tyranny in general, and against particular men, and did arrogate to himself, to judge the laws, and to choose them only judges, who to him were pleasing, and whosoever would not concur with him, was suddenly deprived; In which course, attempting to do violence in the upper Agnadina he was the cause, that six persons did lose their lives.  
He did falsify the Statutes and ordinances of the Country in his jurisdiction, adding and diminishing them, as to him it turned best to account.  
He d●d bind the Subjects in many Communities and free Provinces with various corruptions and presents to elect into many offices, men upon him dependant. Of which his followers, he after made use to break the laws, to excite Commo●●ons against honest men, and to govern all with violent Tyranny 〈◊〉 his own disposition.  
Upon delicts o● little consideration, he gave most rigorous sentences, Converting them after into great Ransoms, to whosoever would redeem his vexations.  
When he had punished some Delinquent, he found occasion to entangle many Innocents, saying, that the guilty had accused them o● Confederacy, or somewhat else, and enforced them, if they would avoid his persecution, to compound with him in great sums of money.  
In Agnadina he did sharpen 〈◊〉 quarrels and factions, even amongst Kindred, fomenting them with men and 〈◊〉; whereof followed many wounds and many deaths.  
What availeth it particularly to recount the Tyrannies used for many years by him and his Brother in Agnadina, Valteline, and other places: And who is able to search the truth of infinite others, practised by their adherents and followers? In sum Pompeio▪ and Rodolfo Planta have been Tyrants themselves, and Heads of Tyrants, from them, and by them, all those Cruelties of the p●o●le, wh●ch in the Manifest written in the name of the Valtelin●s 〈◊〉 exaggerated, have proceeded: without contradiction they are too true, we do not deny them.  
But let it avail to speak the Truth: and who, by your favour, are 〈◊〉 b●t factious m●n, and Dependants upon the Ministers of your Maiest●e? From whom have they received the moneys to support then Tyrannical Authority, but of the Ministers of your Majesty? who hath constantly comforted them in their wicked Actions, but the Ministers of your Majesty? Then it must necessarily be concluded that the Ministers of your Majesty are they who have seated Tyranny in the Valteline, and in other parts of the Grisons, following the same design above mentioned, to breed Confusion, Disunion, and final destruction of those People, to the enlargement of the States of your Majesty; and all these workings have been carried in a manner so artificial, that though the Grisons did see many things ill done, they could not apply a remedy, because they knew not from whence the evil did arise. So great was the Tyrant's power, that there was none found who once durst witness a truth. But at last when it pleased God to bring it to light, the Grisons did not neglect to use all diligence to dig up the evil by the Root. The Brethren Planta's, fled, Conscious of their own Iniquity; whereby not being able to apprehend them, they were punished in such sort as was possible, by most sharp exile. Look upon the writing so often alleged, of the Acts of the Grisons; where more distinctly every particular may be read.  
But for a demonstrative proof of the aforesaid matters, all the world doth know, how these Brothers Planta's, after their banishment, were always favoured and sustained by the Ministers of your Majesty; how at their Instigation, and with their help, they wrought the insurrection of the Valteline, and how, as yet, they negotiate worse actions.  
Here are three things, fit to be advised your Majesty.  
The one, the Deceit, which is obtruded by your Ministers.  
The other, the Reproach which they bring to your Royal name by insidious Complots, which they always extend to other Potentates.  
The last, is the Impudence wherewith they seek unworthily to wound the name and reputation of good Princes, against whom they have often provoked the Predecessors of your Majesty, and sometime yourself, and still do attempt earnestly to induce you to actions little reasonable, making you believe, not that they are only just, but holy.  
Upon this first we shall have little cause of discourse, seeing from the fore-alleaged matters it is evidently collected, that the Grisons do not, nor have not tyrannised their Subjects, neither concerning Religion, nor in the politic life.  
That all the Tyranny which was used in their State, was treacherously induced by the Ministers of your Majesty, and that the Rebellion of the Valtelines was not free and voluntary in them, but practised, procured, and in a manner enforced by those wicked Arts, I have fully demonstrated. If then your Ministers, to promove your pious and religious mind, to embrace the protection of the Valtelines, and to deprive the Grisons, of their Dominions, would make you otherwise believe, who knows not the fraud? who sees not the deceit? It is superfluous to enlarge, because it is too manifest.  
I come to the second: It is certain that the actions of Ministers are attributed to their Princes, and with reason, seeing it is supposed that they dare not, cannot, as they ought not, to do any thing which is not to them either committed, or permitted; especially to contrive any great practice, either secret, or open against other Princes. If then a Vice-King of Naples hath once surprised some Castles of the Pope, which after with difficulty were restored: If another did rob the Merchant Galleys of Venice, which yet they have not restored; If a Governor of Milan did once attempt to take casal of Montferat, a City of the Duke of Mantua by treason, and the Castle of Bresse from the State of Venice; If another did leap out to ransack the land of Cremasco; Another did procure to betray the City of Crema subject to the Senate: If one of your Ambassadors, with intelligence of the Viceroy of Naples, and the Governor of Milan, did machinate a most detestable conspiracy against the City of Venice itself: If now the present Governor of Milan hath caused the Valtelines to rebel from the Grisons: And if all these things have been done, with the Arms, the men, and the money of your Majesty, and in times that you have professed to be a good friend both to the Grisons, Venetians, Duke of Mantua, and the Pope, the world cannot imagine other, but that your Majesty hath given these orders. From whence it is publicly spoken, that the King of Spain doth attend to nothing else, but to raise Rebellions, to con●ri●e Conspiracies, to solicit treasons, to ransack, rob, & assassinate his friends. Thus by the means of his Ministers, his Royal name, without any his own fault, is stained with Infamy. I call God to witness, that I thus speak, because I so certainly believe of your Majesty; who deriving your birth from the most noble Germane Nation, which by nature is free, single, and of a mind fare estranged from frauds, deceits, and treasons, and are descended from the most famous house of Austria, which hath still produced Princes magnanimous, adorned with high valour, and true virtue: It is incredible that you should ever incline the greatness of your mind to Actions so unworthy. But all men are not able to distinguish of Nations, nor to know the qualities of Princes; whence the greatest part, hearing the name of a King of Spain, do believe, that it is spoken of a Spanish King, and do judge that he also is such, or rather worse, then are his Ministers. This is an ordinary form of Argument. Thus spoke the Indians, when those first conquerors entered among them.  
Diziendoles, que se subiectassen à elloes, hombres tam inhumanos, 
Ves●ouo de Chiappa li de destrutt. dell●● Ind●as.  iniustos, y crueles en number del Rey de Espamna, incognito, y nunca j●mas delloes oydo, estimavan, ser muy mas iniusto, y cruel, que elloes.  
That is.  
Saying, if they should be subjected to them, men so inhuman, unjust and cruel, in the name of a King of Spain, to them unknown, of whom they had never heard: they did judge, that he was much more unjust and cruel than they.  
The same Argument they made against jesus Christ, our God; because finding the Spaniards, who called themselves Christians, 
Ves●. de Chiap. nel. pr. 23  to use Injustice, and horrible Tyranny, they did draw a consequence that the God of the Christians (as was formerly said) was the most cruel, and the most unjust of all other Gods. Let not your Majesty then wonder that your Royal name is, without your fault, but not without cause, reproached: neither be troubled, or displeased against them, who have reason much too great, and to the world too too apparent, to blaspheme it. But he grieved and angry at your own Ministers, who by their evil demeanour give subject to all, to scandalise and abhor it. And in as much as your Majesty life's jealous of your reputation, be pleased gratefully to receive this Advertisement, which you will know to be most important, and may be unto you not a little available.  
I pass to the third: It is a thing almost ordinary with them who practice evil, under the show of goodness to make the world believe, that others also, when they do good, work iniquity. For the Actions of the one and the other, being in themselves contrary, those of wicked men cannot be approved for good, unless those of good men be condemned for wicked; whence, upon their reproach, they pretend to build their own glory.  
The Ministers of your Majesty blame the Grisons for punishing the Brothers Planto's, and other Rebels, and calls this chastisement, Tyranny: because they would have it said, that they having still ●auoured and supported them, had done a just and compassionate action; which certainly the grave Poet would not have approved, who wisely said, Benefacta malè locata, malefacta arbitror. 
Ennius.   
Rather to speak truth, this is the height of iniquity. Totius enim iniustitiae nulla capitalior est, quam eorum, 
Cicer. ess. li. 1.  qui cum maximè fallunt, id tamen agunt, ut viri boni esse videuntur. Among Tyrants, to punish the good, and reward the wicked, are acts of justice and piety: as contrarily to punish evil, and reward good men, is esteemed Tyranny and wickedness. These are just the terms, which the Ministers of your Majesty speak, and use in this occasion; while they would make show to do well in cherishing the Rebels of the Grisons, and that these have done evil to punish them.  
Now what may the world 〈◊〉?  
To this they add, that the Grisons have exercised this Tyranny by the practice and money of that neighbour Potentate, who for reason of State doth make any thing lawful, how contrary soever to the honour of God, and the maintenance of his holy faith; and who is the principal Instrument of infinite evils to the Christian Commonweal; Now, who doth not laugh at this so foolish Calumny? Doubtless the Grisons had great need of the practices and moneys of some great Potentate to punish half a dozen Rebels and Traitors, part in prison, and part fled. And who doth not wonder at so much shamelessness? It had been enough, if that Potentate under the pretence of Religion, and Godliness, had done any of those many Villainies which were committed in India, to describe him in so handsome colours; But who will not praise that great modesty, which would not by name declare that Potentate? Truly it deserved great praise, if it were not known, that extreme hatred did abhor to name him.  
But who doth not understand it? This is that Potentate, which was borne in the womb of the Holy Catholic Roman Religion; This is that Potentate, that in twelve hundred years hath never embraced other faith, other law, then that of Christ; This is that Potentate, who since the Roman liberty was lost, hath ever maintained liberty alive in Italy; This is that Potentate, which alone, with just an honourable titles both by land and Sea, hath largely and gloriously extended his Empire. This is that Potentate, who hath made with his blood, a Counterscarse to Italy, and with his treasure so many ages, hath and doth defend it from the Rapine of the Barbarous Enemies of holy faith. This is that Potentate, which hates and persecutes all Tyrants, and loves and protects with all his power, lawful, and just Princes; for which only, it seems he is so much hated and persecuted, by the Ministers of your Majesty; A glorious, and renowned Potentate, whose most noble Actions, exalted to the Heavens with immortal praise of the histories of all Nations (I do not decline those of Spain) who dispassionately honour Virtue with Truth, are abundantly known to your Majesty. From whence you may well comprehend, that if your Ministers do seek unworthily to blemish that their glory with defamations, they do it out of intestine hatred, which by natural instinct they bear to all, who are not to them conformable; in one thing only just, upright, and sincere: that they are no Accepters of Persons, but without any partiality deal alike with all men. And if the Pope, the true Supporter, upon whom Christ our God hath founded his holy Church, shall not to their will conform, they will say, that he is an Apostate and an Heretic; and when yet they dare not so much, under other pretences they will call him unjust, wicked, Disturber of the public peace; they will esteem him Enemy, invade his State, sack Rome, beseige him in his Castle, take him prisoner, impose upon him a grievous ransom, as if he were Slave and they Turks; They will by necessity force him to sell Chalices and Crosses, to redeem himself: and not therewith content, they will have Cardinals in hostage, the Castle in their power, Indulgences for the purse; and yet more, if more were to be found.  
I durst not certainly say these things to your Majesty, if in times past they had not happened: They did thus handle in the Reign of Charles the fift, 
Iglies. lib. 2. C. 26. Sect. 8. C. 30. Sect. 2.  much against the will of that Religious Emperor, Clement the seventh: and would readily have done the like under King Philip the second, father of your Majesty, when they raised war against Paul the fourth, and took from him V●letri, Tivoli, and Ostia, if the King of France, truly most Christian, had not diverted their fury, and the Catholic King apprehended a conveniency, suddenly to accommodate his differences.  
Sacred Catholic Majesty, if these things are all true, as surely they are; reasonably it may be doubted, that like actions will proceed from like persons; wherefore, to the end you easily may, as you earnestly desire, undeceive yourself, and free your name from scandal, and other Princes from calumny, and the unworthy injuries of your Ministers, which are the three Advertisements by me proposed, it will not be out of the purpose, to set before your eyes some particulars, which under your Empire are done as lawful, which by all good Christians are held abominable. I implore from a benign Prince attention, and in attention, benignity; so that my words may pass without molestation of your Royal mind, that receiving them with a righteous temper, as they are by me uttered with hearty affection, I am assured they shall not end without some profit.  
The Ancestors of your Majesty have established in the kingdom of Sicily a supreme Monarchy, both in the temporal and spiritual; so that your Viceroys dispense not only Offices and Benefices, but also Excommunications and Indulgences; and who will then wonder that the Duke of Sessa doth publish jubilies? The great Cardinal Baronius hath fully written upon this Sub●ect, and with Evidences invincible shown the unjust possession of that Kingdom; and that neither your Majesty can hold, 
Baron. To 11.  nor the Pope grant it. If your Ministers had found the least apparent reasons, to answer and confute the doctrine of Baronius, as they did of the passage of St. james, into Galitia, they willingly would have done it, 
An. Christ. 1097.  but failing thereof, they had recourse to the fire, and caused the Eleventh of the Baronian Annals to be publicly burnt, 
Vrb. 2. 10.  & did prohibit it upon grievous pains, to all your subjects; so dexterously working, that your Majesty believing yourself lawful Lord, or at least possessor bona fidei, might as you yet continue to usurp the spiritual jurisdiction in that Kingdom; as if betwixt you and the Pope, the apostolic jurisdiction were equally divided: What this action may be called, let others judge.  
But proceeding further, they have also induced your Majesty to arrogate, not an equality, but a Supremacy upon the high Priest. So that in the Censures which his Holiness, or his Nuncio, or others with his authority do send against particular persons into Castille, these men refuge to the Royal Council, aggravating the cause of violence, and ●he Council doth usurp cognition over such Censures, and do command de facto, their suspension, until the alleged violence be determined; and under this pretence, oftentimes causeth an absolute Revocation, that in them there is no further proceeding. In Spain, 
Hieron. C●uall●s Tract. de Cogni●. per viam violent. in cause. Eccl. & in't. person▪ Eccl.  not many years since were publicly printed books of Lawyers that your Majesty, & your Royal Council hath this authority, and may justly use it: Which doctrine hath greatly scandalised the world, as well for the person that wrote it, who professeth to be Christian Doctor, as for your Majesty, which doth admit and serve yourself by it, and yet are the Catholic King: but much more, in respect of the highest Bishop, who sometime deceived by sinister Informations, & malignant suggestions of certain wicked Hypocrites, is seen to fulminate most heavy Censures, & to threaten horrible war against great Potentates, who rightly understood, have not at all offended his reputation, nor his Ecclesiastic jurisdiction: Nevertheless he doth at present bear these high injuries, with so much scandal of Christianity, and so great diminution of his authority. Some judge that this is not done without a mystery but let him declare it that understands it, I will divine no more.  
This sufferance of the Pope, & greediness of the Ministers of your Majesty: who presume to do always absolutely well, when they amplify in any sort perfas, & nefas, the Royal jurisdiction, hath caused, that after having made you equal to his Holiness in dispensing Ecclesiastic Affairs in the kingof Sicily, and superior in censuring the Pontificial Censures in that of Castille, they have also claimed, that you may assume the authority of the Holy Ghost in the Conclave of Rome for the election of the high Priest; so it comes to pass, that Abissus abissum invocat. Let in prevail to speak truth, o sacred Catholic King; and what else are those great Pensions, I will not say that your Majesty gives, but which your Ministers make you give (because you give not but according to their Counsel and persuasion) to so many Cardinals, but Simoniacal bribes, wherewith they intent to buy their voices to elect Popes to their Content, and to exclude those who are not of their humour? And although this is not done by way of Contract, yet enough for advantage to him, who looks upon the intention, though cloaked, yet too well known to the world; And I am assured, that when they counsel you to give a pension to any Cardinal (here I call to witness of truth the inward Conscience of your Majesty) they do not bring to your Consideration, that he is a man of good life, and poor fortune, or that he well useth Riches, dispensing them to the poor of Christ, that he builds Hospitals and Monasteries for needy, and religious persons; but they set on the frontispiece, that he is a Prince Cardinal, great in blood, great in authority, great in dependence, that he is a Subject capable of the Papacy, that he is affectionate to your Crown, that he will ever remain your devoted servant, and obsequious to your will, and such other like; None of which concern the good of the Church, the honour of God, nor the fruit of Christianity; but all addressed to the satisfaction and Interest of your Majesty. I say not now, you do ill to give pensions to Cardinals; rather, it is well done, you ought to do it, seeing you give them nothing of your Royal Patrimony, but Ecclesiastic goods, which are the Patrimony of Christ, and cannot better be dispensed then to those, who are the Pillars of holy Church; The evil is, that with this Interest it is purposed, to oblige them to your will, so that, at your pleasure, and not according to their Conscience, and Inspiration of the holy Ghost, they should give their suffrages for the Election of the Pope.  
Moreover, it is known in the Court of Rome, & though Histories mention it not, yet the memories of men preserve what was practised with the Cardinals their Confederates, in the choice of Vrban the Seaventh, & Gregory the Fourteenth, by the Ministers of the King Don Philip, father of your Majesty; who glad of the death of the most holy Pope Sixtus the fift (a death desired, and by common opinion also, by them procured) and fearful of the danger, that another of like thoughts should succeed him, they did embroile the whole Conclave, lest any should ascend to the Papacy who was not trusty, and favourable to the Crown of Spain, as if to the Interest of Spain, the good of Christendom ought not to be preferred.  
Vrban the Seaventh did succeed Sixtus, who in thirteen days died. After Vrban those of the Spanish faction by all means would have the Cardinal Palioto Pope; But God did ordain, that Sfondrato, called Gregory the fourteenth was chosen.  
This Election made upon the fift of December, 1590. (your Majesty may observe a most Christian and wise Act of your Catholic father) the King Don Philip who was consenting to the Negociations of his Ministers, dispatched in the Month of june following, 1591. to the feet of his Holiness, to ask pardon and absolution of the Censures into which he was fallen, by intermeddling of his Ministers in matters of the holy Conclave. An Act as I have said, most Christian, because it was an amends of the error committed, and most wise, because it served as an insinuation by that humility, to be reduced to the grace of the new Pope, who could not but be distasted, as he was, with the workings which he had seen, scandalised.  
Thus the Ministers of your Crown (O sacred Catholic King) do negociate in Rome, only presuming by means of Pensions, to hold the Cardinals in bonds; With which practices the unity of the Church seems almost to be divided, from whence there is nothing else heard of, to the great shame and destruction of Christianity, but factions of French, and factions of Spanish Cardinals. And although the French Lords, do not intent particularly to oblige any Cardinal unto them, but leave all in their liberty; Nevertheless those are called of the French faction, who by Pensions, or other Interests, are not tied to depend on the Spaniards, and for them to make a faction; And therefore there is nothing else done, but scrutiny, which of those parties are like to prevail in the Conclave, at the Election of a new Pope.  
I speak so clearly, and so truly, that I am bound to confirm it by their own Spanish Histories. Of the Election of Innocent the eighth, who succeeded Gregory the fourteenth, it is recorded that it passed without any contradiction, 
Bau. p. 3. vita de Innoc. 9 C. 1.  because the Spanish faction (saith Bavia,) which consisted of 29 Cardinals, and that of Montalto which exceeded 20, did easily unite together; But what shall we say of the negociations made in the Conclave, after the death of Innocent? I will allege the formal words of the History to obtain the more credit.  
Por hallarse muy poc● conforms, 
Bau. p. 4. vita de Clem. 8. C. 1.  'las dos principales provincias de Europa, Espamna, y Francia, à las quales, co●●o à cabezas sellegan las demas, esta misma division avia en el sacro Collegio; queriendo cadauno faborecer à la part, que la razon, ò afition le obligava: That is,  
By the great inconformity of the two principal Provinces of Europe, Spain, and France, to which, as Heads, the rest do adhere; the same Division was in the sacred College, every one desiring to favour that part, to which reason or affection did oblige him.  
Behold a confession of the factions, which I mentioned of the French and Spanish Cardinals; But because at this time France was without a King, and the war was made against Henry the fourth, the French faction had little credit, whence it was judged, that the contrary part was easily able to create a Pope dependant upon the Catholic King, which much imported to the perfection of his affairs. That which makes me astonished, is, that his Majesty who had acknowledged his error to have busied himself in the former Election of Popes, and had with so great submission demanded pardon of Gregory the 14. should in this occasion suffer himself to be drawn anew into the same error; And if the History lie not, your Majesty also who was then Prince of Spain, did therein concur; The Cardinal Santa Severina a Neapolitan, who, saith the Author,  
Era vassallo del Rey Catholico, 
Bavia ubi supra.  y tan querido de los does Philipos padre y hijo, que siempre procuraron ponelle en la filla de S. Pedro; como lo haz●a aora el gran Filipo two per medio de su Embaxador:  
That is:  
Was a Vassal of the Catholic King, and so greatly beloved of the two Phillip's father and son, that they always solicited to place him in St. Peter's Chair, as at this present the great Philip the second did, by means of his Ambassador.  
And it follows in the History, that the Ambassador, which then was the Duke of Sessa, was the last that went out of the Conclave, when it was shut up; and that if he had stayed within, as he was persuaded, he had secured the Election of Santa Severina: But in respect of modesty, he would departed, lest it should be believed, that it was managed with little liberty; a modesty (well observing the History) which was no virtue, but a wariness proceeding of fear, and confidence: of fear, that other Princes would accuse the Election of Spanish violence; and of confidence, to have so well disposed all matters, that his absence could not be prejudicial. For these respects then, he came out, but within the Conclave.  
Hazia en este intento Madruccio con el fabor de Espana, grandes diligentias pensando ga●ar alguno de los Eccluyentes, 
Bavia vib supra, Ca 2.  para santa Severina,  
That is:  
To this end Madruccio, with the favour of Spain, used great diligence, hoping to gain some of the Exclusives for Santa Severina.  
Thus was it negociated by the Ambassador and Cardinals partial, as the Catholic King pleased: But Divine disposition prevailed, which wrought the Assumption of Cardinal Aldobrandino to the Popedom, called Clement the Eight: a Bishop truly holy, such as the service of holy Church required, and happily given by God, and not by any Prince of this world.  
This Conclave was long, disunited, contentious, full of distastes, and just such as must be, where humane, accompanied with Devilish power, doth oppose the Divine will; and in some other Coniuncture might easily have caused a Schism in the Church of God, only by the extraordinary and obstinate Negociations, which for Santa Severina were used. Of which it seems the new Pope Clement was not free of suspicion, who would that that Cardinal should resign all pretention which he might have to the Papacy; 
Bavia ubi supra.  A diligence esteemed important, though Bavia call it superfluous.  
From all these premises (O Catholic & most mighty Monarch) the world doth draw one of these two most necessary consequences; which are, that the Spaniards either believe not in God, or presume to be able to do more then God. Because, if they believe in God, they ought to know, and hold for faith, that the Election of a Pope, although made by mediation of men, is the work of the Holy Ghost: And if they so believe, and nevertheless attempt, that the Pope should be chosen according to their will, than they presume to be able to deprive the Holy Ghost of that authority, which only to him appertains; who can find a mean to reconcile those extremes? first the fire shall be reconciled to Ice; Light to Darkness, Hell to Heaven.  
Sacred Majesty, I can do no less than speak clearly, and if God be Truth itself, God now doth speak by my pen; This is one of those things which destroy the Holy Church; And a Catholic King, who is obliged to secure it, ought not, in such a manner, concur to ruin it; I could add many other things, but because truth produceth hatred, a cursed son of a blessed Mother, I doubt that even these few glanced at, will be ill understood. And now I forewarn this my writing, that for speaking truth, it shall be condemned. Be it as it will, I by so much more shall esteem to have done my duty, by how much others shall do against their duty, And God shall be the judge.  
But I am too fare wandered, transported with a just and holy zeal from my purpose, though not beside the purpose; And I pray God, it be not fruitless. I return then to the principal matter of the Valteline.  
That it should be lawful for subjects to rebel from their natural Prince, to deprive them of their Estates, under coloured pretences, while for just cause, they have not intimated a war; I do believe there is no man of honesty, who is not ashamed to affirm it.  
That it is lawful to Subjects, though ill entreated, to rebel, only some Heretic, 
Epist. 1. Cap. 2.  who denies to holy Scripture, can speak it; St. Peter the Apostle manifestly saying; Serui subditi estote in omni timore Dominis, non tantum bonis et modestis, sed etiam dyscolis; Haec est enim gratia, si propter Dei conscientiam, sustinet quis trist itias, patience iniustè.  
But that it may be lawful to embrace them, when it shall happen through the occasion of ill usage, that they of their own will do rebel, there are yet some date maintain it; absolutely professing that all good Princes are bound to secure the oppressed, and that the condition of the miserable should be too wretched, if they might of no side hope of aid; But to understand this case with judgement, it must not be discussed with these universal propositions, which only show a certain Equity; but it is requisite to reduce it to particular and proper terms of justice. Distinguishing then; we say, that that Prince, to whose protection the rebelled people of another Prince have recourse, either he hath right of some action over them, as the Subjects of the vassals of his Feudatory, or he hath no right of action whatsoever. If he hath no Action, neither can he receive them into protection: Because, if People (though ill handled) do contrary to the Divine Law, to rebel; against the same Law he sins, who doth favour and protect their Rebellion. If a Thief do ill to rob, it cannot be said that he doth well, who doth assist, to share in the theft. If a murderer do ill to kill, it cannot be said, that he doth well who receives him, that justice may not punish him; And who can then say, that a Prince doth well, to enterraine the Rebels of another: If these in rebelling, absolutely do evil?  
Unjustly then have the Ministers of your Majesty done to intermeddle in the Valteline, when yet it were true, that of themselves they had rebelled; much worse, when even they, as is demonstrated, have with wicked Arts induced them to Rebellion: But it shall be the worst of wickedness, if, contrary to all justice, they will now possess it by main force, as they show to desire to do, seeing therein already they have built forts, and that your Majesty doth consent and approve it; of which the World will judge that you more esteem your own Interest, than all humane and Divine laws; which God forbidden.  
Only the supreme Prince can hold in himself such sort of Dominion, over the Countries rebelled from his feudatory. But when yet they have not rebelled; and were ill governed, he may, and aught to deprive the Prince his Vassal: because the investiture of the fee is not granted for the people's ruin, but that they should be governed with justice; wherefore if the feudatory use injustice, and ill entreatment, he falls from his jurisdiction, and the Sovereign Prince may thereof deprive him; and not doing it, being able, he shall be a wicked Prince, and no less guilty of the evil before God, which he suffered his feudatory to do, than he the feudatory himself is, who acts it.  
Now let your Majesty apply this doctrine, which is wholly conformable to reason and law, to the Actions of your Ministers, to the condition of your Subjects, and to the right of other Princes over your Estates in Italy; and you shall clearly see, how your Ministers are damnable, your Subjects miserable, and how much other Princes are obliged to relieve them; My words perhaps will seem bitter, but I beseech your Majesty to consider if they be true, and finding them so, to take them in good part, as bitter medicines, fiery Cauteries, & sharp lances use to be gratefully received from the hands of Physicians & Surgeons, to procure health; & be assured you shall find them most profitable; because your Majesty fully informed of the truth, will correct your Ministers, comforts your Subjects, and ease other Princes of the necessity to use their supreme jurisdiction.  
The Cause of Subjects and of Ministers are together united, because those are governed, and these Governors; whence, as Correlatives, they go paripasso; I will then briefly represent to you Majesty the Government of your States in Italy so fare as is expedient to the present matter.  
The State of Milan in the time of the Emperor Charles the fift, began to be ill entreated; from whence that sad, lamentable, and despairful Ambassage, which they sent by Baptista. Archinto to Nizza is recorded, who only because he did lament, in the name of his afflicted Country, was received with an ill eye, sent back without remedy, and by the Imperial Ministers, at his return, sharply reprehended; which might have occasioned the Rebellion of that people, if they had found any better Prince who would have received them.  
Haec ubi sub ipsum Caesaris à Nicea discessum ex legatione renunciata, & per urbes Cisalpinae Galliae evulgata sunt; 
jovius Hist. lib. 37.  usque adeò tantum ex rei indignitate odium Caesari crevit, ut omnes, ex rerum desperatione facilè defecturos appareret. si mitior & clementior, qui dedentes reciperet, Dominus offereretur; immoderatis siquidem, pace, bellòqu● tributis oppressi, nova etiam, tum menstruae exactionis onera pertulerant; quae nunquam desitura boni mortales crederent, donec viveret Caesar, atque Italiae Imperio potiretur.  
After also, a second time, when Strozza Pallavicino Vis●nti, who made war for the King of France; approached to Milan, all the Imperial Ministers held that City as bad as lost, only because it did feel the yoke of Spanish Dominion too violent and heavy.  
Assiduis atque intollerandis trubutis alienata, 
jovius lib. 45.  parata, credi poterat, ad novandas res, ut invistum, & pergrave Hispanici Regni iugum excuteret.  
If from that time to this, their grievances are diminished, or augmented, your Majesty best knows.  
To what terms that State is at this day reduced, who doth not know, let him consider this, that already many and many years it hath suffered great numbers of Spanish Soldiers lodged in the houses of poor particular men, at discretion; Discretion of Soldiers, and Tyranny, are one and the same thing; who hath not proved it, let him pray to God first to die, and he shall die happier, than ever to have proved it. And let him be content to believe for faith, that under such discretion, goods and honour are dispatched, and hardly is life secure.  
I pass over the burden of new Tributes, I leave the Rapine of Ministers, who like bloodsuckers have exhausted the veins of that plentiful body, because in comparison of lodging Soldiers at discretion, I esteem all to be nothing; and he who is able to endure to see them eat the sustenance of his poor family, and that which exceeds all other Tyranny, to grow familiar with his wife, daughters, and Sisters, it may be said, that he is grown insensible of any injury. I remember to have read in the wars which were so sharp between the Venetians and Genoveses, that these did take a City of their Enemies, and held it the space of ten years subjected to discretion: whence it is credible, that besides other matters, they did dispose of their wives, according to their pleasures; for which cause, to this day, though now two hundred and fifty years are overpast, there cannot be done a greater Injury to those people, then to call them Genoveses Bastards: and notwithstanding that stain, with length of time, and the continued peace of that City, which never since felt the offence of Enemy, hath been oftentimes worn out and washed away, yet upon every occasion they resent the only memory of that ancient Injury done to the honour of their women, which seems indelible, and eternal. If I then say that the greatest of all the Tyrannies which the State of Milan doth now suffer, is to have their wives at the Soldier's discretion, I shall not speak much wide of the purpose, because it is a matter very likely, that in times to come, the Millanese may be called Spanish Bastards; If this be tolerable, let your Majesty consider.  
We proceed to Sicily; Let it not be grievous to your Majesty that I speak this truth; that if this day, there were any other Prince as ready to solicit the destruction of Spaniards, as there was once a Spanish King to procure that of the French; suddenly and easily we should see another Sicilian Vesper: the causes are the same, and are not newly begun; Let the Insurrection of Messina be remembered, then when the Vice King Don juan de Cardona, 
joseph: Bonfigl. Hist. Sicil. p. 1. lib. 10.  would oppress that Kingdom with intolerable Tributes. And let it be considered, with what pride, and with how great disdain he used the Messinesis, because they defended the liberty of their Kingdom. For which cause, justly provoked, they did generously to his face, upbraid him, that he acted another Phallaris, another Dionysius.  
Don Vgo de Moncada (who would not start, only to hear this name? this was that impious man, that sacked Rome) was also Viceroy; how can it be thought, that he handled them? Let us observe the words of the History.  
He was by Nation a Catalonian, 
Bonfigl. p. 2. lib. 1.  by birth a Barcellonese, a man most ambitious, greedy of Riches, and immoderately inclined to dishonest Luxury; He governed Sicily with Cruelty, Avarice, and Impudent lust; He neglected so fare to punish the falsifiers of money, until depriving it of Commerce, he impoverished that Kingdom; and that which more imported, he made public Merchandise of Grain, insomuch, that he exhausted Sicily, and of a most fruitful Country, reduced it to the want of bread. Covetousness was accompanied with other notorious vices, so that he became to the nobility and people hateful; which being known unto him, when the death of the Catholic King was published, he durst not appear abroad for fear of receiving some notable affront.  
Here the Author proceedeth to the Insurrection of that Kingdom against so strange a Monster: who disguised in the habit of a Servant, saved himself by flight, and after got away to his King in Flanders. In whose place was sent Hector Pinatello Earl of Montel●one, who by public Decree would ratify all the Acts of Don Vgo, how tyrannical soever. Whereupon the People (who instead of remedy, saw the mischief confirmed) made a new Commotion in the City of Palermo, and the new Vice-King was enforced to escape to Messina, until the Commons by the Nobility appeased, and many Spanish Soldiers supplied him from the King, he became strong, and was able to vent his rage, as he did, with extreme rigour, upon the mutined. And Don Vgo de Moncada, who had so ill entreated the poor Sicilians, in stead of punishment, was rewarded with great riches, and honoured with the standard of Captain General of the Sea.  
They, who at present live, by tradition of their old men, and for as much as themselves have proved, do testify before God, that that kingdom hath continually suffered grievances, & cruel extortions, but that the people had almost utterly forgotten them, when they felt the heavy yoke of the Duke of Ossuna, because in respect of extreme evils, moderate may be called goodness. They exclaim to the Heavens, that he hath left the wretched Sicily, desolate, and rooted up. They complain with miserable outcries, to have more than once sent into Spain to lament to your Majesty, and always without fruit: And since, they remain wholly confused, and astonished with the consideration how he, like another Don Vgo, in stead of receiving punishment, should be honoured, and recompensed with the charge of the Vice-King of Naples.  
And now it is time to discourse of Naples itself: I should undertake a great work, to recount that which I have seen and tried, and perhaps I might seem as passionate, I will then mention only that, which I have found in Histories, & that which the Kingdom, with full voice doth proclaim.  
It was practised lately in Naples to introduce the Inquisition all uso de Spania: 
Igles p. 2 l. 6. c. 27 Sect. vlt.  The people cried out, there was no need of so great rigour, 
Bonfigl p. 2 l. 4.  because (by God's grace) that Kingdom was not full of Moors, and Speudo-Christians. The Vice-King insisting on his purpose, began to use force: the people instructed by nature, armed to oppose against such violence. The Pope, informed of the business, commanded the Viceroy, in virtue of holy obedience, to be quiet, and he well may do it, both as Prince of the Church in respect of Ecclesiastical jurisdiction, and as temporal Prince, that Kingdom being the proper feud of the Sea apostolic: yet for this the Vice-King would not d●●ist, but with small and great Artillery attempted to bring his purpose to effect. All the City rose in uproar, Many houses were leveled with the ground, and men not a few slain. But sooner he might destroy all, than those generous minds be subjected to his will: so that he did great harm, and obtained nothing. Who shall well consider these Actions cannot be persuaded that Christian zeal transported the Vice-King to intermeddle in Ecclesiastic jurisdiction, and to desire to burden that people with a yoke, little needful, and less reasonable, against the will of the Vicar of Christ, Sovereign Prince as well in Temporals as Spir●tualls in the Kingdom of Naples. From whence it must be concluded, that under that pretence the Viceroy had some other end, which certainly could not be, but little for the good of the Subject.  
I know not how to excuse of Tyranny that Action in the year 1●85, 
Bau. Pontif. p. 3. vita Si●●o. ●. ●. 5.  when the officers drew out of that kingdom so great a quantity of Corn, to send into Spain, that although the year were most abundant, the poor City of Naples did perish of famine. A Cruelty, indeed horrible, to take from the Neapolitans their own bread, to feed their Spaniards. Therefore not without cause, that people, conducted by necessity to desperation, rose all in tumult; from whence the Vice-King, (this also was a Duke of Ossuna) took after, occasion, to ven● his fury, putting to death forty, sending to the Galleys a hundred, and exiling infinite numbers.  
The present State thereof imitates that of Sicily, as the Duke of Ossuna succeeded in that Government, after Sicily; To perform my promise, I will say no more, let that Inscription no less true than compassionate, by the Kingdom itself published to the World, speak; which shall remain of that Duke a perpetual, and famous Elegy.  
Miserescite. Exteri. Exhorrescite. Posteri  
Petrus. Gironus. Dux. Ossunensium  
Natione. Hispanus. Genere. Perduellis. Religione. Turcicus  
Italici. Dalmatici. Germanici  
Fax. Cruenta. Bellorum  
Non. Vnius. Siciliae. Verres  
Neapoli. Pollutis. Templis  
Conspurata. Nobilitate  
Depredato. Aerario  
Monito. Mauro. Accersito. Trace  
Veneta. Vrbe. Per. Insidias. Ad. Excidium. Tentata  
Regis. Simplicitate. Per. Corruptos. Aulicos. Diu. Multumque. Delusa  
Hospitum. Manubiis. Per. Triennium. Ditato. Milite  
Compulsisque. Populis. Ad. Eorum. Stationes. Redimendas  
Foedata. Infandis. Exemplis. Ah. Nimis. Ad. Infandun. Prona. Civitate  
Nobilibus. Aliquot. Adse. Vario. Quà. Munere. Quà Vaframenta.  
Pellectis  
Largitionibus. Et. Vanis. Spebus. Plebe. Delusa  
Atque. Eorum. Seditiosissimo. Bis. Extra. Sortem. Renunciato.  
Tribuno  
Denique  
Frustra. Vetatis. Armis  
Tentatis. Arcibus  
Et. In. Armatos. Ci●es. Per. Triduum. Circumducta. Acie. Scelestorum  
Opportuno. Successoris. Aduentu  
Cedere. Solo. Et. Salo. Compulsus  
Aurum. Nostrum  
Quod. Hic. Corrasit. Nequiter. Alibi. Lascive. Sparsurus  
Provinciae. Neapolitanis. Heu. Quondam. Regni  
Inermes. Enerues  
Populorum. Deglubiti. Greges  
Palantes. Balantes  
Teterrimas. Suas. Clades  
Ignotas. Regi. Longinquo  
Et. Torpenti. Fascino. Sando●allico  
Pagella. Et. Calamo  
Quae. Sola. Sunt. Reliqua  
Representant. Vrbi. Et. Orbi  
Miserescite. Exteri. Exhorrescite. Posteri.  
In so woeful manner (sacred Majesty) Naples doth lament; No less doth Sicily grieve, and Milan equally complain. But of all their vexations, the unhappy people are afraid to speak; All their injuries, with open voice, it is not lawful to express. Scarcely they dare publicly bewail their extreme miseries; whence their hearts are more corroded.  
Tacitus moeror, & luctus; 
I●st. lib. 8.  verentibus ne ipsae lachrymae pro contumacia habeantur; Crescit dissimulatione ipsa, do●or; hoc altius dimissus, quo minùs profiters licet.  
Of these three principal Provinces of Italy under the government of the Emperor Charles the fift, I find recorded in History, that,  
Insubres ex opulentissimis ad egestatem red●cti, 
I●v. Hist. lib. 39  dinq●e, vel in pa●e inamter vexati, frustra apud surdas Caesaris aures praesidum acerbitatem querebantur. Neapolitanum verò Regnum quo nihil spoliatius unquam fuit, eversum exutumque omni pristina dignitate conciderat. Et in Sicilia, cum annuis Tributis, tum novis rei frumentariae vectigalibus, & frequentibus Hispanorum aestivis, hybernisque evastata, occasio potius rebellandi, quam consensus, deesse videbatur.  
But, certainly, certainly, they are in much worse estate at this present. I believe not (O sacred Catholic Majesty) that there is any Prince in this world, who, for reason of State, doth not sometimes slip into some indecent Action, because it may happen, that the judgement and the will are surprised; the one perverted, the other blinded with passion and interest.  
To the conditions of Princes their Ministers ordinarily do conform; for these are their eyes, ears, hands, and feet; and therefore, as is formerly said, the Actions of Ministers are attributed to themselves the Princes; Let us then say, that Ministers as well as Princes, may, and do also err, either by ignorance, or passion, or of pure malice; But in all Christendom, I certainly believe, that there have not been, nor are found, any Ministers, of any Prince, or Republic whatsoever, who have committed so great errors, nor used so many wicked dealings as the Spaniards. Let your Majesty consider the few in this discourse alleged, which are scarce the thousand part of those in history recorded, and be pleased with attention to read what they have done in India, faithfully described by the aforementioned Bishop of Chiappa; And you shall clearly see, that to this truth there is no reply; and with great grief of heart, you will compassionate the condition of your miserable Subjects; you will abhor the execrable Actions of your Ministers; and as a true Catholic Prince, will provide to the whole convenient remedy: which if you shall not do, than that right of other Princes, which I have pointed at, will take place.  
Your Majesty doth know that Milan is a feud of the Empire; Naples and Sicily of the Church; Therefore the Pope and the Emperor, when their Subjects in these States are not governed with upright justice, are bound in conscience to God, either to resume the immediate Dominion, as they have the Supreme, or to provide another Prince, that rightly and justly may govern; depriving your Majesty of the Inuestiture of those feudes, which will be escheated by the Injustice of your Ministers, by you tolerated. And if at present it may seem, that the State of Milan is secure, the Emperor being of the house of Austria, and your near kinsman, and that you fear not Naples and Sicily, knowing the high Bishop most inclinable to your favour; yet in many respects, there remains much whereof to doubt; The affection of the mind, and the alliance of blood, with some other interest joined to the one, and the other, are considerations that can do much: But the love of Heaven, and the fear of Hell, and the infallible judgement of God, which will give the one, or the other, as I believe, may much more prevail: So that at last, the Pope, and the Emperor will have more care of their own souls, then of your Majesty's satisfaction; I add, that the Empire, & Popedom, are Elective Principalities, and no● hereditary, whence if the present Bishop be obsequious to your Majesty's will, perhaps his successor will be contrary. And though now the Emperor be an Austrian, in short time an Enemy of the house of Austria, may succeed him; who finding so just occasion, will certainly bereave your Majesty of your feudes: and when neither of these would, I may say, God will do it, and might allege the authority of holy men, and prophecies of Sacred Scripture, but I will omit them as superfluous; only this I will add, that when all other danger should fail, you ought greatly to fear the heavy dislike of all your own Subjects: 
Senec. Thabai. Acta. 3. sce. 2.  because invisa nunquam Imperia retinentur diu.  
Let your Majesty then consider (to close up this Discourse) how your Ministers bring your States of Italy into extreme peril, both in respect of your Subjects, by their manner of Government, & with the machinations which they continually wove against other Princes; And if ever Emperor or Pope should take Arms against you, you may be assured to have all the Princes of Italy, and perhaps of Europe, your Opposites, because the interest of State hath opened their eyes.  
Let your Majesty imagine to overhear all the Italian Potentates, after this manner to discourse among themselves.  
Now what do we do? Why do we not oppose him, who with a thousand frauds doth aspire our ruin? The Spaniards possess in Italy, Milan, Naples, and Sicily, besides many lands wrested from poor particular Lords, as Monaco, Piombino, Corregio, and others, and yet are not content; If now they become Masters of the Valteline, whereby they project to shut up the passage of stranger Nations called to our service, and to keep it at pleasure, open to join with theirs, the Germane forces of the house of Austria.  
By this union they promise themselves utterly to bring to nothing the power of the Republic of Venice, the which being removed, they hope in Italy to find no other resistance: so that thereof they will soon acquire the absolute Monarchy.  
Vt sunt impotentia, 
jou. Hist. lib. 10.  atque imperandi avida ingenia Hispanorum, qui quum semel irrepserint, ad summam semper potentiam cunctis ●●tibus contendunt.  
Then would they expect, that the Pope should be chaplain of the King of Spain, and we inferior Servants of his Royal house; we are too sure, that this is the Intention of the Spanish Ministers: Already we see, in what treacherous manner they seek to effect it, and we stand still, with our thumbs under our girdles: too late we shall repent, if soon we do not resolve. Here, returning their thoughts upon your Majesty, in whose name your Ministers work, they proceed, meditating the same conceit in these words.  
Philip King of Macedon, who always with snares, with treacheries, with sacrilege, attentive to enlarge his Empire, being by the Thebans chosen Captain of their Army against the Phocians, who robbing the Temple of Apollo, with sacred treasures had armed to make war on Thebes, under the show of piety and Religion; readily accepted the charge and Enterprise, and at the first Encounter, overcame the Enemy, whence he was celebrated with Immortoll glory.  
Incredibile, 
Iust. 8.  quantum eares apud omnes nationes Philippo gloriam dedit. Illum vindicem sacrilegi●● illum ultorem religionum. Quod orbis viribus expiari debuit, solum, qui piacula exigeret extitisse dignum. Itaque Diis proximus habetur, per quem Deorum Maiestas vindicata sit.  
But finding himself victorious and powerful, he discovered his dissembled piety, and feigned Religion, breaking his faith with those, who had made him-their Head, and subiecting that friendly City, like an enemy, which had made him a Conqueror.  
Veluti timens, ne ab hostibus sacrilegii vinceretur, 
Iust. paulò infra.  Civitates quarum paulò ante Dux fuerat, quae sub auspiciis eius militaverant▪ quae gratulatae illi sibique victoriam nactae fuerant, hostiliter occupatas, diripuit.  
By degrees discord among the Grecians always increasing, he feigning to help, now one, now the other side, in the end deceiving all, usurped to himself the whole Dominion of Greece.  
Behold now (say the Italian Princes) behold another Philip King of Spain, wholly like to that of Macedon, who meditates nothing else but to subdue Italy, as the other had subjected Greece; and entering with the same pretences of Piety and of Religion, using the same Arts of Deceit, and Treason, doth propose the same ends of absolute Monarchy, whereby he may, in time, be celebrated with the same Encomium as was the other, and it shall be said:  
Philippus Rex Hispaniarum, veluti è specula quadam libertati Italiae insidiatus, 
Iust. ubi supra.  dum contentiones Civitatum alit, auxilium inferioribus ferendo, victos pariter victoresque subire Regiam seruitutem coegit.  
They conclude the blow is foreseen, we shall be very unwise, if we be not able to defend it.  
But the English, French, Germans, and other Nations, do no think themselves free of the danger, rather they hold for certain that the progresses of the king of Spain, in Italy, are preambles to their ruin, and they remember, that the Romans, after the conquest of Italy, did subdue the world; Wherefore our defence is their interest, and we and they for this common interest, are bound, by common consent, and with united forces, to resist, yea to suppress the Spanish Armies, 
Va. Max. l. 2. c. 2  quae oppressurae sunt, nisi opprimantur. And if perhaps some do not believe that the Catholic King can have so greedy desires, let him well consider that which his Predecessors have done to those many Kings, and mighty Princes of India, and from example of others, let him learn to look unto him; Foelix quem faciunt aliena pericula cantum. These (O sacred Catholic Majesty) are the discourses of the Italian Princes, not Chimeras of subtle wits, but extracted from the firm foundation of Histories, and from the Actions discovered of your Ministers.  
The Religion and Piety is known, they are disguises to make the unuist usurpation of the Estate of others to appear fair and honest, and that, in truth, Libido dominandi, causa belli habetur. So Don Petro of Arragon usurped Sicily, the Catholic Kings India, and Don Philip the second attempted to get France; under the like pretence the Ministers of your Majesty have now surprised the Valteline, the which was not otherwise rebelled of their own will, because it was tyrannised in Religion, and in the public government, as is spread abroad, but induced to Rebellion by the Dissensions in●idiously sowed by the Ministers of your Majesty, and by the tyranny which themselves have introduced, by means of those Traitors Pompeio and Rodolfo Planta, and others on them dependant. Your Majesty becomes deceived by such as make you otherwise believe, & in stead of persuading you to a just war against the Turks, who are your perpetual enemies, and work so great spoils to Christendom▪ particularly in your own Estates, do from that divert you, urging you with terms of Religion, cruelly to destroy with force of Arms the Grisons, as Heretics; whose Conversion should benignly be produced, by the sweetness of preaching; With this and other evil actions your Ministers without any your fault, do bring great reproach to your Royal name; Wherefore you ought justly with them to be enraged, and the more, seeing they practising so wicked actions, seek to defame all good Princes with detracting words; And if your Majesty doth not refrain the tongues, and hands of your Ministers, they will yet say, and do much worse; not only against Secular Princes, but against himself the Highpriest, to whom they desire your Majesty should be equal & superior; and that also you should usurp the authority of the Holy Ghost in Election of Popes, that they may on you depend. In brief, they pretend that your Majesty should be sole and supreme Monarch of all Italy, and do believe, that thereunto the Dominion of the Valteline is the direct way, the which cannot by you justly be kept, though it were true, which is not, that of themselves those people had rebelled; but you are obliged to restore it to their own Lords, having no action in any kind upon them, as a supreme Prince should have over his feudatory. The which if it shall be well considered of your Majesty, you will know not only the Injustice, which your Ministers desire to do, in snatching against equity, the Estates of others, but also the danger whereinto they thrust your own Estates in Italy the which being continually governed with violence, extortions, and manifest Tyrannies of your Ministers, do induce a necessity (if they love their ●oules health) in the Pope and the Emperor, their supreme Princes, to deprive your Majesty of the Inuestiture, and to transfer it to another, who may justly and mildly govern them: And if ever it shall be thus resolved, your Majesty shall find all the Italian Princes your opposites, who from the surprise of the Valteline, are confirmed in this opinion, that the Spaniards project, suddenly to subdue all Italy; and referring the action of Ministers to your Majesty, do conclude, that you certainly aspire, to make yourself thereof sole Monarch, as in times past Philip of Macedon did of Greece; and after the Conquest of Italy, that you have fixed your thoughts upon the Monarchy of the World, as did once the Romans. Wherefore it is the Common Interest of all the Princes of Europe, to oppose your Arms, that they do not in this our World, that which your Ancestors have done in the new world of India.  
All these matters I have hitherto discoursed, and fully declared to your Majesty, not with intent, as others have done, detractingly to inveigh, to stain your Reputation, and to excite against you universal ha●red: but with purpose freely to discover that truth, which never or rarely is brought pure, sincere, and chaste, to the ears of Princes; but violated, corrupted, and adulterated, by those, who by indirect ways, without merit, seek to acquire Grace.  
I know that your Majesty fears God, love's justice, hates Tyranny, is content with your own, doth not covet the goods of others, doth prise your own name; desires Peace, abhors War, wishes the good of your subjects, the quiet of your neighbours, and the concord of Christendom. Whence I am secure, that taking in good part my words, and weighing them in the just balance of your great prudence, you will not, that Truth, who is the Daughter of God, sent from God, and speaks in the name of God, should return back without any fruit; Let your Majesty then command your Ministers, to change their works, and thoughts, that the Affairs of Italy may be reduced to quiet and tranquillity, and that the World, from the effects, may know, that your Majesty is a just Prince, and a true Catholic King.  
FINIS.