THE HISTORY OF THE COUNCIL OF TRENT. Containing eight Books. In which (besides the ordinary Acts of the Council) are declared many notable Occurrences, which happened in Christendom, during the space of forty years and more. And, particularly, the practices of the Court of Rome, hinder the reformation of their errors, and to maintain their greatness. Written in Italian by Pietro Soave Polano, and faithfully translated into English by NATHANAEL BRENT. Unto this SECOND EDITION are added diverse observable Passages, and Epistles, concerning the truth of this History, specified in the next Page. DIEV ET MON DRO● LONDON Printed by BONHAM NORTON and JOHN BILL, Printers to the Kings most Excellent Majesty. M. DC. XXII. THE APPENDIX OF THIS SECOND Edition, containing; 1 AN Epistle of Gregory the First, Bishop of Rome to Maurice the Emperor. 2 A passage of the History of Fr. Guicciardine Florentine, concerning Pope Alex. 6. left out of his third Book in the printed Copies. 3 A second passage of the same Author, containing a large discourse of the means, whereby the Popes of Rome atteined to their greatness, that they now enjoy, left out of the fourth Book. 4 〈◊〉 third passage of the same Author, left out of his 10. Book. 5 Certain passages out of the Letters of the Lords de Lansac, Pibr●●c, Ferrier, etc. taken forth of the Instructions, and Missies of the Kings of France, and their Ambassadors sent to the Council of Trent, Published in French. An. 1608. 6 Andr. 〈…〉 udithius, Bishop of Quinquecclesiae in Hungary, his Testimony of the Council of Trent, in his Epistle to Maximilian 2. Emperor. 7 An Epistle ●f Bishop jewel unto Signior Scipio, a Senator of Venice, touching the causes moving the Church of England to refuse Communion with the Council of Trent: now first published according to the Original annexed. 8 Lastly, the foresaid Epistle of Dudithius, written by himself in Latin. TO HIS MOST SACRED MAJESTY. I Offer to your MAJESTY'S view the truest and most judicious Ecclesiastical History, that either modern times, or any antiquity hath afforded to the world; impaired (I confess) in beauty, as being transported out of the natural lustre both of style and phrase, by a rude and unskilful Translator, but nothing altered in the truth and sincerity of the matter, which it handleth. The Author, a stranger to these parts, conversant only where the Gospel cannot be truly preached, was moved to write it, as for the common good of all Christendom, so particularly in contemplation of your Majesty's service. For as you hold the highest place amongst all Kings and Princes, and are God's greatest Lieutenant under the whole cope of heaven, so your admirable perfections, of Wisdom, Learning, justice, and Religion (with which your royal breast is enriched beyond all comparison to be made with any others) cast forth their bright shining rays into all Countries and quarters of the world, and rouse up the endeavours of the worthiest, even in places the farthest remote, to labour in the building up, or repairing of God's Church, so fare as the tyranny of Antichrist, under which they live, and the safety of their lives, which nature binds them to preserve, doth give them leave. In which number, is the Author of this present Treatise. The end and scope whereof being the glory of God, by discovery of those practices, which, for many years, have been concealed by the enemies of CHRIST, the advancement of true piety and Religion, I know not to whom it may be addressed more justly, then to the greatest Majesty upon the whole surface of the earth, and the chiefest Defender of the true faith amongst us. And surely if ever any book (except only the Book of God) did deserve the protection of so excellent a Patron, it is this History of the Council of Trent. For, of all the things in the world, Religion is of the greatest consequence, and, in Religion, ecumenical Counsels (next after the holy Writ) have ever carried the greatest sway; which being true, and guided by the holy Ghost, have been causes of infinite blessings, but being pretended only, and governed by humane policies and Art, have brought forth as many mischiefs and afflictions to the Church of God. Now in this of Trent it is plainly discovered, that the Bishops of Rome (of whom eight lived and died, during the time of the Synod and treaty thereof) in stead of being CHRIST'S holy Vicars, as they pretend, have been the greatest, and most pernicious quacksalving jugglers that ever the earth did bear. It would be infinite to relate the Stratagems they used to divert it, before it began; their postings to and fro, to hinder the proposing of those things which they thought would diminish their profit, or pull down their pride; their policies, to enthrall the Prelates and Divines, by hopes and fears; their diligence in sending their adherents to Trent, and so, by procuring a mayor part of voices, to make themselves the absolute Lords of all the determinations that passed. By which devices that which was desired by godly men, as the only remedy against all the errors in manners and doctrine, both in Church and Commonwealth, and especially against the greatest enormities of the Popes themselves, hath been wrested to a quite contrary use, to weaken the lawful rights of Kings and Princes, to pervert the doctrine and Hierarchy of the Church of GOD, and to lift up the Papacy to an unsufferable height of pride. This is that holy and great Synod, of which the Romanists do boast themselves so much. And indeed every one of any mean capacity may easily know, that many controverted points between them and the true Professors, necessary (as they maintain) for the saving of men's souls, had never any colourable establishment but this; which insensibly creeping in by the superstition of the vulgar, or secretly set on foot by those that were ambitious and covetous, or (at the best) blindly zealous, have always been opposed by the Orthodox, even publicly, until the malicious industry of the greater part, put to silence (though never quite overcame) the paucity of the better. So that their vaunting of the Antiquity of their Religion, and of the infancy of ours, is vain and idle. And if they will glory (as usually they do) of the universality of their doctrine, because it was established (forsooth) by the holy ecumenical Council of Trent, as they term it, none can better judge then your MAJESTY how factious and how unlawful that assembly was, and, by this History, the whole world may understand the weakness of that foundation. The Almighty bless your MAJESTY with length of days, strength of body, loyalty of your people, and with all imaginable happiness in your most Royal Progeny, and in swaying the Sceptre of your Dominions. Your Sacred Majesties most humble, and most faithfully devoted Subject, NATHANAEL BRENT. TO THE READER. COurteous Reader, thou shalt see in this Book greater variety of remarkable accidents, then, before the reading of it, thou couldst have possibly imagined. The state of religion quite altered, in diverse Kingdoms and Countries of Christendom; the Grandees sometimes divided and armed one against another, sometimes joined in confederations and leagues; the Eccleisastics oppressed; the Protestants persecuted; the Bishops of Rome, as it were, acting their parts, and most lively deciphered in their natural colours. If learning will content thee, mark the disputations of the Theologues, and the deep discourses of the Author himself. If policy will please thee, thou shalt find it in the consultations and treaties of Princes, managed, with admirable dexterity, by their Ambassadors and Ministers; and generally no delight will be wanting to thee, which thy curiosity can desire, or any other History afford. But consider, above all, in what a strange manner the Conciliarie Acts of this assembly in Trent were carried. By reading of those few words of thy Countryman Edmond Campian, below in this page, thou mayst perceive in what repute the Papalins do hold it; and after, when thou hast read the Book, thou wilt know how much it is overvalued. Compare thy judicious censure with his that is partial, and thou shalt find them to agree as white with blackness, darkness with light. Farewell. Verba Edmundi Campiani, ratione quarta, reddita Academicis. TRidentina Synodus quo magis inveterascet, eò magis indies ebque perennius efflorescet. Bone Deus, quae gentium varietas, qui delectus Episcoporum totius orbis, qui regum & rerumpublicarum splendor, quae medulla Theologorum, quae sanctitas, quae lachrymae, quae ieiunia, qui flores Academici, quae linguae, quanta subtilitas, quantus labor, quam infinita lectio, quanta virtutum & studiorum divitiae augustum illud Sacrarium impleverunt? The words of Edmond Campian in his fourth reason given to the Universities. THe Synod of Trent the older it waxeth, the more it will flourish, Good God, what variety of Nations, what choice of Bishops of the whole world, what splendour of Kings and Commonwealths, what marrow of Theologues, what sanctity, what weep, what fasts, what Academical flowers, what languages, what subtleties, what labour, what infinite reading, what riches of virtues and studies did fill up that Majestical sacred place? TO THE MOST REVEREND FATHER IN GOD, MY SINGULAR GOOD LORD, THE LORD Archbishop of Canterbury his GRACE, Primate of all ENGLAND, and Metropolitan, and one of His MAJESTY'S most Honourable Privy Council. MOst Reverend in Christ, It may seem strange (and I am sure it is without example) that of one Council only so large an History should be written, and so full of all variety of matter. For in those of former ages, in which the Holy Ghost did really and effectually assist the Fathers, howsoever more Prelates and Divines were assembled from places more remote, and the actions guided by the greatest Princes of all those times, yet nothing was attempted to increase or maintain the Heresies and abuses that reigned then, nor was any thing remarkable, but the very Doctrines and Decrees themselves. But after that the Bishops of Rome, scorning to be Ministers and Servants, made themselves Masters and Monarches of the Church of God, the practices and inventions of worldly men chased away the heavenly inspirations of the blessed Spirit, and greater confusions and troubles did arise in handling Divine Mysteries, than did happen at any other time in negotiating the affairs of Kingdoms and of Commonwealths. This hath ministered a whole Ocean of occurrences, and afforded a most copious Subject to this present Treatise. And so irresistible is the force of Truth, and the Divine Providence so great, that howsoever the Romanists have used all possible diligence to hinder the finding out of their unlawful proceed in this Council, by suppressing all public writings and monuments, by which their treacheries and abuses might be discovered more plainly to the eyes of the world, the writer of this History (a man of admirable learning, exquisite judgement, indefatigable industry, and integrity scarcely to be matched) hath been raised up by God, who, out of the Diaries, Memorials, Registers, and other writings, made and preserved by the Prelates and Divines themselves, and by the Ambassadors of Princes and Republics, who were assistants herein (which are the most infallible grounds that any writer can have) hath revealed an infinite of intolerable abuses, and (as the proverb saith) Cornicum oculos confixit. This Book I have translated out of Italian into our vulgar language, presuming to commend it to the royal protection of his sacred Majesty, for whose sake (as some reasons induce me to believe) it was principally composed. And because I undertook this work at your Grace's command, who have been the chiefest cause why the original crossed the Seas before the just nativity of it, and saw the first light within his Majesty's dominions, as also in regard of the high place you most deservedly bear in the Church of God, I thought it my duty to crave your favour likewise; that as the birth of it hath been happy by your Grace's means, so the growth may accordingly proceed, and the fruit of both (which is to remove an erroneous opinion of the infallibility of this pretended Council) may constantly endure until the world's end. In publishing hereof, if my Pen hath not merited such praise as others might, yet my desire to benefit God's Church hath not been wanting, and my zeal to serve your Grace, in whatsoever I am able, shall never yield to any. Unto whom I wish (for the public benefit of Church and Commonwealth, and for your own particular contentment) a perfect accomplishment of all your pious and honourable designs. Your Grace's most obliged to do you service, NATHANAEL BRENT. THE FIRST BOOK OF THE HISTORY OF THE COUNCIL OF TRENT. MY purpose 1500 Pope ALEXANDER 6: Emperor MAXIMLLIAN. I. HENRY 7. King of England. LEWIS 12. French king. is to write the History of the Council The purpose of the Author of Trent. For though many famous Historians of our age have made mention in their writings of some particular accidents that happened therein, and john Sleidam, a most diligent author, hath related, with exquisite industry, the causes that went before, notwithstanding all these things put together would not suffice for an entire narration. For myself, so soon as I had understanding The means he used for collection of his matter. of the affairs of the world, I became exceeding curious to know the whole proceed thereof: and after I had diligently read whatsoever I found written, and the public instructions, whether printed or diuulged by pen, I betook myself, without sparing either pains or care, to search in the remainder of the writings of the Prelates, and others who were present in the Council the Records which they left behind them, and the Suffrages or opinions delivered in public, preserved by the Authors themselves, or by others, and the letters of advice written from that City; whereby I have had the favour to see even a whole register of Notes and Letters of those persons, who had a great part in those negotiations. Having therefore collected so many things as may minister unto me sufficient matter for a narration of the progress, I am resolved to set it down in order. I will relate the causes and managing of an Ecclesiastical Convocation, by some, for diverse ends, and by diverse means procured and hastened, by some hindered and deferred for the space of 22. years: and for 18. years more, sometimes assembled, sometimes dissolved, always celebrated with diverse intentions, and which hath gotten a form and conclusion contrary altogether to the design of them that procured it, and to the fear of those, that with all diligence disturbed it; a clear instruction for us to refer ourselves to God, and not to trust in the wisdom of man. For this Council desired and procured by godly men, to reunite the 1500 ALEXAND. 6. MAXIMILL 1. HENRY 7. LEWIS 12. The conclusion of this Council was contrary to the opinion of all men. Church which began to be divided, hath so established the Schism, and made the parties so obstinate, that the discords are become irreconciliable: and being managed by Princes for reformation of Ecclesiastical discipline, hath caused the greatest deformation that ever was since Christianity did begin: and hoped for by the Bishops to regain the Episcopal authority, usurped for the most part by the Pope, hath made them lose it altogether, bringing them into greater servitude: on the contrary, feared and avoided by the Sea of Rome, as a potent means, to moderate the exorbitant power, mounted from small beginnings by diverse degrees unto an unlimited excess, it hath so established and confirmed the same, over that part which remaineth subject unto it, that it was never so great nor so sound rooted. It will not be inconvenient therefore to call it the Iliad of our age; in the explanation whereof I will exactly follow the truth, not being possessed with any passion that may make me err. And he that shall observe that I speak more copiously of some times, and more sparingly of others, let him remember that all fields are not equally fruitful, nor all grains deserve to be kept: and that, of those which the Reaper would preserve, some ear escapeth the hand, or the edge of the sickle; that being the condition of every harvest, that some part remaineth to be gleaned after. But first I must call to mind, that it hath been a most ancient custom in the Church of Christ to compose the differences of Religion, and to reform The original cause & progress of Synods. the corrupted discipline, by the convocation of Synods. So, the first which began in the life time of many of the holy Apostles, whether the converted Gentiles were bound to observe Moses law, was composed by a meeting in Jerusalem of four Apostles, and of all the faithful which were in that City: by which example in the occurrences which incidently sprung up in every province for the space of 200. years and more afterwards, the Bishops and chiefest of the Churches assembled themselves together to qualify and end them; that being the only remedy to reunite divisions, and to accord contrary opinions. But after that it pleased God to give peace unto his Church, by exciting Constantine to favour religion, as it was more easy for many Churches to communicate and treat together, so also the divisions became more common. And whereas before, the differences went not out of a city, or, at the most, out of a Province, now by reason of the liberty of meeting together, they extended themselves over the whole Empire. Wherefore also it was necessary that the Counsels (which were the usual remedy) should be assembled from places more distant. Whereupon a Council of the whole Empire, being congregated in those times by that Prince, it had the name of the holy and great Synod; and a little after was called the general & Ecumenical Council, though not assembled from all parts of the Church, a great part whereof extended itself beyond the bounds of the Roman Empire; but because the use of that age was to call the Emperor Lord of the whole habitable earth, howbeit the tenth part thereof was not subject unto him. By which example the like Counsels were called by Constantine his successors in other occurring differences of Religion. And though the Empire was divided into the Eastern and Western, notwithstanding the affairs thereof being managed A new derivation of the name of general Counsels. under a common name, the Convocation of Synods throughout the whole continued still. 7 But after that the East was so divided from the West, that there remained no more communion in the Sovereignty, and after that the East was for the most part possessed by the Saracens, and the West parted amongst many Princes, the name of an Universal and ecumenical Council was no more derived from the Roman Empire, but amongst the Grecians, from the assembly of the five Patriarches, and in these countries of ours, from the unity and communion of those Kingdoms and States which obeyed the Pope in causes Ecclesiastical. And the assembling of these hath been continued, not to appease the dissensions about Religion principally, as before, but either to make war in the Holy-land, or to compose Schisms and divisions of the Church of Rome, or else for controversies between the Bishops and Christian Princes. 8 In the beginning of the 16. century of years after the nativity of our 1500 Saviour Christ, there appeared no urgent cause to celebrate a Council, neither was there any likely to happen for a long space. For the complaints of many Churches against the greatness of the Court, seemed absolutely to be appeased, and all the countries of the Western Christians were in the communion and obedience of the Church of Rome. Only in a small part, that is in that tract where the Alps are joined with the Pyrences, there were some remainders of the old Waldenses or Albigenses. In whom notwithstanding Waldenses in the Alps. there was so great simplicity and ignorance in learning, that they were not fit to communicate their doctrine unto others; besides their neighbours conceived so sinister an opinion of their impiety and obscenity, that there was no danger that the contagion could spread any further. 9 In some Cantons also of Bohemia there were some few who maintained Picards in Bohemia. the same doctrine, even remnants of those whom the Bohemians call Picards; whose increase could not be feared for the same reason. 10 In the same Kingdom of Bohemia there were some followers of john Hus, which were called Calistini, or Subutraque, who, except that particular, Calistial in Bohemia. that in the holy Communion they ministered the Cup unto the people, in other things differed not much from the doctrine of the Church of Rome. But these also were not esteemed considerable, aswell for their small number, as because they wanted learning; neither did it appear that they desired to communicate their doctrine, nor that others were curious to understand it. 11 There was yet some danger of Schism. For julius the second, having Pope julius the second was more a soldier then a Clergy man. addicted himself more to the Arts of war, then to the Priestly ministry, and governed the Popedom with excessive imperiousness towards the Princes and Cardinals, had constrained some of them to separate themselves from him, and to call a Council. And the French King Lewis the twelfth, excommunicated Lewis the 12. excommunicated. by the same Pope, had withdrawn his obedience from him, and was joined with the separated Cardinals; which beginning, did seem might produce some important conclusion. But julius opportunely dying, and Leo being created in his stead, with his dexterity he reconciled, in a very short space, the Cardinals and the Kingdom of France both at once: so that a fire was quenched with admirable celerity and ease, which in likelihood might have burned the Church. LEO 10. MAXIMIL. 1. HENRY 7. LEWIS 12. The description of Pope Leo. 12 Leo the tenth, as one whose birth and education was noble, adorned the Papacy with many good parts which he brought into it; amongst which were his singular learning in humanity, goodness, and a marvelous sweet manner in treating of affairs, together with a pleasing behaviour, more than humane, joined with incomparable liberality, and a great inclination to favour those that were learned, and endowed with any extraordinary quality. Which virtues were not found in that Sea of a long time before, neither equal, nor near unto his. And he would have been a Pope absolutely complete, if with these he had joined some knowledge in things that concern Religion, and some more propension unto piety, of both which he seemed careless. And as he was most liberal and well seen in the Art of giving, so in that other of gaining he was not able enough of himself, but used the assistance of Lorenzo Pucci, Cardinal of Santi Quatro, a man exceeding sufficient in that behalf. 13 Leo therefore finding himself in this state, quiet, the Schism extinguished absolutely, without an adversary, as one may say, (because those few Waldenses and Calistini were not any way considerable) liberal in spending and rewarding aswell his kindred, as Courtiers, and professors of learning, other fountains, from whence the Court of Rome was wont to draw riches unto itself out of other nations, being dried up, he thought fit to serve himself of that of Indulgences. 14 This manner of gaining money was put in practice after the year When the Art of gaining money by Indulgences began. 1100. For Pope Vrbane the second having granted a plenary Indulgence and remission of all sins to whosoever made war in the Holy land, to regain and set at liberty the Sepulchre of Christ, out of the hands of the Mahometans, was imitated by his Successors for many hundreds of years; some of which (as always new inventions are enlarged) granted it to those that maintained a soldier, in case they could not, or would not go to war themselves in person. And after in progress of time, the same indulgences and pardons were given for the taking of arms against those that obeyed not the Church of Rome, although they were Christians: and for the most part infinite exactions were made under those pretences; all which, or the greater part, were applied to other uses. 15 Leo being counselled, by the Cardinal of Santi Quatro, to follow these examples, sent an Indulgence and pardon for sins throughout all Christendom, Leo granted a plenary Indulgence. granting it to whosoever would give money, and extending of it even unto the dead; for whom when the disbursement was made, his will was that they should be freed from the pains of Purgatory; giving also power to eat eggs and whitmeats on fasting days, to choose themselves a Confessor, and other such like abilities. And although the execution of this enterprise of Leo had some particular in it that was neither pious nor honest, as hereafter shall appear (which did give scandal, and caused innovation) notwithstanding many of the grants formerly made by the preceding Popes, had causes more unjust, and were exercised with more avarice and extortion. But occasions arise many times which are able to produce notable effects, and yet come to nothing, for want of those that know how to use them. And, which 1517 LEO 10. MAXIMIL. 1. HENRY 8. FRANCIS 1. 1517 is more, it is necessary, for the effecting of anything, that the time come in which it may please God to correct the errors of men. All these things met together in the time of Leo, of whom we speak. 16 For having published an universal grant of Indulgence, in the year 1517. he distributed part of the harvest, before it was reaped or well sowed, giving unto diverse persons the revenues of diverse Provinces, and reserving some also for his own Exchequer. In particular, the Indulgences of Saxony, and of that arm of Germany, which reacheth from thence to the sea, he gave The Pope's sister hath a great part of the benefit of Indulgences. Leo was created Cardinal at the age of fourteen. to his sister Magdalene, wife unto Franceschetto Cibo, bastard son of Innocentius the eighth: By reason of which marriage, this Leo was created Cardinal at the age of fourteen years, which was the first beginning of Ecclesiastical greatness in the house of the Medici. And Leo used this liberality, not so much through brotherly love, as for recompense of the charges which the family of Cibo were at, when he retired himself to Genua, not daring to abide in Rome so long as Alexander the 6. had linked himself with the Florentines, who being enemies to the house of the Medici, had chased it out of Florence. The sister (that the Pope his gift might be profitable unto her) committed the care of preaching the Indulgences, & exacting the money unto Bishop Aremboldus, Aremboldus was the agent of the Pope's sister. who in the assumption of the Episcopal dignity, devested not himself of any of the qualities of a perfect Genua Merchant. This man gave power to publish the Indulgences to whosoever promised to raise most profit by them, without any regard of the quality of the persons, even so so rididly, that no man of any tolerable condition could contract with him; but he found Ministers like unto himself, who aimed at nothing but the gain of money. 17 It was a custom in Saxony, that whensoever Indulgences were sent by The Heremit Friars were publishers of Indulgences in Saxony by custom. Popes, the Friars of the order of the Heremites were employed to publish them. The Pardon-mongers, Ministers of Aremboldus would not go to these, because, being accustomed to manage the like merchandizes, they might use some device to draw some secret profit to themselves, and from whom likewise, as practised in this office, they expected not any extraordinary thing, which might bring them more than usual advantage; but they The Dominicans were employed by the ministers of Aremboldus. went to the Dominican Friars. These men, in publishing the Indulgences, desiring to amplify the value of them, more than others had done before, spoke many strange things, which gave cause of scandal. Whereunto was added the bad life of the Pardoners, who, in Taverns, and elsewhere, in games, and other things not fit to be named, spent that which the people spared from their necessary expenses, to purchase the Indulgences. 18 By these means Martin Luther, an Eremite Friar, being stirred up, began Martin Luther speaketh against the Indulgences. to speak against the Pardoners, first reprehending these new excessive abuses only; after being provoked by them, he set himself to study this matter, being desirous to see the foundations and the roots of the doctrine of Indulgences. Which when he had examined, passing from the new to the old 95. Conclusions of Luther. abuses, and from the building to the foundations, he published 95. Conclusions in this matter, which were proposed to be disputed on in Wittenberg, john Thecel a Dominican proposed Conclusions contrary to those of Luther. where they being seen and read, they were not opposed in any vocal conference, because no man appeared against him: but john Thecel, a Dominican Friar, proposed others contrary unto these, in Frankfort of Brandeburg. 19 These two files of Conclusions were, as one may say, a joining of issue. Wherefore Martin Luther went on to write in defence of his, and john Ecchius to oppose them; and these Conclusions, together with other writings, being gone to Rome, Silvester Prierius, a Dominican Friar, wrote against Luther. Which contestation enforced both the one and the other party to swerve from this john Ecchius opposeth Luther's conclusions. Silvester Prierius wrote against Luther. The doctrine of Indulgences was never well understood until this time. matter, and pass to other things of greater importance. For the doctrine of Indulgences having not been well examined in former ages, which did never consider how they might be defended and maintained, or how impugned, the essence and causes of them were not well understood. Some thought they were nothing but an absolution or freeing, made by authority of the Prelate, from penance which the Church in the most ancient times imposed, by way of discipline, upon the penitent, (which imposition was assumed in succeeding ages by the Bishop only, after delegated to the penetentiary Priest, and in conclusion left wholly to the will of the Confessor) and that they delivered us not from paying the debt due to the justice of God. Others thinking that this brought more hurt unto Christians then benefit, who being delivered from Canonical punishments, became negligent to satisfy the divine justice with voluntary penance, began to be of opinion, that they set us free from both the one and the other: but these were divided. Some thought that they set us free, though nothing were given in recompense for them. Others, abhorring that opinion, said, that, by reason of the mutual participation in charity of the members of holy Church, the penance of one might be communicated unto another, and free him by this compensation. But because it seemed that this was more proper to men of an holy and austere life, then to the authority of Prelates, there arose a third opinion, which made them in part an absolution, because authority was necessary for them, and in part a compensation. But in regard the Prelates lived not in such sort, as that they could spare much of their merits for others, there was made a treasury in the Church full of the merits of all those who had more of them then would serve their own turns; the dispensation whereof is committed to the Pope, who, when he giveth Indulgences, recompenseth the debt of the sinner, by assigning so much in value out of the treasury. Neither was there The treasure of the Church an end of the difficulties: for it was opposed that the merits of Saints being finite and limited, this treasure might be diminished. Wherefore desiring to make it indeficient, they added the merits of Christ, which are infinite: Whence arose a doubt what need there might be of the little drops of the merits of others, when there was an infinite Ocean of the merits of Christ: which gave cause to some to make the treasure to be only of the merits of our Saviour. 20 These things, so uncertain at that time, and which had no other foundation than the Bull of Clement 6. made for the jubilee of they year 1350, seemed not sufficient to oppugn the doctrine of Martin Luther, to resolve his reasons, and to convince him. Wherefore Thecel, Ecchius, and Prierius, seeing themselves The adversaries of Luther prove the doctrine of Indulgences by common reasons only. not strong enough in points proper for this matter, betook themselves to common places, and laid for their ground work the Pope's authority, and consent of the Schoolmen; concluding that the Pope, not being 1518 LEO 20. MAXIMIL. 1. HENRY 8. FRANCIS 1. Luther beginneth to speak against the Pope's authority, and other doctrines of the Roman Church. able to err in matters of faith, and having approved the doctrine of the Schoolmen, and himself publishing the Indulgences to all the faithful, it was necessary to believe them as an article of faith. This gave occasion to Martin to pass from Indulgences to the authority of the Pope; which being predicated by others to be the highest in the Church, was by him made inferior to a General Council lawfully called, where of he said there was need in that instant and urgent necessity: and the heat of disputation continuing, the more the Papal authority was advanced by others, the more it was by him abased. Notwithstanding, he contained himself within the bounds of speaking modestly of the person of Leo, sometimes referring himself to his judgement. And, for the same reason, the doctrine of remission of sins, of Penance, and of Purgatory was set on foot, the Romanists serving themselves of all these common places for proof of Indulgence. 21 Friar james Hogostrat, a Dominican Inquisitor, wrote against Martin Luther james Hogostrat his persuasion to the Pope. more to the purpose then them all; who, setting these reasons aside, exhorted the Pope to convince Martin with chains, fire, and flames. 22 Nevertheless, the controversy grew still more bitter, and Martin always 1518 went forwards to some new proposition, as occasion was offered. Wherefore Pope Leo caused him to be cited to Rome by Hierom Bishop of Ascoli, Auditor of Means used by the Pope to bring Luther to Rome. the Chamber, in August 1518; and wrote a Brief to Frederick Duke of Saxony, exhorting him not to protect him. He wrote also to Thomas de Ʋio, Cardinal Caietan, his Legate in the diet of Ausburg, that he should use all diligence to commit him to prison, and to send him to Rome. divers means were used to the Pope, that he would be contented to order that his cause might be examined in Germany; who yielded to refer it to his Legate, unto whom the judicature thereof was committed, with instruction, that if he could discover any hope of repentance in Martin, he should receive him into favour, promising Luther's cause referrred to Card. Caietan the Pope's Legate. him pardon of all his errors past, together with honours and rewards, referring the whole to his wisdom; but in case he found him incorrigible, he should desire Maximilian the Emperor, and the other Princes of Germany, that he might be punished. 23 Martin went to the Legate to Ausburg, under the safe-conduct of Maximilian; Luther cometh to the Legate with the Emperor's safe-conduct. where, after a convenient conference upon the controversed doctrine, the Cardinal having discovered that by terms of Schoole-divinity in the profession where of himself was most excellent, Martin could not be convinced, that he always served himself of the holy Scripture, which is used but a little by the Schoolmen, he declared that he would dispute no more with him, but exhorted him to a retractation, or, at least, to submit his Books and doctrine to the judgement of the Pope, showing him the danger he was in, if he persisted, and promising him favours and benefits from his Holiness. Martin not answering to the contrary, he thought it not fit to wring from him a negative, by pressing him too much, but rather to give space, that the threats and promises might make impression, and therefore gave him leave Luther had leave to departed. to departed for that time. He caused also Friar john Stopiccius, Vicar general of the order of the Heremites to treat with him in conformity hereof. 24 Martin being returned once more, the Cardinal had much conference with him concerning the heads of his doctrine, rather hearing what he said, then disputing, to gain himself credit by the proposition of accommodating the business. Whereunto when he descended, exhorting him not to let slip so secure an occasion, and so profitable, Luther answered him, with his accustomed vehemency, that no composition could be made to the prejudice of the truth; that he had offended no man, nor had need of the favour At his return he was more vehement than before. of any; that he feared no threats, and that, if any thing were unduly attempted against him, he would appeal to a Council. The Cardinal (who had heard that Martin was secured by some Grandees, that they might hold a bridle in the Pope's mouth) suspecting that he was persuaded to speak in that sort, disdained at it, and descended to bitter reprehensions, and base terms, and concluded that Princes have long hands, and so bid him be gone. Martin, being parted from the Legates presence, remembering john Hus his case, went from Ausburg without saying any more. From whence when he was a good way distant, thinking better of his own case, he wrote a letter to the Cardinal, confessing he had been too sharp, laying the blame Luther's letter. upon the importunity of the Pardoners and of those that wrote against him, promising more modesty hereafter, to satisfy the Pope, and not to speak any more of Indulgences, with condition that his adversaries should do the like. Yet neither they nor he could be kept silent, but one provoked the other; whereby the controversy grew more sharp. 25 Wherefore the Court in Rome spoke disgracefully of the Cardinal, attributing The Cardinal is blamed in Rome for using Luther with base terms. all the mischief to the severity and base terms used against Luther; they blamed him for not having promised him great riches, a Bishopric, and even the red hat of a Cardinal. And Leo, fearing some great innovation in Germany, not so much against Indulgences, as against his own authority, made a Bull under the date of the 9 of November 1518, wherein he set forth the validity of Indulgences, and that himself as successor of Peter, and Vicar The Bull of Leo for the doctrine of Indulgences. of CHRIST had power to grant them, both for the living & for the dead; and that this was the doctrine of the Church of Rome, which is mother and mistress of all Christians, which ought to be received of whosoever would be in the communion of the Church. He sent this Bull to Cardinal Caietan, who, being at Lintz in upper Austria, published it, and caused many authentical copies to be made thereof, sending them to all the Bishops of Germany, with commandment to publish them, and severely, and under great penalties to enjoin all men not to have any other faith. 26 By this Bull Martin saw clearly, that from Rome, and from the Pope, he could look for nothing but condemnation; and as before he had for the most part spoken reservedly of the person and judgement of the Pope, so after the publication of this Bull he resolved to reject it. Wherefore he set forth The Pope's Bull made Luther appeal to a Council. an Appeal; wherein having first said, that he would not oppose himself to the authority of the Pope when he taught the truth, he added, that he was not exempt from the common conditions of being subject to err & to sin; alleging the example of S. Peter, sharply reprehended by S. Paul. But he said, it was an easy thing for the Pope, having so great riches and retinue, to oppress whosoever was not of his opinion, without respect of any; unto whom none other help remained, but to fly unto a Council, by the benefit of appeal; because all reason persuadeth, that a Council ought to be preferred 1519 LEO 10. MAXINIL. 1. HENRY 8. FRANCIS 7. before him. This Appeal went throughout all Germany, and was read by many, and esteemed reasonable. Wherefore Leo his Bull extinguished not the fire that was kindled in those parts. 27 But it having given courage to the Court in Rome, as if the flame had been quenched, Friar Samson of Milan, of the order of S. Francis, was sent to preach the same Indulgences amongst the Swisses; who having published them in many places, and collected the sum of 120000. crowns, came finally The occasion why Zuinglius began to oppose the Pope. to Zuric, where Vlricus Zuinglius, a Canon in that Church, was professor; who opposing himself to the doctrine of this Friar the Pardoner, there grew great disputation between them, passing also from one matter to another, as it happened in Germany. Whereby it came to pass that Zuinglius was harkened unto by many, and gained credit, and was emboldened to speak, not only against the abuse of Indulgences, but against the Indulgences themselves, and even against the authority of the Pope, who granted them. 26 Martin Luther perceiving that his doctrine was esteemed, and that it Luther passeth to other points. passed also into other countries, became more courageous, and set himself to examine other articles, and, in the matter of Confession, and of the Communion, he forsook the opinion of the Schoolmen, and of the Church of Rome, approving rather the Communion of the Cup used in Bohemia, and setting down for the principal part of repentance, not the diligent confession made to the Priest, but rather the purpose of amendment of life for the time to come. He passed also unto Vows, and touched the abuses of the Monastical Order; and these his writings, going on their journey, arrived in Louvain and Collen; where, being seen and examined by the Divines of those His Books were condemned in Louvain and Collen. Universities, they were condemned by them. Neither did this trouble Martin one jot, but rather caused him to go on, and to declare and fortify his doctrine the more it was opposed. 29 With these contentions rather than resolute discussions passed the year 1519 1519, when many advertisements coming to Rome, of the stirs in Germany and Suisserland, augmented with many amplifications and additions, as the manner of fame is, especially when matters are related from places fare distant, Leo was noted for negligence, that in so great dangers had not used powerful The Pope was blamed. remedies. The Friars particularly blamed him; that being addicted to magnificence, to hunting, to deliciousness, and to music, (with which he was delighted beyond measure) he passed over things of the greatest importance. They said, that in point of Faith the least thing ought not to be neglected, nor the provision against it one jot to be deferred, which, as it is most easy before the mischief take root, so it cometh too late when it is waxed old. That Arius was but a small spark, which might easily have been put out, and yet it set the whole world on fire. That john Hus and Hierome of Praghe would then have done as much, if in the beginning they had not been suppressed by the Council of Constance. On the contrary side, Leo Leo, though reprehended for negligence thought he had done too much. repent himself of whatsoever he had done in these occurrences, and most of all of the Brief of Indulgences sent into Germany, thinking it would have been better to let the Friars dispute amongst themselves, and to keep himself neutral, and reverenced by both parties, then by declaring himself for one to constrain the other to alienate themselves from him; that this contention 1520 LEo 10. CHARLES 5. HENRY 8. FRANCIS 1 was not so great, as that it was necessary to hold it in any reputation, and that, so long as it was lightly esteemed of, few would think of it, and if the Pope's name had not been used in it until then, would have ended his course, and so vanished. 30 Notwithstanding for the many instances of the Prelates of Germany, of the Universities, who, being interessed by the sentence of condemnation, betook themselves to the Pope's authority for their protection, and especially for the continual importunities of the Friars of Rome, he resolved to yield to the common opinion. And he made an assembly of Cardinals, Prelates, Divines, and Canonists, unto which he wholly remitted the business. A dispute between the Divines and Canonists. By this it was most easily concluded, that the Pope should denounce fire and sword against so great an impiety. But yet the Canonists differed from the Divines, these being of opinion that he ought presently to descend to this denunciation, and those saying that a citation ought to go before. The Divines alleged that the doctrine was evidently seen to be impious, that the books were divulged, and the sermons of Luther notorious. The others said, that notoriousness did not take away the defence, which is allowed by the law of God and nature, alleging the usual places: Adam where art thou? Where is thy brother Abel? and in the accident of the five Cities, I will go down and see. They added that the citation of the Auditor the year before, by virtue whereof the judicature was referred to Caietan in Ausburg, and remained unperfect, if nothing else were, shown it to be necessary. After many disputes, in which the Divines attributed the decision unto themselves alone, because the question was in point of faith, & the Lawyers appropriated unto themselves as much as concerned the form of judgement, a composition between them was proposed, distinguishing the business into three parts, the doctrine, the books, and the person. For the doctrine, the Canonists yielded that it should be condemned without citation: for the person, they persisted to maintain that the citation was necessary. Yet not being able to overcome others who insisted upon their own opinions with greater acrimony, & covered themselves with the buckler of religion, they found a middle way, that a precept should be sent to Martin with a convenient term, that so it should be resolved into a citation. Concerning the books there was more to do. The Divines did think they ought to be condemned absolutely together with the doctrine, and the Canonists that they should be joined with the person, and comprehended under the term. It not being possible to make an accord herein, they did both the one and the other. For first they were condemned for the time present, and afterwards a term allotted to burn them. And with this resolution a Bull was framed under the date of the 15. of june 1520; Which being, as it were, a beginning and foundation of the Council of Trent, whereof we are to speak, it is necessary to set down 1520 here a brief Epitomic thereof. 31 In which the Pope, directing the beginning of his words to Christ, who hath left Peter and his Successors for Vicars of his Church, exciteth him to The Pope's Bull. assist it in these necessities. From Christ he turneth to S. Peter, and prayeth him, by the charge which he received of our Saviour, to be careful of the distresses of the Church of Rome, consecrated with his blood. And passing to S. Paul, desireth the like assistance from him; adding, that, although he hath deemed heresies to be necessary for trial of the good, yet it is convenient to extinguish them in the beginning. Finally, turning himself to all the Saints of heaven, and to the Church universal, he prayeth them to intercede with God, that the Church may be purged from so great contagion. Then he proceedeth to show how it came to his knowledge, and how he hath seen with his eyes, that many errors were renewed, which were condemned long before, of Grecians, Bohemians, and others, false, scandalous, apt to offend godly ears, and to deceive simple minds, sowed in Germany, always beloved both by him, and by his predecessors, who, after the translation of the Greek Empire, have ever taken their protectors from that nation, and that many pious decrees against heretics have been made by those Princes, which the Popes also have confirmed. Therefore that he, not willing to tolerate the like errors any longer, but rather to make provision against them, would recite some of them: and here he repeateth 42. Articles, which are in the points The Pope condemneth 42. articles of Luther's doctrine. of original sin, Penance and remission of sins, of the communion, of Indulgences, of Excommunication, of the power of the Pope, of the authority of Counsels, of good works, of freewill, of Purgatory, & of poverty, all which he saith are respectively pestiferous, pernicious, scandalous, offensive to pious ears, contrary to charity, contrary to the reverence which is due to the Church of Rome, contrary to obedience, which is the sinew of Ecclesiastical discipline: wherefore being willing to proceed to sentence, he, with the Cardinals, genetals of the regular orders; with other Divines and Doctors, both of the one and the other law, hath made diligent examination of them. Therefore he condemneth and rejecteth them, respectively, as heretical, scandalous, false, offensive to pious ears, deceitful to godly minds, and contrary to the Catholic truth: He prohibiteth upon pain of excommunication, and infinite punishments, that no man should dare to keep them, defend them, preach them, or favour them. And because the same assertions are found in the books of Martin, therefore he condemneth them, commanding Luther's books are condemned to the fire. under the same pains, that none may read or keep them, but that they ought to be burned, as well those which do contain the foresaid propositions, as all the rest. Concerning the person of Martin himself, he saith, he The Pope giveth an admonition to Luther and his followers. hath many times admonished, cited, and called him, with promise of safe conduct, and provision for his journey; that, if he had come, he would not have found so many errors in the Court as he said, and that himself the Pope would have taught him, that the Popes his predecessors have never erred in their constitutions. But because he hath endured the censures for the space of a whole year, and hath dared to appeal unto a future Council, a thing prohibited by Pius, and julius the second, under the punishments due to heretics, he could proceed to condemnation without any more ado; notwithstanding, forgetting these injuries, he admonisheth the said Martin, and his protectors, to change their opinions, cease to preach, and in the term of 60. days, upon the same pains, to revoke all the foresaid errors, and burn the books; which in case they do not, he declareth them notorious and obstinate heretics. After he commandeth all under the same pains, that they keep not any book of the same Martin, though it contain not the like errors. Then ordaineth that all men ought to shun as well him as his favourers; yea, commandeth every one to apprehend them, and bring them personally before him, or at least chase them out of their Lands and countries': he interdicteth all places whither they shall go: commandeth that they be every where made known, and that his Bull ought to be read in every place, excommunicating whosoever shall hinder the publication thereof: he determineth that the exemplifications ought to be believed, and ordereth that his Bull be published in Rome, Brandeburg, Misna, and Mansperg. Martin Luther receiving news of the condemnation of his doctrine and The Pope's admonition cruseth Luther to make a solemn Appeal. books, set forth a writing, repeating the Appeal made to the Council, and making replication thereof for the same causes. Furthermore, for that the Pope had proceeded against a man not called, nor convinced, nor the controversy of the doctrine heard, preferring his own opinions to the word of God, and leaving no place for the Council, he offereth to demonstrate all these things, praying the Emperor and all Magistrates to accept this his Appeal, for defence of the authority of the Council, thinking that this decree of the Pope bindeth not any, till the cause be lawfully discussed in a Synod. But men of understanding seeing the Bull of Leo, marvelled at it for many causes. First, concerning the form, that the Pope should proceed to a The Bull of Leo censured: declaration with clauses of the palace in a matter which ought to be handled with the words of the holy Scripture; and especially using periods so intricate, and so long and prolix, that it was scarcely possible to draw any sense from them, as if he had been to give sentence in a feodatary cause. And it was particularly noted that one clause which saith, Inhibentes omnibus ne praefatos errores asserere praesumant, is so drawn out in length, with so many inlargements and restrictions, that between Inhibentes and Praesumant, there are placed more than four hundred words. Others, passing on a little further, considered that, to have proposed and condemned as heretical, scandalous, false, offensive to pious ears, and deceitful to simple minds, 42. propositions, without declaring which of them were heretical, which scandalous, which false, but only with a word (respectively) attributing to every one of them an uncertain quality, caused a greater doubt than was before; which was not to define the cause but to make it more controversed, and to show more plainly, that another authority and wisdom was necessary to determine it. Some also were filled with admiration, for that it was said, that amongst the 41. propositions there were errors of the Grecians condemned long ago. Others thought it a strange thing, that so many propositions in diverse points of faith, should be decided in Rome by the advice of the Courtiers only without participating them to other Bishops, Academies, and learned persons of Europe. But the Universities of Louvain and Collen, being pleased that there was a colour given to their sentence by the Pope's Edict, publicly burned the books of Luther. Which gave cause that he also in Wittenberg, (all that School being The Pope's Bull and the Decretals burned in Wittenberg. assembled) judicially and publicly made to be burned, not only the Bull of Leo, but together also the Pope's Decretals; and after gave an account to the world of that action in a long manifest, published in writing, noting 521. LEO 10. CHARLES 5. HENRY 8. FRANCIS 1. A Council was thought to be necessary for two causes. the Papacy in tyranny of the Church, perverseness of Christian doctrine, and usurpation of the power of lawful magistrates. But aswell for Luther's appeal, as for these and other considerations, every one became of opinion, that a lawful Council was necessary, by which, not only the controversies might be decided, but the abuses also, long since brought into the Church, might be redressed; and always the necessity hereof appeared the more, by how much the more the contentions increased, writings being set forth continually, both by the one part, and the other. For Martin failed not to confirm his doctrine by diverse writings, and, accordingly as he studied, he discovered more light, ever passing some step further forward, and finding articles, of which in the beginning he had not thought: Which he said he did for the zeal of the House of God. But he was constrained also by necessity. For the Romanists having laboured effectually in Collen with the Elector of Saxony, by the mediation of Hierom Aleander, that he would deliver Martin prisoner to the Pope, or by some other means to procure his death, he saw that he was obliged to show unto that Prince, and to the people of Saxony, and every one else, that he had reason on his side, that neither he nor any other potentate, might yield to the earnest entreaties of the Romanists, made against his life. The year 1520, being thus passed, the diet of Worms, of the year 1521. 1521. Luther called to the Diet. was celebrated in Germany; to which Luther was called to render an account of his doctrine, and had given unto him a safe conduct by the Emperor Charles, elected two years before. He was counselled not to go thither, seeing that the sentence of his condemnation made by Leo was published before, and hanged up; whereby he might assure himself to bring back nothing but a confirmation of his doom, if peradventure no worse thing happened unto him. Notwithstanding himself thought the contrary, against the opinion of all his friends, and said, that though he were sure to have to do against as many devils as there were tiles in the roofs of the houses of that city, he would go thither. And in that place, the seventeenth of April, he was demanded by the Luther interrogated in the Diet. Emperor and the whole assembly of the Princes, if he were Author of the Books which went abroad under his name, the Titles whereof were recited, and the copies, placed in the midst of the room where they sat, were showed unto him; and whether he would defend whatsoever was contained in them, or retract something. His answer was that, concerning the books, he acknowledged them to be his; but to resolve whether to maintain the things contained in them, or not, was a matter of great moment, & therefore required some time of deliberation. There was granted him time that day, to give his answer the next: Which being come, Martin, brought into the assembly, made a long oration. Answereth. First, he excused his simplicity, if, bred after a private & simple manner, he had not used terms according to the dignity of that place, and given to every one convenient titles; then he confirmed that he acknowledged the books for his own. And concerning the defence of them, he said they were not all of one sort, but some contained doctrine of Faith and Piety, others reprehended the Doctrine of the Romanists, and a third kind was of those which were written contentiously, against the defenders of the contrary doctrine. For the first, he said he were no Christian or honest man if he should retract them; the rather, because though all were condemned, yet all were not judged naught by the same Bull of Leo. For the second, that it was too manifest, that all the Countries of Christendom were oppressed and groaned under the bondage. And therefore to retract the things already spoken would be nothing else but to confirm that tyranny. In the books of the third kind, he confessed he was more bitter and vehement than he ought, excusing himself that he made not profession of Sanctity, nor would maintain his own manners, but his doctrine only; whereof he was ready to give an account to any man whatsoever, promising not to be obstinate, but to cast his books into the fire himself, in case any error were showed him with the Scripture in hand. He turned himself to the Emperor, and the Princes, saying, it was a blessing of God when the true doctrine came to be made manifest, as to reject it, was to draw upon us a cause of extreme calamities. His Oration being ended, he was by order required by the Emperor to give a plain and simple answer, whether or no he would maintain his writings. Luther refuseth to retract any thing. Whereunto he answered that he could not revoke any thing that he had written or taught, if he were not convinced by the words of the Scripture, or by evident reasons. The Emperor hearing these things, resolved, following the steps of his predecessors, to maintain the Church of Rome, and to use all means to quench that fire. Howbeit he would not violate the faith given, but proclaim a banishment against Martin after he was safely returned to his house. Some of the assembly approving that which was done at Constance, said A noble resolution of the Prince Elector Palatine. that the faith ought not to be kept. But Lewis Count Elector Palatine opposed himself, as unto a thing which would brand the Germane name with a mark of perpetual ignominy, expressing with disdain, that it was intole-Rable, that for the service of Priests, Germany should draw upon itself the infamy of not keeping the public faith. Some there were also that said that there was no need to proceed so fast to condemnation, because it was a matter of great moment, and which might produce great consequences. The days following there was a treaty in presence of some of the Princes, and in particular, of the Archbishop of Triers, and of joachimus' Elector of Brandenburg, & many things were spoken by Martin in defence of that doctrine and by others against it, being desirous to induce him to refer every thing to the judgement of the Emperor, and of the assembly, & of the Diet, without any condition whatsoever. But he answering that the Prophet forbade to put our confidence in men, yea even in Princes, to whose judgement, nothing ought less to be committed then the word of God, it was at last proposed that he would submit all to the judgement of the future Council, whereunto Luther referreth himself to a general Council. he agreed, with condition, that first the articles, which he intended to refer, might be drawn out of his books: and that sentence might not be given of them but according to the Scriptures. Last of all, being demanded what remedies he thought might be used in this cause? he answered, those only which were proposed to the jews by Gamaliel; that is, that if the enterprise were of man it would vanish, but if it came from God, it was impossible to hinder it; and that it might give satisfaction to the Pope, because all men ought to rest secure (as himself did) that if his design came not from God, it would perish in a short time. From which things it being impossible to remove him, and standing firm in his resolution, not to accept any judgement but under the rule of the scripture, he had leave given him to departed, and a term of 21 days assigned him to return to his home, with condition that he should neither preach nor write any thing in his journey. For which, after he had given thankes, he departed the 26. of April. 43 Afterwards Charles the Emperor published an Edict in the same Diet The Emperor's Edict against Luther. at Worms, the 8. of April. In which, having first declared, that it belonged to the duty of the Emperor to advance Religion, and to extinguish heresies, which began to spring up, he proceeded on to show that Friar Martin Luther endeavoured to stain Germany with that contagion, so that, if he were not hindered, all that nation would fall into an horrible ruin; that Pope Leo had fatherly admonished him, and, after that, the assembly of Cardinals, and other excellent men, had condemned his writings, and declared him an Heretic, if within a certain term he revoked not his errors; and had sent by jerom Aleander, his Nuncio, a copy of that Bull of condemnation to him the Emperor, as protector of the Church, desiring him it might be put in execution in the Empire, his Kingdoms, Dominions and Provinces; that notwithstanding this, Martin amended not himself, yea multiplied his Books daily, full, not only of new heresies, but even of those which have been long since condemned by holy Counsels, and not only in the Latin tongue, but in the Germane also, naming in particular many of his errors; he concluded that there was no writing of his where there was not to be found some contagion or deadly sting, so that it might be said, that every word was a poison; that these things being considered by him the Emperor, and his Counselors of all nations subject unto him, treading in the steps of the Roman Emperors his predecessors, having conferred, in that Diet of Worms, with the Electors, and men of other States of the Empire, by their counsel and assent, (though it was not fit to hear a man condemned by the Pope, obstinate in his perverseness and a notorious Heretic notwithstanding, to take away all occasion of cavil, many saying it was necessary to hear the man before the Pope's decree was executed) he resolved to send to fetch him by one of his Heralds, not to know and judge the things that concern faith, which belongeth to the Pope alone, but to bring him to the right way with good persuasions. Then he shown how Martin was brought into the public assembly, and whereof he was interrogated, and what he answered, as it hath been declared before, and how he had leave given him, and departed. 44 Afterwards he goeth on, concluding that therefore for the honour of God, and reverence of the Pope, and for the duty of the Imperial dignity, by the counsel and assent of the Princes, Electors, and States, executing the sentence and condemnation of the Pope, he declared that he holdeth Martin Luther for a notorious Heretic, and determineth that he ought to be so held of men, prohibiting every one to receive or defend him in any sort, commanding both Princes and States, under all the penalties, to apprehend and take him after the term of twenty days, and also to prosecute all his complices, adherents, and favourers, spoiling them of all their goods movable and immovable. He commandeth also that no man should read or keep his books, notwithstanding that some thing be good in them, giving order as well to Princes, as others that administer justice, that they, burn and destroy them. And because books extracted out of his works are composed and printed in some places, and pictures and images spread abroad to the disgrace of many, yea, even of the Pope himself, he commandeth that none should print, paint, or keep any of them, but that they be taken and burned by the Magistrates, and the Printers, buyers and sellers punished, adding a general law, that no writing may be printed where any point of faith is handled, though the least of all, without consent of the Ordinary. 45 In this self same time also the University of Paris, drawing diverse conclusions from the books of Luther, condemned them, partly as renewed out The University of Paris condemned the writings of Luther. of the doctrine of Wigleffe and Husse, and partly as newly delivered by him against the Catholic Doctrine. But all these oppositions effected nothing else, but that Luther answering, books were multiplied both of the one side and the other, and the contentions waxed more sharp, and the curiosity of many was stirred up, who, willing to inform themselves of the state of the controversy, came to note the errors reprehended, and so withdrew their devotion from the Pope. 46 Amongst the most famous contradictors, which the doctrine of Luther found, was Henry 8. King of England, who not being borne the King's eldest Henry the 8. King of England writeth against Luther son, had been destinated by his father to be Archbishop of Canterbury, and therefore in his youth was made to study; But the eldest being dead, and after him the father also, he succeeded in the Kingdom; and esteeming it a great honour to employ himself in so famous a controversy of learning, he wrote a book of the seven Sacraments, defending also the Popedom, and oppugning the Doctrine of Luther; a thing so grateful to the Pope, that having received the King's book, he honoured him with the usual title of Defender of the Faith. But Martin suffered not himself to bescared with that Gaineth the Title of Defender of the faith. most illustrious glittering name of a King, but answered his Majesty with as much acrimony, vehemency, and as small respect, as he had answered the petty Doctors. This Kingly tittle being entered into the controversies made men more curious, and, as it happeneth in combats, that the lookers on are always ready to favour the weaker, and to extol his actions, though they be but means, so so here it stirred up a general inclination towards Luther. 47 So soon as the Emperor's decree of banishment was published throughout, the same month Hugo Bishop of Constance, in whose Diocese is the The B. of Constance wrote to Zurie against Zuinglius. City of Zuric, wrote to the College of the Canons of that place, of which number Zuinglius was one, and another letter to the Senate of the same City. In those letters he put them in mind of the damage which the Churches, and Commonwealths also endured by innovation of doctrine, with much detriment to spiritual welfare, and confusion of public quiet and tranquillity He exhorteth them to beware of new Doctors, showing that they are moved only by their own ambition, and instigation of the devil. He sent there withal the Decree of Leo, and the banishment published by the Emperor, exhorting them to receive and obey both the one and the other, and particularly noted the person and doctrine of Zuinglius and his adherents, which constrained him to give an account of whatsoever he had taught his Colleagues, and to satisfy the Senate. He wrote also to the Bishop, insisting principally upon this, that concubinary Priests were not any more to be tolerated, from whom sprang infamy to the Clergy, and bad example to the people, and generally corruption of manners in all; a thing which could not be taken away, but by bringing in of marriage, according to the Apostles doctrine. He wrote also to all the Cantons of the Swisses in his own defence, making particular mention of an Edict made by the Magistrates their predecessors, that every Priest should be bound to have his proper concubine, that he might not ensnare the chastity of honest women; adding that though it seemed a ridiculous decree, yet it was necessarily to be made, nor could be changed, unless that as much as was constituted in favour of keeping Concubines, were at that present converted unto lawful matrimony. 48 The stirring of the Bishop induced the Dominicans to preach against The Dominicans preach against Zuinglius, whereby he is stirred up the more. the doctrine of Zuinglius, and him to defend himself. Wherefore he wrote and published 67. conclusions, which contained his doctrine, and touched the abuses of the Clergy, and of the Prelates. Whereupon much confusion and dissension arising, the Senate of Zuric began to consult how to appease the tumults, and called together all the Preachers and Doctors of their jurisdiction. They invited also the Bishop of Constance to send some man of wisdom and learning, to assist at that conference, to the end they might pacify the troubles, and order some thing which might be for the glory of God. The Bishop sent his Vicar, james Faber, who afterward was Bishop of Vienna; and the day Faber sent by the Bishop of Constance to assist in composing the controversies. appointed for the meeting being come, and a great multitude assembled together, Zuinglius reproduced his conclusions, offered to defend them; and to answer to whosoever would contradict them. After many things were spoken by diverse Dominican Friars, and other Doctors against Zuinglius, and by him answered, Faber said, that that time and place were not fit to treat of such a matter, & that the discussing of such propositions belonged to the Council, which would be called very soon: for he said, the Pope had so agreed with the Princes, and greater Magistrates, and Prelates of Christendom. Which gave subject to Zuinglius to fortify himself, saying, that these promises were made to feed the people with vain hopes, and in the mean space to lull them asleep in ignorance; that the things which were certain and clear in the holy Scripture, and in the use of the Primitive Church, might very well be handled at that time, though they expected a more exact declaration from the Council, of the points that were doubtful; and always urging him to say what he could, against his conclusions, Faber told him that he would not Who will not answer in words, but in writing. treat with him in words, but would answer his conclusions in writing. Finally, the assembly ended with a Decree of the Senate, that the Gospel should be preached according to the doctrine of the old and new Testament, not The decree of the Senate of Zuric. according to any humane Decree or Constitution. 49 It being therefore perceived, that the labours of the Doctors and Prelates of the Church of Rome, and the Pope's decree, who proceeded to an absolute condemnation, and the Emperor's Bando, so severe, not only could not extinguish the new doctrine, but that notwithstanding it made every day a greater progress, every one began to think that these medicines were not proper for such a malady, and that in conclusion it was necessary to come to such a kind of remedy, which, being used in times passed in the like occasions, seemed had appeased all troubles, which was the celebration of a Council. Wherefore this was desired by all sorts of men, as a wholesome and the A general Council was thought to be necessary. only remedy. 50 It came to be considered, that these novelties had not had any other beginning but from the abuses which time brought in, and from the negligence of the Pastors; and therefore that it was impossible to remedy the confusions sprung up, but by remedying the abuses which caused them; and that there was no other way to provide against them, with concord and uniformity, but by an universal Congregation. And this was the discourse of godly and well disposed men. Notwithstanding there wanted not diverse sorts of persons, who thought the Council would be profitable for their ends, and desired it should be regulated with such conditions, that it could divers sorts of persons desire the Council for diverse ends. not be but in their favour, and not contrary to their interests. First, those that had embraced Luther's opinions desired the Council, with condition that therein all might be decided and governed by the Scripture, all the Pope his constitutions and school learning being excluded: For so they assured themselves, not only to defend their own doctrine, but also that only theirs should be approved. But a Council that should proceed, as the use was 800. years before, they would not, and would be understood that they referred not themselves to that censure. And Martin was used to say, that in Worms he was too faint hearted, and that he was so well assured of his doctrine, that it being divine, he would not submit it so much as to the judgement of Angels; yea, that with it he was to judge all, both men and Angels. The Princes and other governors of the countries' regarded not much what the Council might determine concerning doctriens, but desired it might be such a one as might reduce the Priests and Friars to their beginning, hoping that, by that means the regalities, and temporal jurisdictions would return unto them, which, in such abundance and plenty, were passed into the Ecclesiastical order. And therefore they said, that it was in vain to call a Council, where the Bishops and other Prelates only should have a deliberative voice, because they ought to be reform, and it was necessary that others should have the charge thereof, who could not be deceived by their proper interests, nor constrained to resolve against the common good of Christendom. The meaner sort, though they had not much knowledge of the affairs of the world, desired that the Ecclesiastical authority might be moderated, and the poor people not burdened with so many exactions, under pretence of Tithes, Alms, and Indulgences, nor oppressed by the Bishop's Officials, under colour of corrections, and sentences. The Court of Rome, the most principal part, desired the Council, that it mighe restore obedience to the Pope, which was taken from him, & approved such a one as might be governed according to the forms used in the last ages. But that it should have power to reform the Papacy, and to take away those introductions, from which the Court received so many emoluments, and by which a great part of the gold of Christendom was glued together in Rome, this pleased them not. Leo the Pope being, as it were, in a straight between both the parties, knew not what to desire. 1522 ADRIAN 6. CHARLLS 5.— HENRY 8. FRANCIS 1. Pope Leo knoweth not what to resolve about the Council. What benefit the Lateran Council brought to the Papacy. He saw that every day his obedience was diminished, and that whole countries' separated themselves from him, and desired a Council for remedy. But when he considered that it would be worse than the malady, carrying with it in consequence a reformation, he abhorred it. He considered with himself how to call a Council in Rome, or some other place of the Church's dominion; as his Predecessor and himself had celebrated with singular fruit, the Council of Lateran a few years before, having by that means appeased the schism, reduced the kingdom of France, which was separated, and, which was of no less importance, abolished the Prgamaticall Sanction, doubly contrary to the monarchy of Rome; as well in regard it was an example to take from him the collation of benefices, a great foundation of the Pontifical greatness, as also because it was a preservation of the memory of the Council of Basil, and by consequence of the subjection of the Pope to a general Synod. But afterwards he saw not how a Council of that sort could give remedy to the disease, which was not in the Princes and great Prelates, with whom familiarity and interest prevailed, but in the people, with whom it was necessary to use reality, and to make a true mutation. The case The death of Pope Leo. standing thus, in the end of the year 1521. Pope Leo departed this life. 51 And in the beginning of the next year the ninth of january Adrian was Adriax is created Pope, and much feared. 1522 created. Which assumption to the Popedom being made of a man who was never seen in Rome, unknown to the Cardinals and the Court, and remained in Spain (besides the world holding an opinion that he would not approve the manners of the Romans, nor the free life of the Courtiers) all men's thoughts were turned to consider of it; so that Luther's innovations were no more thought of. Some doubted that he was too much inclined to a reformation, others that he would call the Cardinals unto him, and so transport the Papacy out of Italy, as had happened at other times. But they were soon delivered from this great fear. For the new Pope, the next day after he had received advice of his election (which was the 22. of the same month in the city of Victoria in Biscay) not expecting the Legates sent unto him from the College of Cardinals, to signify it unto him, and to have his consent, assembled those few Prelates which he could get, consented to the Election, and having taken the habit and arms, declared himself Pope, and went presently to Barcelona; where he wrote to the College of Cardinals the cause why he had taken upon him the name and charge of the Pope, without expecting the Legates, committing also unto them the publication of it throughout all Italy. He was enforced to tarry at Barcelona a convenient time, to pass the gulf of Lions, which was very dangerous; yet he deferred no longer then needs must to embark for Italy; and arrived there in the end of August 1522. 52 Adrian found all Italy in commotion, by reason of the war between the Emperor and the French King, and the Apostolical Sea over head and The troubled state of Italy at the arrival of Adrian. ears in a particular war with the Dukes of Ferrara and Urbin, Arimini, newly taken by the Malatesti, the Cardinals divided, and not trusting one another, the Isle of Rhodes assieged by the Turks, the lands of the Church exhausted and in extreme confusion, during the anarchy of eight months. Notwithstanding he applied himself principally to compose the discords in religion in Germany. And being nourished and brought up from his childhood in the studies of School-divinity, he held those opinions to be so clear and evident, that he was persuaded that no reasonable man could think the contrary. Wherefore he gave no other title to the doctrine of Luther, but unsavoury, Adrian was very learned ' in School Divinity. The Epithets he gave to the doctrine of Luther. foolish, and unreasonable, and thought that none, but some few fools, could believe it, and that those that followed Martin were men, who, in their conscience, undoubtedly maintained the opinions of the Church of Rome, and feigned the contrary, being provoked by the burdens laid upon them. His opinion therefore was, that it must needs be an easy thing to extinguish that doctrine, which had none other foundation than matter of profit, and thought that, by giving some small satisfaction, the body would easily be healed, which rather made show to be sick, then that it was so indeed. Adrian borne in Vtrect. And because he was borne in Vtrect, a city of low Germany, he hoped that all that nation would willingly hearken to his proposes, and engage themselves to maintain his authority, as being an Alman, and so sincere in all his treaties, that he used neither Arts nor secret ends. And being persuaded that it imported much to use celerity, he resolved to make his first proposition in the Diet, which was prepared at Noremberg: which to the end it He resolveth to make a reformation before he maketh his first proposition in the Diet of Noremberg. might be gratefully heard, and his promise esteemed real, he thought it necessary to give a taste, by beginning a reformation, before he treated with them, removing the abuses which caused the dissension. To this end he called to Rome, john Peter Caraffa, Archbishop of Chieti, and Marcellus Cazele of Gaeta, men esteemed for their honesty and virtues, and very skilful in whatsoever belonged to Ecclesiastical discipline, that by the counsel of them, and of the Cardinals which he trusted, he might find some remedy against the corruptions which were of greatest moment. In this number the prodigality used in giving Indulgences first presented itself unto him, because it gave way to the reputation which the new Preachers in Germany, had gained. 53 The Pope, being a Divine who had written in this matter long before Luther thought to handle it, meant to establish by an Apostolical Decree, and as Pope, that doctrine which, being a private man, he had taught and written. That is, that an Indulgence being granted to one that shall do such a godly work, the work may be performed by some in such perfection, that he may obtain the Indulgence; but if it want something of that exactness, the worker obtaineth not all the Indulgence, but only so much as answereth in proportion to the imperfect work. The Pope thought that by this means he should not only provide against scandal hereafter, but remedy also those that were passed, because it being possible to qualify with so good circumstances every little work, that it may deserve any great reward, Luther's objection was answered, how by the offering of a penny so great a treasure could be gained; and seeing that by the defect of the work, he that gaineth not all, obtaineth notwithstanding a proportionable part, the faithful drew not themselves back from seeking Indulgences. 54 But Friar Thomas of Gaeta, Cardinal of S. Sistus, a perfect Divine, dissuaded it, telling him, that this was to punish that truth, which, for the safety of souls, it was better to keep secret amongst learned men, and that it was rather disputable then decided. Therefore, that himself also, who steadfastly believed it in his conscience, notwithstanding had so carried it in his writings, that none but the most learned men could draw it from his words: which doctrine being divulged and authorized, there would be danger, that Card. Caietan dissuaded the Pope from making a decree concerning Indulgences. even learned men would conclude, that the Popes grant profited nothing, but that all oughtt to be attributed to the quality of the work, which would absolutely diminish men's hot desires to purchase Indulgences, and the esteem of the Pope's authority. The Cardinal added that, after he had exactly studied this subject, by the command of Leo, at the time when these contentions began in Germany, and written a full tract thereof, being Legate in Ausburg, the next year he had occasion to examine and treat of it more diligently, speaking with many, and discussing the difficulties and motives which troubled those Countries: and in two conferences which he had with Luther in that City, he disputed that matter at large, which having well digested, he doubted not but that he might say with asseveration & without danger of error, that there was no other way to give remedy to the scandals past, present, and to come, then by bringing back those things to their first beginning. That it is a clear case, that, howsoever the Pope may free the faithful from any punishment, by the means of Indulgences, yet to him that readeth the Decretals it plainly appeareth, that an Indulgence is an absolution from penance imposed in confession only. Wherefore causing the disused penitentiary Canons to be observed again, and imposing convenient penance, every one would evidently see the necessity and utility of Indulgences, and would earnestly seek them, to free themselves from that great burden of penance; and the golden age of the Primitive Church would return again, in which the P relates had absolute command over the faithful, only because they were held in continual exercise with penance; whereas now, being become wanton, they would shake off from them the yoke of obedience. The people of Germany, who buried in idleness, give care to Martin for preaching Christian liberty, if they were kerbed with penances, would think no more of this innovation, and the Apostolical Sea might favour therein whosoever would be thankful to it in that behalf. 55 This opinion pleased the Pope, as grounded upon authority, and whereunto he saw not what opposition could be made. He caused it to be proposed Who was willing to embrace his opinion. in the Penitentiary Court, to find a means and form how to put it in practice first in Rome, and then in all Christendom. For this cause diverse assemblies were made by the deputies for the reformation, together with the Penitentiaries, to treat of the manner how to use it. But so many difficulties did cross it, that in conclusion Lorenzo Puccio, a Florentine, Cardinal of Santi Quatro, who was Datarie to Pope Leo, and (as hath been said) a diligent minister But was dissuaded by Lorenzo Puccio. to find out money, and was now chief Penitentiary, related to the Pope, with a general assent, that the proposition was thought impossible, and that, when proof thereof should be made, in stead of curing the present diseases, fare geater would be stirred up. That the Canonical punishments were grown into disuse, because they could no longer be supported for want of the ancient zeal. Wherefore for him that would bring them back, it was necessary he should make the same zeal and Charity in the Church to return again. That this presentage was not like unto those that were passed, in which all the Constitutions of the Church were received, without thinking any more of them, whereas now every one will be a judge, and examine the reasons: Which, if it happen in things that bring with them no burden at all, or very little, how much more must it be expected in a thing that would be most heavy. It was true, that the remedy was fitted for the disease, but that it was too strong for the body that was sick, and instead of curing would kill it, and that in place of regaining Germany, Italy would first be lost, and that estranged much more. The Cardinal added, me thinks I hear one say, as S. Peter did, Why do they tempt God laying upon the Disciples shoulders that, which neither we nor our fathers have been able to bear. That his Holiness should remember that famous place of the Gloss, alleged by him in his fourth book upon the Sentences, that, concerning the value of ●ndulgences, the complaint is both old and doubtful; That he should consider the four Opinions, all Catholic, and yet so different as that Gloss doth Four very different opinions about Indulgences, and all Catholic. recite. Whereby it is manifest, that this matter in these times requireth silence rather than any further discussion. 56 These reasons sank deep into Adrians' mind, and made him not know what to do, and he was perplexed so much the more, because he found no less difficulty in other things, which, in his secret purpose, he meaned to reform. In the matter of dispensations for marriage, the taking away of many prohibitions against contracting matrimony between certain persons, which seemed superfluous, and hard to be observed (whereunto he was much inclined, and it would have been a great ease to the people) was blamed by many, as a thing that weakened the sinews of discipline, and the continuing of them made the Lutherans say, that they were only to get money. To restrain the dispensations to certain qualities of persons, was to give new matter to the pretendants to allege that in spiritual things, and in whatsoever belonged to the ministry of CHRIST, there was no difference of persons. To take away pecuniary expenses for these things, that could not be, but by rebuying the Offices which Leo sold, the buyers whereof were gainers by this. Which also hindered the abolishing of Regresses, Accesses, and Coadiutories, and other devices used in the collation of Benefices, which had the appearance (if not rather the essence) of Simony. To rebuy the Offices was impossible, in regard of the great charges which must be made, and always continued. And that which most troubled his mind was, that when he was resolved to take away any abuse, there wanted not some, who took upon him to maintain with colourable show, that the thing was good or necessary. With these doubts the Pope was grieved until November, desirous to make some notable provision, to give the world a taste of his mind, who was resolute to remedy all the abuses, before he began to treat in Germany. 57 At length Franciscus Soderinus Cardinal of Preneste, called Cardinal of Volterra, The counsel of Franciscus Soderinus. in whom he put most confidence (though afterward he was so far in his disfavour that he cast him into prison) made him come to resolution. This Cardinal, most conversant in managing civil affairs, and employed in the Papacies of Alexander, julius, and Leo, which were full of diverse and important accidents, in all his discourses with the Pope cast out words which might instruct him. He commended his goodness, his ingenuity and his mind inclined to the reformation of the Church, and the rooting out of heresies: adding, notwithstanding, that he could not have praise by his good intention only, not able to do good by itself, unless he joined thereunto an exact choice of fit means, and an execution managed with the greatest circumspection. But when he saw him constrained by the straightness of time to resolve, he told him there was no hope to confound and root out the Lutherans by correcting the manners of the Court, but rather that it would be a means to augment their credit much more. For the people, who always judge by the events, when they shall be assured, by the following amendment, that the Pope's government was justly reprehonded, will persuade themselves likewise, that the other innovations proposed have good foundation, and the arch-heretiques, seeing they have overcome in one part, will not cease to reprehend the rest. That in all humane affairs it falleth out, that to receive satisfaction in some requests, giveth pretence to prepare more, and to think they are due. That reading the stories passed of the times, when heresies have been raised against the authority of the Church of Rome, it will appear, that all took pretence from the corrupted manners of the Court. Nevertheless, never any Pope thought fit to reform them, but after admonitions and instructions used, to induce the Princes to protect the Church. That, whatsoever hath succeeded well here to fore, ought always to be observed and kept. That nothing did more ruin a government, then to change the manner of ruling it. That to open new ways not used was to expose himself to great dangers, and that it was most secure to tread in the steps of the holy Popes, who always have brought their enterprises to a prosperous end. That no man hath ever extinguished heresies by reformations, but by Crusadoes, and by exciting Princes and people to root them out. That he should remember that Innocentius the third, did by such means happily oppress the Albigenses of Langue doc, and the next Popes extinguished in other places, and by no other means, the Waldenses, Picards, poor people of Lions, Arnaldists, Speronists, and Patavines, so that now there remaineth no more of them but the name only. That there would not want Princes in Germany, who, in case the Pope would give them leave to seize themselves of the States of Luther's favourers, would greedily embrace the condition; and that he might cause many people to follow them, by granting Indulgences and Pardons to whosoever would assist them. The Cardinal put him also in mind, that he ought not to think of the German stirs in Religion, as if there were no more imminent danger to the Apostolical Sea; because the war of Italy, a thing of greater peril, hanged over their heads, whereunto he ought principally to apply his mind: in managing whereof, if he wanted money, which is the sinew of war, he might receive some notorious affront; and that no reformation could be made, that would not notably diminish the rents of the Church; which having four fountains, the one temporal, the rents of the Ecclesiastical state, the other three spiritual, Indulgences, dispensations, and collations of Benefices, none of them could be stopped, but that one quarter of the revenues would be cut off. The Pope relating these discourses to William Encourt, whom afterward he created Cardinal, and Theodorie Hezius, his familiar and trusty friends, said the condition of Popes was miserable, seeing it was plain that they could not do good, though they desired and endeavoured to do it, and concluded Adrian be waileth the condition of the Popes. that, before the journey which he was to make into Germany, it was not possible to effect any one point of reformation, and that it was necessary they should be contented to believe his promises, which he was resolved to maintain, though it were to divest himself of all temporal dominion, and to be reduced to the life of the Apostles. Nevertheless he gave straight commission to both, of which one was Dataric, and the other Secretary, that they should be sparing to grant Indulgences, dispensations, regresses, and coadiutories, until means were found to give a rule for them by a Law and perpetual Constitution. These things, having read them largely related in a Diary of the Bishop of Fabriano, where he noted all the remarkable things which he had seen and heard, I was willing briefly to repeat here, because they may serve much to the understanding of those things which shall be spoken of hereafter. In the first Consistory of November, by consent of the Cardinals, he appointed Francisco Chiericato, whom he knew in Spain, Bishop of Fabriano (whom I named a little before) for his Nuncio to the Diet of Noremberg, The Bishop of Fabriano is sent Nuncio to the Diet of Noremberg. which was assembled in absence of the Emperor, who, some few months before, was enforced to pass into Spain, to appease the tumults and seditions begun in those kingdoms. The Nuncio arrived at Noremberg at the end of the year, and presented the Pope's Letters to the Electors, Princes, and The Pope's letter to the Diet against Luther. Orators of Cities, written generally to them all, under the date of the five and twentieth of November; in which he first complained that Martin Luther, having been condemned by the sentence of Leo, and the sentence executed in Worms by the Emperor's Decree, published thoughout all Germany, he persevered notwithstanding in the same errors, continually publishing books full of heresies, and that he was favoured, not only by the meaner sort, but even by the Nobles also. Adding that, though the Apostle foretold that heresies were necessary for exercise of the godly, yet that necessity was tolerable in times convenient, not in those, in which Christianity being oppressed by the Turkish arms, all industry should be used to purge the disease within, that the damage and danger, which it bringeth by itself alone, hindereth his endeavours against so great an enemy. Then he exhorteth the Princes and people not to make show of giving any consent to so great an abomination; by tolerating it any longer. He shown them that it was a most shameful thing to suffer themselves to be led out of the way of their ancestors, by a simple Friar, as if only Luther were of understanding, and wise. He advertiseth them that, if Luther's followers have denied obedience to the Ecclesiastical Laws, much more will they esteem basely of the secular; and if they have usurped the goods of the Church, much less will they abstain from those of the Laity, and having dared to lay their hands upon the Priests of God, they will not spare the houses, wives, and children of them▪ He exhorteth them, if they cannot reduce Martin and his followers into 1523 ADRIAN 6. CHARLES 〈◊〉 HENRY 8. FRANCIS 〈◊〉 the right way by fair means, to proceed to sharp and 〈…〉 ry remedies, to cut the dead members from the body, as anciently was done unto Dathan▪ and Abiram, to Anania● and Saphira, to jovinian and Vigilantius; and finally as their predecessors did against John hus, and Hierome of Praghe, in the Council of Constance, whose example, in case they cannot otherwise do, they ought to imitate. In conclusion he referred himself as well in this particular, as in other affairs, to the relation of Francisco Chiericato his Nuncio. He wrote letters also almost to all the Princes, with the very same conceits▪ and to the The Pope's letto the Duke of Saxony. Elector of Saxony he wrote in particular, that he should consider what blemish it would be to his posterity, to have favoured a frantic man, who put confusion into the world with impious and foolish inventions, turning upside down the doctrine established by the blood of the Martyrs, labours of the holy Doctors, and arms of the most valiant Princes; that he should walk in the paths of his ancestors, not suffering his eyes to be dazzled by the fury of a petty companion, to follow errors condemned by so many Counsels. 60 The Nuncio presented to the Diet, not only the Pope's Brief, but his The Nuncio persuadeth the Princes by seven reasons to oppose Luther, 1523 own instructions also, by which he was enjoined to exhort the Princes, with seven reasons, to oppose themselves against that pestilent doctrine of Luther. The first, because the worship of God, and charity towards their neighbour moved them thereunto. Secondly, the infamy of their nation. Thirdly, their own honour, showing themselves not to degenerate from their predecessors, who where present at the condemnation of john hus in Constance, and of the other heretics, leading some of them to the fire, even with their own hands; and that they would not fail of their own promise and constancy, the greater part of them having approved the Emperor's Edict against Luther. Fourthly, that the injury should move them, which Luther hath done to their progenitors, publishing another faith then that which they believed, and concluding by consequence that they are all in hell. Fiftly, they ought to be moved, by the mark which the Lutherans aim at, which is to weaken the secular power, after they have annihilated the Ecclesiastical, by a false pretence that it is usurped against the Gospel, although they craftily make show to prcferue the secular, only to deceive them? Sixtly, that they should consider the dissensions and confusions raised in Germany by the sect, And finally he desireth them to observe that Luther treadeth in the same way that Mahomet did long ago, permitting carnal inclinations to be satiated▪ though he seem to do it with more modesty, that he may the more powerfully deceive them. And if any should say that he was condemned in absence and without defence, and therefore that it were fit to hear him, the answer was, that it was a just thing to hear him in that which concerneth the fact, that is, if he have preached, written, or not; but that in matter of faith, and of the Sacraments, it was not convenient: because that ought not to be questioned, which hath been once confirmed by general Counsels, The Pope 〈◊〉 fesseth the abuses of the Clergy, not exempting the A 〈…〉 sto 〈…〉 S 〈…〉 and by the whole Church. Then the Pope giveth him commission to acknowledge ingenuously, that this confusion was caused by the sins of men, especially of the Priests and Prelates; confessing that some years since some abominations have been committed even in that holy Sea, many abuses in spiritual things, many transgressions of the commandments, and lastly, all things turned to the worst, so that it may be said, that the infirmity is passed from the head to the members, from the Popes to the inferior Prelates, in so much, that there hath been none that hath done good, no not one▪ For the amendment of which evil, himself is resolved to employ all his wits, and use all diligence that the Court of Rome, from whence peradventure all this mischief proceeded, should be reform first of all. Which he will the rather do, because he seethe that all the world doth earnestly desire it. Notwithstanding that no man ought to marvel, if he shall see that all the abuses be not so suddendy amended. For the disease being inueterated and multiplied, it is necessary to proceed slowly in the cure, and to begin from things of greatest weight, to avoid the confounding of all, by desiring to do all together. He gave him commission also to promise in his name the observation of the Concordates, that he would inform himself of the causes called into the Rota, to remaund them to the parties according unto justice. And lastly, that he should solicit the Princes and States in his name, to answer the letters, and to inform him of the means, by which he might most commodiously resist the Lutherans. Besides, the presentation of the Pope's Brief, and the information, the Nuncio proposed that it was observed that almost every where in Germany, religious men forsook the Cloisters, and returned to the world, and that the Priests married themselves, to the great contempt and disgrace of religion; and the greater part of them committed many excesses and enormities. Wherefore it was necessary that some order were taken that these Sacrilegious marriages might be dissolved, the Authors severally punished, and the Apostates reduced under the power of their Superiors. 61 The Diet answered the Nuncio in writing, that with reverence they had read the Pope's Brief, and the instructions concerning Luther's sect, and that The answer of the Diet. they gave thankes to God for his Holiness assumption to the Popedom, wishing him all happiness from above. And (when they had spoken what came into their minds about the concord between Christian Princes, and the war against the Turks) concerning the demand to execute the Sentence given against Luther, and the Edict of Worms, they answered that they were most ready to employ all their power to root out heresies, but that they had omitted to execute the Sentence, and Edict, for most weighty and urgent causes, in regard that the greater part of the people was persuaded by Luther's books that the Court of Rome had brought many grievances upon Germany; so that if any thing had been done for execution of the Sentence, the multitude would have entered into suspicion that it was done to uphold and maintain the abuses and impiety, and popular tumults would have been raised with danger of civil wars. Wherefore they said, that in such difficulties, more fitting remedies were necessary; especially himself the Nuncio having confessed in the Pope's name that these evils proceeded from the sins of men, and promised a reformation of the Court of Rome▪ the abuses whereof, if they were not amended, and the grievances removed, and some Articles reform, it was impossible to make peace between the ecclesiastics and Seculars, and to extirpate the present tumults. And because Germany had consented to the payment of Annates, upon condition they should be spent in the war against the Turks, they being paid so many years, and never converted to that use, they desired the Pope, that from henceforth the Court of Rome might not be troubled to exact them, but that they might be left to the Exchequer of the Empire for the expenses of that war. And whereas his Holiness demanded counsel of the means, by the which he might oppose himself to so great inconvenience, they answered, that, if the treaty were not of Luther only, but of rooting out altogether many errors, and vices which by long custom, and for diverse respects, The Council is demanded in the Diet to be held in some place of Germany. have taken deep root, by some ignorantly, by others maliciously defended, they deemed no remedy more commodious, effectual, and opportune, then if his Holiness, by the Emperor's consent, would call a godly, free, and Christian Council, so soon as it were possible, in some convenient place in Germany; that is, in Argentine, in Mentz, Collen, or Metz, not deferring the convocation thereof above a year; granting power to every one, as well Ecclesiastical as Secular, to speak and give counsel for the glory of God, and salvation of souls, any oath or obligation to the contrary notwithstanding. Which, they thinking that his Holiness ought speedily to execute, and being desirous to make, for the interim, the best provision they were able, they were resolved to treat with the Elector of Saxony, that the Lutherans should neither write not print any more, & that the preachers throughout all Germany should be silent in those things that might cause popular tumult, & should preach the holy Gospel sincerely and purely, according to the doctrine approved by the Church, not moving disputations, but reserving all controversies to the determination of the Council. That the Bishops should depute godly and learned men to be superintendents over the preachers, to inform & correct them; yet so, as that no suspicion might be given that it was done to hinder the truth of the Gospel; that hereafter no new thing should be printed before it were seen & allowed, by honest & learned men. Hoping by this means to provide against the tumults, if his Holiness will take order against the grievances, and ordain a free and Christian Council; not doubting but that the tumults will so be quieted, and the greater part reduced to tranquillity. For undoubtedly all honest men would expect the determination of the Council, when they saw that it was to be celebrated quickly. Concerning married Priests, and religious men, who returned to the world, they thought it sufficient if the Ordinaries did impose upon them Canonical punishments, because the Civil Laws had made no provision against them: But in case they commit any wickedness, that the Prince, or Magistrate, in whose Territory they shall offend, aught to give them their due chastisement. 62 The Nuncio was not satisfied with this answer, and resolved to reply. The reply of the Nuncio to the answer of the Di 〈…〉 And first for the cause why the Pope's sentence, and the Emperor's Edict against Luther were not executed, he said, that the reason alleged did not satisfy, which was, that they refrained to do it, to avoid scandals. For it was not convenient to tolerate an evil, that good may come thereby, and that they ought to esteem more the salvation of souls, then worldly tranquillity. He added that Luther's followers ought not to be excused by the scandals and grievances of the Court of Rome. For in case they were true, yet ought they not to forsake the Catholic unity, but rather support whatsoever was amiss with all patience. Whereupon he entreated them to execute the sentence and Edict before the Diet ended. And if Germany were any way burdened by the Court of Rome, the Apostolical Sea would be ready to ease it. And if there were any differences between the ecclesiastics, and secular Princes, the Pope was willing to compose and extinguish them. Concerning the Annates, than he said nothing, for that his Holiness would answer them in time convenient. But to their demand of a Council, he replied, that his hope was, that it would not displease his Holiness, if they had demanded it in more fitting terms, and therefore besought them to take away all those words that might give him any umbrage. As those, that the Council might be called by the Emperor's consent; and those other, that the Council might be Celebrated rather in one City then another. For if they were not taken away, it seemed they would bind his Holiness hands, a thing which could not produce any good effect. For the Preachers, he entreated them that the Pope's decree might be observed, that thence forward none might preach before his doctrine were examined by the Bishop. For the Printers and diwlgers of Books, he replied that the answer no way pleased him; that they ought to execute the sentence of the Pope and Emperor, to burn the books, and punish the diwlgers, earnestly advertising them that all consisted in this. And concerning books to be printed hereafter, that the late Lateran Council ought to be observed. But, for the married Priests, the answer would not have displeased him, had it not had a sting in the tail, while it was said, that if they shall do any wicked thing, they shall be punished by the Princes or Magistrates. For this would be against the liberty of the Church and the sickle would be put into another man's field, and those men would be censured by the world, who are reserved unto CHRIST. For Princes should not presume to believe that they were devolved to their jurisdiction by their apostasy, nor that they could be punished by them for their other offences, in regard, the character remaining in them, and the order, they are ever under the power of the Church; neither can Princes do more than delate them to their Bishops and superiors, that may chastise them. In the end he desired them to consider more maturely upon the foresaid things, and to give a better answer, more plain, more sound, and better consulted of. 63 The reply of the Nuncio was not well taken in the Diet, and it was commonly spoken amongst those Princes, that he had a measure of good and Was not well t●ken by the Princes. evil, only by relation unto the profit of the Court, and not to the necessities of Germany; and that the conservation of the Catholic amity, ought rather to incite to do the good that is easy to be executed, then to support the evil which is hard to be endured. And yet the Nuncio desired, that Germany would support, with all patience, the oppressions laid upon it by the Court of Rome, which was not willing to bend itself, though never so little to do good, or rather to desist from evil, but with promise only. They said, his Holiness had too quick a sense, if he would be offended by so The Dite resolveth to give no other answer. modest and so necessary a demand of a Council. And after long discussion it was resolved by common consent, not to give any other answer but to expect what the Pope would resolve upon that which they had given already. 64 Afterwards the secular Princes made a long complaint apart, of that which they pretended against the Court of Rome, and the whole Ecclesiastical order; reducing it to an hundred heads, which therefore they called Centum gravamina. These they sent unto the Pope (because the Nuncio, unto The huudred grievances of the Princes of Germany. whom they were imparted, went away before they were enlarged) with protestation that they neither would nor could endure them any longer, and that they were constrained by necessity, and the iniquity of them, to seek with all industry to free themselves from them, and by the most commodious ways they could. 65 It would be long to express the whole contents. But in sum, they complained of the payment for dispensations, and absolutions, of the money which was drawn from them by indulgences; of the suits in Law which were drawn to Rome; of the reservation of Benefices, and the abuses of Commendaes', and Annates; of the exemption of the ecclesiastics in offences; of Excommunications and unlawful interdicts; of Lay causes drawn before the Ecclesiastical judge by diverse pretences, of the great expenses in consecrating Churches and Churchyards, of pecuniary penance; of expenses to have the Sacraments and the burial. All which were reduced to three principal heads; to enthrall the people, to rob them of their money, and to appropriate unto themselves the jurisdiction of the secular Magistrate. 66 The sixth of March the Recess was made with the precepts contained The Recess of the 〈◊〉 in the answer to the Nuncio; and, a little after every thing was printed, as well the Pope's Brief, as also the instructions of the Nuncio, the answers, and replies, with the hundred greivances and they were diuulged through Germany, and passed from thence to other places, and even unto Rome also. Where the open confession of the Pope, that all the mischief proceeded from the Court of Rome, and from the Ecclesiastical order, did not please; and The Pope's confession of the abuses of the Clergy was distasteful in Rome. generally it was not grateful to the Prelates. For it seemed to be too ignominious, and might make them more odious to the world, and cause the people to despise them; yea, that it would make the Lutherans more bold and saucy: And it grieved them most of all, to see a gate opened, where necessarily the moderation of their profits, which they so much abhorred, would be brought in, or themselves convinced of incorrigibility. And those that excused Reputation is the chiefest ground of the Pontifical greatness. the Pope most, did attribute it to his small knowledge of the Arts by which the pontifical greatness, and the authority of the Court is maintained, which are founded upon reputation. They commended the judgement and wisdom of Pope Leo, who knew how to attribute the bad opinion which Germany conceived of the manners of the Court, to the want of knowing it. And therefore he said in the Bull against Martin Luther, that if he after he was cited, had come to Rome, he would not have found so many abuses in the Court, as was believed. The Pope's condition was 〈◊〉 expounded in Germane. 67 But in Germany those that were ill affected to the Court of Rome, expounded that ingenuous confession in the worier sense, saying, it was an usual Art to confess the evil, and to promise the amendment thereof, without any thought to effect any thing, to lull a sleep those that are not wary, to enjoy the benefit of time, and, in the mean space by treating with Princes, to justify themselves, in such sort, that they may the better make the people subject 1524 CLEMENT 7. CHARLES 5— HENRY 8. FRANCIS 1. unto them, and take from them all power to oppose themselves against their wills, and to speak of their defects. And because the Pope said, that in giving the remedy, it was necessary not to strive to provide against all at once, for fear of causing great mischief, but to do things step by step, they laughed at it; adding that it was well said, step by step, but so that there were a whole age between one and another. But, in regard of Adrians' good life before his assumption to the Papacy, as well after he was Bishop and Cardinal, as before, and the good intention which was showed in all his actions, holy men expounded all in good sense, thinking verily that he confessed the errors with ingenuity, and that he would redress them sooner than he promised; neither did the event make them judge the contrary. For the Court being not worthy of such a Pope, it pleased God to call him, almost as soon as he had received the relation of his Nuncio from Noremberg. For the 13. of September he ended the course of his years. 68 But when the decree of the Recess of Noremberg was published in Germany, Pope Adrian dieth. The decree of the Recess of Noremberg was expounded in contrary senses according to men's contrary interests. with the precepts concerning Sermons and Prints, the greater part esteemed not thereof, but those that were interested, aswell followers of the Church of Rome, as Lutherans, expounded all in their own favour. For it being said that the things which might stir up popular tumults, should not be spoken of, the Catholics understood it, that the things brought in by Luther's doctrine, and the reproof of the abuses of the Ecclesiastical order should not be spoken of; and the Lutherans said, that the meaning of the Diet was, that the abuses, which stirred up the people against the Preachers, when they heard as well bad things as good represented unto them, should not be defended. And that part of the Decree, which commanded to preach the Gospel according to the doctrine of writers approved by the Church, the Catholics understood, according to the doctrine of the Schoolmen, and the last postillers of the Scriptures. But the Lutherans said, it was to be understood of the holy Fathers, Hilary, Ambrose, Austin, jerom, and the like; expounding also, that by virtue of the Edict of the Recess, it was lawful for them to continue in teaching their doctrine until the Council: and the Catholics understood that the meaning of the Diet was, that they should continue in the doctrine of the Church of Rome. Whereby it appeared that the Edict, in stead of quenching the fire of Controversies, inflamed it the more; and in the minds of godly men there remained a desire of a free Council, unto which it seemed, that both the parties would submit themselves; hoping that by this they should be delivered from so great mischief. 69 After the death of Adrian, julio de Medicis, cousin to Pope Leo, was created successor, and called Clement, the seaventh; who suddenly applied himself julio de Medici-cousen to Leo the tenth, was created Pope, and called clement the ●●●uenth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 1524 to the affairs of Germany. And, being skilful in the knowledge of negotiations, he saw clearly that Pope Adrian, contrary to the style of wise Popes was too facile, as in confessing the defects of the Court, so in promising the reformation; and too abject in ask counsel of the Germans how provision might be made against the contentions of that kingdom. For thereby he drew upon his back the demand of a Council, which was of great 1524 ADRIAN 6●— CHARLES 5. HENRY 8. FRANCIS 〈◊〉 importance, especially with condition to celebrate it in Germany, and had given too much courage to that Princes, that they dared not only to send, but to print also the hundred grievances; a writing ignom inious to the Ecclesiastiques of Germany, but more to the Court of Rome. Having considered all things well, he resolved that it was necessary to give some satisfaction to the Dutch men, yetso, that his authority might not be endangered, nor the commodities of the Court, taken away. He considered that howsoever some of the 100 greivances concerned the Court, yet the greater part touched the Bishops, Officials, Curates, and other Priests of Germany. Therefore he hoped if that the foresaid persons were reform, the Germans would easily be induced to be silent for the present, in that which concerned Rome, and that with that reformation he should have diverted the treaty of the Council. Therefore he thought it convenient suddenly to dispatch a Legate, a man of wisdom and authority, tooth Diet, which was to be celebrated theree months after in Noremberg, with instruction, to walk in the same way and above all, to dissemble the knowledge of Adrians' propositions, and of the answers given unto him, that he might not receive any prejudice in his Tretaie, and might proceed, as if the matter were to begin. 70 The Legate was Lorenzo Campeggio, Cardinal of S. Anastafia, who being Card. Campeggio is Legate to the Diet of Noremberg. come to the Diet, after he had treated of diverse things, with diverse particular men, to set his negotiation in order, he spoke also in public, where he said, that he wondered that so many Princes, and so wise, could endure that religion, rites, and ceremonies, in which, they, their fathers and ancestors deceased, were borne and bred, should be extinguished and abolished, not considering that such innovation tended to the rebellion of the people against the Magistrates. That the Pope not aiming at any interest of his own, but having a fatherly compassion of Germany, fallen into spiritual and temporal infirmities, and subject to very great imminent dangers, had sent him to find a means to cure the disease. That it was not the intention of his Holiness to prescribe any thing unto them, much less that any thing should be prescribed unto himself, but only to consult of the fit remedies, concluding that if the diligence of his Holiness were refused, it would not afterwards be reasonable to lay any fault upon him. 71 He was answered by the Princes (for the Emperor was in Spain, as The answer of the Diet. was said before) after they had thanked the Pope for his good will, that they knew well the danger which hanged over their heads, by reason of the change of the doctrine of Religion; that therefore, in the Diet the year before, they had showed unto the Nuncio of Pope Adrian, a means and way to compose the differences, and had given him also in writing whatsoever they desired or sought from Rome; which writing they believed that Adrian had received, because the Nuncio promised to deliver it, as also they thought that the grievances, which Germany received from the Clergy, were known unto all, being published in Print, and that they expected, even until that instant, that their just desires should be heard, and continued expecting still. Wherefore, if he had any order or instruction from the Pope, they prayed him to declare it, that they might consult of the whole together with him. 72 To this the Legate replied, according to his commission, that he knew not that any instruction had been brought to the Pope or Cardinals, concerning the means & way of composing the differences in religion. But he well assured them of the Pope's very good meaning, from whom he had most absolute power, to do whatsoever might serve for that end but that it concerned The Legeats reply. them to show the way, who knew the condition of the persons, and the customs of the country. That it was very well known that Cesar in the Diet of Worms, had published, by their consent, an Edict against the Lutherans, whereunto some had given obedience, and some not; of which diversity and variety he knew not the reason: but it seemed good unto him, that first of all they ought to deliberate of the means, how to put it in execution. That although he had not as yet understood that the 100 grievances had been published to be presented to the Pope, notwithstanding he knew that three copies had been brought to some private men in Rome, that himself had seen one of them, and that they were seen by the Pope and Cardinals, who could not persuade themselves that they were collected by any of the Princes, but thought they were set out by some malignant person in spite to the Court of Rome; that although he had neither order nor instruction from the Pope in that matter, yet they ought not to think that he had not authority to treat thereof, as occasion served. He said, that in those demands, there were many that derogated from the power of the Pope, and savoured of heresy, that of those he could not treat, but offered to be informed, and to speak of those which were not against the Pope, and had ground of equity, that if any thing remained, to be treated of with his Holiness, they might propose it, but in more moderate terms. That he could not choose but find fault that they were printed and published, because it seemed too much, yet that he was certain, that the Pope, being Universal Pastor, would do any thing for the love of Germany: but if the voice of the Pastor were not heard, the Pope and himself must take it patiently, and refer every thing to God. 73 The Diet, though they did not think it probable, that the Cardinal and Is suspected by the Diet. Pope knew not the treaties with Adrian, and judged, that in the Legates answers there might be cunning, yet desiring that good deliberation might be taken for the quiet of their Country, they deputed some Princes to negotiate with the Cardinal, who could get nothing from him, but that he would have a good reformation made of the Clergy of Germany; but for the abuse of the Court of Rome, it was not possible to make him yield to anything. For when they began to discourse of them, either he said that it was heresic to reprehend them, or that he referred it to the Pope, and that it was necessary to treat with him thereof. 74 The Cardinal made a reformation of Germany, the which (touching And his reformation was not accepted. only the inferior Clergy, and being judged that it would not only cherish the evil, as light remedies always do, but that it would serve to enlarge the dominion of the Court, and greater Prelates to the prejudice of temporal authority, and would make an entrance to greater extorsions of money) was not received, it being esteemed but a mask to delude Germany, and to reduce it under greater tyranny, though the Legate used all effectual diligence that it might be accepted. Wherefore he would not consent to any of the propositions, made by the deputies of the Diet. By this it being plain, that it was impossible to conclude any thing with him, they published the recess the eighteenth of April, with a Decree, that by the Pope, with consent of the Emperor, a free Council, in some convenient place in Germany, should be The Decree of the Diet. intimated, so soon as was possible; and that the States of the Empire should assemble themselves at Spira the eighteenth of November, to determine what course should be taken until the Council were begun. That every Prince should call together, in his own State, men, godly and learned, to collect the things that ought to be disputed on in the Council. That the Magistrates should have care that the Gospel should be preached according to the doctrine of the approved writers of the Church, and all pictures and contumelious books against the Court of Rome should be prohibited. 75 The Legate having answered to every point of the Decree, and shown With which the Legate was not pleasep. that it was not the office of Seculars, to deliberate of any thing concerning faith and doctrine, or preaching thereof, he promised that he would give the Pope an account concerning the Council only. 76 The Princes being gone from the Diet, the Legate endeavoured to bring He laboureth to cause his reformation to be received. together those that most favoured the affairs of Rome, to cause the reformation (which the Diet would not receive) to be published; and there did meet him in Ratisbon, Ferdinand the Emperor's brother, the Cardinal Archbishop of Salzburg, two Dukes of Bavaria, two Bishops, of Trent and Ratisbon, and the Agents of nine Bishops. Where first they made a Decree under the date of the sixth of july; That it having been ordered in the assembly at Noremberg, that the Edict of Worms against Luther should be put in execution, as fare as was possible, therefore they, at the instance of the Legate, Cardinal Campeggio, did command that it should be observed in all their Dominions and States. That the innovators should be punished, according to the form of the Edict. That nothing should be changed in the Celebration of the Mass and Sacraments. That the Apostates, Monks and Nuns, and married Priests, and those that received the Eucharist without confession, or did eat forbidden meats, should be punished. And that all their subjects that were in the University of Wittenberg should departed from thence, within three months, and return home, or go to some other place. The day following, being the seaventh, the Cardinal published his Constitutions of the reformation, And effecteth it. which were approved by all the forenamed Princes, and it was commanded that they should be published, received, and observed, throughout all their States and Dominions. 77 In the proheme of the Constitutions the Cardinal said, that to reform the life & manners of the Clergy being a thing of great moment for the rooting out of the Lutheran heresy, he had ordained these decrees by the counsel of the Princes, and Prelates assembled with him, which he commanded to be observed throughout all Germany, by the Archbishops, Bishops, and other The reformation contained 37. heads Prelates, Priests, and Regulars, and published in all the Cities and Churches. They contained seven and thirty heads, concerning the apparel and conversation of the Clergy, administering gratis the Sacraments, and other Ecclesiastical functions, Banquets, Fabriques of the Churches; those that were to take orders, celebration of holy-days, fastings: against Priests that were married, against those that confessed not, nor communicated, against blasphemers, sorcerers, soothsayers, and other things like these. In conclusion, the celebration of Diocesan Counsels every year was commanded for the observation of these Statutes, giving the Bishop's power to invocate the secular arm against the transgressors. 78 The Edict of the reformation being diuulged, the Princes and Bishops, who in the Diet had not consented to the Cardinal's demand, were offended, as well with him, as with all those that assembled in Ratisbon, it seeming unto divers Princes and Bishops were offended with the acceptance of this reformation. them, that they were wronged by the Legate, for making a general order for all Germany, in a meeting of some few only; and so much the rather, because it was done after it was demonstrated unto him, that no good could come thereby. They thought themselves injured also by those few Princes and Bishops, who alone had taken upon them to oblige all Germany, contrary to the opinion of the rest. It was opposed also against that reformation, that, leaving the things of importance, as if there had been no disorder in them, they made provision in things of the smallest weight. For Germany suffered but little inconvenience by the abuses of the inferior Clergy, but great by the usurpation of the Bishops and Prelates, and greatest of all by those of the Court of Rome. And yet there was no mention made of them, as if they were now in better order than in the Primitive Church. Then concerning the inferior Clergy, the principal abuses were not treated of, but those that were of least consequence, which was, as it were to approve them; and those also that were reprehended, were left without their true remedies, being only noted without applying the medicine, necessary to cure the malady. 79 But the Legate, and the forenamed Princes that met him, cared but little for what was said in Germany, and less for what would follow the publication of the Edict. For their end was only to satisfy the Pope, and the Pope's end was only to show, that he had made provision that there should be no need of a Council. For Clement, a man skilful in State affairs, even in Adrians' time, always maintained that it was pernicious counsel, in the occurrences of those times, to use the means of Counsels; and was wont to say, that a Clement did ever thinks Council dangerous when the Pope's authority was in question. Council was always good when any thing else was treated of but the Pope's authority, but, that being called into question, that nothing was more dangerous. For as in former times, the Pope's strength consisted in having recourse to Counsels, so now the security of the Popedom consisteth in declining and avoiding them, and the rather, because Leo having condemned the doctrine of Luther, the same matter could not be handled or examined in a Council, without doubting of the authority of the Apostolical Sea. 80 The Emperor having received the Decree of Noremberg, was much moved at it; thinking that to treat and give so resolute an answer to a stranger The Emperor was distasted with the decree of Noremberg. Prince, without his knowledge, in so important a matter, was but small reputation to his imperial Majesty. Neither did the rigour of the Decree please him, foreseeing the Pope's displeasure, whom he desired to keep loving 1525 CLEMENT 7. CHARLES 5.— HENRY 8. FRANCIS 1. and well affected towards him, in regard of the war which his Captains then made with the Frenchmen. Wherefore he wrote back to the Princes in Germany complaining that, himself having condemned all the books of Luther, the Diet restrained themselves only to those that were contumelious. But he reprehended them more severely, that they had decreed the celebration of a Council in Germany, and desired the Legate to treat thereof with He wrtteth to the Princes. the Pope, as if this did not more belong to the Pope and him, then unto them, who, if they thought that a Council would be so commodious for Germany, they ought to have recourse unto him, to obtain it of the Pope; howsoever, he knowing also that this would be profitable for that Country, was resolute it should be celebrated, yet in time and place, when and where himself could be personally present. But touching a new assembly at Spira, which they had ordained, to order their matters of Religion until the time of the Council, he said that by no mean; he would yield unto it: yea, he commanded they should be careful to obey the Edict of Worms, And commandeth the execution of the Edict of Worms. and that they handled no point of Religion, until a Council were called by the Pope's order and his. The Emperor's letters, more Imperious than Germany was used to receive from his predecessors, moved very dangerous humours in the minds of many Princes, which floating up and down, might easily have come to a troublesome conclusion. 81 But the moving was soon stopped, and the year following 1525. had 1525 no negotiation in this matter. For the Boars in Germany rebelled against the Princes, and Magistrates, and every one was busied with the war of the Anabaptists, and in Italy in the beginning of the year succeeded the battle of Francis the French King is taken prisoner in the battle at Pavia. Pavia and the imprisonment of Francis the French King. Which so li●ted up the Emperor's mind, that he thought he had all the world in his power: But afterwards the leagues of many Princes against him, which were treated of, and the negotiation of the King's liberty, gave him business enough. The Pope also, because Italy was without defence, in the power of the Emperor's The Pope suspecteth the greatness of the Emperor. Ministers, thought of his own case, and how he might be joined with others, who were able to defend him against the Emperor, from whom his mind was alienated, seeing he was become so potent, that the Popedom remained at his discretion. 82 In the year 1526, they returned to the same treaty in Germany and Italy. In Germany all the States of the Empire being assembled at the Diet in Spira 1526 in the end of june, it was consulted of, by special order from the Emperor, how Christian Religion, and the ancient customs of the Church might be The Diet of Spira. preserved, and the transgressors punished. The opinions being so various, that it was impossible to conclude any thing, those that represented the Emperor's persons 〈◊〉 caused the Imperial letters to be read: where Charles said, that he was resolved to pass into Italy, and to Rome, for the Crown, and to treat with the Pope for the calling of a Council. Wherefore he commanded that nothing should be ordained in the Diet contrary to the laws, Ceremonies, The Emperor promiseth to Procure a Council. and ancient customs of the Church; but that the form of the Edict of Worms should be observed, and that they should patiently bear that small delay, until he had negotiated with the Pope the celebration of a Council, which should shortly be. Forby treating of matters of Religion 1526 CLEMENT 7. CHARLES 5.— HENRY 8. FRANCIS 1. Why the Edict of Worms could not be executed. in a Diet, rather hurt ariseth then good. 83 The Cities, for the most part, answered, that their desire was to gratify and obey the Emperor, but that they saw not the means how to do that which he commanded in his letters, because the controversies were increased, and did increase still, particularly concerning the ceremonies, and rites: and if for the time past the Edict of Worms could not be observed, for fear of Sedition, the difficulty was then greater, as was declared to the Pope's Legate. And if the Emperor were present, and informed of the state of the business, he would be of the same opinion. Concerning the promise of his Majesty, for the celebration of a Council; every one said, he might have effected it when he wrote the letters, because he was then in amity with the Pope; but afterwards there being distastes between them, and the Pope having taken arms against him, it appeared not how, things standing thus, a Council could be called. For these respects some proposed that the Emperor should be entreated to grant a national Council in Germany, to given remedy A Nationall Council in Germany is desired. to the dangers that were imminent. Which if it pleased him not, at least (the better to withstand the most grievous seditions) that he would be contented to defer the execution of the Edict of Worms until a general Council. But the Bishops, who had no other aim but the preservation of their own authority, said that no treaty ought to be made in the cause of Religion, during the discords between the Emperor and the Pope, but that all should be deferred until a better time. 84 The opinions were so divers, and such discord, between the ecclesiastics, and those that were inclined to Luther, doctrine, was stirred up, that The Princes did not agree in the Diet of Spira. there appeared manifest danger of Civil war, and many of the Princes put themselves in order to departed. But Ferdinand and the other ministers of the Emperor, seeing clearly what dang 〈…〉 d arise, if the Diet were dissolved with such dissension of minds, and 〈◊〉 Princes departed without any Decree (because they would have proceeded diversely, with danger to have divided Germany, without hope of reconciliation) they endeavoured to pacific the chiefest both of the one, and the other side; and in the end, they came to a resolution, to make a Decree: which though it concluded not in substance according to the Emperor's mind, yet it shown some appearance of agreement between the States, and obedience towards his Majesty. The contents of it was; that it being necessary, for giving of order and form to the The decree of the Diet of Spira. affairs of Religion, and for the maintaining of liberty, to celebrate a lawful Council in Germany, or an universal of all Christendom, which may begin within the compass of a year, Ambassadors should be sent to the Emperor, to pray him, that he would cast his eye upon the miserable and tumultuous state of the Empire, and to return into Germany so soon as might be, to provide for it. That in the mean space, while the one or the other Council, necessary for the business of Religion and of the Edict of Worms, be obtained, all the Princes and States ought to govern themselves in their Provinces and jurisdictions, that they may give a good account of their actions to God and the Emperor. 85 But in Italy, Clement having passed the year before in grief of mind and fears, thinking that sometimes he saw Charles armed in Rome, to possess himself of the Ecclesiastical state, and to regain the possession of the Roman Empire, usurped by the Arts of his predecessors; sometimes set in a Council to moderate the Pope's authority in the Church, without which, he well saw it was impossible to diminish the Temporal; and, above all, having conceived a bad presage, that all the ministers sent into France, to treat with the Queen mother, and the State, were perished in the journey, at last, The Pope was distracted with fear of the Emperor, and of the Council. in the end of March this year, he took breathe a little, understanding that the King was set at liberty, and returned into France. He sent presently to congratulate with him, and to make a confederation against the Emperor. The which being ratified in Cugnac the two and twentieth of May between He maketh a confederation with the French King set at liberty. him, that King, and the Princes of Italy, under the name of the most holy League, and having absolved the King from the Oath taken in Spain, for the observation of the things agreed upon, now delivered from fear, a passion which had much power over him, thinking he was in liberty, and being much provoked that, not only in Rome and Naples, Ordinances were published to the prejudice of the Court of Rome, but, which more grieved him, that in those days a Spanish Notary dared to appear publicly in the Rota, and command two Napolitans in Caesar's name to desist from litigating in that Court, he resolved to declare his mind, that he might encourage the confederates; and the three and twentieth of june, he wrote unto Charles a very Writeth a severe Brief to Charles. long Brief, in manner of an invective; 〈◊〉 having repeated the benefits which he had done him, as well being Cardinal, as after his assumption to the Popedom, and the great offers which he had refused from other Princes, to stand firm in his friendship, seeing he was ill requited, and that there was no correspondence, neither in good will, nor observation of promises, but on the contrary, much matter of suspicion was given him, and many offences committed by exciting new wars in Italy, and elsewhere (all which he repeated in particular) laying the blame of all the mischiefs upon the Emperor, showing that the Papal dignity was offended in all; and passing to another kind of offences done unto him, by publishing laws in Spain, and Pragmatiques in Naples, against the liberty of the Church, and the dignity of the Apostolical Sea, he concluded in the end, not according to the use of the Popes, by denouncing spiritual punishments, but protesting unto him, that if he will not leave to do wrong, ceasing to possess Italy, and to trouble other parts of Christendom, he will not be wanting to the justice and liberty of his Country, wherein standeth the protection of that holy Sea, but will move his just and holy arms against him, not to offend him, but to defend the public safety, and his own proper dignity. 86 This dispatch being sent into Spain, the next day he wrote and dispatched another Brief to the Emperor, without making mention of the first. And afterwards another more moderate than the former. Where he said in substance, that, for the maintaining of the liberty of Italy, and the providing against the dangers of the Sea of Rome, he had been constrained to come to these deliberations, which could not be omitted with out failing to perform the duty of a good Pope, and a just Prince. Wherein if his Majesty will afford the remedy, which is easy, profitable, and glorious for him to do, he shall thereby deliver Christendom from a great fear; whereof his Nuncio residing with him, shall give him an account more at large. He prayed him, for God's sake, to hear him, and to provide for the public welfare, and to contain within the terms of justice, the unbridled, and injurious desires of his ministers, that others may rest secure of their goods and lives. Under these last words the Pope comprehended principally Pompeius, Cardinal Colonna, Vespasianus, and Ascanius, with others of that family, who followed the Imperial part, and were assisted by the Viceroy of Naples: from whom he daily received diverse oppositions to his endeavours. And, which made greater impression in his mind, he feared also that they might bring the Papacy into straits. For the forenamed Cardinal, a man bold and proud, contented not himself to speak of him publicly, as of one assumed to the Papacy by unlawful means, magnifying what the house of Colonna had done against other Popes, intruders (as he named them) and unlawfully chosen, but he added that it was fatal to that family to hate the tyrannical Popes, and to them to be reprehended by the virtue of it: and threatened him with a Council, and treated with all the Emperor's ministers, to persuade the Emperor to call it. Whereby the Pope being provoked to anger, the better to prevent him, published a severe Monitory against that Cardinal, citing him to Rome, under the greatest penalties and The Popesendeth a monitory against Card. Colonna. censures; in which also he touched manifestly the Viceroy of Naples, and obliquely the Emperor. But the war was not prosperously begun in Lombardie, the army of the French King, not appearing as yet; and the Christian army was discomfited at the same time in Hungary, King Lewis dead, the number of those who followed Luther's doctrine did still increase, and all men required a Council, which might make an universal peace amongst Christians, and give an end to so great disorders. 87 The Pope for these causes, having first composed the differences with And having changed his mind, maketh a long discourse in Consistory. those of the house of Colonna, and abolished the Monitory sent out against the Cardinal, called a Consistory the thirteenth of September; in which he commiserated, in a long discourse, the calamities of Christendom, bewailed the death of the King of Hungary, and attributed all misfortune to the anger of God, stirred up by sin, confessing that all began from the deformation of the Clergy. He shown how it was necessary, for the appeasing of it, to begin (for so he said) from the house of God, wherein he would give example in his own person. He excused the raising of arms, and the Process against those of the house of Colonna, exhorted the Cardinals to amend their manners, said he would go in person to all the Princes, to negotiate an universal Peace, resolute rather to die, then to leave this enterprise, until he had brought it to effect, yet assuredly trusting in God to see the conclusion thereof. The which being obtained, he resolved to call a general Council, to extinguish the division in the Church, and to take away the heresies. He exhorted the Cardinals, every one to think of, and propose unto him all those means, which they thought might serve for these two ends, that is, to plant peace, and root out heresy. The Pope's discourse was published throughout Rome and Italy, and Copies thereof were The Pope's discourse was thought not to be sincere. sent abroad by many; and though it was much helped by the commendation of his followers, yet few believed it to be sincere. 88 But in Spain the two letters being presented by the Pope's Nuncio, to the Emperor, the one a day after the other, there was much surmising raised in the Counsel of that Prince. Some of them believed that Clement, repenting himself of the bitterness of the first, had wrote the second for a medicine: wherefore they advised that no notice should be taken thereof. And this opinion was increased by a report given out by the Nuncio, that Surmises in Spain concerning the two Briefs of the Pope. by the second he had received order, that if the first were not delivered, it should not be delivered at all, but sent back again, and the second only consigned. The wiser sort saw well enough, that if the Pope had repent, he might have prevented the first Corrier, by causing the second to make more haste: moreover, that it was not likely that so wise a Prince as he, would resolve to write so bitterly without great consultation. Therefore they thought it was a kind of cunning to make a protestation, and not to have an answer. And it was resolved that the Emperor should imitate him, answering The Emperor maketh two answers. to the first with terms fitting severity, and a day after to the second, according to the form thereof. 89 And so it was done, and an apologetical letter was written by the Emperor the seventeenth of September, which in the original contained 22. The first contained 22 sheets of 〈◊〉 all paper. sheets of royal paper, which Mercurius Gattinara presented open to the Nuncio, and read it to him, and sealed it in his presence, and consigned it, that he might cause it to be delivered to the Pope. In the beginning of the letter the Emperor shown that the form which the Pope held was disproportionable to the duty of a true Pastor, and not correspondent to the filial obedience which he had performed towards the Apostolical Sea, and his Holiness, who so praised his own actions, and so condemned his, with titles of ambition and avarice, that he was constrained to declare his innocency. And beginning the narration from what happened in the time of Leo, afterwards in the time of Adrian, and finally in his Papacy, he shown that he had a good intention in all his actions, and was enforced to do as he had done, laying the fault upon the Pope. He repeated many benefits which he had done him, and on the contrary side many treaties which the Pope had made against him in diverse occasions: and in conclusion he said, that he desired nothing more than the public quiet, an universal peace, and the just liberty of Italy. Which things if they were desired by his Holiness, he ought to lay down his weapons, putting Peter's sword into the sheath. For this foundation being laid, it was easy to build peace thereupon, and to apply themselves to correct the errors of the Lutherans, and other heretics; wherein he should have found him an obedient son. But if his Holiness did otherwise, he protested before God and men, that he could not be blamed for none of these sinister chances which should happen to Christian Religion; promising that if he will admit his iustifications as true and lawful, he will not remember any injuries received. But if he shall continue to bear arms against him, because this will not be the office of a father, but of a party, nor of a Pastor, but of an assayler, it will not be convenient that he be judge in those causes, and there being none other unto whom recourse may he had against him, for his own justification, he will refer all to the knowledge and judgement of a general Council of all Christendom; exhorting his Holiness in the Lord to intimate it in a secure and fit place, limiting unto it a convenient term. For seeing the state of the Church and of Religion to be altogether troubled, to provide for his own and the Commonwealth's safety, he flieth to that sacred and universal Council, and appealeth unto it against all the threats past, and grievances to come. 90 The answer to the second was made the eighteenth; and in that he said, that he was glad to see his Holiness treat more lovingly, and to desire peace The Emperor's answer to the second Brief. more earnestly in his second letters; which if it were as much in his power to establish, as it is in the power of others to make war, he should see what his mind was. Although he thinketh that his Holiness speaketh as thrust forward by others, not of his voluntary mind, and hopeth in God that he will rather procure the public good, then follow the affections of other men. Wherefore he prayeth him to behold the calamities of Christendom. For he calleth God to witness, that he will be always ready to let every one know, that he hath none other end then the glory of God, and the safety of his people; as he hath written more at large in the other letters. 91 The Emperor, the sixth of October, wrote also to the College of Cardinals; that he was exceedingly grieved, that the Pope forgetting the Papal The Emperor writeth to the College of Cardinals. dignity, went about to disturb the public quiet, and when he thought he had given peace to the whole world, by making the accord with the French King, that letters came to him from his Holiness, such as he never thought would have come from a common Father, and Vicar of CHRIST: which he believed also were not resolved on without their counsel, because he was persuaded that the Pope treated not of things of so great a moment, without communicating all unto them. Therefore he was troubled very much, to see that from a Pope, and so religious fathers, should proceed wars, threats, and pernicious counsels against an Emperor, protector of the Church, and so well deserving, that to please them he stopped his ears in Worms against the prayers of all Germany, made unto him against the oppressions and grievanes, which it received from the Court of Rome, making none account of the honest demands that a Council might be called, to withstand the foresaid oppressions, which would be as much as to withstand the Lutheran heresy. That to serve the Sea of Rome, he had prohibited the meeting at Spira, which Germany had intimated, foreseeing that it would have been a beginning to separate it from the obedience of Rome, & hath diverted the thoughts of those Princes by promising them a Council. Whereof having written, and given an account to the Pope, his Holiness thanked him for having forbid the assembly of Spira, but prayed him to defer to speak of a Council until a more convenient time. And he, to please, made more account to give him satisfaction, then of the prayers of Germany, which were so necessary. And yet for all this the Pope now wrote letters unto him, full of complaints and imputations, demanding things of him, which he could neither justly, nor securely grant. Of which letters he sendeth them a copy, being desirous to signify the whole unto them, that they might uphold Christianity, now ready to fall, and employ themselves to divert the Pope from so pernicious a deliberation; in which if he shall remain unmoveable, they may exhort him to call a Council; whereunto in case he will not condescend according to order of law, he beseecheth their most reverend Paternities, and the sacred College, that, the Pope denying or deferring the convocation, they would call it themselves, observing the due order. Wherefore if they shall refuse to grant him this just demand, or shall defer longer then is convenient, he will make provision for it himself And persuadeth them to call a Council if the Pope refuse. by the Imperial authority, using the means that are just and fitting. This letter was delivered in the Consistory the twelfth of December, and together also with it a duplicate of the letter, which was consigned to the Nuncio in Granada, was presented to the Pope. 92 All these letters were instantly printed in diverse places of Germany, Spain, and Italy, and many copies went up and down from hand to hand. Those persons, who though they observe the accidents of the world, yet have not much capacity, and use to live and govern themselves by the examples of others, and especially of the Grandees, and who by the demonstrations which Charles made against the Lutherans, as well in Worms, as in other places, in The Emperor is censured in Germany. contemplation of the Papacy, believed that he favoured the Pope's side for religion and conscience sake, seeing his change, were much scandalised, especially for that he said, that he stopped his ears to the honest prayers of Germany, to do the Pope a pleasure. And those of the wiser sort were of opinion, that his Majesty was not well advised to diuulge so great a secret, and to give the world occasion to believe, that the reverence shown towards the Pope, was an Art of government covered with the cloak of religion. And further they expected, that for these letters the Pope would show some desire of revenge, the Emperor having touched two great secrets of the Popedom: the one in appealing from the Pope to a future Council, contrary to the Constitutions of Pius and julius the seconds, the other, in having invited the Cardinals to call a Council, in case of a negative given, or a dilation interposed by the Pope. And it was necessary that this beginning should draw great consequences with it. 93 But as seeds, though most fertile, cast into the ground out of season, fructify not; so these great attempts happening in time not convenient, became The family of Colonna assault Rome, and take it. vain. And so much happened in this occasion. For while the Pope sought revenge with his arms, and with the arms of so many Princes, that he might use spiritual remedies, after he had made some temporal foundation, those of the family of Colonna, either not trusting the Pope's promises, or for some other cause, arming their Subjects, and others who followed that faction, approached Rome, upon the side of the Suburbs, the twentieth of September: which amazed very much the Pope's family. And the Pope himself, surprised upon the sudden, and wholly confused, knowing not what resolution to take, called for the solemn Pontifical habits, saying, that so apparelled, to the imitation of Boniface the 8. sitting in the Pontifical chair, he would expect to see if they dared add to the first, a second violation of the Apostolical dignity, in the person of the Pope himself. But he easily The Pope saveth himself in the Castle. yielded to the counsel of his friends, to save himself in the Castle by the gallery, and not give occasion to be noted of folly. 94 The Colonnesi entered Rome, and sacked the Pope's palace, and S. Peter's Church. They spread themselves also even unto the principal houses of the Borough. But the inhabitants making resistance, and the Orsini, a contrary faction, coming in aid against them, they were constrained to retire themselves into a secure quarter, which they had taken near hand, yet carrying with them the spoils of the Vatican, with the infinite displeasure of the Pope; and the army waxing bigger every day with succours, that arrived The palace and S. Peter's Church are sacked. from Naples, the Pope fearing some greater encounter, overcome by necessity, called into the Castle Don Hugo de Moncado, one of the Emperor's ministers, concluded a truce with him for four months, with condition that the Colonnesi and Neapolitans should retire themselves from Rome, and the A truce concluded. Pope should call back his Soldiers from Lombardie: the which both parties performing, Clement caused his men to return to Rome, under pretence to observe the capitulations of the truce; and being by them secured, he thundered out excommunications against the Colonnesi, declaring them heretics, The Pope's Bull against the Colonnest. and Schismatics, and excommunicating whosoever afforded them assistance, counsel or favour, or gave them entertainment, and deprived also the Cardinal of his red Hat. This Cardinal being in Naples, not esteeming the Pope's censures, published an appeal to the Council, proposing not only the The Cardinal appealeth to the Council. injustice and nullity of the monitories, censures and sentences; but also the necessities of the Church universal, which being manifestly ruinated, could not be easied any other way, then by calling of a lawful Council, which might reform it in the head and in the members. In conclusion he cited Clement to the Council, which the Emperor would assemble in Spira. 95 Of this Appeal, or Citation, or Manifest, there were copies hanged by night, by those of the faction of the house of Colonna, upon the doors of the principal Churches in Rome, and in diverse other places, and spread over Italy. This put Clement in a great passion, who mightily abhorred the very name of a Council; not so much fearing the moderating of the Pope's authority, and of the profit of the Court, as for his own proper respects. For though Leo his kinsman, when he made him Cardinal, caused proof to The Pope feareth a council in regard of his illegitimation, and Semonie. be made, that there was promise of marriage between his mother and his father julianus, yet the untruth of the proofs was notorious: and though there be no law which prohibiteth bastards to ascend to the Papacy, yet the vulgar opinion is, that the Papal dignity is not compatible with such a quality. He doubted exceedingly, that unto such a pretence, though vain, strength might be given by his enemies, being upheld by the power of the Emperor. But he was more afraid, because, being conscious by what arts he mounted to the Popedom, and how Cardinal Colonna had a way to No subsequent consent can make good a Simoniacal election of the Pope. prove it, considering the severe Bull of julius the 2. which maketh a nullity in a Simoniacal election, and forbiddeth that it should be made good by any subsequent consent, he greatly doubted that it would happen unto him as it did unto Baltassar Cossa, called john the 23, But I have not been able to learn what was the negotiation of the Counsel of Spira, having not found any mention thereof, but in the foresaid Manifest, and in Paulus jovius in the life of the forenamed Cardinal. In the height of these tumults the year ended, with public expectation, and fear where the tempest would fall. 96 For the next year 1527. the negotiations of a Council were buried in 1527 CLEMENT 7. CHARLES 5.— HENRY 8. FRANCIS 1. The Viceroy of Naples marcheth towards Rome, pretending the breach of the truce. Charles of Borbon marcheth towards Rome. George Franspeg is General of 13000. Almans. silence; according to the use of humane affairs, that in the time of war, provision for laws hath no place. Yet there succeeded notable accidents, necessary to be related, for the understanding of those things which happened afterwards, in the matter which we handle. For the Viceroy of Naples, pretending that the Pope, by proceeding against the Colonnesi, had broken the truce, incited by the Cardinal, and others of that family, put his Soldiers into their journey towards Rome: And on the other side also, Charles of Borbone, general of the Emperor's army in Lombardie, not having wherewith to pay his Soldiers, fearing they would mutin, or at least, run away, being desirous by all means to keep them together, sent them towards the Ecclesiastical State; whereunto also he was mightily incited, by George Fransperg, a Germane captain; who having conducted into Italy between thirteen and fourteen thousand Soldiers of Germany, almost all Lutherans, with no other pay, but of one crown a piece of his own goods, and promise to lead them to Rome, he shown the great opportunity they had to get spoils, and to make themselves rich, in a city where all the gold of Europe may be found. 97 In the end of januarie, Borbon passed the Po with all his troops, and directed his journey towards Romania: which march troubled Clement exceedingly, considering the quality of the men, and the continual threats of Fransperg, who caused a halter to be carried near his Colours, saying, that He calleth with him an halter to hang the Pope. with that he would hang the Pope, the better to encourage his men to stand united, and to support the journey though they were not paid: All which things induced the Pope to give care to Cesar Fieramosca, a Neapolitan, who came newly from Spain, and brought a long letter from Cesar, full of offers. And, assuring his Holiness, that his Majesty disliked the invasion of Rome, made by the Colonnesi, and that he was desirous of peace, he induced him to kearken to the truce, which should be negotiated between him, & the Viceroy of Naples. And although in March, Captain George Fransperg was taken with a fit of an Apoplexy, which caused his death, yet because the army was entered into Fransperg dieth. the Ecclesiastical State, and still marched forward, the Pope in the end of the month, resolved to come to an accord, though he saw it would be to his great indignity, and would give suspicion to his confederates, and perhaps alien them from defending him. Therefore the suspension of arms for An accord is made. eight months was established, the Pope paying 60000. crowns, absolving those of the house of Colonna from the censures, and restoring to the Cardinal his dignity; whereunto he condescended exceeding hardly. But howsoever the truce was concluded with the Viceroy of Naples, the money disbursed, and the Colonnesi restored, yet this was not accepted by the Duke of Borbon; who following on his journey, the 5. of May lodged near Rome, and assailed it the next day on the Vatican side. Where, though the Pope's Soldiers, and the youth of Rome, especially of the Guelfish faction, opposed themselves valiantly in the beginning, and Bourbon were slain by a Musket-shot, notwithstanding the army entered, and those that defended the Town, fled into Rome taken by the army of Borbon after his death, and sacked. the Suburbs. The Pope, as in sudden accidents, full of fear, saved himself, with some of the Cardinals, in the Castle: and although he was counselled not to tarry, but to pass immediately into Rome, and from thence, to go to some secure place, yet, refusing this good counsel, he resolved to remain there. The City, now without a head, was full of confusion, so that none used the remedy which then was fit, that is, to break down the Bridges, which go over the river Tiber, from the Suburbs to the City, and to defend themselves; which if it had been done, the Romans would have had time, at the least, to retire all men of account, and goods of value, into a secure place. But this not being done, the Soldiers passed into the City, spoiled not only the houses, but the Churches also of all their ornaments, casting on the ground; and treading under feet the relics, and other sacred things which were not of value, putting the Cardinals and other Prelates in prison, making a mock of their persons, by setting them on vilebeasts in the Pontifical The Cardinals imprisoned & mocked, and some of them beaten. habit. It is certain, that the Cardinals of Sienna, Minerva, and Ponceta were well beaten, and carried most basely in procession, and that the Spanish and Germane Cardinals, though they were confident, because the army was composed of their nations, were not better used then the rest. The Pope, retired into the Castle of Saint Angelo, was besieged, and constrained to make an accord, at the same time yielding the Castle to the Emperor's Captains, and The Pope yields the Castle and his person. consigning his person prisoner therein: where he was kept very close. And being in exceeding great affliction for the things past, there was added one more, in his opinion, much greater, that the Cardinal of Cortona, who governed Florence in his name, having heard the news, retired himself from Florence becometh free again. the City, and left it free. The which having suddenly chased out the Medici, and regained their liberty, reform their government, and the greater part of the Citizens shown such hatred towards the Pope, and his family, that they defaced their arms, even in their private places, and disgraced, with many blows, the images of Leo and Clement, which were in the Church of the The images of Leo the 10. & of Clement the 7. are defaced. Nunciata. 98 But the Emperor having received advice of the sacking of Rome, and of the imprisonment of the Pope, gave many signs of infinite grief, and The Emperor maketh a show of grief for the Pope's calamity. made demonstration thereof by causing the solemnefeasts to cease, which were made in Validolid, for the birth of his son, the one and twentieth of the same month. By which appearances he would have given testimony to the world, of his piety and religion, if he had commanded at the same time that the person of the Pope should be set at liberty. But the world, that saw the Pope was prisoner six months more, perceived what difference there was between truth and appearance. 99 They began immediately to treat of the Pope's delivery. The Emperor would have had him conducted into Spain, deeming (as was true indeed) And is dissuaded from causing him to be brought into Spain. that it would have been a great reputation to him, if in two years there had been brought out of Italy into Spain, two so great prisoners, a French King, and a Pope of Rome. But because all Spain, and especially the Prelates, detested to behold so great an ignominy of Christianity, that he should be brought prisoner thither, who represented the person of CHRIST, he changed that opinion, considering also it was not good to stir up too much envy against himself, nor to provoke the King of England, whom he feared much, in case he should have joined himself more nearly with the French King, than he was by the peace published in August; who had already sent a potent army into Italy, and achieved diverse victories in Lombardie. Wherefore in the end of the year, the Emperor granted that the Pope should be set free with this condition, that he should not be against him in the affairs of Milan and Naples, and, for security thereof, should give into his hands, Ostia, Civita vecchia, Civita Castellana, and the Citadel of Furli, and for hostages, The Pope is set at liberty upon hard conditions. his two Nephews, Hippolytus and Alexander, that he should grant him a Crusado in Spain, and a tenth of the Church revenues in all his kingdoms. The delivery being concluded, and having received power to departed out of the Castle the ninth of December, he durst not expect so long, but went out the night before, with a small convoy, in the habit of a Merchant, and retired himself immediately to Monte Fiascone, and after he had tarried there a little, from thence he passed to Oruieto. 100 While the Princes were all busied in war, the affairs of religion altered in diverse places; in some, by public Decree of the Magistrates; in others, by popular sedition. For Berne, making a solemn assembly, both of their own The state of religion in the Cantons of the Swisses & other places. Doctors, and of Strangers, and hearing a disputation many days, received the doctrine conformable to Zuric; and in Basil all the images were ruined and burnt, by a popular sedition, and the Magistrate deprived, and others put in his place, and the new religion established. And on the other side, eight Cantons assembled themselves together, and ratified within their territories the doctrine of the Church of Rome, and wrote a long exhortation to those of Berne, persuading them not to change their Religion, which belonged not to one people, or one Country, but only to a Council of the whole world. But for all that, the example of Berne was followed at Geneva, Constance, and other places thereabout; and in Argentina, after a public disputation, the Mass was prohibited by a public Decree, until the defenders of it could show that it was a worship acceptable to God, notwithstanding that the Chamber of Spira had made a great and a long remonstrance, that it was not lawful, not only for one City, but not for all the States of the Empire, to make innovation of rites and doctrine, it belonging only to a general or national Council. 101 In Italy, these two years there being neither Pope nor Court of Rome, 1528 The reformed religion increaseth in Italy. and it seeming, that these calamities were an execution of God's judgement against that government, many men began to reform, and in private houses in diverse Cities, especially in Faenza, a Town belonging to the Pope, there was preaching against the Church of Rome, and the number of those, whom others called Lutherans, and themselves Gospelers, increased every day. 102 The year following 1528, the French army was fare advanced within The Frenchmen being entered into the kingdom of Naples, cause the Spanish army to forsake Rome, the Kingdom of Naples, and had possessed it almost all; which constrained the Emperor's Captains to conduct the army out of Rome, much diminished, partly by reason of those, who, laden with spoils, meant to put them in a secure place; and partly because of the plague, which caused great mortality among them. The confederates instantly desired the Pope, that Rome being set at liberty by necessity, not by the desire of the Emperor, having no more need to temporize with him, he would in that occasion declare himself to be joined with them, and proceed against 1529 CLEMENT 7. CHARLES 5. HENRY 8. FRANCIS 1. him with spiritual arms, and deprive him of the Kingdom of Naples, and of the Empire. But the Pope, as well for that he was wearied with troubles, as also, because in case the confederates had gained the better, they would have maintained the liberty of Florence, the government whereof he more desired to recover, then to be revenged of the injuries received from Charles, he made a firm resolution not to be contrary, yea, to join himself The Pope refuseth to join with the confederates, for the more easy recovery of Florence. with him upon the first occasion, to regain Florence: the which he was assured that, if the French King and the Venetians had been conquerors in Italy, they would have maintained in liberty. Yet keeping this within his breast for the present, he excused himself that, by reason of his poverty, and want of power, it would rather be a burden then an ease to the confederates, and that the deprivation of the Emperor would cause Germany to be suspicious, that he would pretend to have authority to create the Emperor. And thinking that his confederates perceived what he aimed at, as he was excellent in covering his designs, he made all demonstration that he had laid The Pope maketh show to have laid aside all careof temporal things. aside all thought of Temporal things. He let the Florentines understand many months together, that he was most unwilling to meddle in their government, only desiring that they would acknowledge him as Pope, and not more than other Christian Princes did: that they would not persecute his family in their private affairs; that they would be contented that their arms should stand within the buildings of his predecessors. He spoke of nothing but of reforming the Church, and reducing the Lutherans. That he was resolved to pass into Germany in person, & to give such an example that all should be converted. And these were the speeches he used all this year: so that many believed for certain, that those afflictions which God had laid upon him for his amendment, had procured their due fruit. But that which followed in the years after, made the godly believe, that they were as seed sown upon a rock, or by the way side; and the wise, that they were a bait to bring the Florentines asleep. 103 The next year 1529, a peace being negotiated between the Emperor, and the French King, and the heat of war abated, the treaties of a Council 1529 The treaties of the Council begin again. began again. For Francis Guignones, Cardinal of Santa Croce, having brought out of Spain, from the Emperor to the Pope, the release of Ostia, Civitta Vecchia, and other Towns belonging to the Church, consigned to the Emperor's ministers for security of the Pope's promises, together with The cautionary towns are restored to the Pope. large offers, Clement, considering the treaty of peace, which was negotiated with the French King, and how much his own interests required, that he should be firmly joined with Charles, he sent unto him, unto Barcelona, jerolamo Bishop of Vasone, master of his house, to treat the articles of accord between them: which were easily concluded, for that the Pope promised the investiture of Naples, for the tribute of a white horse only, the A peace is concluded between the Pope and the Emperor, with divers conditions. patronage of the 24. Churches, passage for his men, and the Imperial Crown. On the other, the Emperor promised to restore into Florence the Pope's Nephew, the son of Lorenzo, and to give him to wife Margarite his bastard daughter, and to assist him in the recovery of Ceruia, Ravenna, Modena, and Rheggio, taken from him by the Venetians, and the Duke of Ferrara. They agreed also to receive one another at the Coronation, with the accustomed ceremonies. Only one point was long disputed: For the Pope's Ministers proposed, that Charles and Ferdinand should be bound to constrain the Lutherans, by force of arms, to return to the obedience of the Church of Rome; and those that were for the Emperor required, that to reduce them the better, the Pope should call a general Council. After long discussion of this point, not to cut off so many other important designs, on which they A point much dispùted between the Pope end the Emperor. were agreed, it was resolved to stand in this article in general terms, and concluded, that, to reduce the Lutherans to the union of the Church, the Pope should use spiritual means, and Charles and Ferdinand temporal; who also should make war against them if they remained obstinate: and in that case the Pope should provide that the other Christian Princes should assist them. 104 In this sort the confederation was concluded, with much joy of Clement, Clement suddenly recovereth all his greatness. and marvel of the world, how, having lost all his state and reputation, he should return to the same greatness in so short a time. In Italy, which saw an accident so full of variety, or rather contrariety, it was esteemed a divine miracle, and by those that loved the Court, it was ascribed to a demonstration of the favour of God towards the Church. 105 But in Germany a Diet being intimated in Spira, which began the 15. of He sendeth to the Diet of Spira. March, the Pope sent thither john Thomas of Mirandula, to exhort them to the war against the Turk, promising to contribute himself also as much as his forces, exhausted by the calamities of the years past, would allow him to do, and to give assurance that he would use all industry to accord the differences between the Emperor and the French King; that all things being pacified, and all impediments taken away, he might apply himself, as soon as it was possible, to the calling and celebration of a Council, to re-establish Religion in Germany. 106 In the Diet they first treated of Religion: And the Catholics thought The Landgrave of Hassia preventeth the division which the Roman Catholics, would have made amongst the Reformatists. to put dissension between their adversaries, divided into two opinions, some following the doctrine of Luther, and some of Zuinglius, if the Landgrave of Hassia, a man wise and provident, had not withstood the danger; showing that the difference was not great, and giving hope that it might easily be accorded, and declaring the damage that would arise by the division, and the advantage which their adversaries would have gained. After long disputation in the Diet, to find out a form of composition, in the end a Decree was made, that, the Decree of the former Diet of Spira, being wrested by the bad interpretations to defend all absurdity of opinions, and The decree of the Diet of Spira. therefore being now constrained to expound it, they ordained, That whosoever had observed the Emperor's Edict of Worms, should observe it still, compelling also the people thereunto until the time of the Council, which the Emperor gave assured hope should be called shortly: and he that had changed doctrine, and could not be reduced without danger of sedition, should abide there, and innovate nothing more until the Council began: that the Mass should not be taken away, nor hindered in any place where the new doctrine was received; that Anabaptisme should be punished capitally, according to the Edict published by the Emperor, which they ratified, and that concerning the Sermons and Prints, the Decrees made in the two last Diets of Noremberg should be observed; that is, that the Preachers be circumspect, take heed of giving offensive words, and give not occasion to the people to rise against the Magistrate, that they propose no new opinions which have no foundation in the holy Scripture, but preach the Gospel according to the interpretation approved by the Church, without touching other things that be disputable, expecting the determination of the Council, where all shall be lawfully decided. 107 The Elector of Saxony, and five Princes more, opposed themselves to this Decree, saying, that they ought not to forsake the Decree made in the Is opposed. former Diet, by which every one might exercise his own religion until the Council; which Decree being made by the common consent of all, could not without the same consent, be changed. That the original cause of the dissensions was very clearly perceived in the Diet of Noremberg, and the same Pope, unto whom the demands were sent, and the hundred grievances expounded, confessed it; yet for all this, no amendment was seen. That, in all the consultations it was ever concluded, that there was no way more convenient to remove the controversies then by a Council. In the mean space, while this is expected, to receive their Decree, were to deny the pure and undefiled word of God; and to allow the Mass, were to renew the disorders. They said they commended that part, that is, to preach the Gospel according to the interpretations approved by the Church, but that there remained a doubt which was the true Church. That to establish a Decree so obscure, was to lay open a way to many tumults and controversies, & therefore would not by any means give consent unto it. That they would give account to all men, and even unto Cesar himself, of this their opinion. And that until the beginning of the Council, either general of all Christendom, or national of Germany, they will do nothing that may justly be reproved. 108 To this declaration fourteen principal cities of Germany adhered, How the name of Protestants began. and from hence came the name of Protestants, by which they are called who follow the doctrine renewed by Luther. For these Princes and Cities gave out their protestation and appeal, from that Decree unto Cesar, and to a future General Council, or Nationall of Germany, and to all judges not suspected. 109 And because mention is made of the difference in opinion between Luther and Zuinglius, in matter of the Sacrament, it is fit to show here, how the The difference in opinion between Luther and Zuinglius. renovation of doctrine being begun in two places, by two persons independent the one of the other, that is, by Luther in Saxony, and Zuinglius in Zuric, they consented in all the heads of doctrine, until the year 1525. and then in the explication of the mystery of the most holy Sacrament of the Eucharist, though they both agreed, in saying that the body and blood of our Lord jesus Christ are in the Sacrament only in use, received with the heart and faith, yet Luther taught that the words of our Lord (This is my body) ought to be received in a naked and plain sense; and, on the contrary, Zuinglius taught that the words were figuratively, spiritually, and Sacramentally, and not carnally to be understood. And the contention always increased, and became every day more bitter, especially on Martin's side, who treated after a sharp manner against the adverse party. And this gave matter to the Catholics in this years Diet of Spira, to be able (as hath been said) to put distrust and distaste between the parties. But the Landgrave of Hassia, who, having discovered the cunning of the adversaries, kept his side in peace, with hope to reconcile the contrary opinions, as Well to maintain his promise, as to withstand future dangers, procured a conference, solicited the Swisses to send The conference of Marpurg. 1529 their men, and assigned Marpurg for the place of the disputation, and all the month of October of the same year 1529. There came out of Saxony, Luther and his two scholars, and out of Suisserland, Zuinglius and Ecolampadius. Only Luther and Zuinglius disputed, and the disputation continued many days; yet Luther and Zuinglius could not agree. for all this it was impossible for them to agree; whether it were, because the controversy being passed on so fare, it seemed that the honour of the Authors was in question, or because, as it happeneth in verbal contentions, the smallness of the difference, nourisheth the obstinacy of the parties: or because, as a little after Martin wrote to a friend, seeing much tumult raised, he would not by Zuinglius his form of words, which the Romanists so much abhorred, make his Princes more odious, and expose them to greater danger. But be the cause what it will, one more universal is very true, that it pleased the Majesty of God to use this difference of opinions, for diverse effects, which followed after. It was necessary to end the colloquy without conclusion, but that, by the means of the Landgrave they agreed in this, that being of accord in all other points, they ought hereafter to abstain from bitterness in this particular, praying God to show some light of agreement. Which conclusion, though resolved on with wisdom, and, as they said, with charity, being not followed by their successors, hindered very much the progress of the reformed Doctrine. For in cause of religion, every sub-division is a strong weapon in the hand of the contrary part. But the league between the Pope and Emperor being concluded, as hath been said, and the order set down for the Coronation, the City of The Pope and Emperor met at Bologna about the coronation, but treated of diverse other matters. Bolonia was appointed for the place. For it seemed not convenient to the Pope that this solemnity should be performed in Rome, in the presence of those who had sacked it but two years before. This was acceptable also to Charles, because it made the ceremonies more short: which he desired, that he might pass into Germany so soon as might be. Therefore the Pope, as the greater person, arrived first in Bolonia, and afterwards the Emperor the fifth of November, where he tarried four months, and remained in the same palace with the Pope. Many things were treated of by these two Princes, partly for the universal quiet of Christendom, and partly for the private interest of the one and the other. The principal were, the general peace of Italy, and the extirpation of the Protestants in Germany. To speak of the first, belongeth not to the subject that is handled, but concerning the Protestants, it was proposed by one of the Emperor's Counsellors, that, considering the nature of Germans, who are tenacious of liberty, it were better by fair means and sweet representations, & by dissembling the knowledge of many things, to cause the Princes to return to the obedience of the Pope. For this protection being taken from the new Doctors, the residue would easily be remedied. And to do this, a Council was the true and proper remedy: as well because it was desired by them, as because every one would bow at that majestical and venerable name. But the Pope, who feared nothing more than a Council, especially if it were to be celebrated beyond the mountains, free, and in the presence of those, who already had openly shaken off the yoke of obedience, saw very well what an easy thing it was for these to persuade the others also. He considered further, that although the cause was common to him with all other Bishops, whom the new opinions sought to deprive of the wealth they possessed, yet there remained some matter of distaste, between them and the Court of Rome. For they pretended that collation of Benefices, with the reservations and preventions, was usurped from them, and a great part of their authority taken away, and drawn to Rome, by calling of causes thither, by reservations of dispensations, & absolutions, and such like faculties, which formerly being common to all Bishops, the Popes of Rome had appropriated to themselves. Whereupon it was represented unto him, that the celebration of a Council would be a total diminution of the Pope's authority. Therefore he turned all his thoughts to persuade the Emperor, that a Council And the Pope did infinitely dissuade the Emperor from desiring a Council. was not good, to pacify the stirs of Germany, but pernicious for the Imperial authority in those Provinces. He put him in mind of two sorts of persons, the multitude, and the Princes and Grandees: that it was probable that the multitude was deceived, but to give it satisfaction in the demand of a Council, was not to give it more light, but to bring in popular licence. If it were granted unto them to make question, or seek greater perspicuity in religion, they would immediately pretend also to give laws for government, and to restrain the authority of Princes by Decrees: and when they have obtained to examine and discuss the Ecclesiastical authority, they will learn also to trouble the temporal. He shown him that it was more easy to oppose the first demands of a multitude, then after they had been gratified in part, to prescribe them a measure. For the Princes and Grandees, he might assure himself, that their end was not piety, but the making themselves Lords of the Ecclesiastical goods, and being become absolute, to acknowledge the Emperor nothing at all, or very little; and that many of them kept themselves unspotted with that contagion, because they have not, as yet, discovered the secret, which being made manifest, they will all address themselves to the same scope. That there was no doubt but that the Papacio would lose much in the loss of Germany: but the loss of the Emperor, and of the house of Austria would be fare greater. Against which, if he would make provision, he had no other means, then severely to employ his authority and power, while the greater part obeyed him: wherein expedition was necessary, before the number increased, and the profit were discovered by all, which is reaped by following those opinions. That unto expedition, so necessary, nothing is more contrary, then to treat of a Council. For though every one incline himself to it, and no impediment be interposed, yet it cannot be assembled but in length of years, nor the causes handled without prolixity: which thing only he would consider. For it were infinite to speak of impediments which would be raised for diverse interests rests of persons, who would oppose themselves with diverse pretences, at the least putting in delays, that it may come to nothing. That there was a same spread, that the Popes will have no Council, for fear their authority should be restrained, a reason, which maketh no impression at all in him, having his authority immediately from Christ, with promise, that the gates of hell shall not prevail against it. And the experience of former times hath showed; that the Papal authority hath never been diminished in any Council, but according to the words of our Lord, the Fathers have ever confessed it to be absolute and unlimited, as it is in deed. And when the Popes in humility, or for some other respect, have forborn to use it entirely, the Fathers have made him to put it wholly in execution. And this is clearly to be seen by him that shall read the things that are past. For the Popes have always employed this means against the new opinions of heretics, and in every other necessity, with increase of their authority. And setting aside the promise of CHRIST, which is the true and only foundation, and considering the things but temporally the Council consisteth of Bishops; unto Bishops the Papal greatness is profitable, because they are by that protected against Prince and people. Kings and other Sovereigns also who have understood, and will understand well the rules of governing, will always favour the Apostolical authority, having no other means to repress and keep in order their Prelates, when they have the spirit to go beyond their degree. The Pope concluded, that in his mind he was so assured of the issue, that he could speak thereof as a Prophet; and affirm, that, by calling a Council, greater disorders would ensue in Germany. For those that desire it, pretend to continue until then in what they have begun, when their opinions shall be condemned, and nothing else can succeed, they will take another cloak to detract from the Council: and in conclusion the Emperor's authority in Germany will come to nothing, and in other places will be shaken; the Pope's power will be diminished in that Country, and in all the residue of the world, will be increased the more. And therefore the Emperor should believe his opinion, the rather because he was not moved by his proper interest, but with a desire to see Germany reunited to the Church, and himself obeyed. That nothing The Pope persuadeth the Emperor to execute the sentence of Leo, and the Edict of Worms. would take good effect, if he went not presently into Germany, and immediately used his authority, intimating that the sentence of Leo, and the Edict of Worms should be executed without any reply, not giving ear to any thing the Protestants could say, either demanding a Council, or more instruction, or alleging their appeal or protestation, or any other excuse, because they are all but pretences of impiety. That he should use force against the first encounter of disobedience, which would be easy for him to do against a few, having all the Ecclesiastical Princes, and the greater part of the Seculars, who, to this end, would take arms with him. That this and no other thing is congruous to the office of the Emperor, Advocate of the Church of Rome, and to the oath taken in Aquisgran, and which he ought to take in receiving the Crown from his hand. Lastly, that it was a clear case, that the holding of a Council, or any other treaty or negotiation in this occasion, would necessarily end with war. Therefore it was better to make trial of composing these disorders, by the strength of authority, 1530 CLEMENT CHARLES— HENRY 8. FRANCIS 〈◊〉 and with absolute command, which would easily take good effect; and in case it should not, rather to proceed to force of arms, then let the raines lose to popular licence, to the ambition of the Grandees, and perverseness of the arch heretics. These reasons unseemly in the mouth of Friar julius de Medici, Ganalier Who condescendeth thereunto. of Malta, (for so the Pope was called before he was created Cardinal) much more of Pope Clement the 7. did notwithstanding prevail with Charles, being seconded by the persuasions of Mercurius de Gattinara, the Emperor's Chancellor and Cardinal, (unto whom the Pope made many promises, and particularly that in the first promotion of Cardinals, which he then prepared to make, he would have regard to his kindred and dependants) and by the Emperor's proper inclination to have more absolute authority in Germany, then was granted to his grandfather, or his father's grandfather. In Bolonia all the solemn acts and ceremonies of the coronation were 1530 The Emperor is crowned in Bolonia. performed, which was finished the 14. of February, and Caesar being resolved to go personally into Germany, to give an end to those disorders, be intimated an imperial Diet for the 8. of April, and in March he began his journey. The Emperor parted from Bolonia with this firm resolution, to labour And resolveth to employ his authority in matter of religion. in the Diet, with authority and command, that the Princes separated one from another, should return to the obedience of the Church of Rome, and to prohibit Sermons and books of the reformed doctrine. And the Pope gave him for company the Cardinal Campeggio, as Legate, who should Campeggio the Legate goeth with him. And Peter Paul Vergerius to Ferdinand. follow him to the Diet. He sent also Peter Paul Vergerius, Nuncio to King Ferdinand, with instruction to labour with him, that there should be no disputation in the Diet, nor consultation concerning Religion, nor any resolution taken to call a Council in Germany to that purpose; and to gain the favour of that Prince, (who, being the Emperor's brother, and having spent many years in Germany, he thought was able to do much) he should grant him power to take a contribution of the Clergy of Germany, for the war against the Turks, and to make use of the gold and silver apppointed for ornament of the Churches. Almost all the Princes arrived at the Diet before Caesar, who came thither the thirteenth of june, the eve of Corpus Christi day, and went in The Diet of Ausburg. The Protestants refuse to go in procession. procession the day following; but was not able to obtain that the Protestants would content themselves to be there. Which the Legate perceiving, with infinite displeasure, for the prejudice done to the Pope by this contumacy, as he termed it, to go a step further, and to cause the Protestants to assist at the Ceremonies of the Church of Rome, was a means that the Emperor eight days after, being to begin the assembly, gave order to the Elector of Saxony to carry the sword before him, as he went thither, according The Duke of Saxonte carrieth the sword.] after a long disputation whether he might ●●tely assist at the Mass. to his office, and to stand at the Mass. The Elector thought that by yielding he should contradict his profession, and by refusing should lose his dignity, having found out, that in case of his denial, the Emperor would give the honour to another. But he was counselled by his Divines Luther's Scholars, that he might do it without offence to his conscience, assisting as at a civil, not as at a religious Ceremony: by the example of the Prophet Elizeus, who thought it not inconuinient that the captain of the troops of Syria, converted to the true Religion, should bow himself in the Temple of the Idol, when the King bowed, who leaned on his arm. This 〈◊〉 sell was not approved by others, because by it one might conclude that every one might lawfully be present at all the Rites of another Religion, as at civil Ceremonies, for no man could want a cause of necessity, or utilities which might induce thereunto. But others approving the counsel, and the purpose of the Elector concluded, that if the new doctors had formerly used this reason, and would use it hereafter, a gate had not been opened in many occasions to diverse inconveniences, because it would be lawful to every one by that example, for preservation of his dignity, or his territory, or the favour of his Lord, or other eminent person, not to refuse to give assistance to any action whatsoever, at which, though others were presents at a religious act, he assisted, as at a civil thing. In that Mass; Vicenzo Pimpinello Archbishop of Rosano the Popes, Nuncio, The Sermon of Vicen 〈…〉 Pi 〈…〉 the Pope's 〈◊〉 made an Oration in Latin before the Offertory; in which he spoke not a word of any spiritual or religious matter, but upbraided Germany for having suffered so many wrongs by the Turks without revenge and exhorted them by many examples of ancient Captains of the Roman Commonwealth, to make war against them. He said, the disadvantage of Germany was that the Turk obeyed one Prince only, whereas in Germany many obeyed not at all: that the Turks live in one religion, and the Germans every day invent new, and mock the old, as if it were become mouldy. He taxed them, that being desirous to change the faith, they had not found our one more holy at the least, and more wise. Finally he exhorted them, that imitating Scipio Nasica, Cato, the people of Rome, and their ancestors, they should observe the Catholic Religion, forsake those novities, and apply themselves to the war. In the first Session of the Diet, the Legate, Cardinal Campeggio, presented The Leg 〈…〉 presenteth his letters, and maketh an oration. the letters of his Legation, and in the assembly, in the presence of the Emperor, made an Oration in Latin, the substance whereof was, that the cause of so many Sects, which then reigned, was want of charity and love, that the change of doctrine and rites, had not only rend the Church in pieces, but brought all policy to a miserable desolation. For remedying of which mischief, the former Popes having sent Legates to the Diets, and no fruit coming thereby, Clement had sent him to exhort, to counsel, and to employ all his endeavours to restore the true doctrine. And having commended the Emperor, he exhorted all to obey whatsoever he shall ordain and resolve upon concerning Religion, and Articles of belief. He persuaded them to make war against the Turks, promising that the Pope would spare no cost to assist them. He prayed them for the love of CHRIST, for their Countries, and their own safety, that, laying aside all errors, they would apply themselves to set Germany, and all Christendom at liberty. That in so doing, the Pope, successor of S. Peter, gave them his benediction. The Archbishop of Mentz answered the Legates oration, by order of the And is answerred by the Archbishop of 〈◊〉 Emperor and the Diet, that Caesar, as supreme Advocate of the Church, will use all means to compose the disorders, will employ all his forces in the 〈◊〉 against the Turks, and that all the Princes will join themselves 〈…〉 that their action's shall be approved by God and the Pope After this, many 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 being heard, the Elector of Sacco 〈…〉 and protestant Cities soyned with him, presented to the Emperor she confession of their faith, written Latin and Dutch, 〈…〉 it might be read. But the Emperor refusing to have it The Lutherans do present a confession of their faith. And so do the Zwinglians. 〈◊〉 in public it was put off until the next day, when the Legate would not be present for fear of receiving some prejudice. But the Princes being assembled before the Emperor in an Hall, capable to receive about 〈◊〉 persons, it was read with aloud voice. And the Cities, which followed the doctrine of Zuinglius, presented apart the confession of their faith, not differing from the former, but only in the point of the Eucharist! The confession of the Princes, which afterwards from this place, where it was read, was called Augustana, contained two parts: in the first were The name of the Augustan confession bega 〈…〉 expounded 〈…〉 de of the unity of the Godhead, of original sin, of the incarnation, of justification, of the ministry of the Gospel, of the Church, of administering the Sacraments, of Baptism, of the Eucharist, of Confession, of Penance, of the use of the Sacraments, and the Ecclesiastical order, of the rites of the Church, of the civil Commonwealth, of the last ●udgement, of free will, of the cause of sin, of faith, of good works, and worshipping of Saints. In the second were expounded the doctrines which were different from the Church of Rome, & the abuses which the Confessionists reproved. And these were declared at large in seven articles; of the holy Communion, marriage of Priests, of the Mass, of Confession, of the distinction of meats, of Monastical vows, and Ecclesiastical jurisdiction. In conclusion they offered, in case it were needful, a more full information. But in the proheme thereof they delivered, that they had put their confession in writing to obey the Propose of his Majesty, that all men ought to present their opinions and therefore if the other Princes will give up theirs in writing, they are ready to confer peaceably with them, that they may come to an agreement; whereunto in case they could not come, his Majesty, having given them to understand in all the former Diets, that he could not determine or conclude any matter of Religion for diverse respects then alleged, but that he would persuade the Pope to call a general Council, and finally having caused it to be said in the Diet of Spira, that the differences between his Majesty and the Pope being ready to be composed, there could be no doubt but that he would give consent unto it, they offered to app〈…〉, and to give a reason, and make a defence of their cause in such a general, free, and Christian assembly, of which it hath always been treated, in all the Diets celebrated during the time of his Empire. Unto which Council, and to his Majesty, they have formerly in due form, and upon good cause appealed, unto which appeal they do yet adhere, not intending to abandon it, neither by this treaty, nor by any other, if the difference be not charitably reduced first to a Christian concord. This was the only Act of the first day. But the Emperor, before he made any resolution, would have the Legates advice. Who, having read The Legate would not censure the Confession. and considered the confession, together with the Divines which he brought out of Italy, though he was of opinion that it ought to be opposed, and a censure published under his name; yet, foreseeing that it would give occasion of greater tumults, and saying plainly that the difference for the most part seemed verbal, and that it imported not much whether one spoke after one manner or after another, and that it was not reasonable that the Apostolical Sea should take part in the disputations of the Schools, he con●ented not to have his name used in the contentions. And he answered the Emperor, that for the present, there was no cause to make any 〈◊〉 examination of the doctrine, but to consider the example which would be given to all unquiet and subtle wits, who would not have wanted infinite other novities to propose, with no less probability, which would have been heard with greediness, because of the itching of cares which they stir up in the world, and that by correcting the abuses that were noted, greater inconueniencies would be raised then those which one sought to remedy. That his opinion was that the doctrine of the Lutherans being read, to remove all prejudice, a confutation thereof should be read likewise, which should not be But gave order that a confutation thereof should be read, and no copy given. published in copies, for fear of opening a way to disputations, but means should be used, that the Protestants should 〈◊〉 from going further on, by proposing favours and threats. But the Confession being 〈…〉 it wrought diverse effects in the minds of the Catholics who heard it. Some thought the Protestants more wicked, than they were persuaded, before they were informed of their particular opinions others on the contrary, remitted much of the bad conceit they had against them, esteeming their opinions not to absurd as before they did, yea, for a great part of the abuses, they confessed they were justly reprehended. It is not to be omitted that Cardinal Mattheo Langi, Archbishop of Salzburg, told every one, that the reformation of the Mass The Archbishop of Salzburg would not have the world reform by a Monk. was honest, the liberty of meats convenient, and the demand just, to be disburdened of so many commandments of men, but that a poor Monk should reform all, was not to be endured. And Cornelius Scoperus, the Emperor's Secretary, said, that if the Protestant Preachers had money, they would easily buy of the Italians what Religion pleased them best, but without gold, it was impossible to make theirs shine in the world. The Emperor, according to the Legates advice, approved also by his own Counsellors, desirous to compose all by a negative, went first about to separate the Ambassadors of the cities from joining with the Princes: which project not succeeding, he caused a confutation to be made of what the Protestants put up in writing, and another of that which was produced by the Cities. And having called the whole Diet together, he told the Protestants that he had considered of the confession presented unto him, and given order to some pious and learned men, to deliver their opinion thereof. And here he made the confutation of it to be read, in which, many of their opinions being taxed, it was confessed in the end, that in the Church of Rome, there were some things fit to be amended, against which he promised that provision should be made, 〈◊〉 therefore that the Protestants ought to refer themselves unto him, and return to the Church, assuring them to obtain all their just demands, but in case they did otherwise, he would not fail to show himself protector and defender of it. The Protestant Princes offered to perform whatsoever could be done with a safe conscience, and if out of the holy Scripture, any error in their doctrine were showed to correct it, or to make a further declaration, in case it were necessary. And because some of the points proposed by them, were granted in the confutation, and some rejected, if a copy of the confutations were given them, they should be expounded more clearly. After many treaties, seven Catholics, and seven Protestants were chosen, A Colloquy between the Protestants & Catholics. to confer together, to find out a means of composition: who, not being able to agree the number was restrained to three a piece. And though some few small points of doctrine, and other petty things; belonging to some rites, were agreed on, yet in conclusion, it was perceived, that the conference could produce no concord at all, because neither party was willing to grant to the other any thing of importance. Many days being spent in this treaty, the refutation of the City's confession was read: whereunto their Ambassadors answered, that many Articles of their writing were repeated otherwise then The answer of the Protestant Ambassadors to the confutation. they were written by them, & many other things proposed by them, drawn to a bad sense, to make them odious: unto all which objections they would have answered, if a copy of the confutation had been given them: in the mean time, they prayed them nor to believe any calumny, but to expect their defence. They denied to give them a copy, and said that the Emperor would not suffer, that the points of Religion should be put into disputation. The Emperor assayed by way of canvas to persuade the Princes, telling them, that they were but few, their doctrine new, that it had been sufficiently confuted in this Diet, that their boldness was great to condemn of error, heresy, and false religion, the Imperial Majesty, and so many Princes and States of Germany, with whom, themselves being compared, made not a number; and which is worse, to esteem also for heretics, their own fathers and ancestors, and to demand a Council, and yet to go on still in the errors. These persuasions availing nothing, because they denied theirs to be new, and the rites of the Roman Church old, the Emperor employing other remedies, unto which he was advised by the Legate Campeggio, caused every one to be treated with apart, proposing unto them some satisfaction in their proper interests, and laying before them diverse oppositions and crosses, which he would have raised against their proceed, in case they persisted in their resolution, not to reunite themselves to the Church. But whither those thought to bring about their own designs by persevering, or preferred the preservation of their Religion, before all other interest, the persuasions, though very potent, produced none effect. Neither could the Emperor obtain of them, to grant the exercise of the Roman religion within their territories, until the time of the Council, which he promised should be intimated within six months, because the Protestants had discovered that this was the invention of the Pope's Legate, who not being able to obtain his purpose for the present, thought it sufficient, if by the establishing the Roman doctrine in every place, he put confusion among the people who were alienated already, whereby away might be opened to those accidents which might give occasion to root out the new. For concerning the promise, to intimate a Council within six months, he well knew that many impediments might be pretended in the very nick and finally all expectation deluded. It being impossible to conclude any thing, the Protestants departed in the end of October, and the Emperor made an Edict, to establish the ancient rites of the Roman Catholic religion; which contained in sum, The Edict of A 〈…〉. that nothing should be changed in the Mass, in the Sacrament of Confirmation, and extreme unction, that the Images should not be taken out of any place, and those restored that were taken away already, that it should not be lawful to deny freewill, nor to hold opinion, that only faith doth justify, that the Sacraments, Ceremonies, Rites, Obsequies of the dead, should be observed in the same manner they were before, that Benefices should be given to fit persons, and that the married Priests should forsake their wives, or be banished, all sales of Church goods, and other usurpations made void, that in preaching and teaching, no man should pass these terms, but the people should be exhorted to hear Mass, to invocate the Virgin Mary, and the other Saints, to observe the feasts and fastings, that the Monasteries, and other sacred Edifices, which have been destroyed, should be rebuilt, and the Pope should be requested to intimate a Council within six months, in a convenient place, and after to begin it within a year at the most, that all things remain firm and constant, and no appeal or exception to the contrary take place, and that every one ought to employ all his forces, possessions, life, and blood, to preserve this Decree, and that the Imperial Chamber proceed against whosoever shall oppose it. The Pope having received advice from his Legate, of what was done in the Diet, was touched with an inward grief of mind, discovering that, The Pope was displeased with the Emperor for me●ling in religion, but especially for promising a Council. though Charles had received his counsel, by using his authority, and threatening violence, yet he had not proceeded as advocate of the Church of Rome, unto whom it belongeth not to take knowledge of the cause, but to be a mere executor of the Pope's Decrees: whereunto was quite contrary to have received the confessions, and caused them to be read, and to have instituted a conference to accord the differences. He complained beyond measure, that some points were agreed unto, and especially that he had consented to the abolition of some rites; thinking that the Pope's authority was violated, when things of so great moment were treated of, without his privity: at the least if his Legates authority had been interposed, it had been tolerable. After he considered that it was a great prejudice to him, that the Prelates had consented to it. But the promising of a Council, which he so much abhorred, pressed him above all: in which, though honourable mention were made of his authority, yet to subscribe six months, to call it, and a year to begin it, was to meddle with that which was proper to the Pope, and to make the Emperor the principal, and the Pope his minister. By the observation of these beginnings, he concluded that there was little hope in the affairs of Germany, and that he was to think of a defensive, that the disease might not pass to other parts of the body of the Church. And because that which was past, could not be yndone, he thought it not wisdom to show it was done against his will, but to make himself the author 1531 CLEMENT 7. CHARLES 5. HENRY 8. FRANCIS 1. He writeth to all Princes that he would call a Council, though he never meant it. of it, that he might receive a less blow in his reputation. Therefore he gave an account of the things passed to all Kings and Princes dispatching his letters the first of December, all of the same tenor, that he hoped the Lutheran heresy might be extinguished by the presence of the Emperor, and that principally for that cause he went to Bolonia to entreat him for, it, though he knew that of himself he was very well affected that way. But having received advice from the Emperor, and from his Legate Campeggio, that the Protestants are become more obstinate, he hath communicated the whole to the Cardinals, and together with them, seethe clearly, that there remaineth no other remedy, but that which hath been used by his Predecessors, that is a general Council. Therefore he exhorteth them to assist in the Council that shall be called, either in person, or by their Ambassadors; a thing so holy, that he is resolved to put it in execution; so soon as it is possible, intimating a general and free Council, in some fit place in Italy. The Pope's letters were known to the whole world, because his ministers endeavoured in every place to give notice of them unto all: not because the Pope or the Court desired to apply their minds to a Council, from which they were most averse, but to entertain the world; that by expectation of the remedy of the abuses and inconveniences, they might remain constant in obedience. Yet few were deceived; for it was not hard to discover, that to desire Princes to send Ambassadors to a Council, whereof And his collusion is discovered by many. neither time, nor place, nor manner was resolved on, was too much affected prevention. But the Protestants also took occasion by these letters to write likewise to the Kings and Princes: and the next year in February they framed 1531 The Protestants do write likewise to all Princes. a letter to every one under a common name of all, of this tenor. That the old complaint of pious men against the vices of the Clergy, noted by john Gerson, Nicolas Clemangis, and others in France, and of john Collet in England and of others elsewhere, was known unto their Majesties, which also happened in Germany in these last years, by occasion of the detestable & infamous gain which some Friars made by publishing Indulgences. And passing from this to relate whatsoever happened until the last Diet, they said that their adversaries endeavoured to incite the Emperor and other Kings against them, using diverse calumnies; which as they have withstood in Germany, so they will more easily confute in a general Council of the whole world; whereunto they will refer themselves, so that it may be such a one, in which preiudices and passion may take no place. That amongst the Calumnies laid upon them, this is the principal, that they condemn all Magistrates, and vilify the dignity of Laws: which is not only not true, but, as they have showed in the Diet of Augusta, their doctrine honoureth Magistrates, and defendeth the strength of Laws, more than ever hath been done in other ages, teaching Magistrates that their state and kind of life is most acceptable to God, and preaching to the people that they are bound, by God's commandment to give honour and obedience to them, and that he will not leave unpunished the disobedient, because the Magistrate hath his government by divine ordination. That they have desired to signify these things to them, Kings, and Princes, for clearing of themselves before them, praying them not to believe the calumnies, and to suspend their judgements, until those that are accused have place to acquit themselves publicly. And therefore they will desire the Emperor that he would call a godly and free Council in Germany, as soon as might be, and not to use force, until the matter be disputed, and lawfully defined. The French King answered with very courteous letters, in substance, giving The answer of the French King to the Protestants. them thankes for communicating unto him a business of so great weight: he shown them that he was glad to understand of their innocence, and did approve the instance they made, that the vices might be amended, wherein they shall find his Will to concur with theirs: that their requiring of a Council was just and holy, yea, necessary, not only for the affairs of Germany, but of the whole Church: that it was not honest to use Arms, where the controversies may be ended with treaties. The letters of the King of England were of the same Tenor, but that he The answer of the King of England. declared in particular, that himself also desired a Council, and that he would mediate with Charles, to find out a means of composition. The Emperor's Decree being known throughout all Germany, they began immediately to accuse the professors of the new Religion, in the chamber Sentences were made in the chamber of Spirae, against the Protestants, and contemned. of Spira, some for zeal, others for revenge, and some also to possess the goods of their adversaries. Many sentences were made, many declarations, and many confiscations against Princes, Cities, and private men, and none took place, but some against private men, whose goods were within the territories of Catholics. By others the sentences were contemned, with great diminution of the honour, not only of the Chamber, but of the Emperor also; who soon perceived that the remedy was not fitted to themaladie, which increased daily. For the Protestant Princes and Cities (besides that they esteemed little the judgements of the Chamber) combined themselves together, prepared for their defence, and fortified themselves with foreign intelligences: so that it appeared, that in case things went on, a War would arise, dangerous for both parties, and whatsoever the issue was, pernicious for Germany. Wherefore he was willing that some Princes should interpose, and find out a way of agreement. To this end many heads and conditions of composition were negotiated all this year 1531, and to give them some conclusion, a Diet at Ratisbon was appointed for the next year. In the mean space, all things remained full of suspicions, and the Zuinglius taketh arms, and is slain. diffidences between the one part and the other, rather increased. And this year also, there happened a notable event among the Swisses, which composed the disputes between them. For though the controversy in religion, between Zuric, Berne, and Basil on the one side, and the Popish Cantons on the other, was often composed, by the mediation of diverse, yet at that time the hatred was so great between them; and new causes of distastes arising daily, the contentions were often renewed. And this year they were greatest of all, those of Zuric and Berne attempting to hinder the victualling of five Cantons, which caused both parties to arm. With those of Zuric, Zuinglius took arms, though his friends persuaded him to remain at home, and leave that charge to others. Whereunto he would by no means yield, that 1532 CLEMENT 7. CHARLES 5. HENRY 8. FRANCIS 1. he might not seem to encourage the people in the Church only, and forsake them in time of danger. The eleventh of October they came to a set battle, in which, those of Zuric had the worst, and Zuinglius was slain; for which the Catholics more rejoiced, then for the victory. They did diverse disgraces to the corpse, and the death of that man was the chiefest cause of Whose death caused a composition between the Cantons. a new composition between them, both the parties retaining their own religion. The five Catholic Cantons assured themselves, that he being removed, who, by his Sermons changed religion in the Country, all would return to the old. In which hope, they were confirmed the more, because And maketh Ecolampadius, die with grief Ecolampadius, a Minister in Basil, of the same opinion with Zuinglius, died within a few days after with grief, for the loss of his friend, the Catholics attributing the death both of the one and the other, to the providence of God, who, compassionating the Heluetians, had punished and taken away the Authors of their discord Surely it is a pious and religious thought, to attribute the disposition of every event, to the providence of God: but to determine to what end those events are directed, by that high Wisdom, is not fare from presumption. Men are so straightly and religiously wedded to their own opinions, that they are persuaded that God loveth and favoureth them, as much as themselves. But the things that happened afterwards, shown that the Cantons called Gospelers, made greater progress in the doctrine received, after the death of these two: a manifest Argument, that it came from a higher cause than the labours of Zuinglius. An agreement between the Protestants and the others, was negotiated 1532 in Germany, by the Electors of Ments and the Palatine, and many writings An agreement between the Protestants and the Catholics was negotiated, but could not be effected. were made and changed, because they gave not full satisfaction to either of the parties. This made the Emperor resolve, that a Council was exceeding necessary; and having imparted his opinion to the French King, he sent one to Rome by post, to treat thereof with the Pope and College of Cardinals. The Emperor made none account of the place prescribed, nor of any other special condition, in case Germany were so satisfied that the Protestants would The Emperor doth seriously negotiate a Council. be present, and submit themselves, which satisfaction the King also thought to be just, and offered to join with him. The Ambassage was delivered to the Pope in these terms, that the Emperor having used all means to reunite the Protestants to the Church, by employing authority, threats, treaties, and justice also, nothing now remaining, but either war, or a Council, in regard he could not take arms, by reason of the Turks preparations against him, he was constrained to take the other resolution, and therefore did beseech his Holiness, that, imitating his Predecessors, he would be content to grant a Council, whereunto the Protestants would submit themselves without difficulty, having offered diverse times to stand to the determination of one that is free, in which the judges might be men without partiality. The Pope, who by no means would have a Council, hearing the request, and not being able to give a plain negative, made a grant, but so as The Pope consenteth to the Council upon such a condition as he knew would not be accepted. that he knew it would not be accepted. For the place he proposed one of the Cities of the Church's State, naming Bolonia, Parma, Piacenza, cities capable to receive and feed a multitude, healthful, with a large territory round about: whither the Protestants ought not to make difficulty to got, because they should be heard: unto whom he would give a full and ample safe conduct, and himself would be there in person, that every thing might be handled with Christian peace, and no man wronged. That he could by no means consent to celebrate it in Germany, because Italy would not endure to be neglected, and Spain and France, who in Ecclesiastical matters yield unto Italy, for the prerogative of the Papacy, which is proper unto it, would not give place unto Germany, and the authority of that Council would be little esteemed, where only Duchmen were present, and some few of another nation. For undoubtedly the Italians, Frenchmen, and Spaniards would not be induced to go thither. The medicine is not in the power of the sick, but of the Physician. Therefore Germany corrupted with the multiplicity and variety of opinions, could not give right judgement in this subject, as Italy, France, and Spain, which are uncorrupted as yet, and wholly persevere in subjection to the Apostolical Sea, which is mother and mistress of all Christians. For the manner of defining things in the Council, the Pope said there needed no words, because no difficulty could arise therein, except they would make a new form of a Council, never used in the Church. That it was manifest, that none had voice in a Council, by right of the Canon, but Bishops, and Abbats by custom, and some others by the Pope's privilege: the others that desire to be heard, aught to submit themselves to the determination of these; every Decree being made in the name of the Synod, if the Pope be not present in person: but when he is there, every Decree passeth under his name, only with the approbation of the Fathers of the Synod. The Cardinals likewise spoke in the same key, The Cardinals will not believe that a Council is necessary. but always interposed some reason, to show that a Council was not necessary, so long as the determination of Leo stood in force, which being executed, all would be remedied; and he that will not refer himself to the determination of the Pope, especially accompanied with the counsel of the Cardinals, will much more despise all Conciliarie Decrees. That it was manifest that the Protestants call not a Council, but only to gain time, and to hinder the execution of the Edict of Worms. For they well know that the Council cannot choose but approve that which Leo hath determined, except they would be a conventicle, or unlawful assembly, as all those be, who have separated themselves from the doctrine and obedience of the Pope. The Emperor's Ambassador, to find out a mean, had many audiences The Empeors Ambassadous laboureth to persuade the Pope to choose a place in Germany for the Council, but cannot obtain it. with the Pope, and with two Cardinals, deputed by him over this matter. He put him in mind, that neither he, nor France, nor Spain, had need of a Council, nor did desire it; and that therefore it was to no purpose to have respect unto them: that it was sought for, to cure the diseases of Germany, unto which, because it ought to be proportionated, it was fit to choose a place, where all that Nation might be present. That, for other Countries, the principal subjects were sufficient, because nothing was to be handled concerning them; that the Cities proposed; were in all respects exceeding fit, but only that they were fare distant from Germany; and though the safe conduct of his Holiness ought to secure every one, yet the Protestants were suspicious, for diverse reasons, both old, and new, amongst which, they esteemed not the least, that Leo the tenth, his cousin, had condemned them already, and declared them heretics. And although all their reasons are resolved with this only, that every one ought to rely upon the Faith of the Pope, yet his Holiness, by his great wisdom and experience, might know that it was necessary to yield to the imperfection of others, and for pity, to accommodate himself to that, which though in rigour is not due, yet in equity is convenient. And concerning the deliberative voices of the Council, Who ought to have voices in Council. he discoursed, that they being brought in, partly by custom, and partly by privilege, a large field was opened unto him, to exercise his benignity, by introducing another custom, more fit for the present times. For if the Abbots were formerly admitted by custom, because they were more learned and intelligent in religion, it is reason to grant the same now, to persons of equal or greater learning, though they have not the title of Abbats. But the privilege ministereth matter to give satisfaction unto all. For by granting the same privilege to every one that is able to do God service in that congregation, there will be a Council exactly pious and Christian, such as the world desireth. Unto these reasons answer being made, with the motives before named, the Emperor could obtain nothing of the Pope; whereby the business remained unperfect for that time, and the Emperor applied himself to solicit the treaty of peace already begun: which being brought to a good conclusion, and the Turkish war drawing near, at the last a composition was published the three and twentieth of julie, that A peace of religion conclu 〈…〉 Germani, july 23. called the IUterim. there should be common and public peace between the Emperor's Majesty, and all the States of the Empire of Germany, as well Ecclesiastical as secular, until a general, free, and Christian Council, and in the mean space, that none should make war against another for cause of religion, nor take spoil, or besiege him, but that there should be true amity, and Christian unity amongst all. That the Emperor should procure the intimation of the Council, within six months, and the beginning within a year; Which if it be not possible, all the States of the Empire should be called together, to resolve of what is fit to be done, as well for the Council as for other necessary things. That the Emperor should suspend all the judicial processes, in cause of religion, made by his fiscal, or others; against the Elector of Saxony, and his adherents, until the future Council, or the forenamed resolution of the States. On the other side, the Elector of Saxony, and the other Princes and Cities, should promise faithfully to observe this public peace, to give due obedience The Emperor pro 〈…〉 the calling of a 〈…〉 oú ●within 6. months. to the Emperor, and convenient aid against the Turk. This peace the Emperor ratified, and confirmed by his letters, dated the second of August, and suspended also all processes, promising to do his endeavour for the calling of a Council within six months, and for the beginning of it within a year. He gave also an account to the Catholic Princes, of the ambassage sent to Rome, for that end, adding that some difficulties of weight could not as yet be accorded, concerning the manner and place. But he would continue his endeavours that they should be resolved, and that the Pope should grant the convocation; hoping that he would not be wanting to the necessity of the Commonwealth, and his own duty: but in case this succeeded not, he would intimate another Diet to find a remedy herein. This was the first liberty of Religion, which those that adhered to Luther's confession, called the Augustan, obtained by public decree: whereof the world talked diversely. At Rome the Emperor was reprehended, for putting The first liberty of the Augustan confession. his sickle (as they said) into another man's harvest, every Prince being obliged, by the strictest bonds of censures, to the extirpation of those that are condemned by the Pope: wherein they ought to spend their goods, state, and life: and the Emperors much more, because they do so solemnly swear unto it. This not being performed by Charles, an example not heard of, there was cause to fear a sudden revenge from heaven. But others commended the piety and wisdom of the Emperor, who laboured more to prevent the danger, imminent to Christendom, by the arms of the Turk, a direct opposer of Religion; against whom he could not have made resistance without securing the Protestants, who are Christians too, though dissenting from others, in some particular rites, which is a tolerable difference. That the Maxim, so renowned in Rome, that it is more meet to persecute heretics, than infidels, was well fitted to the Pope's dominion, but not to the benefit of Christendom. Some also, not regarding the Turks, said that Kingdoms and Principalities, ought not to be governed by the laws and interests of Priests, who are more partial, for their own greatness and profits, than any other, but according to the exigence of the public good, which requireth now and then, the tolerating of some defect. That it was the duty of every Christian Prince, to endeavour equally, that his Subjects maintain the true faith, as also that they observe all the Commandments of God, and not this, more than that. But when a vice cannot be rooted out, without the ruin of the State, it is acceptable to the Majesty of God to permit it: neither is the obligation greater to punish heretics, than fornicators; who if they be tolerated, for public quiet, it is no greater inconvenience, if those be permitted, who defend not all our opinions. And though it be not easy to allege examples of Princes, which have done this within these 800. years, yet he that will consider the times before, will see it done by all, and laudably too, when necessity hath required. If Charles having attempted to compose by all means the differences in religion, hath not been able to bring any thing to pass, who can reprehend him, if, to try what can be done by a Council, he hath established peace in the mean time in Germany, that he may not see her ruin? None knoweth how to govern a territory, but the Prince himself, who alone knoweth all the necessities of it. He will overthrew his State, whosoever will govern with respect unto the interests of others, and it would be to as much purpose to govern Germany, as the Romans desire, as to govern Rome as the Dutchmen please. No man that shall read this occurrence, aught to marvel, if these and The Romanists would have every country governed according to their interests. many more discourses did run in the minds of men, it being a thing which did inwardly touch them. For the case was, whether every Christian Country ought to be governed, according to its own necessity and profit, or was a slave of one only City, to maintain the commodities whereof, all others should spend themselves, and become desolate. The times following 1533 CLEMENT 7. CHARLES 5. HENRY 8. FRANCIS 1. have taught, and will teach perpetually, that the Emperor's resolution was conformable to the laws of God and man. The Pope, who was more troubled herein then all others, as one who was most intelligent in State affairs, saw very well that he had no reason to complain; but he concluded herewithal, that his interests could not concur with those of the Emperor, and The Pope is aliened again from the Emperor. therefore his mind was wholly aliened from him. The Turk being chased out of Austria, the Emperor passed into Italy, & had conference with the Pope in Bolonia, where they treated of all the common affairs: and though the league was renewed between them, yet the Pope was not fully satisfied, both for the liberty of Religion granted in Germany, as The league is renewed between them, but suspicions remain in the Pope's mind. hath been said, and because they agreed not concerning the Council, as might cure the maladies of Germany, (in conformity to his Ambassador's proposition the year before) which was impossible if the Protestants had no part therein. The Pope continued in his resolution, not to admit of a Council by any means, but in case of necessity, and which should not be celebrated out of Italy, and wherein none should have a deliberative voice but those unto whom the Pope's laws did allow it. The Emperor would have condescended to the Pope's will, if there had been means to give the Protestants contentment; wherein that he might give his Holiness certain information, he proposed unto him that he The Pope and Emperor resolve to send a Nuncio and an Ambassador into Germany. should send a Nuncio into Germany, & himself an Ambassador, to find out a form & temper for these difficulties; promising that his Ambassador should govern himself as the Nuncio would. The Pope accepted the match, though he were fully satisfied of the Emperor, assuring himself, that in case the negotiation of both those ministers had taken none effect, Charles would have The Pope resolveth to make an alliance with France, to be able to withstand the Emperor. 15●3 gone about to have given Germany satisfaction; and from that time Clement resolved to make a strait alliance with France, to be able, by that means, to hinder whatsoever the Emperor should propose. The Pope after Easter 1533. sent Hugo Rangone, Bishop of Rheggio, to execute the proposition accepted by him: who coming with the Emperor's Ambassador to john Frederic, Elector of Saxony, (who had succeeded his deceased father a few months before) as chief of the Protestants, declared his commission; that Clement from the beginning of his Papacy, had always an extraordinary desire to compose the differences in Religion, sprung up in Germany, and for that end had sent thither many learned persons; and though their pains took not effect, the Pope notwithstanding had hope, that at the Emperor's going thither after his coronation, all would be brought to perfection. But having not obtained the end he desired, the Emperor returned into Italy, and shown him that there was no fit means than a general Council, which the Princes of Germany desired also. With which the Pope being well pleased, as well for the public good, as to give the Emperor contentment, had sent him, to agree with them, concerning the manner of the future Council, and of the time and place. And for the form and order thereof, the Pope proposed some necessary conditions. The first, that it should be free and general, as the Fathers were wont to celebrate it in former times. Then, that those that demand a Council, should promise and give assurance to receive the decrees that shall be made. For otherwise it would be labour in vain, it being to no purpose to make laws, which would not be observed. Thirdly, that he hat could not be present should send Ambassadors to make promise, & put in caution. After this, that it was necessary, that in the mean while, all things remained as they are, The conditions of the Council required by the Pope. and that no innovation were made before the Council. The Nuncio added, that for the place the Pope had not long, frequent, and great consideration. For it was necessary to provide one that should be fertile to afford victuals to so famous a concourse, and of an healthful air too, that the progress may not be hindered by sickness. And in conclusion Piaconza, Places for the Council proposed by the Nuncio. Bolonia, or Mantua seemed unto him very commodious, leaving it to the choice of Germany to elect which of these places they would. But he added that if any Prince would not come, or not send Ambassadors, it would beeiust for all the others to defend the Church. In the end he concluded, that if Germany would give a fit answer to the propositions, the Pope would immediately treat with other Kings, and would intimate the Council within six months, to begin a year after, that provision of victuals might be made, and that all, especially the farthest distant, might prepare themselves for the voyage. The Nuncio gave up his proposition in writing, and the Emperor's The Emperor's Ambassador maketh the same negotiation. Ambassador made the same negotiation with the Elector; who, having required time to answer, the Nuncio was infinitely pleased. For he desired nothing but delay, and took the answer for a presage of the happy success of the business: and he could not refrain to commend him, for not being too hasty in a deliberation which deserved time. Yet the Elector answered within few days, that he was very glad that the Emperonr and the Pope were resolved to call a Council, where, according to promise, oftentimes made unto Germany, the controversies might lawfully be handled, by the rule of the word of God. That himself for his own part, would willingly make present answer to the things proposed; but because there are many Princes, which have received the same confession in the Diet of Ausbug, it was not fit, nor profitable for the cause, to answer alone: but an assembly being intimated against the 24. of june, he desired he would be contented to grant this short delay, that he might receive a more common, and resolute conclusion. The joy and hope of the Nuncio was much increased, The Nuncio is pleased with the delatory answer. The answer of the Protestants assembled in Smalcalde. who desired the delay had been rather of years than months. But the Protestants, assembled at the aforesaid time in Smalcalde, answered, thanking the Emperor, that, for the glory of God, and safety of the commonwealth, he had taken pains to cause a Council to be celebrated; which would be in vain, if conditions were not observed, necessary for the curing of the diseases of Germany: which desireth that her controversies may be defined with due order: and hopeth to obtain it, for that the Emperor hath in many imperial Diets promised such a one, which, by the mature deliberation of the Princes and States, hath been resolved should be celebrated in Germany; in regard that many errors being revealed, by occasion of the Indulgences, published in Sermons, Pope Leo condemned the doctrine and the Doctors, who discovered the abuses. But that sentence was opposed by the testimonies of the Prophets and Apostles. Whence did arise the controversy, which cannot be decided but in a Council, where the Pope's sentence, or the power of whosoever, may not prejudice the cause, and where judgement may be given, not according to the Pope's laws, or opinions of the Schools, but according to the holy Scripture. If this be not performed, this so great a labour would be taken in vain, as may appear by the examples of some other Counsels, celebrated before. Now the propositions of the Pope were contrary to this end, to the petitions of the Diet, and promises of the Emperor. For though he propose And their exceptions against the propositions of the Pope. a free Council in words, yet in effect he would have it tied, so that vices and errors may not be reprehended, and himself may maintain his power. That that was not a reasonable demand that any man should bind himself to observe the decrees, before he know by what order, manner, or form they are made, whether the Pope desire to have the supreme authority in him, and his; whether he will have the controversies discussed according to holy writ, or according to humane laws and traditions. That that clause also seemed captious, that the Council should be made according to the old custom. For it being understood of that old, when all was determined by the holy Scriptures, they would not refuse it. But the Counsels of the next preceding age were much different from the other that were more ancient, where too much was attributed to the Decrees of Popes, and other men. That the propose was glorious, but it took absolutely away the liberty which was demanded, and was necessary for the cause. That they desired the Emperor to be a means that all might pass lawfully. That all men were in attention, and stood in hope of a Council, and demanded it with vows and prayers, which would be turned into great sorrow and vexation of mind, if this expectation should be deluded, by giving a Council, but not such a one as is desired and promised. That there is no doubt but that all the States of the Empire, and other Kings and Princes also will be of the same opinion, to avoid those snares and bonds, with which the Pope thinketh to bind them in a new Council: to whose will if the managing of the affairs shall be permitted, they will refer the whole to God, and think of what they have to do. Yet for all this if they shall be cited, with good and lawful assurance, in case they see themselves able to do some thing for the service of God, they will not refuse to appear; but with condition, not to consent to the Pope's demands, nor to a Council which is not conformable to the Decrees of the imperial Diets. In the end they prayed the Emperor not to take their resolution in ill part, and to endeavour that the power of those be not confirmed, who long since have waxed cruel against the innocent. The Protestants resolved, not only to send the answer to the Pope, and the Emperor, but to print it also, together with the Nuncio his proposition, which by the same Pope was judged indiscreet, and too open. Therefore The Pope recalleth Hugo Rangone B. of Rheggio, his Nuncio, and putteth Vergerius in his place. under colour that he was old and unable to bear that charge, he recalled him, and wrote to Vergerius, Nuncio with King Ferdinand, that he should take upon him that place, with the same instructions, admonishing him to remember not to swerve by any means from his will, or to give ear to any 1534 CLEMENT 7. CHARLES 5. HENRY 8. FRANCIS 2. moderation, though the King desire it, that unadvisedly he cast him not into some strait, and constrain him to call a Council, which was not profitable for the Church, or for the Apostolical Sea. While these things were in handling, the Pope who foresaw the answer which would come out of Germany, & before in Bolonia had conceived but small confidence in the Emperor, wholly aliened himself from his friendship. For in the cause of Modena and Rheggio, between his Holiness and the Duke of Ferrara, referred to him by the parties: he pronounced for the Duke. For all which causes, the Pope negotiated a confederation with the French King; the which was concluded, and established also by the marriage The confederation between the Pope and the French King, is confirmed by marriage. of Henry the King's second son, with Catherine de Medici, the Pope's great grandchild. And to give a complete perfection to the whole business, he went to Marseilles in person, to speak with the King. But understanding that this journey was reprehended by all, as not addressed to any public respect, but only to make his house great, he justified himself, by saying he undertook it, to persuade him to favour the Council, and to abolish the Lutheran heresy. And 'tis true that there, beside other treaties, he persuaded his most Christian Majesty, to deal with the Protestants, especially with the Landgrave of Hassia, who was to come to him into France, to cause them to desist from demanding a Council, proposing unto them, that they would seek out any other way to accommodate the differences, and promising his own faithful and effectual help, when time should serve. The King did thus negotiate, but could obtain nothing. For the Landgrave alleged, The French King treateth with the Landgrave of Hassia, at the Pope's request about the Council. that there was no other means to hinder the desolation of Germany, and that not to speak of a Council, was willingly to run into a civil war. In the second place, the King treated with them, that they would be contented with a Council in Italy. But neither did the Germans agree unto this; for they said, that this match was worse than the first: because that constrained them only to make war, but this cast them into a servitude both of body and soul: whereunto resistance could not be made, but by a Council, in a free place: yet condescending for his Majesty's sake, to whatsoever they were able, they would cease to demand to have it celebrated in Germany, so that another free place were appointed out of Italy, though it were near unto it. In the beginning of the year 1534. the King gave the Pope an account 1534 of what he had done, and offered to bring to pass, that the Protestants should be contented with Geneva. The Pope having received the advice, The Pope is displeased with the Propose of Geneva for the 〈◊〉 place of the Council. was uncertain, whether the King, though his confederate and kinsman, would be glad to see him in troubles, or if, in this particular, he wanted that discretion which he shown in other affairs: But he concluded, that it was not good to use him in this matter. And writing unto him, thanked him for his pains, without answering to the particular of Geneva: and he encouraged many of the Courtiers, whose minds were troubled, assuring them, that by no means he would consent to such a folly. But this year the Pope, in stead of regaining Germany, lost the obedience He looseth the obedience of England. of England, by proceeding rather with choler and passion, then with wisdom necessary in so great negotiations. The accident was of great importance, and greater consequence, which to declare distinctly, it is necessary to begin from the first causes, whence it had its original. Catherine Infanta of Spain, sister to the mother of Charles the Emperor, was married to Henry the eight, King of England, and was before, the wife of Arthure, Prince of Walls, Henry's eldest brother; after whose death, their father gave her in marriage to Henry, who remained successor, by the dispensation The cause. of Pope julio the second. This Queen was with child often, and always either miscarried, or brought forth a creature of a short life, except one only daughter, King Henry, either for displeasure against the Emperor, or for desire of issue male, or for some other cause, conceived a scruple in his mind that the marriage was not good; and taking counsel of his Bishops, separated himself from her company. The Bishops treated with the Queen, that she would be contented with a divorce, saying that the Pope's dispensation was neither good nor true. The Queen would not give ear to them, but had recourse to the Pope: to whom, the King also sent to crave a divorce. The Pope, who was still retired in Oruieto, and hoped for good conditions in his affairs, if the favours of France and England, which still they performed, were continued, by molesting the Emperor in the kingdom of Naples, sent into England the Cardinal Campeggio, delegating the cause unto him, and the Cardinal of York. From these, and from Rome, the King had hope given him, that in the end, the sentence should be on his side: Yea, to facilitate The Cardinals Campeggio and Wolsie were delegated by the Pope to hear the cause of the King's divorce. the resolution, that the solemnities of the judgement, might not draw the cause in length, a brief was framed, in which, he was declared free from that marriage, with the most ample clauses, that ever were put into any Pope's Bull, and a Cardinal sent into England, with order to present it, after some few proofs were passed, which he was sure would easily be made. And The Pope caused his Brief which he had made in favour of the divorce to be burned. this happened in the year 1524. But Clement, judging it fit for compassing his designs upon Florence, as hath been declared in its proper place, to join himself with the Emperor, then to continue in the friendship of France and England, in the year 1529. he sent Francis Campana unto Campeggio, with order to burn the Brief, and to proceed slowly in the cause Campeggio began first to draw the cause in length, and after, to make difficulty of performing the promises made to the King. Whereby being assured that the judge and his adversaries did collude, he sent to the Universities of Italy, France, and Germany, for a consultation in his cause; where amongst A consultation about the cause of divorce. the Divines, some were contrary, and some favourable to his pretention. The greater part of the Parisians were on his side, and some believed that the King's gifts more persuaded them, than reason. But the Pope, either to gratify the Emperor, or for fear, that in England by means of the Cardinal of York, something might happen, not according The Pope to gratify the Emperor, recalleth Campeggio. to his mind, as also to give occasion to Campeggio to part from thence, called the cause to himself. The King impatient of delay, either, because he knew their cunning, or for some other cause, published the divorce with his wife, and married Anne Bullen in the year 1533. yet still the cause depended before the Pope, in which, he was resolved to proceed slowly, to The King in 〈…〉 yeth 〈◊〉 Bulle●. satisfy the Emperor and not offend the King. Therefore some by points rather were handled, than the merits of the cause. And the disputation grew upon the Article of the Attentats, in which the Pope gave sentence against the King; declaring, that it was not lawful for him, by his own authority, without the Ecclesiastical judge, to separate himself from his wife. For which cause, the King in the beginning of this year 1534 denied the Pope obedience, commanding all his subjects, not to carry any money to Rome, The King causeth the Peter-pences to be denied the Pope. nor to pay the ordinary Peter-pences. This infinitely troubled the Court of Rome, and daily they consulted of a remedy. They thought to proceed against the King with censures, and to interdict all Christian Nations all commerce with England. But the moderate Counsel pleased best, to temporize with him, and to mediate a composition by the French King. King Francis accepted the charge, and sent the Bishop of Paris to Rome, to negotiate a pacification with the Pope; where they still proceeded in the cause, but gently, and with resolution, not to come to censures, if the Emperor did not proceed first, or at the same time, with his forces. They had divided the cause into three and twenty Articles, and then they handled, whether Prince Arthure had had carnal conjunction with Queen Catherine; in this they spent time until mid-lent was passed, when, the nineteenth of March, news came, that a Libel was published in England, against the Pope, and the whole Court of Rome, and that beside, a Comedy had been made in presence of the King and Court, to the great disgrace and shame of the Pope, and of every Cardinal in particular. For which cause all being inflamed with choler, they ran headlong to give sentence; which was pronounced in the Consistory, the four and twentieth of the same month, that the marriage between Henry and Queen Catherine was good, that he was bound to take her for his wife, and that, in case he did it not, he should be excommunicated. The Pope was soon displeased with this precipitation. For six days after, the French King his letters came, that the King of England was contented to accept the sentence concerning the Attentates, and to render obedience, with condition, that the Cardinals whom he mistrusted should not meddle in the business, and that persons not suspected, should be sent to Cambray to take information. And the King had sent his Proctors before, to assist in the cause at Rome. Wherefore the Pope went about to device some pretence, to suspend the precipitated sentence, and again to set the cause on its feet. But Henry so soon as he had seen it, said it was no matter. For the Pope should be Bishop of Rome, and himself sole Lord of his kingdom: and that he would do according to the ancient fashion of the Eastern Church, not leaving to be a good Christian, nor suffering the Lutheran heresy, or any other to be brought into his kingdom. And so he did. He published an Edict, wherein he declared himself head of the Church of England, and punished capitally, whosoever said that the Pope of Rome had any authority there: he chased out the Collector of the Peter-pences, and caused the Parliament to approve all these things: where it was determined, that all Bishoprickes of England, should be conferred by the Archbishop of Canterbury, without sending to Rome, and that the Clergy should pay to the King one hundred and fifty thousand pounds sterling yearly, for the defence of the Kingdom against whosoever. This action of the King was variously expounded. Some thought him wise, for freeing himself from the subjection of Rome, without any innovation in Religion, and without putting his subjects in danger of sedition, How the action of K Henry was expounded and without referring himself to a Council, a thing which they saw hard to be effected and dangerous also for him, it being impossible that a Council, composed of Ecclesiastical persons, should not maintain the Pope's power, which is the main pillar of their order: because by the papacy it is above all kings and the Emperor, but without it is subject to them, there being no Ecclesiastical person that hath superiority but the Pope. But the Court of Rome maintained that it could not be said, that there was no change in Religion, the first and principal Article being changed, which is the supremacy of the Pope, and that seditions would arise as well for this only, as for all the rest. Which the event shown to be true. For the King was fain to proceed severely against some of his subjects, whom he loved and esteemed. It cannot be expressed what grief was conceived in Rome, and by all the Clergy, for the alienation of so great a Kingdom from the Pope's subjection: and it discovered the imbecility of humane affairs, wherein, for the most part, great damages proceed from those things, from which the greatest The Popes have gained much by matrimonial dispensations. benefits were formerly received. For by matrimonial dispensations, and by sentences of divorce, as well granted as denied, the Papacy hath gained much in former times, sheltering the Princes with the name of the Vicar of Christ, whom it concerned with some incestuous marriage, or by dissolving one to contract another, to unite some other territory to their own, or to drown the title of diverse pretendants, making, for this cause, strait alliance with them, and interesting their power to defend that authority, without which their actions would be condemned and hindered: yea, interesting not those Princes only, but all their posterity, to maintain their legitimation. But the misfortune which then arose, might be ascribed to the precipitation of Clement, who, in this case, knew not how to manage his authority: and if it had pleased God to have given him in this fact the use of his usual wisdom, he might have gained much, where now his loss was great. But the Emperor at his return into Germany, being informed of the negotiation of the Nuncio Rangone, concerning the Council, wrote to Rome, complaining that himself having promised a Council to Germany, and treated with the Pope in Bolonia, in what sort the Princes should be dealt with in this matter, yet the Nuncij of his Holiness had not proceeded in that manner that was agreed of, but had so treated, that the Protestants thought themselves deluded: praying him in the end, to find some way to give Germany satisfaction. The eighth of june the Emperor's letters were read in the Consistory; and because there came advice, a little before that the Landgrave of Hassia had taken the Dukedom of Wittenberg from King Ferdinand, by force of arms, and restored it to the Duke Vlrick, the lawful Lord of it, and that Ferdinand also was enforced to make peace with them, many of the Cardinals said, that the Lutherans having achieved 1534 PAUL. 3. CHARLES 〈◊〉. HENRY 8. FRANCIS 1. so great a victory, it was necessary to give them some satisfaction, and not to proceed any more by Art, but to make some demonstration of effects, because the Emperor having promised a Council, it was necessary he should not be deluded, and said, that if the Pope could not find a way, there was danger, That his Majesty would be constrained to yield to some other thing of greater prejudice and loss to the Church. But the Pope and mayor part of the Cardinals, seeing it was impossible to make the Lutherans accept such a Counsel, as might be serviceable to the Court of Rome, and being resolute not so much as to hearken to any speech of making it otherwise, they resolved to answer the Emperor, that they knew very well the importance of the times, and what great need there was of a general Council: which they were most ready to intimate, in case it might be so celebrated, that it might produce good effects, as need requireth: but seeing new discords arise between him and France, diverse open dissensions between other Christian Princes, it was necessary they should cease, and minds should be reconciled, before the Council were called. For, during the discords it could not produce any good effect, and now lest of all, the Lutherans being in arms, and made proud by the victory of Wittenberg. But it was necessary to leave discoursing with the Pope of a Council: For he fell into a long and mortal infirmity, whereof he died in the end Clement the 7. dieth. of September, with no small joy of the Court. For though they admired his virtues, which were a natural gravity, exemplary parsimony, and dissimulation, yet they hated more his avarice, rigidity, and cruelty, increased, or more manifested, after he was oppressed by his infirmity. In the vacancies of the Sea, the Cardinals use to compose certain Capitulations always composed in the vacancy of the Popedom. capitulations, to reform the Papal government, which all swear to perform, if they shall be assumed to the Popedom, though it appear by all precedent examples, that every one sweareth with a mind not to keep them, in case he shallbe Pope. For so soon as he is elected, he saith, he could not bind himself, & that he is at liberty by gaining the Papacy. After the death of Clement, the capitulations were set down, according to custom, amongst which one was, that the future Pope should be bound to call a Council within a year. But the capitulations could not be established & sworn, because the same Card. Farnese is created Pope, h●st called Honorius. 5 and in the coronation named Paulus 3. Whose chiefest virtue was dissimulation. day, the 12. of Octob in which the Conclave was locked up, Cardinal Farnese was suddenly created Pope, first called Honorius 5. in the creation, and after in the coronation Paulus 3. A Prelate endowed with good qualities, & among all his virtues, made more esteem of none then of dissimulation. He being a Cardinal practised in six Popedomes, Deane of the College, and much conversant in negotiations, shown that he did not fear the Council, as Clement did, but thought it profitable for the Papacy, to make show by all means of desiring it, being assured that he could not be enforced to call it in such manner, and in such a place where he could have no advantage, and when there was cause to hinder it, the contradiction which the Court and Clergy would make, was sufficient. He thought also that this might serve to maintain peace in Italy, which he esteemed very necessary, that he might govern in quiet. He saw very well that this colour of a Council might serve to cover many matters, and to excuse him in not doing those things which were contrary to his will. Therefore soon after his Creation he let them know, that though the capitulations were not sworn, yet he was resolved to observe that of the convocation of a Council, knowing it to be necessary for the glory of God, and benefit of the Church: and the 16. of the same month he made a general congregation of the Cardinals, which is not called a Consistory, the Pope not being crowned as yet, where he proposed this matter. He shown, by potent arguments, that the intimation He maketh show that he desireth a Council. could not be deferred, it being otherwise impossible to make true amity between Christian Princes, and to extirpate the heresies: and that therefore all the Cardinals ought maturely to consider how it should be celebrated. He deputed also three Cardinals to advice of the time, and place, and other particulars, with order to deliver their opinion in the first Consistory after the coronation. And to make contradictions arise, which might serve him in occasions, he added, that as he would reform the Clergy in the Council, so it was not convenient there should be need to reform the Cardinals, but that it was necessary they should then begin to reform Persuadeth the Cardinals to reform themselves. themselves, because he was resolved to draw fruit from the Council, the precepts whereof would be of small force, if the effects appeared not first in the Cardinals. The custom is, that in the first days the Cardinals, especially the great ones, obtain favours easily of the new Pope. Therefore the Cardinal of Lorraine, And resuseth to grant the nomination of Bishops and Abbats to any Prince. and other French, in the name of the King, desired him to grant to the Duke of Lorraine the nomination of the Bishoprickes, and Abbacies of his dominion: which demand also it was thought the Venetians would make for theirs. The Pope's answer was, that in the Council, which should be called shortly, it was necessary to take away the faculty of nomination from those Princes that already had it; which was some blemish to the Popes his Predecessors, who had granted them. Therefore it was not reasonable to augment the heap of errors, and to grant that now which shortly should be revoked with small reputation. In the first Consistory, which was the twelfth of November, he discoursed again of the Council, and said, that first it was necessary to obtain an union of Christian Princes, or assurance of suspension of arms, The Pope maketh show to desire an union of Princes, and a reformation of the Court. while the Council should endure. Therefore that he would send Nuncij to all Princes to negotiate this point, and other particulars, of which the Cardinals put him in mind. He called also Vergerius out of Germany, to be well informed of the State of those Provinces, and deputed three Cardinals, Vergerius is recalled out of Germany. one of every order to consult of the things to be reform. These were the Cardinal of Sienna, of S. Severino, and Cesis. Neither was there ever any Consistory where he entered not, and spoke much of this matter, and often said, it was necessary for this end, that the Court, and especially the Cardinals should first be reform. This was expounded by some, to be spoken with good zeal, and desire of effect, by others, that the Court and Cardinals, might find means to hinder the Council, that there might not be any reformation. And the ground of this their opinion was, that having deputed three Cardinals, he elected neither the most zealous, nor the 1535. PAUL 3. CHARLES 〈◊〉. HENRY 8. FRANCIS 1. Two of the Pope's nephews are created Cardinals, both very young. most practical, but the slowest and most quiet of all the College. But the next month of December, he gave more ample matter of discourse. For he created Cardinals, Alexander Farnese his own grandchild, by Peter Aloisius his bastard, and Guido Ascanius Sforza, grandchild by his daughter Constanza, the former of fourteen years of age, and the other of sixteen. To those that told him of their youth, he answered, that his own decrepit old age did supply it. The hope of reforming the Cardinals, and the fear of some of them vanished immediately, because it did not appear how it could begin, but from the age, and lawful birth of those which were to be created. The Pope also gave over to speak thereof any more, having done that, which would not suffer him to mask any longer. Yet the proposition of calling a Council was currant still. And in the Consistory of the sixteenth of januarie 1535. he made a long 1535 and vehement Oration, exciting the Cardinals to resolve in that matter. For by proceeding so slowly, the world did think that the Council was not truly intended, and that they had nothing but words, and Court holy water. And he delivered his mind with such grave sentences, that the whole The Pope sendeth Nunci● to all Princes, to treat with them concerning the Council. auditory was moved. In that consistory it was resolved to dispatch Nuncij to the Emperor, to the French King, and other Christian Princes, with commission to declare, that the Pope and College had determined absolutely, for the benefit of Christendom, to celebrate a Council, exhorting them to favour it, and to procure peace and tranquillity, while it shall last, but to tell them, that for the time and place, his Holiness was not resolved as yet. And the most secret instruction was, that they should cunningly find out, what the Princes thought concerning the place, to the end, that all their interests and purposes being known, he might hinder them, by opposing one against another, and so work his own will. He charged also the Nuncij to complain of the actions of the King of England: and, when they saw opportunity, to incite them against him, and to offer them also that Kingdom for a prey. Among these Nuncij Vergerius Vergerius is sent back into Germany with special instructions. was one, sent back into Germany with more special Commissions, to penetrate the mind of the Protestants, concerning the form of proceeding in the Council, that he might draw from thence such conclusions as were necessary. He gave him also particular charge to treat with Luther, and the other principal Preachers of the reformed doctrine, using all kinds of promises and offers, to reduce them to some composition. The Pope reprehended in all occasions the rigidness of Cardinal Caietan, who in the Diet of Ausburg 1518. refused Luther's offer, that silence being imposed to his adversaries, he would also be contented to hold his peace: and he condemned the acerbity of that Cardinal, who, by urging obstinately a recantation, cast that man headlong into despair, which had cost, and would cost the Church of Rome, as much as the half of her authority is worth. That he would not imitate Leo, in believing that the Friars are good instruments to suppress the Preachers of Germany. For reason, and experience have declared the vanity of that cogitation. That there were but two means, force and treaties; both which he would use, being ready to agree to any condition, so that the Pope's authority might remain entire. For which end he said he had need of able men, fit for negotiation, and therefore the one and twentieth of May, he created six Cardinals, and the seventh, a few days after all which, were men much esteemed in the Court. Among these was john Fisher Bishop of Rochester, than prisoner in England, for refusing to obey the King's Decree, which took away the Pope's authority. The Pope in making choice of him, considered that he honoured this promotion, The Pope creaseth seuca Cardinals. by putting in that number a learned man, and well deserving, for the persecution which he endured: and that having increased his dignity, he In which number was john Fisher B. of Rochester. would have more respect with the King, and more credit with the people. But that Cardinal's Cap profited that Prelate in nothing, but to hasten his death, which was given him 43. days after, by cutting off his head in public. But howsoever the Pope made open demonstrations to desire such a Council, as might give satisfaction, and reduce Germany, yet all the Court, and the Pope's nearest friends, who treated most secretly with him of these The Court was of opinion that Mantua was the: fittest place for the Council. things, said that it could not any where be celebrated but in Italy, because in no other place it could be free, and that in Italy, no place could be chosen but Mantua. Vergerius, at his return into Germany, delivered the Pope's Ambassage, first to Ferdinand, and then to those Protestants that came to that King about the present occurrences, and at last he made a journey to treat with the others also. He had no other answer from any of them; but that they would consult together, and resolve by common consent in their assembly, which should be called in the end of the year. The proposition of the The negotiation of Vergerius in Germany. Nuncio contained, that that was the time for the Counsels, so much desired, the Pope having treated with the Emperor, and all the Kings to call it seriously, not as formerly, in appearance only; and that it may not be deferred any more, he determined to choose Mantua for the place, according to the resolution taken with the Emperor, two years since: Which being a City of the Emperor's vassal, placed near his confines, and the Venetians, they might hold it for secure: besides that the Pope and the Emperor would give any greater caution whatsoever. That it was not necessary to resolve or speak of the manner and form of treating in the Council, because this would better be done in the Council itself, when it shall be called. That it could not be celebrated in Germany, which abounded with Anabaptists, Sacramentaries, and other sects, for the most part, both foolish and furious. Therefore that it would not be secure for other nations, to go where that multitude is potent, and to condemn their doctrine. That to the Pope it is all one to call it in any other Country whatsoever; but he would not seem to be enforced, and to have that authority taken from him which he hath enjoyed so many ages, to prescribe the place of general Counsels. In this journey Vergerius found Luther at Wittenberg, and treated with He treateth with Luther. him very courteously, upon these terms, enlarging, and amplifying them very much. And first, he assured him, that the Pope, and College of Cardinals, esteemed him exceedingly, who were infinitely grieved for the loss of one, who, if he had been employed in the service of God, and the Apostolical Sea (which are joined together) might have brought foo 〈…〉 inestimable fruit; and that they would do whatsoever they could to regain him. He told that the Pope blamed the rigidity of Caietan, and that the Cardinals did no less that he might expect all favour from that holy Sea, and that the rigour of Leo, which he used by the instigation of others, not of his own disposition, displeased all men. He added also that he would not dispute with him of the controversies, because he professed not Divinity, but that by common reason he could show him that it was good to reunite himself with the head of the Church. For considering that his doctrine, coming to light, and being published within these eighteen years had raised innumerable sects, of which the one detesteth the other, and so many popular seditions, with the death and banishment of so great multitudes, it could not be concluded that it came from God. But one might well assure himself, that it was pernicious to the world, because so much mischief proceeded from it. Vergerius said, that it was too great a self-love, and too great a conceit of ones own worth, when a man would trouble the whole world to sow his own opinions. If you have innovated in the faith, (said Vergerius) in which you were borne, and bred up 35. years, for your conscience and salvations sake, it was sufficient to keep it within yourself. If the love of your neighbour moved you, why did you trouble the whole world unnecessarily, seeing that, without it men did live, and God was served in tranquillity? He added that the confusion was gone on so fare, that the remedy could not be deferred. The Pope is resolute to apply it by calling a Council, where all the learned men of Europe meeting together, the truth shall be cleared, to the confusion of unquiet spirits, and for the place, hath destinated the City of Mantua. And although the chiefest hope consisteth in the goodness of God, yet putting to that account the endeavours of men, it was in Luther's power, to make the remedy easy, if he will be present, treat with charity, and oblige to himself also the Pope, a munificent Prince, who taketh special notice of persons of merit. He put him in mind of the example of Aeneas Siluius, And proposeth unto him the example of Aentas Siluius. who following his own opinions with much slavery and labour, could get no further preferment, then to be Canon of Trent, but, being changed to the better, became Bishop, Cardinal, and finally Pope Pius the second. He called to his memory Bessarion of Nice, who of a poor Caloier of And of Bessarion. Trapizonda, became a great renowned Cardinal, and wanted not much of being Pope. Luther's answers were, according to his nature, vehement and fierce, Luther's answer. saying, that he made no account of the esteem which he had with the Court of Rome, whose hatred he feared not, nor regarded their good will; that he applied himself to the service of God, as much as he could, though when he had done all, he was but an unprofitable servant; that he saw not how the services of God were joined with those of the Papacy, but as darkness with light; that nothing in all his life was more profitable to him, than the rigour of Leo, & the rigidity of Caietan, which he could not ascribe to them, but to the providence of God. For not being as yet in those times illuminated in all the truth of Christian faith, but having only discovered the abuses of Indulgences, he was ready to have kept silence, in case his adversaries had done the like. But the writings of the master of the holy palace, the insulting of Caietan, and the rigour of Leo constrained him to study, and to descriemany other less tolerable abuses, and errors of the Papacy, which he could not dissemble, nor refrain to declare them unto the world with a good conscience. That the Nuncio had ingenuously confessed that he understood not Divinity; which appeared clearly by the reasons which he proposed because none could call his doctrine new, but he that believed that CHRIST, the Apostles, and the holy Fathers lived, as now the Pope, Cardinals, and Bishops do. Neither can any argument be drawn against the doctrine, from the seditions happened in Germany, but by him that hath not read the Scriptures, and knoweth not that this is proper to the word of God, and the Gospel, that it stirreth up troubles and tumults, even to the separation of the father from the son, wheresoever it is preached. That this was the virtue of it, to give life to them that harken to it, and to bring greater damnation to whosoever rejecteth it. He added, that it was a great fault of the Romanists, to establish the Church with governements taken from humane reasons, as if it were a temporal State. That this is that kind of wisdom, which S. Paul saith, is accounted foolishness with God, as not to esteem those politic reasons, by which Rome doth govern, but to trust in God's promises, and to refer to his Majesty the managing of the Church affairs, is that humane folly, which is wisdom with God. That to make the Council take good effect, and to be profitable for the Church, was not in the power of Martin, but of him that can make it free, that the Spirit of God may rule there, and guide it, and the holy Scripture may be the rule of the resolutions, not bringing thither interests, usurpations, and artifices of men: which in case it should happen, yet himself would there use all sincerity, and Christian charity, not to bind the Pope or any other unto him, but for the service of Christ, and peace and liberty of the Church. But that he could not hope to see so great a good so long as it appeared not that the wrath of God was appeased, by a serious conversion from hypocrisy. That no sound argument could be taken from the assembling of learned men, seeing that so long as the anger of God is kindled, there is no error so absurd and unreasonable, which Satan cannot persuade, especially to those great wise men, who think they know much, whom the Majesty of God will confound. That nothing can be received from Rome compatible with the ministry of the Gospel. That the examples of Aeneas Siluius, and Bessarion moved him not. For he esteemeth not those cloudy glitterings, and, in case he would exalt himself, he might truly reply that which facetely was spoken by Erasmus, that Luther being poor and base, maketh rich, and advanceth many. That it was well known to the Nuncio himself, (not to go fare) that the last May himself had a great part in the creation of the Bishop of Rochester, and was the total cause of the creation of Scomberg. That if the life of the first was so soon taken away, this was to be ascribed to the providence of God. Vergerius Vergerius could not move Luther. could not persuade Luther, to remit any thing of his constancy, who so steadfastly maintained his doctrine, as if it had been apparent to the eyes, and said that the Nuncio, yea and the Pope himself, should sooner embrace his faith, than he would abandon it. Vergerius assayed also to persuade some other Preachers in Wittenberg, and elsewhere in the journey, according to the Pope's commission; but found no inclination, as he thought he should, but rigidity in all that were of account; Not any of the other Lutherans, except some few of small esteem. The answer of 15. Prints and 30 Cities assembled in Smalcalda. Mantua is refused by the Germans. and those that rendered themselves were of small worth, and pretended much, so that they were not for his purpose. But the Protestants, understanding Vergerius his proposition, there being fifteen Princes, and thirty Cities assembled in Smalcalda, answered that they had declared their resolution concerning the Council in many Diets, and last of all to the Nuncio of Pope Clement, and the Emperor's Ambassadors, two years since, and that still they desired a lawful Council as they were sure that all godly men did, and that they would go to it, as many times hath been determined in the Imperial Diets. But for the Council which the Pope hath appointed to be in Mantua, they hoped that the Emperor would not break the decrees of the Diet, nor his own promises, so often made unto them, that the Council should be celebrated in Germany; and that they saw not how there could be any danger there, seeing that all the Princes and Cities obey the Emperor, and are so well governed, that all strangers are received and entertained with all humanity. But that the Pope should provide for the security of those that went to the Council they could not see how, especial considering what things have happened in the precedent age. That the Christian Commonwealth hath need of a godly and free Council, and that to such a one they have appealed. And whereas the Nuncio said, that they ought not to treat of the manner and form first, it signified nothing but that there should be no liberty, and that all should be referred to the Pope's power, who already having so often condemned their religion, the Council cannot be free, if he shall be judge. That the Council is not the tribunal of the Pope and Priests only, but of all the orders of the Church, not excluding the Seculars. That to prefer the Pope's power before the authority of the whole Church, is an unjust and tyrannical opinion. That the Pope defending the opinion of his own men, yea with cruel edicts, making himself a party to the cause, it is just that the manner and form of the process should be determined by the Princes. The Kings of England and France, sent Ambassadors to the assembly of The King of England and the French King send Ambassadors to Smalcalda. Francis Sforza dieth. Smalcalda: the French King (who had a design to make war in Italy, Francis Sforza Duke of Milan; being now dead) desired them not to accept of any place for the Council, without the advice of him, and of the King of England, and that they would accept of none without them. The King of England advised them to be ware that they called not such a Council, where, in stead of moderating the abuse, they should more establish the Pope's authority, and desired them to approve his divorce. On the other side they dealt with him to receive the Augustan confession: Which things, being treated of in diverse assemblies, had no conclusion at all. But Vergerius, in the beginning of the year 1536. returned to the Pope, to 1536 relate the effect of his Ambassage. He delivered in sum, that the Protestants 1536 PAUL. 3. CHARLES 5.— HENRY 8. FRANCIS 1. would not receive any Council, except it were free, and in a fit place, within the confines of the Empire, grounding themselves upon the Emperor's promise, and that of Luther and his complices there was no hope at all, nor any other way to be thought of, but to oppress them with war Vergerius for his reward had the Bishopric of Capo d'Istria, his own Country, and was sent by the Pope to Naples, to make the same relation to the Vergerius returneth and deliveceth to the Pope the effect of his negotiation. He is rewarded and sent to the Emperor. Emperor, who having been victorious in Africa, was passed into the kingdom, to settle the affairs thereof. The Emperor hearing the narration of the Nuncio, went to Rome. He had private conference with the Pope, concerning the affairs of Italy, and the pacification of Germany. The Pope, according to Vergerius counsel, said there was no means to be used but war. But the Emperor, seeing the time not ripe as yet, to reap from thence The Emperor goeth to Rome to confer with the Pope. that good fruit, as others were persuaded he might, and himself also entangled in Italy, without possibility of being free, but by yielding Milan, which he resolved, by all means to make his own, whither all his actions did principally tend, alleged for a reason to defer that war, that it was more necessary to defend Milan from the French men. On the other side the Pope, whose thoughts were wholly bend to make an Italian Lord of that State, and therefore proposed the war of Germany, not so much to suppress the Lutherans (as he said openly) as to divert Caesar from possessing Milan, which was his principal end, though secret, replied that himself and the Venetians, what by arms, and what by treaties, would more easily make the King desist, in case his Imperial Majesty did not meddle. The Emperor having discovered the inward thoughts of the Pope, The Pope and Emperor have contrary ends and dissemble one with another. with as much dissimulation, made show he was persuaded, and inclined to the war of Germany; yet he said, that it was fit to justify the cause well, that the whole world might not be against him, and to show, by intimating a Council, that he had first used all other means. The Pope was not sorry that, being necessarily to intimate a Synod, it should be done in a time, when, in regard the French King had invaded Savoy and Piedmont, all Italy would be set on fire with war; whereby an apparent pretence was given him to environ the Council with arms, under colour of custody and protection. He The Emperor is puffed up with the African victory. shown himself to be contented, so that such conditions were set down which might not derogate from the authority and reputation of the Apostolic Sea. The Emperor, who, by reason of the victory achieved in Africa, was lifted up in mind, and swollen with vast thoughts, believed he should make an end of the war in Lombardy within two years at the most, and that having immured the King of France beyond the mountains, he might apply himself to the affairs of Germany, without any impediment. His meaning was the Council should serve him for two things. First to bridle the Pope, in case, during the war of Italy, he should according to the custom of other Popes, put himself on the French side when that should be the weaker, to counterpoise him that was victorious. Secondly to reduce Germany to his obedience, which was the mark he shot at. But for the Pope's obedience, he esteemed it but an accidental thing. For the place, Mantua pleased him; and for the rest he cared not what condition the Pope might add, considering that when the Council were assembled, he should be able to change whatsoever pleased him not. Therefore he concluded that he was contented with any condition, so that the Council might be celebrated, alleging that he hoped to persuade almost all Germany to consent unto it. Wherefore the resolution was established by the Pope, and the whole college of Cardinals. A resolution established for calling the Council. Therefore the Emperor, entering into the public Consistory the 28. of April, thanked the Pope and College, for having readily and without delay resolved to call a general Council, and then desired them that the Bull The Emperor entereth into the public Consistory. might be dispatched before he parted from Rome, that himself might give order for the rest. The Bull could not be framed so soon, because it was necessary to consider of fit words to be put into it, such as might give as much hope of liberty as was possible, and yet not prejudice the Papal power. Six Cardinals, and three Bishops were deputed for this business; The Bull for Convocation of the Council is made. and finally the Bull was finished the twelfth of june, published in the Consistory, and subscribed by all the Cardinals. The tenor was as followeth. That from the beginning of his Papacy he had desired nothing more than to cleanse the Church, recommended by God to his care, from heresies and errors, and to restore the discipline to its former state: for which finding no way more commodious than that which always hath been used in like occurrences, that is, a general Council, he had often written concerning it to the Emperor and other Kings, with hope not only to obtain this end, but also, that all discords being appeased between Princes of Christendom war might be made against the Infidels, to free the Christians from that miserable slavery; and also to reduce the Infidels themselves to the faith. Therefore by the fullness of authority which he hath from God, by the consent of his brethren the Cardinals, he doth intimate a general Council of all Christendom, against the 27. of May the next year 1537. The Council is to begin in Mantua, May 27. 1537. in Mantua a rich place, and commodious for the celebration of the Council. Therefore he commandeth the Bishops and other Prelates, of what place soever, by virtue of their oath, and under the pains set down by the holy canons and decrees, that they tender their presence there at the day prefixed. He prayeth the Emperor, French King, and all other Kings and Princes to be there in person, or in case they cannot, to send honourable and ample ambassages, as the Emperor, French King, and other Christian Princes have often promised both to Clement, and to him: and to cause the prelates of their Kingdoms to go thither, and there remain until the end, to determine that which shall be fit to reform the Church, extirpate heresies, and to make war against the Infidels. The Pope published another Bull also, to correct (as he said) all the vices A Bull for the reformation of Rome. and defects of the City of Rome, the head of all Christendom, mistress of learning, manners and discipline; that his own house being first purged, he might more easily cleanse the rest. But not being able fully to perform this business by himself, he deputed the Cardinal's Ostiense, Saint Severino, Genutio, and Simoneta, commanding all men under the most grievous pains, to yield them absolute obedience. These Cardinals, together with other Prelates, deputed also by the Pope, applied themselves immediately to reform the penitentiary and Datarie Courts, and the manners of the Courtiers: yet nothing 1537 PAUL. 3. CHARLES 5.— HENRY 8. FRANCIS 1. took effect. But the intimation of the Council seemed very unfit to every man of any mean capacity, in a time when wars were on foot in Picardy, Provence, and Piedmont, between the Emperor and the French King. The Protestants when they had seen the bull, wrote to the Emperor, The Protestants do not approve the Bull of the Convocation. that it appeared not what should be the form and manner of the Council. They desired it should be pious, free, and in Germany, and such a one was ever promised unto them, and said they hoped that his Majesty would provide that their demands should be satisfied, and his promise fulfilled. But in the beginning of the next year 1537. the Emperor sent to the Protestants Mathias Eldo his Vicechancellor, to exhort them to receive the 1537 The Emperor exhorteth them to accept the Council. Council, for the calling whereof he had taken so great pains, and where he meaned to afford his personal presence, if some great war constrained him not to be elsewhere. He put them in mind that they had appealed to a Council, and therefore that it was not convenient that now they should change their purpose, and refuse to meet all other Nations, who have fixed therein all their hope for reformation of the Church. Concerning the Pope, the Emperor said there was no doubt but that he would govern himself as was fit for the principal head of the Church, and that in casethey had any complaint against him, they might modestly prosecute it in the Council. For the manner and form, that it was not convenient they should prescribe it to all Nations, but should rather think that not their divines only were inspired from God, and understood holy mysteries, but that men may elsewhere be found, who want neither learning, nor sanctity of life. For the place, though they have demanded it in Germany, yet the should consider what was fit for other Nations. Mantua is near to Germany, rich, healthful, and the Duke thereof vassal of the Empire; so that the Pope hath no power there; and if they desired any further caution, himself was ready to give it them. He spoke also apart with the Elector of Saxony, exhorting him to send his Ambassadors to the Council, without using exceptions or excuses, which would hatch nothing but inconveniences. Concerning the And they answer. Council, the Protestants answered, that having read the Pope's letters, they saw well, that he and the Emperor were not of one mind; and, having repeated what was treated of with Adrian, Clement, and Paul, they concluded that they had all the same end. They went on to allege their reasons, why the Pope should not be judge in the Council, nor yet those, who were by oath tied unto him. And for the place appointed, beside that it was against the Decrees of the Imperial Diets, no safe conduct could free them from danger, if they went thither. For the Pope having adherents throughout all Italy, who bitterly hate the Protestants doctrine, there was great danger of treachery and secret plots. Besides, in regard that many Doctors and Ministers ought to go in person, because it is not fit to handle a matter of that importance by deputies, their Churches would be left desolate. And how can they consent to the judgement of the Pope, who hath no other aim but to root out their doctrine, which he calleth heresy, and cannot refrain from saying so much in all his Bulls, yea, in that, by which he intimateth the Council: and in the Bull, which, dissemblingly, he made for reformation of the Court of Rome, he hath often repeated, that he hath called a Council to extirpate the Lutheran heresy, and maketh demonstration thereof by effects, exercising bloody torments and punishments, against poor innocent people, who adhere to that religion, for conscience sake. And how shall they be able to accuse the Pope and his followers, when himself will be judge? And to approve his Brief, is nothing else but to consent to their own condemnation. And therefore that they have always demanded a free and Christian Council, not only that every man may freely speak, the Turks and infidels being excluded; but that those that are linked together by oaths, and other Covenants, may not be judges, and that the word of God may govern, and define all the controversies. That they well know, that there are learned and godly men in other Nations: but withal they assure themselves, that if the unlimited power of the Pope shall be moderated, not their Divines only, but many others, who now by reason of oppression hide themselves, will labour for reformation of the Church. That they will not dispute of the situation and fitness of Mantua, but they may well say, that so long as there is war in Italy, they cannot want matter of suspicion. That it is sufficient to say of the Duke of that City, that he hath a brother a Cardinal, one of the prime men of the Court. That in Germany, there are many Cities as commodious as Mantua, where justice and equity do flourish: and in Germany those secret wiles to take away men's lives, are neither used nor known, as they are in other places. That in the ancient Counsels, the secureness of the place hath ever been first sought for, which would not be sufficient there, though he the Emperor were personally present in the Council. For it is known that the Popes grant him place in consultations, but for power of determining, they reserve it to themselves only. That it was known what happened to the Emperor Sigismond, in the Council of Constance, whose safe-conduct was violated by the Synod: and himself constrained to put up so great an affront. Therefore they prayed his Majesty to consider the importance of these reasons. There appeared in this same Diet the Bishop of Aix, sent by the Pope to invite them to the Council. But he did no good, and some of the Princes Some of the Protestant Princes would not so much as hear the Pope's Nuncio would not so much as hear him. And to make their reasons known to the world they printed and published a writing, where they laboured principally to answer that objection, that they would not submit themselves to any judge, that they despised other nations, that they refused the supreme They justify their actions to the world by writing. tribunal of the Church, that they had renewed heresies formerly condemned, that they were glad of civil discords, that the faults which they found in the manners of the Court of Rome, were small, and tolerable. They alleged the causes why it was not fit, that the Pope alone, nor yet together with his adherents should be judge: they brought the examples of many Counsels refused by diverse of the Fathers, and in fine, implored the aid of all Princes, offering that whensoever a lawful Council shall be called, they will therein defend their cause, and render an account of all their actions. They sent also an express Ambassador to the French King, to give him a particular account of the same things: who answered, that for the Council he was of their opinion, not to approve it, except it were lawful, and in a secure place, assuring them that his son in-law, the King of Scotland was of the same mind. The Duke of Mantua to gratify the Pope, granted his City for the Council, without considering what he did, thinking as others, that it could not The Duke of Mantua maketh a grant of his City and afterwards recalleth it. be effected, there being wars between the Emperor and French King, and Germany opposing it, for whose sake it was called, But when he saw the intimation, he began to think how to secure the place, and sent a proposition to the Pope, that, in regard of the great number of those that would come to the Council, there was need of a great garrison, which he would not have depend upon any but himself; and that he was not able to maintain it. Therefore in case his Holiness would celebrate the Council in that City; he must allow him money for soldiers pay. The Pope answered that the multitude would not consist of men of arms, nor professed for the war, but of Ecclesiastical and learned persons, which one magistrate, whom he would depute to render justice, with a small court and guard, was able to keep in order; that a garrison of soldiers would breed a general suspicion, and became not the place of the Council, where all should appear and be truly peaceable; and that in case a garrison were necessary, it were not reasonable to put it into the hands of any but of the Council itself, that is, of the Pope, who is head thereof. The Duke, considering that jurisdiction draweth The Pope claimeth right to administer justice where the Council shall be celebrated. with it absolute sovereignty, replied, that by no means he would have justice administered in his City, but by his own officers. The Pope, a very wiseman, who seldom received any answer which he did not foresee, was much amazed, and answered the Duke's man, that he would never have believed that by his Lord, a Prince of Italy, whose family hath been so much advanced by the Apostolical Sea, who had a brother a Cardinal, that would be denied him of which never any made doubt before, which the Law of God and man doth give him, which the very Lutherans cannot deny, that is, to be supreme judge of the Clergy; a thing which the Duke denieth not to his own Bishops, to judge the causes of Priests in Mantua. That in the Council none should be present but the ecclesiastics, who are exempted from the secular power, both themselves and their families. Which Priest's concubines are of Ecclesiastical jurisdiction. is so clear, that the Doctors of Divinity affirm that the very concubines of Priests are of Ecclesiastical jurisdiction; and yet he would deny him a Magistrate to render justice to those men, during the time of the Council. The Duke, for all this, was constant, aswell in refusing the Pope's Magistrates, as also in demanding pay for soldiers. These conditions seeming hard to the Pope, contrary (as he said) to the ancient custom, and against the dignity The Pope resolveth not to call the Council at Mantua. of the Sea and Ecclesiastical liberty he would not yield unto them, and resolved not to call the Council at Mantua. He remembered very well what happened to john 23. for calling a Council where another was stronger than he. His purpose therefore was to prolong the time, and excused himself in a public Bull, saying in substance, that though with grief he was constrained to depute an other place for the Synod, yet he endured it with patience, because another was in fault and not himself: and because he could not resolve so suddenly upon a convenient City, he deferred the celebration thereof until the first of November the same year. At that time the King of England published a manifest in his own name, and of his nobility, against the Pope's Convocation, as by a person that had no power, in a time when Italy was set a fire with war, and in a place not secure, adding that he much desired a Christian Council, but that to The King of England opposeth the Council by a public manifest. the Popes he would neither go nor send Ambassadors, having nothing to do with the Bishop of Rome, or his Edicts, more than with the edicts of any other Bishop. That the ancient Counsels were called by the authority of Kings, which custom ought now the rather to be renewed, because the defect of the Court of Rome are called into question. That it was not usual with Popes to break their faith, which himself had more cause to consider then others, being most bitterly hated by him, for having denied him authority in his Kingdom, and the revenue which was paid him. That to blame the Prince of Mantua, because he will not receive so many people into his City without a garrison, is to mock the world; as also to prorogue the Council unto November; not saying in what place it shall be celebrated. And if the Pope choose the place, without doubt it will be in his own State, or of some Prince that is obliged to him. Therefore, it being impossible that any man of judgement should hope for a true Council, the best way was for every Prince to reform Religion at home: concluding in the end that if any man could give him better directions, he would not refuse to follow them. The care of reforming the Court, was committed to 4. Cardinals, but nothing was done, which made the Italians suspect the Pope's actions. In Italy also there was a general disposition to interpret the Pope's actions in the worse sense: and it was spoken freely, that though the Duke of Mantua were blamed, yet he was not the cause why the Council was not called, whereof there was a manifest argument, because the Pope had published a Bull for reformation of the Court, and committed the care thereof to four Cardinals at the same time; which notwithstanding was buried in silence, though neither the Duke, nor any body else hindered it from being in his power: and having proposed it immediately after it was assumed to the Papacy, it was not so much as spoken of for three years after. The The reformation is set on foot again. Pope to withstand these defamations, resolved to set the business on foot again, first reforming himself, the Cardinals, and the Court, that none might object against him, nor make bad construction of his actions; and he elected four Cardinals, and five other Prelates, whom he so much esteemed that the year following he made four of them Cardinals, giving charge to those nine to collect the abuses, which deserved amendment, and withal to add the remedies, by which they might quickly, and easily be removed, and to reduce all to a good reformation. The Prelates made the collection, as the Pope commanded, and committed it to writing. The fountain● of the abuses of the Court. In the beginning they proposed for the fountain and source of all the abuses, the Pope's readiness in giving ear to flatterers, and his facility in dispensing with Laws, with neglect of the Commandment of Christ, not to receive gain for spiritual things. And descending to particulars, they noted twenty four abuses in the administration of Ecclesiastical matters, and four in the special government of Rome: they touched the ordination of The particular abuses. Clergy men, Collation of Benefices, Pensions, Permutations, Regresses, 1538 PAUL. 3. CHARLES 5.— HENRY 8. FRANCIS 1. Reservations, Plurality of Benefices, Commendoes, Exemptions, deformation of the regular order, ignorance of Preachers, and Confessors, liberty of printing pernicious Books, the reading of them, toleration of Apostates, Pardoners. And, Passing to dispensations, first they touched that, for marriage of those that are in orders, for marriages in degrees forbidden, dispensations granted to simoniacal persons, facility of granting Confessionals and Indulgences, dispensation of vows, licence to bequeath by will the church-good, commutation of wills and testaments, toleration of harlots, negligence of the government of hospitals, and such other things, which they exactly handled, expounding the nature of the abuses, the causes and original of them, the consequences of the evils which they carry with them, the means to redress them, and to keep hence forward the body of These things are set down at large in the 12. Book of Sleidan. the Court in Christian life: a work worthy to be read, and which deserved to be set down word by word, if it had not been too long. The Pope having received the relation of these Prelates, caused many Cardinals to consider of it, and after, that he might resolve what to do, proposed it in the Consistory. Friar Nicholas Scomberg, a Dominican Cardinal of S. Sistus, alias of Capua, showed in a long discourse, that that time comported The Cudinall of S. Sistus would have no reformaton at all made. not any reformation at all. First, he put them in mind of the malice of man, which being stopped in one course, findeth a worse, and that it is better to tolerate a known evil, which, because it is in use, is not so much marveled at, then by redressing that, to fall into another, which, being new, will appear greater, and be more reprehended. He added that it would give occasion to the Lutherans, to brag that they had enforced the Pope to make that reformation; and above all he considered that it would be a beginning to take away not only the abuses, but the good uses also, and to endanger the whole state of religion. For by the reformation it would be confessed that the things provided against were deservedly reprehended by the Lutherans, which would be a great abetting to their whole Cardinal Caraffa desireth the reformation. doctrine. On the other side, john Peter Caraffa, Cardinal Theatino, shown that the reformation was necessary, and that it was a great offence to God to leave it, and answered that it was a rule in Christian actions, that as evil is not to be done that good may follow, so no good of obligation is to be omitted, for fear that evil may ensue. The opinions delivered were diverse, The Pope comandeth the remonstrance of the Prelates to be concealed, but a copy of it is sent into Germany by Cardinal Scomberg, The King of Denmark becometh a Protestant. and the final conclusion was not to speak any more of it until another time; and the Pope commanded that the remonstrance of the Prelates should be concealed. But Cardinal Scomberg sent a copy thereof into Germany, which some thought was done by the Pope's consent, that it might appear there was some design in Rome, and some pains taken also for reformation. The copy was suddenly printed, and published, throughout all Germany, and many wrote against it, both in Dutch and Latin. And the number of the Protestants increased daily in that Country, the king of Denmark, and some princes of the house of Brandeburg being entered into their league. November drawing near, the Pope sent out a Bull for convocation of The Council is intimated at Vicenza, and three Legates appointed. the Council at Vicenza, and alleging the necessity to prorogue the time, because winter was at hand, he did intimate it, for the first of May, the next year 1538. and apppointed three Cardinals Legates for that place; Lorenzo Campeggio, Legate before for Clement the seventh in Germany; jomes Simoneta, and jerom Aleander created Cardinals by himself. So soon as this Bull went out the King of England published another Manifost, against this new convocation, and addressed it to the Emperor; Kings, Another manifest published by the K 〈…〉 of England. and Christian people, dated the eight day of April, the same year 1538. that having before declared to the world, the manifold causes, why he had resused the Council, which the Bishop of Rome feigned he would celebrate in Mantua, prorogued afterwards, without assignation of any certain place, it seemed not convenient to protest, as often as he did excogitate a new way, and to refuse that Council, which the Pope 〈…〉 de a colourable show that he would celebrate. He said that that declaration descended his, and his Kingdom's cause, against all the attempts, that either Paul, or any other Pope could make, which he was willing to confirm with this Epistle, to excuse himself for not going to Vicenza, more than he would have done to Mantua, though no man desired a public assembly of Christians more than himself, so that the Council be general, free, and picus, such as he hath described in his protestation against the Council of Mantua. And as nothing is more holy than a general Convocation of Christians, so nothing is more prejudicial and pernicious to religion, than a Council abused for gain and profit, or confirmation of errors. That it is called a general Council, because all Christians may speak their opinions; and that it cannot be called general, where only they are heard, who are resolved to put themselves on the Pope's side, in all matters, and where the same men are plaintiffs, defendants, advocates, and judges. That all may be said of Viconza which, in his declaration, hath been said of Mantua. And briefly repeating a short contents thereof, he said, if Frederick Duke of Mantua hath not yielded so much to the Pope's authority, as to grant him his City in that manner that he would; why should we so much esteem it, as to go whither he pleaseth? If the Pope hath power from God to call Princes whither he will, why can he not choose what place he listeth, and make himself obeyed? If the Duke of Mantua can, with reason, deny the place which the Pope hath chosen, why cannot other Kings and Princes refuse to go thither? And if all Princes should deny him their Cities, where would be his power? what a thing would it have been, if all men had put themselves into the journey, and being arrived there, should have been shut out of doors by the Duke of Mantua? That which happened for Mantua, may happen likewise for Vicenza. The Legates went to Vicenza at the time appointed, and the Pope to Nizza, The Legates toe to Vicenza. in Provence at the same time, to speak personally with the Emperor, and French King, which he gave out was only to make peace between those A conference in Nizza between the Pope, French K. and King of Spain. two great Princes, though his principal end was to draw the Dukedom of Milan into his house. I here the Pope, amongst other things, desired them both to send their Ambassadors to the Council, and to cause the Prelates which were in their trains to go also, and to give order that those that were at home in their Kingdoms should begin their voyage thither. For gluing the order they both excused, and said, that first it was fit to inform themselves by the Prelates, of the necessities of their Churches; and for sending those that wore present, that it would be hard to persuade them to go before they had consolted with others. The Pope was so easily satisfied with the answer, that it was doubted, whether he more desired the affirmative, or the negative. Therefore this Treaty being unprofitable, as were all his other in that meeting, he went his way, and, being at Genua, in The Council is defened unull Easter. his return, received letters from his Legates, who were at Vicenza, yet alone without any Prelate; wherefore he recalled them, and by his Bull, dated the eight of julie, prolonged the term of the Council until the next Easter day. This year, the Pope broke the wise patience, or rather dissimulation, which, for four years together, he had used towards England, and sent against the King a terrible thundering Bull, such as never was The Pope thundereth against the K. of England. used by his predecessors, nor imitated by his successors. Which fulmination, having its original from the Manifests, published against the Council of Mantua, and Vicenza; my purpose requireth, I should make mention thereof. Besides, for the understanding of many accidents which shall be related hereafter, it is necessary to repeat this event, with the particulars of it. The King of England having denied his obedience to Rome, and declared himself head of the English Church, the year 1534. as hath been said in its place, Pope Paul, immediately after his assumption, was continually instigated by the Emperor for his own interests, and by the Court, which thought by that means, either to regain England, or set it on fire, to fulminate against that King: which he, as a man well experienced in the world, judged would be to little purpose; considering, that if the thunders of his predecessors never had good success, when they were believed and feared by all, there was less hope they could effect any thing, after a doctrine was published, and received by many, which did contemn them. He thought it wisdom to hold a weapon within the scabbard, which had no other edge, but what was given by the opinion of those against whom it was used. But the beheading of the Cardinal of Rochester happening in the year 1535, the other Cardinals were earnest in remonstrating unto him what a shame, and how great a danger it was to the Order, which ever was esteemed most sacred and inviolable, if such an example should be suffered to pass. For the Cardinals defend the Popedom boldly with all Princes, because they are assured of their lives: which assurance, when it shall be taken away, and made known to the Seculars, that the Cardinals may be iusticed, they should do their business with too much fear: Notwithstanding, the Pope forsook not his resolution, but found a temper, never used by any of his predecessors, to lift up the thunderbolt with his hand and to threaten to shoot, yet to hold it without flinging it abroad, and so to satisfy the Cardinals, the Court, and others, and not to put the Papal authority in hazard. Therefore he framed a Process and most severe sentence against that King the thirtieth of August 1535. and withal suspended the publication, during his pleasure. Yet secretly he let the copy go into the hands of some that he knew would cause it to be delivered to the King, dispersing the rumour of the Bull that was framed, and the suspension, with fame, that very suddenly he would remove the suspension, and come to publication, yet with design never to proceed so fare. And though he wanted not hope, that the King either for fear of the excommunication framed, or by the inclination of his people, or by the satiety of punishments, used against those that disobeyed his Decree, would induce himself, or by the mediation of the Emperor, or French King, (when by reason of the occurrences of the world, he should be constrained to unite himself with either of them) would be induced to yield, yet he was principally moved by the forenamed cause, that he might not show the weakness of his weapons, and more confirm the King in his separation. But in the end of three years he changed his purpose, by reason of the provocation which the King seemed to use against him, by sending out manifests against all his callings of the Council, and by opposing his actions, though without particular offence of his person, and lastly, by having prosecuted, cited, & condemned S. Thomas of Canterbury, for a traitor to the The King of England senteneeths S. Thomas Bec 〈…〉. kingdom, with confiscation of goods, whom Alexander the third canonised in the year 1171. for being slain in defence of the Ecclesiastical power and liberty, whose solemn feast the Church of Rome doth annually observe: which sentence was executed by taking the bones out of the grave, which were publicly burned by the hangman, and the ashes sprinkled in the river, putting his hands into the treasures, ornaments and revenues of the Churches dedicated to him, which was to touch a secret of the Popedom, of fare greater importance than the matter of the Council. Whereunto joining some hope which he conceived from the conference with the French King, which was, that he would assist the malcontents of England, so soon as he was free from the wars with the Emperor, the 17. of December, he brandished the thunderbolt of excommunication, made three years before, and opened his hand to cast it forth, which all this while was ready to do it. The causes alleged were in substance these. The divorce, obedience The causes of the excommunication, and the punishments. taken away, the death of the Cardinal of Rochester, and the proceeding against S. Thomas. The punishments to the King were, deprivation of his Kingdom, and to his adherents, of whatsoever they possessed, commanding his Subjects to deny him obedience, and strangers to have any commerce in that kingdom, and all to take arms against, and to persecute both himself and his followers, granting them their states and goods for their prey, and their persons for their slaves. But how much the Pope's Brief was esteemed, and his commandments The excommunication was generally contemned. observed, the leagues, confederations, peaces, treaties, which by the Emperor, French King, and other Catholic Princes, were made with that King, do evidently declare. In the beginning of the year 1539, new controversies being raised in 1539 Germany about religion, and perhaps by men ofbad intentions, who used it but for a pretence, there was an assembly held in Francfurt, whither the An assembly is held in Francfurt about religion. Emperor sent a commissioner; and after long disputation there, it was by his consent concluded, the 19 of April, that there should be a conference in Noremberg the first of August, to create quietly and lovingly of Religion, 1539 PAUL 3. 1. C 〈…〉 15. HENRY 8. 3. F 〈…〉 where on the one side and the other, besides the Doctors, other persons of wisdom were to be present, sent by the Emperor; King Ferdinand, and other Princes, to superintend at the colloquy, and deal between the parties: and what was determined by common consent, should be signified to all the orders of the Empire, and ratified by the Emperor in the next Diet. The Catholics would have the Pope entreated to send also some person to the conferent 〈◊〉 but the Protestants thought it contrary to their protestation; and therefore it was not done. This news of the assembly being arrived at Whereat the Pope was much offended. Rome, the Pope was offended, as well because there should be a treaty about Religion in Germany, as because it derogated from the credit of the Council intimated, though he cared very little to have it celebrated, and more particularly because there was a dispute to admit of one to be sent by him, and in the end his authority wholly rejected. Therefore he suddenly dispatched into Spain the Bishop of Monte Pulciano, whose principal message was to persuade the Emperor not to confirm, yea, rather to annihilate the Decrees of that Diet. The Nuncio had a great and long instruction, first, to complain grievously He sendeth a Nuncio to the Emperor. of the demeanour of john Vessalius, Archbishop of London, his Commissary, who forgetting his oath made to that Sea, and infinite Benefits received from the Pope, and the instruction given him by the Emperor, had consented to the demands of the Lutherans, with prejudice of the Apostolic Sea, and dishonour of his imperial Majesty. That London was corrupted with gifts and promises, the City of Ausburg having given him 250. thousand Florins of gold, and the King of Denmark promised him 4. thousand Florins yearly, out of the fruits of his Archbishoprique of London, which was taken from him. That he thought to take a wife, and forsake the Church, A City in Denmark. and had never entered into holy orders. The Nuncio had commandment to show to the Emperor, that if the things which London had granted, were confirmed by him, they would show that he was not a son of the Apostolic Sea; and that all the Catholic Princes of Germany complained thereof, and were of opinion that his Majesty would not confirm them. He gave order also to propose unto him his interests concerning the Duchy of Ghelderland, and the election of the King of the Romans, to move him the more; putting him also in mind that he could not have Germany at his disposition, by tolerating the Lutheran heresies, as London and others did persuade. For it is a thing long since known, that principalities cannot in likelihood be preserved where Religion is lost, or where two religions are suffered. That this happened to the Emperors of the East, who having abandoned the obedience due to the universal Bishop of Rome, lost their forces & Kingdoms. That the cunning of the Lutherans was manifest, who have proceeded maliciously with his Majesty, and that, under the colour of establishing their Religion they do ever procure something else. That an example thereof was the Diet of Spira in the year 1526, of Noremberg 1532, and of Calano 1534. when the Duke of Wittenberg regained the Duchy, which shown that those commotions of the Landgrave and the Lutherans were not for religion, but to take that state from the King of the Romans. That he should put him in mind that, when he made an accord with the Lutherans, the Catholic Princes would not endure such a disorder, that his Majesty should have more power over them then over the Protestants, and would think upon new remedies. That there are many other lawful and honest ways to reduce Germany, the Pope being resolved to afford him all possible aid, according to the proportion of his forces. And when his Majesty shall have well thought thereon, he will find that these capitulations cannot be approved, without making all Germany Lutheran; which were wholly to deprive himself of authority. For that Sect excludeth all superiority, extolling liberty, or rather licence above all. That he should put into the Emperor's head to augment the Catholic League, and to take from the Lutherans their adherents, as much as he could, and to send as much money as was possible into Germany, to promise, and really to give it to those that follow the Catholic league. That it were good also, under colour of Turkish affairs, to send a competent number of Spaniards or Italians into those parts, lodging them within the territories of the King of the Romans. That the Pope was resolved to send some person to the Catholic Princes, with money, to gratify those that shall be fit for his purpose. That he should exhort Caesar, to make such an Edict, as the King of England made in his Kingdom, causing a rumour to be spread cunningly, that his Majesty negotiated with the said King, to reduce him to the obedience of Rome. The Pope gave commission also to the said Montepulciano to complain to the Emperor, that his sister, Queen Mary, Governess of the low Countries, secretly favoured the Lutherane part, that she purposely sent The Nuncio complaineth against the Emperor's sister, Governess of the low Countries. men unto them, that, when the Catholic league was to be established, she wrote to the Elector of Triers, that he should not enter into it, and so that good work was crossed; that she hindered the Lord of Lavaur, the French Ambassador, from going into Germany, to consult with the King of the Romans, and the Legate of his Holiness about religion: which he did believe proceeded notfrom her own will, but from the counsel of her bad ministers. But because mention is made of the Edict of the King of England in matter The Edict of religion made by K. Henry the 8. of Religion, it will not be amiss to recount here, how Henry the eight in the time of the Diet of Francfort, either because he thought to do God service by not permitting innovation of religion within his Kingdom, or to show constancy in what he had wrote against Luther, or to give the Pope the lie, who laid an imputation upon him in his Bull, that he had published heretical doctrine in his Kingdom, made a public Edict, whereby he commanded that the real presence of the true and natural body and blood of our Lord jesus Christ, under the kinds of bread and wine, there remaining no substance of those elements, was to be believed throughout all England, as also that Christ was wholly contained under the one and the other kind; that the communion of the Cup was not necessary; that it was not lawful for Priests to marry; that religious men, after their profession and vows of chastity, were bound always to keep them, and to live in Monasteries; that secret and Auricular confession was not only profitable but also necessary; that the celebration of Mass even private, was an holy thing, which he commanded should be observed in his Kingdom. He prohibited all to do or teach any thing contrary to these articles, upon pain to be punished as heretics. It is to be marvelled at, how the Pope, who a little before thundered against that King, was constrained to praise his actions, and to propose him to the Emperor for an ensample to be imitated. So a man's proper interest makes him commend and blame the same person. But the Pope, after he had dispatched Montepulciano; seeing that by calling the Council, and after deferring it, though he entertained the world, yet he lost reputation, thought it necessary to leave that ambiguous proceeding, which howsoever it had given men satisfaction heretofore, yet in A consultation about the Council. progress of time it might produce some sinister effect. And he made a secret resolution, to declare himself, and to forsake ambiguities; and in the consistory, having related what had happened, and proposed that it was necessary to make a constant and firm resolution, he put the matter in consultation. Some of the Cardinals, to deliver themselves from fear, which every other day amazed them, did not approve the suspension, but desired an express declaration that there should be no Council at all, because it appeared not how the difficulties could be overcome, before there was a reconciliation between Princes, a necessary means, without which there was no hope it could be celebrated. But the wiser sort were balanced between this and another fear, that there might be Nationall Counsels, or other remedies used, more offensive to them then a general Synod; and therefore the mayor part gave consent for the suspension during pleasure: thinking that when it should seem not fit to bring it to effect, it might be continued, by pretending the discord between Princes, or some other thing; and that if there happened any danger of a Nationall Council, or of Colloquies, or aught else, it might be removed by promoting the General Council, and assigning unto it place and time; and afterwards it might be called, or let alone, as time should advice. The match was made, and a Bull The Council intimated is suspended during pleasure. was framed the thirteenth of june, by which the Council intimated was suspended during pleasure of the Pope and the Apostolical Sea. But Montepulciano the Nuncio, who went into Spain, executed his commissions with the Emperor; who, either for the cause alleged by the Nuncio, or for some respects of his own, declared not himself whether he dissented or assented to the Colloquy, appointed to be held at Noremberg in August. Afterwards, by reason of his wife's death, and the rebellion of Gant, with part of the low Countries, he had occasion, by pretending affairs of greater importance, to leave the matter in suspense, and so the whole year 1539. passed. When I set myself to write this Story, considering the number of Colloquies, some only intimated, and some held, to compose the differences in religion, I doubted whether it was fit to make mention of all, having concluding reasons for the one part and the other. In the end, considering that I have proposed to myself to relate all the causes of the Council of Trent, and observing that none hath been intimated or held, but to hinder, or divert, or delay, or to hasten and accelerate the Council, I resolved to make mention of every one, especially for the fruit which may be gathered from 1540 PAUL 3. CHARLES 5. HENRY 8. FRANCIS 1 1540 the knowledge of the notable particulars which happened in them: as in that which was appointed the year following, which had his beginning thus. The Emperor went to the low Countries by the way of France, to accommodate those seditions, and Ferdinand met him there where one of the most principal businesses, conferred of between them both, was to find a way of composition for matters of religion in Germany, which being exactly handled by the body of the Emperor's Council, all did incline to institute a Colloquy herein. This coming to the ears of Farnese, who was Legate there, and had accompanied Cardinal Farnese the Pope's Legate dissuadeth the Colloquy. the Emperor in the voyage (which Cardinal, though a youth, under the age of twenty years, yet had in his company many persons fit for business, and amongst others, Marcellus Ceruinus, Bishop of Nicastro, who after was Pope, and called Marcellus the second) he opposed this resolution, and treating with the Emperor, Ferdinand, and with all those of the Council he put them in mind, that the Protestants had been often dealt withal, for peace, beginning ten years since in the Diet of Ausburg, but still without effect: And in case any conclusion had been made, it would have been vain and fruitless. For they daily change their opinion, not following any certain doctrine, and have opposed even their own Augustan confession. That they are slippery as Eeels. First they were desirous that the abuses and vices should be removed; now they will not have the Papacy amended but extinguished, and the Apostolical Sea, rooted out; and all Ecclesiastical jurisdiction abolished. And if ever they were petulant, they would be then much more, when the peace was not well confirmed with France, and the Turk threatened Hungary. That there was no hope to persuade them, because the controversies were upon innumerable doctrines. And because there are many Sects among them, it is impossible to accord with all; beside, that the greater part of them hath no other end, but to possess the goods of others, and bereave the Emperor of his authority. It was true that the instant Turkish war persuaded an agreement in Religion; but this was not to be done in particular or Nationall Diets; but in a general Council, which might immediately be intimated. For where Religion is in question, no mutation can be made without common consent. That Germany is not only to be respected, but France, Spain, Italy, and other people, without whose counsel if Germany shall make a change, there will arise a dangerous division of that Province from the rest. That it was a most ancient custom; even from the time of the Apostles, to compose controversies with a Council only, and that now all Kings, Princes, and godly men desired it. That peace may now easily be concluded between the Emperor and the King of France, & immediately after a council called, and in the mean space endeavours may be used to increase the number and power of the Catholic league of Germany, which, by intimidating the Protestants, will cause them to submit themselves to the Council, or at the least they will be enforced by the Catholics; and when it shall be necessary to resist the Turk, the Catholic league, being strong, may constrain the Protestants to contribute: which in case they will not do, it was necessary of two evils to choose the lesser, it being a greater fault to offend God by abandoning the cause of Religion, then to want the assistance of one part of a Province. And the rather, because it is not easy to judge who are more contrary to Christ, the Protestants or the Turks. For these desire to inthrale our bodies, but those, both bodies and souls together. All the discourses and parleys of the Cardinal had for their conclusion, that it was fit to call a Council, and to begin it that same year, and not to treat of Religion in the Diets of Germany, but to labour or augment the Catholic league, and to make peace with the King of France. The Emperor after much deliberation, concluded that he would labour for a concord, and gave order for a Diet to be held in Germany, where Ferdinand thought good, inviting the Protestant Princes to be there in person, and promising public security unto all. Cardinal Farnese, hearing of this The Legate departeth. conclusion, made without his knowledge, went immediately away, and passing by Paris, obtained of the King a severe edict against the heretics, and Lutherans, which being published, was executed in that city, and after throughout all France with much rigour. In Germany the Diet was called by Ferdinand in Aganoa, where the Catholigue The Diet of Aganoa about Religion. Doctors, and many Protestant Preachers and Ministers met together; and the Elector of Triers, the Palatine, Duke Lewis of Bavaria, and William, Bishop of Argentina, were deputed for mediators between the parties. The Protestants being required to present the heads of the doctrine in controversy, answered that they had given up their confession in Ausburg, ten years since, and an Apology in defence of it; that they persevered in that doctrine, and were ready to give an account thereof unto all men: and not knowing what the adversaries reprehended, they had no more to say, but expected to understand from them what it was they esteemed contrary to truth, for so the matter will come to a conference, and themselves will not fail to set peace before their eyes. The Catholics took them suddenly at their word, & assenting to what the others proposed, inferred that it was fit to esteem for approved all things passed in that Diet, and to account the Decree firm and stable which was published in the Recess, and to lay before them the form of reconciliation begun in that Diet. The Protestants, knowing their disadvantage, in case they followed that form, and the prejudice which that decree would have inferred, urged for a new form, and to have all the preiudices taken away. On the other side the Catholics demanded, that in regard all prejudice was to be removed, those things that the Protestants had done should be rectified, and the Church goods, taken by them restored. The Protestants replied, that the goods were not taken away, but, by renovation of the true doctrine, were reapplyed to those lawful and honest uses, unto which they were destinated in their first institution, from which the Clergy had degenerated, and therefore that it was necessary to decide the points of the doctrine before they talked of the goods. And the contentions increasing, Ferdinand concluded that a new form, not prejudicial to any, should be instituted, that the Doctors that treated on both sides should be equal in number, and that it should be lawful for the Pope to send his Nuncij thither, & that the place of the Colloquy should be changed, which should begin in Worms, the eight and twentieth of October next if the Emperor thought good. The Protestants accepted the Decree declaring that they refused not the presence of the Nuncij, but intended not to attribute thereby any primacy to the Pope, nor authority to them. The Emperor confirmed the Decree, and gave order for the assembly; and appointed Granuel for his Commissioner there: who going thither with his son, the Bishop of Arras, who after was Cardinal, and three Spanish Colloquy in Worms without effect. Divines, began the Colloquy, and made a very godly discourse, and fit for pacification. A few days after, there arrived Thomas Campeggio, Bishop of Feltre, Nuncio to the Pope. For his Holiness, though he saw that every To which the Pope sendeth a Nuncio. treaty of religion in Germany was pernicious to his affairs, and therefore had used all diligence to break off that conference, yet he thought it less hurt to give consent unto it, then suffer it to be done against his will. The Nuncio, according to the Pope's instruction, at his entry, made a discourse, that the quiet of Germany was always procured by the Popes, and especially by Paulus 3. who for that cause, had intimated a general Council in Viconza, howsoever he was constrained to defer it, until another time, because man went thither, and now was resolved to intimate it again in a more convenient place: in which, that the matter of religion might be handled with fruit, he had granted to the Emperor, that a Colloquy might be held in Germany, which might be an entrance; to dispose them to the resolution of the Council, and had sent him to be present there, and to assist. Therefore he prayed them all to aim at concord, promising that the Pope would do whatsoever with piety he could. There arrived also The Pope sendeth another Nuncio under a false name. the forenamed Bishop of Capo d'Istria, who, though sent by the Pope, as one who well understood the humours of Germany, yet came as sent from France, that he might do the Pope better service under another name. He caused an Oration to be printed, the subject whereof was, the unity and peace in the Church, but the scope to show that a Nationall Council, was not the means to attain thereunto. And this he distributed amongst as many men as he could, to interrupt the Colloquy, which had a resemblance of it. Much time was spent, in giving form to the conference, as well for secrecy, as for the number of the Doctors which were to speak. And there were some who studiously protracted the time, as well for the diligent endeavours of the Nuncio Campeggio, as the secret negotiations of Vegerius. Finally it was ordered that john Ecchius should speak for the Catholics, and Philip Melancthon for the Protestants, and that the subject should be original sin. While these things went on in Worms, the Pope's Nuncio, residing with the Emperor, ceased not to persuade his Majesty, that the Colloquy would bring forth some great schism, and make all Germany Lutheran, and not only take obedience from the Pope, but weaken his own also. He repeated the same conceits which Monte-Pulicano, used to hinder the Colloquy appointed in the Diet of Franckfort, and those that were used by Cardinal Farnese to hinder that of Aganoa. In conclusion, the Emperor, considering these reasons, and the advices given him by Granuel, of the difficulties which he encountered, thinking to do the work better in his own person, he resolved the Colloquy should not proceed. Wherefore Ecchius and Melancthon having spoken three days, the conference was interrupted. For 1541 PAUL. 3. CHARLES 5. HENRY 8. FRANCIS 1. 1541 The Diet of Ratisbon. letters came from the Emperor, which recalled Granuel, and referred the rest to the Diet in Ratisbon. That began in March 1541. The Emperor was personally present, with great hope to end all discords, and to unite Germany in one Religion. For which purpose he also had desired the Pope to send a Legate, a man learned and discreet, with most ample authority, that there might be no need to send to Rome for any thing, but all might be there immediately determined, which by the Diet and the Legate should be thought convenient; saying, that for this end he had yielded to the great importunity of the Nuncio residing with him, to break off the Colloquy of Worms. The Pope sent for his Legate jasper Cardinal Contarini, a man much esteemed, jasper Contarini the Pope's Legatin Ratisbon. for his singular honesty and learning, and put also into his company men instructed in all the interests of the Court, with Notaries to make Instruments of whatsoever should be handled or spoken: he gave him Commission, that if he foresaw that they went about to do any thing His instruction. which might tend to the diminution of the Papal authority, he should interrupt it, by propounding a general Council, the only and true remedy; and in case the Emperor were forced to yield to the Protestants in any prejudicial matter, he ought to forbid it, by the Postolique authority, and, if it were done, to condemn it, and to declare it void, and, to leave the Diet, but not the Emperor's company. Being arrived at Ratisbon, the first thing he had to do with the Emperor, The first negotiation with the Emperor. was to excuse the Pope, that he had not given that ample authority, and absolute power which his Majesty desired. First, because it is so annexed to the very bones of the Papacy, that it cannot be granted to any other; secondly, because neither words nor clauses are found; by which the authority of determining controversies of Faith can be communicated by the Pope, the Privilege of not being able to err being given to his person only; in those words, I have prayed for thee, Peter: But that the Pope had given him all manner of power to agree with the Protestants, so that they deny not the Principles, which are, the Primacy of the Apostolic Sea, instituted by CHRIST, the Sacraments, as they are taught in the Church of Rome, and what else is determined in the Bull of Leo, offering in other things to give Germany satisfaction. And he desired his Majesty not to give ear to the propose of any thing not fit to be granted, without the privity of other Nations, to avoid all dangerous division in Christendom. It is necessary to make particular mention of the things that passed in that Diet, because that was the principal cause, which induced the Pope not only to consent, as before, but to use all endeavours that the Council might be celebrated; and which assured the Protestants, that neither in Council, nor in any other place, where any Minister of the Pope was present, they could hope to obtain any thing. The first action began the fifth of April; and it was delivered in the Emperor's name, that his Majesty, seeing the Turk entered into the bowels of Germany (the cause whereof was the division of the States of the Empire for the difference in religion) had always sought a means of pacification; and that of the Council seeming unto him most commodious, he went purposely into Italy to treat thereof with Pope Clement: and after, not being able to bring it to effect, he returned, and went in person to Rome, to make the same negotiation with Pope Paul, in whom he found much readiness. But not being able to effect any thing, by reason of diverse impediments of war, he had finally called that Diet, and besought the Pope to send a Legate thither. The first action of the Diet in Ratisbon. Now he desired nothing but that some composition might be made, and that some small number of godly and learned men might be chosen on either side, to confer upon the controversies, in friendly manner, without prejudice of either of the parties, and propose to the Diet the means of concord, that all being consulted with the Legate, the wished conclusion might be attained. Suddenly there arose a controversy between the Catholics and Protestants, about the manner of choosing those that should treat. Wherefore the Emperor being desirous that some good should be done, demanded, and obtained of either party, power to nominate the persons, desiring them to believe he would do nothing but for the common good. For the Catholics he elected john Ecchius, julius Flugius, The names of the disputants. and john Groperus; and for the Protestants, Philip Melancthon, Martin Bucer, and john Pistoria: whom he called to him, and gravely admonished them to abandon all passion, and to aim only at the glory of God. He made Frederique, the Prince Palatine, and Granuel Precedents of the Colloquy, adding unto them some others, that all might pass with the greater dignity. When the assembly was made, Granuel published a book, and said it was given to A book given to the Emperor as a 〈◊〉 for the future concord. the Emperor, by some godly and learned men, as a direction for the future concord, and that his will was they should read and examine it, that it might serve for an argument and subject of what they ought to treat, that that which pleased all, might be confirmed, that which displeased all, might be corrected, and in that wherein they assented not, means might be used to reduce them to an agreement. The book contained 22. Articles. The creation of man, the integrity of nature, free will, the cause of original sin, justification, the Church, her signs, the signs of the word of God, penance after sin, the authority of the Church, the interpretation of the Scripture, the Sacraments, Order, Baptism, Confirmation, the Eucharist, Penance, Matrimony, extreme Unction, charity, the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy, the articles determined by the Church, the use, administration, and ceremonies of the Sacraments, Ecclesiastical discipline, and discipline of the people. It was read and examined, and some things were approved, some things amended by common consent, and in others they could not agree. And these were, the ninth, of the power of the Church, the foureteenth, of the Sacrament of Penance, the eighteenth of the Hierarchy, the 19 of the articles determined by the Church, the 21. of single life. In these they differed, and either party wrote his opinion. This being done in the assembly of all the Princes, the Emperor required the opinions of them all concerning the things agreed on, and the different opinions of the Collocutors, and withal proposed the amendment of the state of the Commonwealth, as well civil as Ecclesiastical. The Bishops rejected absolutely the Book of the concord, and whatsoever was done in the Colloquy, unto whom the other Electors and Catholic Princes, desirous of peace, agreed not: and it was concluded, that the Emperor; as advocate of the Church, together with the Apostolic Legate, should examine the things agreed on, and if any thing were obscure, should cause it to be expounded; and should treat with the Protestants, that concerning the things in controversy, they should consent to some Christian form of concord. Caesar imparted all to the Legate, and urged him that the Ecclesiastical State ought to be reform. The Legate, after he had considered of all the business, answered in writing not more perspicuously than the ancient Oracles; in this The Legate speaketh like 〈◊〉 Oracle. manner. That having seen the Book presented to the Emperor, and what was written by the deputies of the Colloquy, as well the explications of either party, as the exceptions of the Protestants, it seemed that the Protestants, differing incertain articles from the common consent of the Church (in which not withstanding he despaired not, that, with the help of God, they might be induced to agree) nothing should be ordered concerning the residue, but referred to the Pope, and the Apostolical Sea, who, either in the general Council, or some other way, if there shall be cause, will define them according to the Catholic truth, with regard unto the times, and what shall be expedient for the Christian Commonwealth, and for Germany. But for reformation of the Clergy, he promised all readiness, and, to The exhortatation of the Legate Contarini made to the Pr●●●s. that end, called into his house all the Bishops, and made them a long exhortation. First for their manner of living, that they should abstain from all scandal, and appearance of luxury, avarice, and ambition. For their family, that they should understand that from it the people made conjecture of the manners of the Bishop, that, the better to keep their flock, they should remain in the most inhabited places of the Diocese, & have diligent watchmen elsewhere, that they should visit the Dioceses, give the Benefices to honest and fit men, spend their revenues upon the necessity of the poor, flying not only luxury, but all superfluous pomp, make provision of godly, learned, discreet, and not contentious Preachers, procure that the younger sort be well brought up, because by this means the Protestants draw all the Nobility unto them. He committed this Oration to writing, and gave it to the Emperor, to the Bishops, and the Princes: which gave occasion to the Protestants to tax the answer made to Caesar, together with the exhortation made to the Prelates, alleging for their motive, that the writing being published, they should seem to approve it, if they dissembled the knowledge of it. His answer made to the Emperor pleased not the Catholics, because it appeared that he did approve the things agreed on in the Conference. But the Emperor related in public Diet whatsoever was done until The Emperor's opinion concerning Religion, to which the Lag●● doth agree. that time, and communicated unto them the writing of the Legate, and concluded, that having used all possible diligence, he saw not what more could be done, but only to deliberate, whether (saving the recess of the Diet of Ausburg) the articles agreed on in this conference, aught to be received, as being Christian, nor any more to be disputed of, at the least until a general Council, which shall be held very shortly, (of which opinion the Legate seemed to be) or, in case there were no Council, until a Diet, where all the controversies of religion may be exactly handled. The Electors approved for good, and undoubtedly profitable, that the Articles agreed on in the conference, should by all be received, until the time of the Council; in which they may be examined again, or, in case that fail, in a Nationall Council, or Diet, because it would serve to make a perfect The answer of the Electors. reconciliation in the Articles, not accorded as yet. But yet they prayed his Majesty to go on, if there were any hope to make any further agreement in that Diet: and if opportunity served not, they thought it good, that, by his favour, a general or Nationall Council, might be called in Germany, as soon as might be, that the union might wholly be established. The Protestants The answer of the Protestants. made the same answer, only declaring themselves, that as they desired a free and Christian Council in Germany, so they could not consent to any, where the Pope and his Ministers, had power to hear and judge the causes of religion. But the Bishops and some few other Catholic Princes, The answer of the BB. and of the Catholic Princes. answered after another manner; first, confessing that in Germany, and other Nations, there were many abuses, sects, and heresies, which could not be extirpated without a general Council; adding, that they could not assent to any change in religion, ceremonies, and rites, seeing that the Pope's Legate offereth a Council within a short time, and that his Majesty will treat with his Holiness thereof. But in case the general Council could not be celebrated, they desired that the Pope and Emperor would ordain a Nationall Council in Germany; which if they would not do, another Diet should be assembled, to root out the errors; and that they were resolved to adhere to the old religion, as it is contained in the Scripture, Counsels, doctrine of the Fathers, and also in the Imperial Recesses, especially in that of Ausburg. That they will never consent to receive the Articles accorded in the Colloquy, because some of them are superfluous, as are the 4. first, and because there are words in them, not conformable to the custom of the Church; besides some positions, which are partly damnable, and partly to be tempered; and because the Articles accorded, are of less moment, and those of consequence remain in controversy: and because the Catholics of the Colloquy had granted too much to the Protestants, whereby the reputation of the Pope, & the Catholic states was wounded. They concluded it was better the acts of the Colloquy were left to their place, and whatsoever belonged to religion, deferred to a general Council, or Nationall, or a Diet. Not the opinion only of the Catholics, that the Emperor's proposition was too advantageous for the Protestants, caused them to make this answer, but also because the three Catholic Doctors of the Colloquy dissented amongst themselves. But the Legate understanding that the Emperor had named him, as consenting to the establishment of the things accorded, as well for fear, as at the instance of the Eccleisastics of the Diet, he went to the Emperor and complained, that his answer was ill interpreted, and that he was blamed The Legate complaineth that his answer was mistaken. for having given consent, that the things accorded, should be tolerated until the Council; that his mind was, that nothing should be resolved on, but all sent to the Pope, who promised by the faith of a good Pastor, and Universal Bishop, that all should be determined by a general Council, or by some other way, equivalent, sincerely, and without passion, not hastily, but maturely, always aiming at the form of God. That his Holiness had to the same end, in the beginning of his Papacy, sent letters and Nuncij to the Princes, to celebrate the Council, and after did intimate it, and sent his Legates to the place; and if he had endured so many ireaties of religion in Germany, with small reverence of his authority, to whom only it appertaineth to make them, it was upon his Majesty's purpose, and promise that all should be for the beast, that it was unreasonable, that Germany should assume that to herself, with injury to the Apostolic Sea, which belongeth to all nations of Christendom. Wherefore the Pope's clemency was no longer to be abused, by concluding that in a Diet, which belongeth to him, and the Church universal, but said, that the book, and all the acts of the Colloquy, together with the opinions of both parties, was to be sent to Rome, and the determination of his Holiness to be expected. And not satisfied with this, he published a third writing, in which he said, that his writing given to the Emperor, concerning the treaty of the Colloquy being diversely interpreted, some expounding it, as if he had consented to the Articles accorded of, until the general Council, and others understanding that he had referred both these, and all other things to the Pope, to the end there may remain no doubt herein, he declareth that in the writing he had no intention to decide any thing in this business, nor that any Article should be received or tolerated until the future Council, and least of all did then decide or define them, but had referred the whole treaty, and all the Articles thereof unto the Pope, as he did refer them still. Which having declared to the Emperor by word, he would also declare and confirm it to the whole world in writing. And he was not contented with this, but, considering that all the Catholic Princes, even the Eccleisastics, did agree in demanding a Nationall Council, and that, in his instruction, he had strait charge from the Pope to oppose himself when that should be urged, though they would do it with his authority, and with the presence of the Apostolical Legates to show what danger it would be to men's souls, and injury to the Pope's authority, from whom would be taken the power which God hath given him, and granted to one Nation; to put the Emperor in mind how himself, being in Bolonia, detested a Nationall Council, knowing it to be pernicious to the Imperial authority, because the Subjects, encouraged by seeing power given them to innovate in matter of religion, would think to do the like in the temporal state, and that his Majesty, after the year 1532. would never have an Imperial Diet celebrated in his presence, lest he should give occasion of demanding a Nationall Council: he treated most seriously with the Emperor, and with every one of the Princes, and beside published a writing addressed to the Catholics. He said therein that he had diligently considered what a prejudice it would be, if the controversies of doctrine should be referred to The Legate publisheth a writing to dissuade all treaties about rel●ion in a Nationall Council. the Council of a Nation, and thought it his duty to admonish them, that they should by all means remove that clause, for that it was most manifest that questions of faith could not be determined in a Nationall Council, because it concerned the Universal state of the Church; and if any thing were determined therein, it would be void and of no force. And, as in not celebrating such a Council (as he was persuaded they would not) they should do a thing most acceptable to his Holiness, who is head of the Church, and of all Counsels, so the celebration of it would be most offensive to him. That it was a clear case; that by this means greater 〈…〉 ditions would arise in matter of Religion, as well in other Nations, as in that most noble Province. That he would not omit this duty, both to obey the instruction of his Holiness, and not to be wanting to the charge of Legation laid upon him. The Princes answered this writing of the Legate, that it was in his The answer of the Princes to the writing. power to remedy all the inconveniences which might arise, by persuading his Holiness; that a general Council might be intimated and celebrated without any more procrastination. That by this means all occasion of a Nationall Council (which all the States of the Empire desired and prayed for) would be removed. But if the general Council, so often promised, and last of all by himself, were not brought to effect, the manifest necessity of Germany required, that the controversies should be determined in a national Synod, or in an imperial Diet, with the assistance of the Pope's Legate. The Protestant Divines answered also in a long writing, and said, The answer of the Protestant Divines. that neither greater seditions, nor any at all could arise, when the controversies of Religion shall be composed according to the word of God, and manifest vices corrected according to the doctrine of the Scripture, and the undoubted Canons of the Church. That to determine of faith hath never been formerly denied to Nationall Counsels, because CHRIST hath promised his assistance, where two or three shall be assembled in his Name. That the number was great, not only of Nationall Counsels, but even of a very few Bishops, which have determined the controversies, and ordered the manners of the Church in Syria, Greece, Africa, Italy, France, and Spain against the errors of Samosatenus, Arrius, the Donatists, Pelagius, and other heretics; whose determinations cannot be called void, of no force, and vain, without impiety. That it hath been granted to the Sea of Rome to be the first, and to the Pope to have the chiefest authority amongst the Patriarches; but that it is not found in any Father, that he hath been called head of the Church, or of the Counsels. CHRIST only is head; Paul, Apollo's, and Cephas are but Ministers of the Church. That what may be expected from Rome the discipline there observed so many ages, and the tergiversation to celebrate a lawful Council do declare. But the Emperor, after long discussion, the 28 of july made the Recess of the Diet, remitting the whole action of the Colloquy unto the general Council, or National Synod of Germany, or a Diet of the Empire. He promised to go into Italy, and to treat with the Pope for a Council; which if he could not obtain either general or Nationall, he would intimate a Diet of the Empire within eighteen months, to settle the matters of Religion, and be a means that the Pope should send thither a Legate. He commanded the Protestants to receive no new opinions, but those that were agreed on, and the Bishops to reform their Churches. He commanded that the Monasteries should not be destroyed, nor the goods of the Church usurped, nor any man solicited to change religion. And, to 1542 PAUL 3 CHARLES 5.— HENRY 8. FRANCIS 1. give the Protestants greater satisfaction, he added, that, concerning the doctrines not as yet accorded, he prescribed them nothing; but that they ought not to destroy the Cloisters of the Monks, but reduce them to a holy and Christian amendment, that the Ecclesiastical goods should not be usurped, but, left to the ministers; without regard of diversity of religions that no man should be moved to change his religion, but those received who change it willingly. He suspended also the Recess of Ausburg, for as much as concerned religion, and the things depending thereon, until the controversies were determined in a Council or Diet. After the Diet was ended, Caesar passed into Italy, and discoursed with A conference between the Pope and Emperor in Lucca. the Pope in Lucca, concerning the Council, and the Turkish war, and concluded that the Pope should send a Nuncio into Germany, to take resolution both in the one matter and the other, in the Diet which should be held in Spira in the beginning of the next year, and that the Council should be held in Vicenza, as was before appointed. The Pope signified the conclusion to the Senate of Venice, who thought not fit, for diverse respects, that so great a multitude should meet in the City, and should treat of the Turkish war, as certainly they would have done, either with a purpose to effect it, or at the least to make a fair show. Whereupon they The Venetians will not suffer the Council to be held in Vicenza. answered, that, the case being altered by reason of an accord which they lately had made with the Turk, they could not continue in the same opinion, because Soliman would suspect that they moved the Christian Princes to conspire against him. Hereupon the Pope was constrained to alter his design. But the Cardinal Contarini was much calumniated in the Court of Rome, where an opinion arose, that he was somewhat affected to The Legate Contarins was suspected of Lutheranisme Lutheranisme; and those that spoke least hurt of him, said, that he opposed not as much as he ought, and that he had put the Pope's authority in hazard. The Pope also distasted his service, though he were mightily defended by the Cardinal Fregoso. But at his return to his Holiness, whom he found in Lucca expecting the Emperor, he rendered an account of his Legation, and gave absolute satisfaction. The year 1541. ended thus: and in the next the Pope sent john Morone, Bishop of Modena, to Spira, where the Diet was held in presence of Ferdinand: 1542 john Morone is sent Nuncio to the Diet of Spira. who, according to his commission, declared, that the Pope's mind concerning the Council, was the same as before; that is, that it should one day be celebrated; that he had suspended it by Caesar's consent, to make way first to some concord in Germany: but seeing this to be in vain, he returned to his former opinion, not to defer the celebration of it. But that he could not consent to make it in Germany, because he meant to be there in person, and that his age, and length of the way, and so great a change of the air hindered his going into that country. And that it seemed not more commodious for other Nations. Beside, that there was a great probability to fear, that the differences could not be handled without commotions. Therefore, that Ferrara, Bolonia, or Piacenza (all great and most opportune cities) seemed to him more fit. But in case they liked them not, he was contented to call it in Trent, a City at the Confines of Germany. That his will was to begin it at Whitsuntide, but for the straightness of the time he had prorogued it to the thirteenth of August. He prayed them all to be present there, and, laying aside all hatred, to handle the cause of God with sincerity. Ferdinand, and the Catholic Princes thanked the Pope, and said, that, not being able to obtain a fit place in Germany, as Ratibon or Collen, they were contented with Trent. But the Protestants would not agree 〈◊〉 Trent is named for the place of the Council, but the Protestants would not consent. there that the Council should be intimated by the Pope, or that Trent should be the place, which was the cause why nothing was determined in that Diet concerning the Council. Howsoever, the Pope sent out a Bull of the intimation, the two and twentieth of May this year; wherein, having declared his desire to provide The Pope publisheth the Bull of the in't 〈…〉 against the evils of Christendom, he said, he had always thought upon the temedies: and finding none more fit than a Council, he was constantly resolved to call it: and, making mention of the Convocation at Mantua, then of the suspension, after of the Convocation at Vicenza, and of the other suspension made in Genua, and finally of that other during pleasure, he went on to show the reasons that induced him to continue the same suspension until then. These were, Ferdinends war in Hungary, the rebellion of Flanders against the Emperor, and the things that happened in the Diet of Ratubon, expecting a time appointed by God for this work. But considering in the end, that every time is acceptable to his divine Majesty, when holy things are handled, he resolved to expect no other consent of the Princes; and because he could not have Vicenza, being willing to give satisfaction to Germany concerning the place, and understanding they desired Trent, though a City more within Italy seemed to him more commodious, yet his fatherly charity inclined his will to yield to their demands; and he chose Trent to celebrate there an Ecumenical Council the first of November next; and that he interposed that time, that his Decree might be published, and the Prelates have time to arrive at the place. Therefore, by the authority of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, and the Apostles Peter and Paul, which himself exerciseth on earth, by the counsel and consent of the Cardinals, all suspensions being removed, he intimateth an holy, Ecumenical, and general Council in that City, a fit place, free, and opportune for all Nations, to be begun the first of that month prosecuted, and ended: calling all patriarchs, Archbishops, Bishops, Abbats, and those who by law or privilege, have voice in general Counsels, and commanding them by virtue of the Oath made to him and the Apostolic Sea, and by holy obedience, and under the punishments, by law or custom to be inflicted upon the disobedient, to be there in person, or, in case they shall be hindered, to make faith of the hindrance, or send proctor's: praying the Emperor, the most Christian King, and all other Kings, Dukes, and Princes, to be personally present, or, in case they cannot, to send Ambassadors, men of gravity and authority, and to cause the Bishops and Prelates of their Kingdoms and Provinces to go thither: desiring further of the Prelates and Princes of Germany, for whose sake the Council is intimated in the place they wished, that the things may be handled which belong to the truth of Christian religion, to the correction of manners, to the peace and concord of Christian Princes and people, and oppression of the Barbarians and Infidels. The Bull was presently sent from Rome to also inches, but went not forth in a fit time. For Francis the French King, having in july denounced war, in threatening tormes; against the Emperor and published it by a book which boo 〈…〉 he made it at the same instant in Brabant, The French King maketh war against the Emperor. The Emperor excepted against the Bull, and complaineth of the French King. 〈…〉 〈…〉nt, and 〈◊〉. The Emperor, having received the Bull of the Council, answered the Pope, that he was not satisfied with it. For having never refused any pains, danger, or dost, that the Council 〈…〉 ght be ended and contrarily the French King having always endeavoured to hinder it, reseemed strange unto him that they were compared and made equal in the Bull; and, rehearsing, all the injuries which he protended to have received from the King, added also that, in the last Diet at Spira, he had laboured by his Ambassadors to cherish the discords of religion, by promising friendship and favour to either party. In fine, he referred it to his Holiness to consider, if the actions of that King did serve to remedy the mischiefs of the Christian Commonwealth, and to begin the Council, which he did ever cross, for his private gain, and had constrained him, who did perceive it, to find a way to reconcile the differences of religion. Therefore, in case the Council shall not be celebrated, that his Holiness ought not to blame him, but the King, and denounce war against him, if he meant to assist the public good: because this is the only way, to call the Council, establish religion, and regain peace. The King, presaging what imputations would be laid upon him, for The French King waxeth cruel against the Protestants, to free himself from the imputations laid upon him by the Emperor. making a war to the hurt of religion, and hindrance of the service of God, which might be expected from the Council, prevented it by publishing an Edict against the Lutherans, commanding the Parliaments to execute it inviolably, with severe charge that all should be appeached, who had books differing from the Church of Rome, that made secret conventicles, that transgressed the commandments of the Church, and especially that observed not the doctrine of meats, or prayed in any tongue but the Latin; and commanded the Sorbonists to be diligent spies against them. Afterwards understanding the Emperor's cunning, who assayed to incite the Pope against him, he coused the Lutherans to be really proceeded against, and commanded that a form to discover and accuse them, should be instituted in Paris, proposing punishments to the councealors of them, and rewards to the delators. Afterwards having full notice what Caesar had written to the Pope, he wrote also He writeth also to the Pope against the Emperor. unto him a long apology for himself, and an invective against the Emperor, upbraiding him with the surprise and sack of Rome, and with the derision added to the loss, by making processions in Spain for the Pope's delivery, whom himself kept prisoner. He discoursed of all the offences between himself and the Emperor, and laid all the blame on him. He concluded that it could not be ascribed to him, that the Council of Trent was hindered or foreslowed, because he gained nothing by it, and that this was fare from the examples of his ancestors, by whose imitation he used all endeavours to preserve religion, as the edicts and executions made in France did very well demonstrate. Therefore he prayed his Holiness, not to believe the calumnies, and to assure himself that he should find him ready to assist him in all occasions, either of his own, or of the Church of Rome. The Pope not to prejudice the office of a common Father, whereof his predecessors did ever make ostentation, sent Legates to both the Princes, to mediate a pacification, Cardinal 〈◊〉 to the Emperor, and 〈◊〉 to The Pope as death 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 or paci 〈…〉. the French King to pray them to forget private injuries, for the public cause, and to be reconciled, that their discords may not hinder the peace of religion. To Cardinal Contarini, who immediately died, he substituted Cardinal Cardinal Contarini dieth. Viseus, whereat the Court 〈…〉 led because he was not gracious with the Emperor, to whom he was sent. And though the war waxed hot in so many places, yet the Pope thinking that the wronged his reputation The Pope sendeth 3., Legates to Trent. 154 〈…〉 if he went not on with the Council, the 26 of August, this year 1542. sent his Legates to Trent, to the Synod which he had intimated, Peter Paul Parisius, john Morone, and Reginald 〈◊〉, the first as a learned, and practised Canonist, the second, as a man fit for negotiation, the third, to show that, howsoever the King of England was alienated from the subjection of Rome, yet the kingdom had a great part in the Council. To these he dispatched the mandat of the Legation, commanding them to go thither, and to entertain the Prelates and Ambassadors who came unto them, without making any public act before they had received instructions, which he meant to send them in time convenient. The Emperor also understanding the deputation of the Legates, though The Emperor sendeth Ambassadors and Prelates to Trent, and so doth the Pope; but the Council doth not begin. as the case did then stand, he hoped for no good, yet that the Pope might do nothing to his prejudice, he sent thither for his Ambassadors, Don Diego, his resident in Venice, and Nicholas Granuel, together with his Son Anthony, Bishop of Arras, and somefew Bishops of the kingdom of Naples. The Pope, besides his Legates, sent thither some Bishops, whom he esteemed most faithful, with order not to make too much haste in their journey. As well the Pope's men as the Emperors, arrived at the time appointed. These presented to the Legates the Emperors mandat, and desired that the Council should be opened, and the business begun. The Legates make delay, and said, that it would be a dishonour to the Council, to begin it with so small a number, especially where Articles of so great importance were to be handled, as were those which the Lutherans did question. The Imperialists replied, that the matter of reformation might well be handled, which was more necessary, and not subject to so many difficulties. The others alleged, that it must be applied to the use of diverse Nations, so that the assistance of all was more necessary therein. In fine they passed to protestations, to which the Legates not answering, but referring the answer to the Pope, no conclusion at all was made. Granuell is sent to the 〈◊〉 in Noremberg, and Don Dieg, remaineth in Trent. The end of that year approaching, the Emperor gave order to Granuell to go to the Diet, which was to be held in Noremberg in the beginning of the next, and to Don Diego to remain in Trent, and to labour that the Council should begin, or at the least, that those that were assembled should not departed, that in the Diet he might make use of that shadow of the Council. In Noremberg Granuel proposed the war against the Turks, and that the Emperor might be assisted against the French King. The Protestants replied, demanding that 1543 PAUL 3. C 〈…〉 HENRY 8. FRANCIS 1. the differences of Religion might be composed, and the oppressions which the ludges of the Chamber used against them under other pretences, though indeed for that cause, might be taken away. Granuel answered, that it neither could, nor aught to be done in that place and time, because a Council was assembled in Trent to that end. But the excuse was in vain, because the Protestants The Protestants refuse to go to Trent and D. Diego returneth to Venice. approved not the Council, and said plainly, that they would not be there. The Diet ended without conclusion, and Don Diego returned to his Ambassage at Venice, though the Legates entreated that, to give reputation to the business, he would entertain himself there, until they received answer from the Pope. The Emperor's Ambassador being gone, the Bishops of the Empire followed; The Legates being left alone were recalled. and all the others, having leave to departed under diverse colours; at the last, the Legates, after they had been there seven months, without doing anything, were recalled by the Pope. And this was the end of that Congregation. The Emperor, being parted from Spain by sea to go into Germany by the way of Italy, the Pope resolved to speak with him some where, and desired it should be in Bolonia. And to this end he sent Peter Aloisius his son to Genua, to invite him. But because his Majesty would not go out of his way; not lose time in his voyage, he sent the Cardinal Farnese to meet him, and pray him to go by the way of Parma, where the Pope might expect him. But after there being difficulty how the Emperor might enter into that City the twenty one of june 1543. they met in Busseto: a Castle belonging to the Palavicini, situate upon the river Tarus, between Parma and Piacenza. 1543 The Pope and Emperor meet in Busseto. The ends of them both suffered not that the business of the Council, and of Religion should be the principal treaty between them. But the Emperor being wholly bend against the French King laboured to incite the Pope against him, and to have money from him for the war. The Pope, serving himself upon this occasion, was wholly set upon the gaining The Pope seeketh to gain Milan. of Milan for his Nephews; wherein he was assisted by Margarite, bastard daughter to the Emperor, married to Octavius Farnese, the Pope's Nephew, and in that respect, made Duchess of Camerino. The Pope promised the Emperor to combine with him against the French King, to make many Cardinals of his nomination, to pay him for some years 150000. crowns, leaving also in his hands the Castles of Milan and Cremona. But because the Imperialists required a million of ducats for the present, and another million upon short days of payment, nothing could be concluded: and in regard the Emperor could not longer tarry, it was agreed to continue the treaty, by means of the Pope's Ministers, who should follow the Emperor. Caesar shown he was satisfied with the Council, that by the sending of Legates, and assistance of those few Prelates, the Catholics of Germany at the least had known his ready mind: and, because the impediments might be imputed to the French King, he concluded that the remedy He mistrustes the Emperor and turneth to the French King. was not to be thought upon, until it did appear how the war proceeded. They parted with great demonstrations of mutual satisfaction; yet the Pope mistrusted the Emperor, and from that time turned his mind toward the French King. But while he was thus doubtful, the league between the Emperor and the King of England against France, was published, which constrained the Pope wholly to alienate himself from him. For he saw how much that league prejudiced his authority, being contracted with one excommunicated, anathematised by him, cursed, destinated to eternal damnation, a schismatic, deprived of his Kingdom and dominions, whose confederation A league between the Emperor and King of England. made with whom soever was void, against whom also all Christians, Princes were bound by his commandment to take arms, and, which most imported, that still remaining more contumacious, and openly despising his authority, The Pope was much offended with the league. this evidently showed to the world that the Emperor bore no respect unto him, neither spiritual nor temporal, and gave example to all, to make no account of his authority. And the affront seemed to him the greater, because Clement, who might easily have temporised in that cause, to please the Emperor, and for his interests, had proceeded against that King, who otherwise was well affected, and deserved well of the Apostolic Sea. To weigh down these offences, the Pope put in the other balance, that the French King had made so many laws and edicts before named, to preserve religion and his authority. Unto which was added that the Parisian Divines the first of August, assembling the people by the sound of a Trumpet, published five and twenty heads of Christian doctrine, proposing the bare conclusions and determinations, without adding reasons, persuasions, or grounds, but only prescribing, as it were by authority, what they would have believed; which were printed, and sent through all France, confirmed by the King's letters, under most grievous punishments, against whosoever spoke or taught other wise, with another new Decree to make inquisition against the Lutherans. These things the rather pleased the Pope, because he knew the King did them, not so much for the reason related before, that is, to justify himself to the world that he made not war with the Emperor to favour the Lutherans doctrine, nor to hinder their extirpation, but principally to please him, and for reverence of the Apostolical Sea. But the Emperor knowing the Pope's complaints, answered, that the The Emperor's answer to the Pope's complaints. French King having made a League with the Turk to the prejudice of Christians (as the siege of Nizza in Provence, made by the Ottoman Army, guided by Polinus the King's Abassadour, and the spoils taken in the rivers of the Kingdom, well showed) it was lawful for him to use, for his defence, the help of the King of England, a Christian, though he acknowledge not the Pope; as also, by the same Pope's leave, himself and Ferdinand used the assistance of the Protestants, more averse from the Apostolic Sea then that King; that the Pope, understanding the League of the French King with the Turk, should have proceeded against him. But he saw well what difference was made. For the Turkisharmie, which had so much damnified all the Christians wheresoever it went, passed friendly by the Pope's rivers, yea going to Ostia to take in the fresh water on S. Peter's day at night, for which all Rome, was in confusion, the Cardinal of Carpi, who commanded in the Pope's name that was absent, put them out of fear, being secure by the intelligence which he had with the Turks. The war and these complaints put to silence the treaties about the 1544 PAUL. 3. 〈◊〉 CHARLES 〈◊〉 HENRY 〈…〉 FRANCIS. 〈◊〉 council for this year, which the next 1544 returned into the field, & began in the Diet of Spira, where the Emperor rehearsing the pains which he formerly took to remedy the discords in religion & finally the care & diligence used in Ratisbon, be put them in mind how, it not being then possible to compose the controversies, all was finally referred to a general or National Council 1544. The treaty a 〈…〉 both the Cou●cell began again in the Diet of 〈…〉. or a Diet, and that afterwards the Pope at his instance had intimated the Council where himself resolved to be in person & would have performed it if the war of France had not hundred him. But now in regard the discord in religion remaineth the same & is accompanied with the same inconveniences; it is not time to defer the remedy any longer, for which he gave order they should consider, and propose to him what way they thought to be best. The business of religion was much considered on But because the affairs of the war pressed them more, it was referred to the Diet; which was to be celebrated in December, and in the mean space, a Decree was made, that the Emperor should give charge to some honest and learned men to write a form of reformation, and that all the Princes should do the same, that all being conferred together, that might be determined in the Diet by common consent, which was to be observed until the future general Council, to be held in Germany, or until a Nationall. In the mean space that all should remain in peace, without raising any tumult for Religion, and the Churches of the one and the other should enjoy their goods. This Recess did not generally please the Catholics; but some of them, because they inclined to the Protestants opinion, approved this middle way. Those that were not contented, seeing their number to be small, resolve to endure it. But the war went on still; and the Pope's disdain conceived for the league with England, did wax greater, for that the Emperor had never The Pope's disdain against the Emperor is increased. assented to any of those main and ample matches offered him by the Cardinal Farnese, whom he sent Legate with him into Germany, concerning the grant of the Duchy of Milan to the Family of the Farnesis; and, that being to assist in the Diet of Spira, he would not suffer the Cardinal Legate to follow him thither for fear of offending the Protestants. And finally, considering the Decree made in the Diet, so prejudicial to him and the Apostolic sea, he was more offended, because he saw his hopes lost, and his authority and reputation much diminished, and judged it necessary to show he was sensible of it. And though on (the other side he considered that his party in Germany was weakened, and was counselled by his most inward friends to dissemble, yet finally, being assured, that by declaring himself openly against Caesar, he did more straight bind the French King to maintain his reputation, he resolved to begin from words to take occasion to pass to deeds, as the coniunctures should comport. And the fifth of August he wrote a great long letter to the Emperor; the substance whereof was; That having understood what decrees were made The Pope writeth a long angry letter to the Emperor. in Spira, his duty and fatherly charity did enforce him to tell him his opinion, that he might not follow the example of Ely the Priest, whom God severely punished for his too much indulgence towards his sons. That the Decrees of Spira were dangerous for the Emperor's soul, and extremely troubled the Church; that he should not violate the rules observed by Christians, which command that, in the cause of religion, all should be referred to the Church of Rome: and yet he, not esteeming the Pope, who only, by the law of God and man, hath power to call Counsels. And to decree in spiritual matters, was willing to think of assembling a General of Nationall Council; and hath suffered Idiots and Heretics to judge of religion: hath made decrees concerning sacred goods, restored to honour the rebels of the Church, whom he had condemned by his own Edicts: that he is willing to believe that he hath not done these things by his own inclination, but by the pernicious counsel of those that bear ill will to the Church of Rome, and that he complaineth of this, that he hath yielded unto them; that the Scripture is full of examples of the wrath of God, against the usurpers of the office of the High Priest, of Vzza, Dathan, Abiron, and Core, of King Ozias, and others. That it is not a sufficient excuse to say, the Decrees are but temporary, until the Council only. For though the thing done be holy, yet in regard of the person that did it, it not belonging to him, it is wicked. That God hath always exalted those Princes, that have been devoted to the sea of Rome, Head of all Churches, Constantine, the Theodosijs, and Charles the Great: and contrarily hath punished those that have not given due respect unto it. Examples hereof are Anastasius, Mauritius, Constan● the 2. Pilip, Leo, and others; and Henry the 4. was for this cause chastised by his own son; as also Frederick the 2. by his. And not Princes only, but whole Nations have been punished for it; the jews for putting to death Christ the Son of God; the Grecians for having many ways contemned his Vicar: which things he ought the more to fear, because he is descended from those Emperors, who have received more honour from the Church of Rome, than they have given it. That he commendeth him for desiring the amendment of the Church, but withal doth advice him to leave the charge thereof to him, to whom God hath given it. That the Emperor is a Minister, but not a Governor, nor an Head. He added, that he desired the reformation, and hath declared it often by intimating the Council, whensoever any spark of hope hath appeared that it might be assembled, and though in vain until then, yet he had not been wanting to his duty, desiring much a Council, which is the only remedy against all mischiefs, as well for the general good of Christendom, as the particular of Germany, which hath more need thereof. That it hath been intimated already, though deferred until a more commodious time, by reason of the wars. That it belongeth to the Emperor himself, to give way that it may be celebrated, by making peace, or deferring the war, while matters of religion are handled in the Council. That he should obey these fatherly commands, exclude from the Imperial Diets all disputes about religion, and refer them to the Pope, ordain nothing concerning Ecclesiastical goods, revoke the grants made to the rebels against the Sea of Rome; otherwise to perform his own duty, that he shall be forced to use greater severity against him than he would. THE HISTORY OF THE COUNCIL OF TRENT. THE SECOND BOOK. THe War between the Emperor and the French The Emperor is wholly inclived to peace, which was concluded the 24. of September. King lasted not long. For the Emperor saw plainly, that while he was busied in that, and his brother in the other against the Turk, Germany so much increased in liberty, that the Imperial name would not be esteemed within a short time; and that so long as he made War in France, he imitated Esop's dog, who following the shadow, lost both it and the body. Whereupon he harkened to the propositions of peace made by the French men, with design not only to be freed from that impediment, but, by the King's means, to accommodate the Turkish affairs, and apply himself unto Germany. The four and twentieth of September the peace was concluded between them, and amongst other things they both capitulated to defend the old Religion, and to labour for the union of the Church, and reformation of the Court of Rome, from whence all the dissensions are derived, and that, for this purpose, the Pope should jointly be requested to call the Council, and the French King should send to the Diet of Germany, to persuade the Protestants to accept it. The Pope was not afraid of the capitulation for the Council, and reformation of the Court, being assured that whensoever they began that enterprise, by reason of their diverse ends and interests, they would not long agree: neither did he doubt, but that the design being to be executed by a Council, he would so accommodate every treaty, that his authority should be amplified. But he thought that in case he should call the Council at their request, the world would imagine he was constrained, which would bring much dishonour to his reputation, and encouragement to him that designed the moderation of the Papal power. Therefore not expecting to be prevented by any of them, and dissembling The Pope dissembleth his suspicions. the suspicions conceived against the Emperor, even those that were most important (which the peace made without his knowledge, with points prejudicial to his authority put into his head) he set forth a Bull, in which he invited the whole Church to rejoice for the peace, by which the only impediment of the Council was removed, which he established again in Trent, giving order it should begin the 15. of March. He saw the term was strait, and not sufficient to give notice throughout, much less to give the Prelate's space to put themselves in order, and make the journey: Yet he thought it advantage, that, in case it were to be celebrated, it should begin with few, and those Italians, Courtiers, and his dependants, whom he had solicited to be there first, because the manner of proceeding in the Council should be handled in the beginning The Pope's Bull of the convocation of the Council. (which is the principal, yea the only thing to preserve the Pontifical authority) unto whose determination they who daily arrived would be constrained to stand. That it was no marvel that a general Council should begin with a few: for so it was in that of Pisa and Constance, which nevertheless had an happy progress. And having penetrated the true cause of making the peace, he wrote to the Emperor, that he had used prevention and celerity to intimate the Council, to do him service. For knowing that his Majesty was constrained, by reason of the French war, to permit, and promise many things to the Protestants, by intimating the Council he had now given him a means to excuse himself in the Diet, which was to be in September, if, the Council approaching, he performed not what he had promised to grant until the Council. But the Pope's hastiness pleased not the Emperor, nor the reason gave him satisfaction. He desired, for his reputation, to be the principal cause, The Emperor was displeased with the sudden intimation of the Council. to make Germany accept the Council more easily, and for many other respects. And therefore being able to do nothing else, he used all those terms, which might show himself to be the Author, and the Pope the adherent. He sent Ambassadors to all Princes to signify the intimation, and to pray them to send Ambassadors to honour the meeting, and to confirm the Decrees which should there be made. And he set himself to make serious preparations, as if the enterprise had been his own. He gave diverse orders to the Prelates of Spain and the Low Countries, and commanded, amongst other things, that the Divines of Louvain should assemble themselves together, to consider of the doctrines which were to be proposed; which 33. Points of doctrine collected by the Divines of Louvain. they reduced to three and thirty heads, without confirming them by any place of Scripture, but explicating magisterially the conclusion only. These Heads were after confirmed by the Emperor's Edict, & published, with command, that they should be defended and followed by all. And the Emperor The Emperor showeth his distaste against the Pope. concealed not his distaste against the Pope, in his speeches to the Nuncio, as well upon that occasion, as in other audiences: yea, the Pope having created thirteen Cardinals in December, amongst which were three Spaniards, he forbade them to accept the arms, or use the name or habit. The French King also assembled at Melun the Parisian Divines, to consult of the necessary positions of the Christian Faith, to be proposed in the Council: where there was much contention. For some desired to propose the confirmation of whatsoever was constituted in Constance and Basil, and the reestablishment of the pragmatical Law; and others, doubting that the King would be offended by destroying the Concordate, made between him and Leo, which would necessarily follow, gave counsel not to set that disputation on foot. And afterwards, because there were diverse opinions in that School concerning the Sacraments, unto which some give effective ministerial virtue, and others not, every one desiring that his opinion should be an Article of Faith, nothing could be concluded, but that they should keep themselves within compass of the five and twenty Heads published two years before. But the Pope, signifying to the French King how little good will the Emperor bore him, desired him, for the maintenance of the Apostolic Sea, to send Ambassadors to the Council as soon as might be, and charged his Nuncio residing with the Emperor, that, attending all occasions when the Protestants gave him any distaste, he should offer all assistance from him, to recover the Imperial authority, with Spiritual and Temporal aids. Whereof the Nuncio having had too many occasions, he so wrought, that The Emperor is reconciled to the Pope. the Emperor, finding he might have need of the Pope both the one and the other way, remitted his rigidity. And he gave an argument thereof, by granting the new Cardinals leave to assume the name and arms, and by giving the Nuncio more grateful audiences, and by conferring with him of the affairs of Germany more than he was wont to do. The Pope made great haste, not only to call the Council, but to dispatch The Pope dispatcheth the Legates to Trent. the Legates, whom he charged, that, for maintenance of their dignity, they should not first send some substitute to receive the first Prelates, as some advised, that afterwards they might make their entry with meetings and ceremonies, but would have themselves to be the first, and to be there before the time. He deputed for his Legates, John Maria de Monte, a Bishop, Cardinal of Palestrina, Marcellus Ceruinus, Priest of the Holy Cross, and Reginald Poole, Deacon of S. Mary in Cosmedin. In this man he chose Nobility of blood, and opinion of piety, which commonly was had of him, and the rather for that he was an English man, to show that all England did not rebel: in Marcellus constancy, and immoveable and undaunted perseverance, together with exquisite knowledge: in Monte, reality, and openness of mind, joined with such fidelity to his patrons, that he could not prefer their interests before the safety of his own conscience. These he dispatched with a Brief of Legation, without giving them, as the custom is, a Bull of Faculty, or any instruction in writing, being uncertain, as yet, what commission He giveth them no instructions. to give them, meaning to govern himself, as the successes, and the Emperors proceeding should counsel him. So he made them departed with the Brief only. But besides the care the Pope had for the affairs of Trent, another of no less moment troubled his mind, concerning the Diet to be celebrated in Worms, where he thought the Emperor would not be present, and doubting Cardinal Pernese is sent to the Diet of Worms, and to the Emperor. that, being provoked by the letter written unto him, he would underhand cause some Decree to be made, more prejudicial to his affairs then the former, or at the least give way unto it; he thought it necessary to have in that place a minister of authority and reputation, with title of Legate. But he feared an affront that way, in case the Diet should not receive him with due honour. He found out a temper, to send to the Emperor the Cardinal Farnese his nephew, and make him pass by Worms, and there to give instructions to the Catholics, and, after he had made the treaties that were convenient, to go forward toward the Emperor, and in the mean space to send Fabius Mignanellus of Sienna, Bishop of Grosseto, for his Nuncio to reside with the King of the Romans, with order to follow him to the Diet. Afterwards applying his mind to Trent, he caused a consultation to be begun concerning the faculties to be given to the Legates. This had some difficulty, because they had no examples to follow. For in the Lateran Council next preceding, the Pope was personally present; before in the Florentine A consultation about the faculties to be given to the Legates. Eugenius the fourth was present, and that of Constance, where the Schism was taken away, began with the presence of john the 23. one of the three deposed Popes and ended with the presence of Martin the fifth. Before that, the Council of Pisa was called by the Cardinals, and concluded by Alexander the fifth. And in more ancient times, Clement the fifth was present in the Council of Vienna; in the two Counsels of Lions, Innocence the fourth, and Gregory the tenth; and before these in the Lateran, Innocence 3. Only the Council of Basil, at that time when it obeyed Eugenius the fourth, was celebrated by Legates. But to imitate any thing that was there observed was too bad a presage. He resolved to frame the Bull, with this clause, that he sent The Contents of the Bull. them as Angels of peace to the Council, which before he had intimated in Trent: and gave them full and free authority, that, for want of that, the celebration and continuation might not be hindered, with faculty to preside there, and to ordain any Decrees or Statutes whatsoever, and to publish them in the Sessions according to custom: to propose, conclude, and execute whatsoever was necessary, to condemn errors and root them out of all Provinces and Kingdoms: to take knowledge, hear, decide, and determine the causes of heresy, and whatsoever else concerneth the Catholic faith: to reform the State of the holy Church in all her members, aswel Ecclesiastical as Secular: to make peace amongst Christian Princes, and to determine any thing else which may be for the honour of God the increase of Christian faith: with authority to bridle, with censures and Ecclesiastical punishments, all contradicting and rebellious persons, of what state or preeminence soever, though graced with Pontifical or Regal dignity; and to do any thing else necessary and fit for the extirpation of heresies and errors, and the reducing of those people that are aliened from the obedience of the Apostolic Sea, preservation, and restauration of Ecclesiastical liberty; yet with condition, that in all things they proceed with consent of the Council. But the Pope, considering not only how to set the Council forward, but of the means to dissolve it when it was begun, in case his service did The Bull for the dissolution of the Council. require it, to provide for himself in good time, he followed the example of Martin the fifth, who for fear of those encounters which happened to john the 23. in Constance, when he sent Nuncij to the Council of Pania, gave them a particular Brief, with authority to prolong, dissolve, or translate it to what place they would; A secret to cross all deliberation which was contrary to the interests of Rome. A few days after he made another Bull, giving the Legates power to transfer the Council. This bare date the 22. of February, the same year, of which being to speak hereafter, when the The thirteenth of March 1545. the Cardinals of Monte and Santa Croce 1545 PAUL 3. 〈◊〉 CHARLES 5.— HENRY 8. FRANCIS 1. The Legates grant an Indulgence without authority. arrived in Trent, and were received by the Cardinal of that place. That day they made their public entry, and granted three years, and so many times forty days of Indulgence, to those that were present. They had not this authority from the Pope, but hoped he would ratify the fact. They found no Prelate there, though the Pope had caused some to part from Rome, that they might be present at the prefixed time. The first thing the Legates did, was to consider of the contents of the Bull of Faculties given them, and resolved to keep it secret, and sent advice to Rome, that the condition, to proceed with consent of the Council, tied them too much, and made them equal to every petty Prelate, and would breed great difficulties in the government, in case it were necessary to communicate every particular unto all; and said it was to give too much liberty or rather licence to the multitude. It was perceived in Rome that the reasons were good, and the Bull was corrected according to the advice, and absolute The Bull was corrected. authority was given them. But the Legates, while they expected an answer, apppointed out the place for the Session, capable of 400. persons, within the Cathedral Church. Don Diego de Mendoza, the Emperor's Ambassador with the Republic Don Diego returneth to Trent. of Venice, arrived in Trent ten days after the Legates, to assist at the Council, with large commission given him from Brussels the twentieth of February, and was received by the Legates, assisted with the Cardinal Madruccio, and three Bishops, who only were then arrived; whose names are not to be omitted, because they were the first. And they were, Thomas Campegio Bishop of Feltre, the Cardinal's nephew, Thomas of S. Felicius, Bishop of Cava, Friar Cornelius Mussus, a Franciscan, Bishop of Bitonto, the most eloquent Preacher of those times. Four days after, Don Diego made his proposition in writing; which shown the Emperor's good disposition concerning the celebration of the Council, and that order was given to the Prelates of Spain to be there, who he thought were already in their journey; he excused himself by reason of his indisposition for not being there before, desired that the actions of the Council, and the reformation of manners might begin, as was proposed two years before in the same place, by the Lord Granuel and himself. The Legates answered in writing, commending the Emperor, receiving his personal excuse, and showing their desire of the Prelates coming thither. And the proposition and answer were received by the parties unto whom it belonged, in the points not prejudicial to the rights of their Princes respectively. A caution which giveth a manifest argument, with what charity they treated in the proposition and answer, where there were only words of pure compliment, except the mention of reformation. The Legates not knowing which way to treat, made demonstration to The Legates desire to have two sorts of letters and a cipher. proceed jointly with the Ambassadors and Prelates, and to communicate to them their most inward thoughts; whereupon when letters came from Rome or Germany, they assembled all to read them. But perceiving that Don Diego equalised himself to them, and the Bishops presumed more than they were wont to do at Rome, and fearing some inconvenience would arise when their number did increase, they sent advice to Rome that always one letter should be written to be showed, and the secret things apart, because of the letters which they had received until then, they had made no use but by their wit. They demanded also a cipher, to communicate the matters of greater moment. All which particularities, with many more that shall be spoken of, having taken out of the Register of the letters of the Cardinal of Monte, I have not been willing to conceal them, because they serve to penetrate the depth of the treaties. The month of March being passed, and the time, prefixed in the Pope's Bull, to begin the Council expired many days, the Legates consulted amongst themselves concerning the opening of it, and resolved to expect advice from Fabius Magnanellus, Nuncio with Ferdinand of what was handled in Worms, and order from Rome, after the Pope had heard of the arrival and proposition of Don Diego; and the rather, because they were ashamed to make so great a beginning with three Bishops only. The Ambassadors of the King of the Romans arrived the eight of April, and a solemn congregation was made to receive them. In that Don Diego would have preceded the Cardinal of Trent, and sat next the Legates, saying that in regard he represented the Emperor, he ought to sit in the same place where his Majesty D. Diego would have preceded the Cardinal of Trent. should. But not to hinder the business, they found out a way to place them so that it could not appear who had the precedence. The King's Ambassadors presented only their Prince his letter, and declared by word of mouth, his observance towards the Apostolic Sea and the Pope, his readiness to favour the Council, and large offers: and they The Ambassadors of the K. of the Romans are received in congregation. added that he would send a commission in form, and persons better instructed. After this, the wished for advice came to Rome and Trent, of the proposition made in the Diet the 24. of March by King Ferdinand, who was Precedent there in the Emperor's name, and of the negotiation which followed thereupon. The King's proposition was, that the Emperor had made peace with the French King, that he might apply himself to compose the differences of religion, and prosecute the war against the Turks; from whom he had The proposition of Ferdinand in the Diet. promise of assistance, and an approbation of the Council, with a resolution to be there in person, or by his Ambassadors. That for this end, it being before prorogued, he had dealt with the Pope to intimate it again, and solicited him to give aid against the Turks. That he had obtained the intimation of his Holiness, and that Ambassadors sent from the Emperor and himself were already in Trent. That all the world knew what pains Caesar had taken to cause the Council to be celebrated; first with Clement in Bolonia, then with Paul in Rome, Genua, Nizza, Lucca, and Busseto. That according to the Decree of Spira, he had given order to men of learning and good conscience, to compose a form of reformation; which was accordingly performed. But it being a thing of great deliberation, and the time short, and the Turkish war threatening them, the Emperor was resolved not to speak of this any more, but to expect how the Council would proceed, and what might be hoped from it, because it was suddenly to begin, and in case no fruit appeared, he might before the end of that Diet, intimate another to handle all that business, applying himself how to that which is of more importance, that is, the Turkish war. This proposition made the Protestants very suspicious. For the peace of religion being to last until the Council, they were in doubt that when they were exhausted, by contributions against the Turks, they should be assailed, upon pretence that the peace was ended by opening the Council in Trent. The suspicion of the Protestants. Yet they demanded that the treaty begun should be continued, alleging that the time was long enough to him that feared God; or at least that a new peace should be established until a lawful Council, so often promised, such as that of Trent was not, for the reasons so many times rehearsed before. And they declared that they could not contribute, if they had not assurance of peace, not ●●ed to the Pope's Council, which they had refused whensoever it was spoken of. And though the ecclesiastics did consent absolutely, that the cause of religion should be wholly remitted to the Council, yet it was resolved to expect the Emperor's answer before the conclusion. Three particulars in this action displeased the Pope and Legate which The Pope and the Legates were displeased with three particulars in the proposition. were at Trent. One, that the Emperor arrogated to himself, to have induced the Pope to celebrate the Council, which argued small care of Religion in his Holiness. The second, that he had induced the French King to consent unto it, which was no honour to his sanctity, to whom this belonged. The third, that he would still keep the bit in his mouth by a future Diet, that, in case the Council went not forward, he should always fear, that things concerning Religion should be treated of in the Diet. The Pope was perpetually troubled, not so much for the injuries received from the Protestants, as for the Emperor's actions, which, as he was wont to say, though they seemed favourable, yet were more pernicious to religion, and his authority, which could not be separated. Besides, it seemed he was always in danger, that the Emperor would make some accord with the Dutchmen, to his prejudice. And thinking how to provide a remedy, he could find none, but to set on foot a war for Religion, because the Protestants would be kerbed, and the Emperor likewise entangled in a dangerous enterprise, and all speech of reformation and the Council would be buried in silence. He had great hope it would succeed, by that which his Nuncio wrote unto him, that he found in the Emperor great disdain against the Protestants, and that he harkened to his propositions to subdue them by force. For this respect, beside that which was before related, and to hinder that no prejudicial thing might be done in the Diet, and to encourage and give strength to his followers, another cause was added, more urgent, because it belonged to his private interest. For being resolved to give Parma and Piacenza to his son, The Pope is resolved to give Parma and Piacenza to his sonnets but feareth the Emperor. he thought he could not do it without great danger, if the Emperor consented not; because he might find pretences, either for that those cities were formerly members of the Duchy of Milan, or might say, the Church should not be damnified, whereof he was advocate. To dispatch these businesses, he sent Cardinal Farnese into Germany, with instructions necessary. But the Legates in Trent had commission from the Pope, to open the Council with those few Prelates that were there, without expecting a greater number, in case they understood that they would treat of Religion in the Dier; but if not, to govern themselves as other respects should advice. They saw that the proposing of the Diet did not bind them, but, on the other side, that the small number of Prelates (who then were not more than four) persuaded a prorogation. Notwithstanding, they were in doubt that the danger of the Turkish arms would constrain Ferdinand to make the Recess, and, The Legate know not what to resolve about the opening of the Council. according to promise, to intimate another Diet, in which Religion should be treated of: casting the blame upon them, by saying that notice was given them of the proposition, that, knowing what was promised with good intention, they might have hindered the execution of it by opening the Council. For this cause they sent in diligence to the Pope, to receive order from him what to do in this doubtful consultation, seeing themselves on the one side constrained by a potent respect to make haste, and on the other enforced to desist, because they were almost alone in Trent. They declared to the Pope that they had many conjectures, and signs, that the Emperor regarded not the celebration of the Council; that Don Diego, after his first comparition, had never spoken so much as one word, and did show, as it were, in his countenance, that he was pleased with that leisure and spending of time. For his appearance only was sufficient to excuse and justify his Master, that having, by himself and his Ambassadors, continually desired and solicited the Council, and brought the business to that pass, and not seeing a convenient progress, he might and ought to intimate another Diet, to determine the cause of Religion, as by reason devolved unto him by his own diligence, and negligence of the Pope. They resolved to take a It is resolved that the council should be opened, only by singing a Mass of the holy Ghost. middle course: that is, to sing a Mass of the holy Ghost, before the Emperor arrived in the Diet; which might stand for a beginning of the Council, and prevent whatsoever the Emperor could do in the Recess, and, on the other side, remove all occasion of saying, that the matters of the Council were begun to be handled with four persons; remaining in liberty to enjoy the benefit of time, and to be able to go on, or desist, or transfer, or shut up the Council, as the occurrences should advice. They wished him to consider, that if the Council were opened, after that Cardinal Farnese had spoken with the Emperor, one might think that Cardinal was sent to entreat that it might not be opened, and could not obtain it. Besides, the fame of the Turkish Army increasing, it would be said it was opened when necessity compelled to think of other matters, and when it was known it could not be done. The Cardinal Santa Croce desired much that signs of devotion The desire of the Cardinal Santa Croce. should be showed, and the people made to run together with the usual ceremonies of the Church; and therefore persuaded that all should write to the Pope, to demand a Brief, with authority to give Indulgences, dated from the time of their parting, that the Indulgence which they granted at their entry, might be made good. That Cardinal was serupulous, that the people which were present at that entry, should not be defrauded of those three years and thrice forty days which they granted, and would supply it by this; not considering that a difficulty did arise, whether he that hath authority to grant Indulgences, can make good those which another hath granted without authority. The Cardinal, Bishop and Lord of Trent, considering that that City, little in itself, and not much inhabited, would remain at the discretion of Strangers, and in danger of seditions, in case the Council proceeded, gave the Pope to understand, that there was need of a garrison, of, at the least, an hundred and fifty footmen, especially if the Lutherans came, which expense himself was not able to bear, being exhausted by paying his Predecessors The Cardinal et Trent ●esir●●h a garrison. debts, The Pope answered, that, if he put a garrison into the town, the Lutherans would have a pretence to publish that the Council was not free; that it was in vain to make doubt, so long as none but Italians were in Trent; and that he had no less care of the quiet of the City, than the Cardinal himself, because the security of the Council more imported the Pope, than the Bishop of the place; therefore that he should leave the care thereof unto him, and assure himself, that he will be vigilant to provide against dangers, for his own interest, and will not burden him with any expense. Having well considered all the reasons which persuaded and dissuaded to begin the Council, for dissuasion he saw no weighty reason but this, that when the Council should be opened, he would be entreated to leave it so, until the impediments of the Turkish war, and others, did cease: which was to put a bridle in his mouth, which would turn him whither he pleased that held the raines: a thing dangerous to his affairs. This made him resolve firmly in himself, by no means to let the Council stand idly open, and not to departed from this disiunctive, either to celebrate the Council if he could, or, if he could not, to shut it up, or suspend it, until he had published another day The Pope giveth commission to open the Council on Holiroode day. Card. Farnese passeth by Trent. to reassume it. Having established this point, he wrote to the Legates, to open it upon Holiroode day; which order they published to the Emperor's Ambassador and the rest, without naming the particular time. A little after Cardinal Farnese, in his journey towards, Worms, arrived in Trent, and brought the same commission; and all being consulted of between him and the Legates, they resolved to continue, notifying unto all, the Commission to open the Conncell in general, without descending to the particular day, more than this, that it should be when he had spoken with the Emperor in Worms. And they conceived good hope; because they understood that his Majesty, knowing the dispatch of the Legation, was much satisfied with the Pope, and declared that he would jointly proceed with him; and therefore they would not go on to any new action, without his knowledge, for fear of disturbing him; and the rather because Don Diego, and the Cardinal of Trent advised the same. Don Diego renewed his pretence, to precede all but the Legates, alleging, Don Diego reneweth his pretence for precedence. that if, when the Pope and Emperor met, no man could sit between them, the same aught to be observed in those that represented the one and the other; and said he had the advice of learned men herein. The Legates answered in general terms only, that they were ready to give every man his place, expecting orders from Rome; which pleased Don Diego, hoping that decisions and examples thereof would be found in the public Records; showing he was ready out of the Council, to give place to every petty Priest, but adding that, in the Council, none after the Pope, had more authority than his Prince. Some that read this relation may think it superfluous, because it containeth matter of small weight: but, contrarily, the writer of the Story hath thought necessary to make known, from how small rivers so great a lake, which possesseth all Europe, hath been raised; and he that shall see how many letters went to and fro before the opening was concluded, would wonder at the esteem was made of it, and at the surmises that did fly abroad. In Italy, because they saw the Council went on, and hoped that now it would be celebrated, the Bishops thought of their journey. The Viceroy of Naples took care that all his should not go. His will was to send The Viceroy of Naples would send but four bishops to the Council, and those of his own nomination and is much opposed. four of his own nomination, with commission from the rest of the Kingdom, which are above an hundred. Therefore the great Chaplain of the kingdom assembled the Prelates in his house, and intimated unto them, that they should make a proxy. Many opposed, and said they would go in person, because they were so bound by oath: but in case they could not, it was reasonable that every one should name a Proctor, according to his own conscience, and not one for all. The Viceroy was angry, and gave order again to the great Chaplain to call them, and command them to make the proxy, and sent the like order to all the governors of the Kingdom. This troubled the Pope and Legates very much, because they knew not whether it came from the Viceroy his own fantasy, to show himself a sufficient man, or from want of wit, or whether some other had made him do it, and proceeded from a deeper root. To discover from whence this motive came, the Pope made a severe Bull, that none, without exception, should The Pope maketh a severe Bull, that none should appear in Council by Proctor. appear by Proctor. This the Legates concealed, as being too severe, because it contained all the Prelates of Christendom, even the most remote, and those that had lawful impediment, who could not possibly observe it: and also because it was too rigid, constituting that they incurred ipso facto, the punishment of suspension from their Ministry. And they feared it would cause many irregularities, nullities of acts, and undue receiving of fruits, and that by this means some discontented Nation might be stirred up to appeal and contest for jurisdiction. Wherefore they wrote, that they ought not to publish it without new commission, thinking the rumour that the Bull was made would suffice, though it were not showed. What end this Bull had, shall be declared in its fit place. Another business remained, though of smaller moment, yet no less troublesome. The Legates, until then, had received but small store of money The Legates require money for the expenses of the Council. for their expenses, and were too poor to supply out of their own, as was fit for them to do in some particular; in so much, that if they so continued, they should not be able to maintain themselves. Whereupon they did communicate it to Farnese, and wrote to the Pope, that it was not for his reputation to hold a Council without necessary and accustomed ornaments, with that lustre that so great an assembly required; for which it was necessary to send some person, to undergo this charge only: and therefore it would be good to appoint a depositary, with a sum of money, to discharge the occurring expenses, to assist some needy Prelate, and to cherish some man of account: a thing necessary to procure a good end of the Council. The third of May, ten Bishops being then arrived, they made a congregation The first congregation spent in ceremonies. to establish the things that should go before; in which they publicly intimated the Pope's commission to open the Council, adding, that they would not determine of the day, until they had imparted it to the Emperor. This Congregation, for the most part, was spent in matters of ceremony, that the Legates, though of diverse Orders, one being a Bishop, another a Priest, and the third a Deacon, should notwithstanding have the same ornaments, wearing Rochets all three alike, as their office and authority was equal in one Legation and one presidency; that the place for the Sessions should be beautified with hangings of Arras, that it might not seem an Assembly of mechanical men. They proposed whether it were fit to make seats for the Pope and Emperor, which should be adorned and remain empty: they treated whether it were fit to give Don Diego a more honourable place then the other Ambassadors. It was considered that the Bishops of Germany, who are Princes of the Empire, do pretend right of preceding all other Prelates, even Archbishops, all aging that it is not only so observed in the Diets, but also that the Bishops which are not Princes stand bare before them. It was remembered, that the year before, there was a difference in the same City, where the Bishop of Heicstat, and the Archbishops of Corsu and Ottranto met together at a Mass. Some also alleged, that in the Pope's chapel, the Bishops that are Ambassadors for Dukes, and other Princes, do precede the Archbishops, and therefore that the Princes themselves should do it much more. And they concluded to resolve nothing herein until the Council were more frequent, that they might see how the French men and Spaniards did understand it. They thought fit to renew the Decree of Basil, and of julius the second, in the Laterane Council, that it should prejudice no man to sit out of his place. The resolution to expect the advice of Farnese, to determine the day of opening the Council, gave much satisfaction to Don Diego; and those few Bishops shown much devotion and obedience to the Pope, as did also the Bishop of vercels, who arrived the same day after the Congregation ended, together with Cardinal Poole the third Legate. While they met in Trent to convince heresies by a Council, in France they did the same by force of arms, against a small remainder of the Waldenses, inhabitants of the Alps of Provence, who (as hath been said before) maintained a separation from the Sea of Rome, with a divers doctrine and rites, very imperfect and rude. These men, after the reformations of Zuinglius, enlarged their doctrine by his, and reduced their rites unto some form, at the same time when Geneva embraced the reformation. Sentence was pronounced against these many years before, by the Parliament of Aix, which had never been executed. The King now commanded to execute the sentence. The Precedent mustered together as many Soldiers as he could in the places bordering upon them, and in the Pope's State of Autgnion, and went with A miserable slaughter of the Waldenses made by the French men. an army against those poor creatures, who neither had weapons, nor thought, otherwise then by flight, to defend themselves, those that could. They went not about to teach them, or by threats to make them leave their opinions and rites: but first of all, filling all the Country with rapes, slew asmany as stood to their mercy, because they could not fly, without sparing old or young, of what age or condition soever. They destroyed, or rather razed the Countries of Carrier's in Provence, and of Mernidolo in the County of Viinoisin, belonging to the Pope, and all other places in those precincts. It is certain that more than 4000 persons were slain, who, without making defence, desired mercy. But in Germany, the Emperor arrived in Worms the 16. of May, and Cardinal Farnese the day following, who treated with him, and with the Cardinal Farnese his negotiation with the Emperor in Worms. King of the Romans apart. He delivered his commissions particularly concerning the Council, declaring that the Pope had given the Legates power to open it: which they meant to do when they should understand from him, what was done in the Diet. He told the Emperor, that it was not necessary to regard the oppositions of the Protestants, seeing that the impediment, alleged by them, was not new, but was foreseen from the day the Council was first spoken of: that he might assure himself, that they, having cast off the yoke of obedience, the principal foundation of Religion, and proceeded to so impious & wicked innovations, against the rites, observed many hundreds of years, by the approbation of so many famous Counsels, they would, with the same boldness, spurn against the Council, which was to begin, though lawful, general, and Christian, assuring themselves to be condemned by it. Therefore that nothing remained, but that his Majesty should induce them to obedience by authority, or constrain them by force. Which, in case it were not done, and they so much regarded, as not to be condemned, or, after condemnation, not constrained to lay aside their errors, all the world would know that the heretics command, and the Pope and Emperor obey. That his Holiness as he thought fit to use mildness at the first, so he thought it necessary to show really, that after it would follow force of Arms. That he offered him a grant of part of the Ecclesiastical revenues of Spain, and power to sell the plate of those Churches, to assist him with his own money, and to send him out of Italy 12000. foot, and 500 horse paid, and to endeavour that he might likewise be assisted by other Princes of Italy, and to proceed, during the time of the wars, with spiritual and temporal Arms, against whosoever should molest his territories. Farnese declared also to the Emperor the attempt of the Vice roy of He complaineth of the Vice roy of Naples. Naples, who would have sent four Proctors in the name of all the Bishops of the Kingdom, showing it was neither reasonable nor lawful, and that it was a dishonour to the Council: For if Bishops, dwelling so near, and being so many, might be excused by sending four, France and Spain might do it much rather, and so a General Council should be held with twenty Bishops. And he prayed the Emperor not to tolerate a thing so contrary to the authority of the Pope, and dignity of the Council, whereof himself is Protector, desiring him to give some remedy herein. The Cardinal also treated with him concerning the promise made in his Majesty's name, in the proposition sent to the Diet; that is, that to determine the controversies of Religion, in case the Council did not proceed, another Diet should be held; and desired him to consider, that if neither his Holiness, nor his Legates and Ministers, nor the Court of Rome, were in fault that the Council were not celebrated, nor proceeded, he could not by any means intimate in the Recess another Diet, under this colour. And he inculcated this point exceedingly, because he had straight commission therein from Rome; and because the Cardinal of Monte, a man very free, not only spoke but also wrote unto him thereof, in his own name and his colleagues, after that he parted from Trent, saying in plain terms, that this was the most important point at which he should ever aim, without forgetting it in his whole negotiation, taking care not to admit any excuse, because this only would produce any other good agreement. And for his own part, he would put his Holiness in mind rather to abandon the Sea, and restore the keys to Saint Peter, then suffer the Secular power to arrogate authority to determine causes of Religion, under pretence and colour that the Ecclesiastical hath failed in celebrating a Council or otherwise. Concerning the attempt of the Viceroy, the Emperor said it proceeded from his own proper motion, from which, in case he had not great reason to the contrary, he would be removed. For opening the Council he The Emperor's answer to the Legat. gave no resolute answer, but spoke diversely, sometimes that it would be good to begin it in a more fit place, sometimes that it was necessary to make sundry provisions first. Whereby the Cardinal saw plainly that his aim was only to hold the matter in suspense, and to govern himself as occasion served, either opening or dissolving it. For not intimating another Diet to treat of religion, he gave a general and vnconcluding answer, that he would always make as much esteem as was possible of the Pope's authority. But to the proposition of making war against the Lutherans, he answered that the Pope's counsel was the best, and that the only way was proposed by him, which he was resolved to embrace; yet that he would proceed with due caution, and first conclude a truce with the Turk, which he then did mediate diligently, and most secretly, by the French King, and that he knew well, that the number and power of the Protestants was great, and insuperable, and that in case they were not divided or surprised at unawares, the war would prove doubtful and dangerous. That his design was to conceal his purpose until opportunity served, and then to treat with the Pope. In the mean while he accepted the offers made unto him. Beside these public businesses, the Cardinal had one private for his The Legates private negotiation concerning his own family. own house. The Pope thinking it too little to give to his family the Dukedom of Camerino, and Nepi, thought to give them also Parma and Piacenza; which because they were a little before in the possession of the Dukes of Milan, he desired the Emperor's consent, to establish his gift the better. The Cardinal treated with the Emperor hereof, showing it were better for his Majesty that those Cities, so near to the Duchy of Milan, were in the possession of a family so devoted and allied unto him, then in the power of the Church, in which if an ill affected Pope should succeed, diverse inconveniences might arise; that this would not be an alienation of the patrimony of the Church, because they first came into the hands of julius 2. neither was the possession of them well confirmed but under Leo; that it would be more profitable for the Church, because the Pope would give it Camerino in exchange and that detracting the charge of maintaining the garrisons of those two Cities, and adding eight thousand crowns, which the new Duke would pay, the Church would receive more rend by Camerino, then by them. To these expositions the Cardinal joined his daughter's letters, who effectually prayed the Emperor for her own interest; unto whom the matter was not displeasing, as well for the affection he bore to his daughter and nephews, as because it would be more easy to recover them from a Duke, then from the Church. Yet he neither denied nor granted, but said only he would not oppose. The Emperor's answer. The Legate treated with the Catholics, and the Eccleisastics especially, encouraging them to defend the true Religion, & promising them all favour from the Pope. The Protestants suspected the negotiation of the war, though handled secretly, because a Franciscan Friar, preaching before Charles, The Protestants suspect that war would be made against them. Ferdinand, and the Legate, after a great invective against the Lutherans, turned to the Emperor, and said it was his office to defend the Church with arms; that until then he had not performed that which was necessary to be effected; that so many benefits which God had bestowed upon him, deserved he should make acknowledgement of them by setting himself against that contagion of men, who ought not to live any longer; and that he ought not to make any further delay, because many souls did daily perish by this means, for whom God will ask an account of him, if he gave not some sudden remedy. This Sermon not only begat suspicion, but raised discourses also that it had been commanded by the Legate, and by the public exhortations, they concluded what the private were. To remedy which rumour, the Cardinal parted secretly The Legate doth secretly and suddenly return into Italy. by night, & returned quickly into Italy. Yet the suspicion of the Protestants increased, by the advices sent from Rome, that the Pope, when he dismissed some Captains, gave them hope he would employ them the next year. But the B. of Sidonium arrived in Trent the 18 of May, with a Friar, a Divine, and a secular Doctor, as Proctors of the Elector Cardinal & Archbishop of Mentz. The B. made a short oration of the Electors obedience to the Pope, and Apostolic Sea, much commending the celebration of the Council, as the only necessary remedy to those waverings of faith, and Catholic religion. The Legates, in their answer, commended the piety and devotion of that Prince; and for admitting his commission, they said, it was necessary to see it first, because his Holiness had made a new provision, that none could give voice by proxy, and that they were in doubt, whether it comprehended a Cardinal, and a Prince; that they well knew the prerogative which his excellency deserved, whereunto they were most ready to give all honour and respect. These three men perceiving the difficulty, were in a confusion, and thought The Proctors of the Archbishop of Mentz are about to leave the Council. to departed. The Legates repent them of the answer, knowing of what importance it would be if the prime Prince and Prelate of Germany, for dignity and riches should be aliened from the Council. And they wrought by way of mediation, dexterously made by the Cardinal of Trent, by the Ambassadors and others, that they would remain, saying the Bull spoke only of Italian Bishops, and that the Legates were deceived: which imputation they were contented to bear, that they might withstand so great a disorder. Wherefore they wrote to Rome, giving an account of the success, & demanding whether they should receive them while the Bull was in force, adding that it seemed hard to repel the Proctors of so great a personage, who shown himself zealous and favourable to the Catholic party, who by this means might grow lukewarm: they were instant to have an answer, because the determination hereof would serve for a precedent, for that the other great Bishops of Germany might send Proctors likewise, whom it were better they went not to Trent in person, because being accustomed to ride with great trains, the City would not be able to receive them all: and they The Legates do earnestly demand a resoluble about admitting Proctors. wrote that, above all things, it was not fit to scorn the Dutchmen, who are naturally suspicious, and easily resolve themselves; and especially those that are loving and well-deserving, as Cocleus, who is already in his journey, as Proctor for the Bishop of Heicstat; who hath written so much against the Heretics, that one would be ashamed to say that he could not have a voice in the Council. The Pope thought it not fit to write precisely hereof, The Pope knew not what to answer. considering the difficulties of Naples. For the Vice roy continuing in his resolution, a commission was made to four to be present there, in the name of all. These being prepared for their journey, passed by Rome, concealing they were elected for the rest, saying they went for themselves; and that the others would follow. But he wrote to the Legates to entertain the Proctors with good words, until he gave another resolution. The Neapolitans spoke also in the same tenor at their arrival in Trent, and as well the Pope as the Legates dissembled the same, deferring to speak of it until they were resolved of the time to open the Council. In the end of May 20. Bishops, five Generals, and one Auditor of the Rota were come to Trent, all much wearied with expectation. These commended the rest, who, not caring to be hasty, expected to see a more reasonable occasion to part from their home, and were by them called, to their great distaste, headlong fools, for being so easily persuaded. Therefore The Prelates desire to departed from Trent. And D. Diego returneth to Venice. they asked the Legates leave to go for fifteen or twenty days to Venice, Milan, or elsewhere, to avoid the incommodities of Trent, pretending want either of health, or apparel, or other respects. But the Legates, knowing how much it concerned the reputation of the Council, entertained them, partly by saying they had not power to give leave, and partly by giving hope that the Council should begin within few days, Caesar's Ambassador returned to his Ambassage at Venice, upon pretence of ind● position, leaving the Legates doubtful whether it were by the Emperor's commission upon some trick, or for being wear● to be idle and incommodated. He promised a speedy return, adding that in the mean while the Ambassadors of the King of the Romans remained there to assist the service of God; and yet he desired the Council should not be opened until his return. But in the end of the next month the greater part of the Bishops, moved, some by poverty, and some by incommodity, made grievous complaints, and raised as it were a sedition among themselves, threatening that they would departed, and had recourse to Francis Castel-Alto, governor of Trent, whom Ferdinand had appointed to hold his place, together with 〈◊〉 Gine●a. This man came before the Legates, and desired them in the name of his King, that now at last they would begin, it being plain how much good would ensue by the celebration, and how much evil by temperizing th●●. The Legates held themselves offended herewith, because they thought it was to show the world that which was contrary to the truth, and to attribute to them the delay, which proceeded from the Emperor. And though they among themselves resolved to dissemble, and to answer in general terms, yet the Cardinal Monte could not bridle his liberty, but in making answer, concluded in the end with persuasion to expect Don Diego, who had more particular commissions than he. It was hard to entertain and comfort the Prelates, who ill endured that idle delay, and especially the poor ones, who wanted money, and not words. Wherefore they resolved to give at the Pope's charge, forty Ducats a year to the Bishops of Nobili, Bertinoro, and Money is given to the poor Bishops Chioza, who complained more than the rest, and fearing that the munificence might give pretence hereafter, they declared themselves that it was for a subsidy, and not for provision. They gave the Pope an account by letter of what they had done, showing him the necessity to assist them with some greater aid: but telling him withal, that it was not good to give it as a firm provision, that the Fathers might not seem the stipendaries of his Holiness: which would cherish the Protestants excuse, not to submit themselves to the Council, because it was composed only of those that depended on, and were obliged to the Pope. At the same time the Emperor, in Worms, cited the Archbiship of Collen The Archbishop of Collen is cited by the Emperor in Worms. to appear before him within thirty days, or to send a Proctor, to answer to the accusations and imputations laid upon him, commanding him in the mean space not to make any innovation in Religion and Rites, but to reduce the things innovated to their former state. Hermannus Bishop of Collen, desiring to reform his Church, in the year 1536. called a Council of the Bishops his Suffragans, where many Decrees were made, and a book printed, composed by john Groperus, a Canonist, who, for service done to the Church of Rome, was after created Cardinal by Pope Paul the fourth. But whether the Archbishop, and Groperus himself were not satisfied with the reformation, or whether he changed his opinion, he assembled the Clergy and Nobility, and chief men of his state in the year 1543. and established another reformation. This, though it were approved by many, pleased not the whole Clergy, yea, the mayor part opposed it, and made Groperus their head, who before had given counsel for it, and promoted it. They entreated the Archbishop to desist, and expect a general Council, or at the least, an Imperial Diet; which not being able to obtain, in the year 1545 they appealed to the Pope, and to the Emperor, as supreme advocate and protector of the Church. The Archbishop published by a writing, that the appeal was frivolous, and that he could not desist from that which belonged to the glory of God, and amendment of the Church; that he had not to do either with the Lutherans or others, but that he observed the doctrine agreeable to the holy Scripture. The Archbishop going on in his reformation, and the Clergy of Collen insisting upon the contrary, the Emperor received the Clergy into his protection, and cited the Archbishop, as hath been said. This news coming to Trent, gave matter to pass the time at the least with discourses. The Legates were much moved, and amongst the Prelates which were present those that were of any understanding blamed the Emperor, for making himself judge of faith and reformation; the most gentle word they spoke was, that the Emperor's proceeding was very scandalous. They began to know they were not esteemed, and that to be idle, was to be scorned by the world. Therefore they did discourse that they were constrained to declare themselves to be a Council lawfully called, and to be begin The Emperor is blamed, for the Citation, by the Fathers of Trent. the work of God, proceeding first against the foresaid Archbishop, the Elector of Saxony, the Landgrave of Hassia, and likewise against the King of England. They grew into so great spirits that they seemed not the same, who a few days before thought themselves confined in prison. The Ministers of the Archbishop of Mentz abated this heat, putting them in mind of the greatness of those Princes and their adherents, and the danger to make them unite themselves with the King of England, and so to make a greater fire in Germany: and the Cardinal of Trent spoke in the same form. The Italian Bishops, thinking it a great matter to meddle in such eminent subjects, said it was true that all the world would be attentive at such a process, yet that all the importance was to begin and ground it well: They incited one another, saying it was necessary to redeem the slowness passed with celerity hereafter. That they should demand of the Pope, some man of worth to perorate against the accused, as did Melehior Baldassino, against the Pragmatique, in the Laterane Council; being persuaded that to deprive Princes of their States had no other difficulty, then to use well the forms of Processes. But the Legates, as well for this as for other occurrences, knew it to be necessary to have such a Doctor, and wrote to Rome to be provided of one. The Pope understanding the Emperor's action, was astonished, and doubted The Pope was wonderfully distasted with the Citation. whether to complain or be silent. To complain, when no effect would succeed he thought frivolous, and a demonstration of his small power. And this moved him exceedingly. But on the other side, considering well how much it imported him not to pass over a matter of that moment, he resolved not to give words, as they did in Trent, but to proceed to facts, and answer the Emperor afterwards, if he should speak of it. Therefore he The Archbishop is cited by the Pope. made another citation against the Archbishop, the eighteenth of july, that within sixty days he should appear before him. He cited also the Dean of Collen, and five of the principal Canons, leaving the world to dispute how the Archbishop could appear before two which cited him for the same cause, in diverse places, at the same time, and how a dispute of the competency of the place of judicature belonged to the honour of Christ. But how this succeeded, and what end the cause had, shall be said in its place. To return to that which more nearly concerneth the Council, the Emperor assayed in the Diet diverse ways, to make the Protestants grant him The Emperor demandeth assistance against the Turks of the Protestants, who give a conditional answer. assistance against the Turks, not mentioning Religion. Whereunto they still answered, that they could not resolve without they were secured, that the peace should be kept, and that, by the convocation in Trent under the name of a Council, it was not understood that the time of the peace was ended, according to the Decree of the former Diet, but declared that the peace cannot be interrupted, nor themselves enforced by any Decrees made in Trent; because they cannot submit themselves to that Council, where the Pope, who hath condemned them already, hath free power. The Emperor said, he could not give them peace which might exempt them from the Council, to whose authority all are subject that he had no way to excuse himself to other Kings and Princes, if it were granted to Germany alone not to obey the Council, assembled especially for her sake. But if, as they said, they pretended a cause why they would not submit, let them go to the Council, and allege their reasons why they suspect it; that they should be heard, and if it appeared they had wrong, they might then refuse; that it was not pertinent to prevent, and to suspect that which appeared not, pretending grievance of things to come, and judging of that which is not seen as yet. They replied, they spoke not of things to come but past, their Religion being condemned already, and persecuted by the Pope and all his adherents. Therefore they were not to expect any future judgement, because it was passed already. That it was just that the Pope, and his adherents of Germany, and of all other places, should make one part in the Council and themselves the other and for the difficulty about the manner and order of proceeding, the Emperor, Kings, and Princes should be judges, but for the merits of the cause, the Word of God only. They could not be removed from this resolution, though the Ambassador of France, there present, did very much, and with menacing terms, entreat them to consent to the Council; which threats the Ministers of that K. the Pope's favourers, did dictate to the Ambassador, when he parted from France. The Imperialists proposed the translation of the Council into Germany, under the Emperor's promise to labour effectually, that the Pope should condescend; which the others accepted, upon condition the peace were established until the Council were assembled there. But Charles, being sure that the Pope would never agree, saw that this was to give them a perpetual peace, and therefore he thought it better to leave things in suspense, granting it only until another Diet, seeing he was constrained, having not concluded truce with the Turks as yet, and esteeming more that war; thinking that by occasion of a Colloquy, other reasonable means would be offered hereafter; to make them consent anew to the Council of Trent, or, in case of refusal, to hold them contumacious, and to make war against them. Therefore the fourth of August he ended the Diet, and ordained another in Ratubon, Another Diet is ordained in Ratubon for january. for january next, whereat the Princes should be personally present, and instituted a Colloquy in matter of Religion, of four Doctors, and two judges for a side. This was to begin at December, that the matter might be digested before the Diet. He confirmed and renewed the former Edicts of peace, and set down a manner to pay the contributions for the war. How the Colloquy did proceed, shall be said in its place. The Protestants, being departed from Worms, set forth a book, where The Protestants do protest against the Tridentine council. they said in sum, that they esteemed not the Tridentine for a Council, being not assembled in Germany, as Adrian and the Emperor promised; whereunto to make show of giving satisfaction by making choice of Trent, was to mock the world, because Trent cannot be said to be in Germany, but only because the Bishop is a Prince of the Empire: but for security, that it was aswell in Italy, and as much in the Pope's power as Rome itself. And the rather they esteemed it not lawful, because Pope, Paul would be precedent in it, and propose by his Legates; that the judges were tied unto him by oath; that the plea being against the Pope, himself ought not to be judge; that it was necessary to treat first of the form of the Council, and of the authorities, whereupon to ground. But the Emperor's resolution displeased The Emperor is taxed again for meddling in Religion. alike in Trent and at Rome, as well because a secular Prince meddled in Religion, as because, it seemed the Council was casseered, in regard, that approaching, order was given to handle elsewhere the controversies of doctrine. The Prelates in Trent blamed the Decree, as it were with one voice, saying it was worse than that of Spira, and marvelling that the Pope, who shown himself so quick against that, had and did tolarate this, after that the Council was intimated, and already assembled. From this they drew a manifest Argument, that their remaining in Trent was vain and dishonourable. The Legates tried their wits to consolate, and persuade them, that all The Prelates in Trent are discontented, and most of them do departed. had been permitted by his Holiness for a good end. But they replied, that whatsoever the end was, and what thing soever doth follow, the blemish, not only of the Pope and Apostolic Sea, but of the Council and the whole Church will never be taken away. Neither could the Legates resist their complaints, which ended in demanding leave to departed, some alleging necessary and important affairs of their own, and some to retire themselves into some of the next cities for infirmity or indisposition. And though the Legates gave leave to none, yet some of them daily took it, so that before the end of the month, there remained very few. But in Rome, though this success was foreseen by the negotiation of Cardinal Farnese, yet after it happened they began to think more exactly of it. They considered that the Emperor's ends were much different from the Popes; for he, holding things in suspense, dispatched his business well in Germany, giving the Protestants The Emperor desireth to hold the Council in suspense. hope, that if they pleased him, he would not suffer the Council to be opened, and putting them in fear, that in case they did not, it should begin and proceed against them. Therefore he ever caused some new emergents to arise, which might hold things in suspense, passing the time pleasantly under diverse colours, and sometimes also proposing that it were better to transfer it to another place, giving hope he could be contented it were translated into Italy, even unto Rome, that the Pope and the Prelates of that Nation might more easily hearken to the proposition, and draw the Council in length. The Pope was in great straits. Sometimes he had the ancient desire The Pope is doubtful what course to take. of his predecessors that the Council should not be celebrated, and condemned himself for having proceeded so fare, yet he saw that it was scandalous and dangerous to him, to show openly that he would not have it, by dissolving that small congregation which remained in Trent. He saw clearly that it was not a good remedy to extinguish heresies. For concerning that which belonged to Italy, it was better to provide against it by force, and by the office of the Inquisition, whereas the expectation of the Council hindereth that which is the only remedy. For Germany, it appeared plainly that the Council did rather make difficult, then facilitate those things. Besides; in ease it were celebrated, he doubted whether he should grant the Emperor the half fruits and vassalages of the Monasteries in Spain. For if he did not, his Majesty would be angry, and if he did it, he doubted that the Spanish Prelates would discover in the Council that they were alienated from him and the Apostolic Sea, for giving that to others which belonged to them. He saw likewise that the Prelates of the kingdom were if satisfied, who would think it intolerable to pay the tenths, and be at charges in the Council. He thought that those of France would join with them; and encourage them, not for charity, but to hinder the Emperor's profit. Therefore he began to incline to the translation, so that it were not carried further into Germany, as was treated of in Worms, whereunto he said he would never consent, though he had an 100 hostages, and as many pawns: and the rather because by transferring it more into Italy, into a place more fertile, commodious and secure, he thought he avoided the inconvenience of continuing in that state, and letting the Council lie at anchor, and be drawn in length from season to season; the worst resolution that could be made, for infinite and perpetual preiudices which might ensue. Besides, by the time which the translation required, the present mischief was cured, which was to have Council, and a Colloquy, and Diet instituted for religion concur together, not knowing what end the one or the other might have; a thing dishonourable, and dangerous, and of bad example; and the Prelates would be satisfied by parting from Trent. Being thus resolved, that The Bull of translation. he might be provided to put it fitly in execution, he sent to the Legates the Bull of faculty to translate it, dated February 22. of which it hath been spoken before. These thoughts did not possess either the whole, or the principal part of the Pope's mind, but he thought much more of infeoffing his son in Parma and Piacenza, which he had imparted to Caesar, & did effect it in the end of August, There is much murmuring at the donation of Parma and Piacenza to a bastard. not respecting the general murmuring, that, while the Clergy was to be reform, the head of it should bestow principalities upon a son of a damned conjunction. This the whole College took ill, though only john Dominicus de Cupis, Cardinal of Trani, with some few more, opposed it; john Vega, the Emperor's Ambassador, refused to be present, and Margarite of Austria, his nephews wife, shown herself discontented, because she desired the investiture in the person of her husband, for that she lost the title of the Duchess of Camerino, and got nothing, Afterwards, being wholly employed in freeing himself from the difficulties and dangers which the Council brought with it standing thus, neither opened nor shut, but so as it might serve the Emperor's turn against him, he resolved to send the Bishop of Caserta to treat with his Majesty, proposing either to The Pope sendeth a Nuncio to the Emperor. have it opened and begun, or suspended for a time, and in case that pleased not, he was to propose the translation of it into Italy, to give convenient time to what should be handled in the Colloquy and Diet, or some other match, which were not sodishonourable and dangerous for the Church, as to have the Council remaining still on foot, and the Legates and Prelates idle. This negotiation had many rubs. For the Emperor was resolute, not to consent either to suspension or translation; not holding it good for his ends to begin it, he did not absolutely deny any of the things proposed; and having no other course to take, he knew not what to do, but to interpose difficulties to the three propositions. Finally, in the midst of October, he found out a temper, that the Council should be opened, and the reformation treated of, forbearing to speak of heresies and points of doctrine, lest they should provoke the Protestants. The Pope advised hereof by the The Pope is much offended with them Emperors answer. Nuncio his letters, was touched at the very heart. For he saw plainly that this was to give the victory into the hands of the Lutherans, and to rob himself of all authority, making him depend of Colloquies and Imperial Diets, ordaining in them treaties of religion, and forbidding the Council tomeddle with them, and so to weaken him by alienating his dependants, and to strengthen the Lutherans, by supporting, or not condemning their heresies. And being assured that his and the Emperor's interests were so contrary, as that they could not be united, he resolved to conceal his own ends, and to proceed as best befitted his affairs. Therefore, without showing any distaste of the answer, he presently replied to Caserta, that, for his Majesty's sake, he resolved to open the Council immediately, commanding that the acts thereof should begin, and all should proceed with full liberty, and in fit manner and order. This the Pope said in such general terms, because he would not express himself, what should be first, or what last, or what treated of, or What wholly left out. For he was resolute to handle the matter of religion and points of doctrine principally, without alleging other reason, incase he should be constrained to allege any, but that to treat of reformation only, was a thing never used before, contrary to the reputation both of himself and of the Council. Therefore, the last of October, having imparted all to the Cardinals, by their counsel and advice, he ordained, and wrote also to Trent, that the Synod should be opened the next Sunday, called Gaudete in Aduent, which was to be the 13. He giveth order to begin the Council the 13. of December. of December. The Prelates shown great joy for the news, seeing themselves delivered from the imminent danger, to remain long in Trent, and do nothing. But a little after the ambiguities were on foot again. For letters came from The 3. Fren● Prelates are recalled, but two of them are persuaded to remain. the French King to his Prelates, which were three, that they should departed. This seemed to the Legates a thing of the greatest importance, being as it were a declaration. that France and the King approved not the Council. They used all means to hinder their departure, telling the Prelates, that the King gave that order when the case was otherwise, and that they ought to expect another, because his Majesty was now informed of the present state, putting them in mind of the scandal that would ensue, in case they did otherwise, and of the offence which other Nations would take. The Cardinal of Trent, and the Spanish and Italian Prelates protested against their departure. Therefore in conclusion they took a middle course, which the King commended when he knew it, that the Lord of Renes should go to give the King account, and the other two remain. The last of November, the time prefixed for the opening of the Council approaching, the Legates wrote to Rome, that, to preserve the authority of the Apostolic Sea, it were fit, in opening of it, to read and register a Bull, which might command it to be done; and they made a dispatch in all diligence that it might come in time. The answer, together with the Bull, arrived the eleventh of December. Therefore the Legates commanded a fast and Procession the next day, and made a Congregation of all the Prelates, where first the bull was read, and then all treated of, which was to be done the next day, in the Session. The Bishop of Estorga proposed after a pleasing manner, that it was necessary to read in the Congregation the Brief of the Legation and presidency, that all might make profession of their obedience, and subjection to the Apostolic Sea. The request was approved The Legates would not suffer the Bull of their Legation to be read. by almost all the Congregation, and accompanied with the particular instance of every one. But the Legate Sancta Croce, considering how fare the demand might reach, and that to publish the authority of the presidency, might breed danger to have it limited, thinking it better by keeping it secret, to use it as occasion served, answered readily, that in the Council all were but one body, and that it was equally necessary to read the Bulls of every Bishop, to show he was such a one, instituted by the Apostolic Sea; which would be tedious, and, by reason of those who daily will come, would spend the time of all the Congregations, and so he stopped the request, and retained the dignity of the Legation, which consisted in being unlimited. The thirteenth of December came at last, when in Rome the Pope published a Bull of jubilee, where he declared that he had intimated a Council The Council is opened in Trent, and a jubilee published in Rome. to heal the wounds of the Church, caused by impious heretics. Therefore he exhorted every one to assist the Fathers assembled therein, with their prayers to God: which to do effectually and fruitfully, they ought to confess themselves, and fast three days, and during that time, to go in processions, and then to receive the most blessed Sacrament; granting pardon of all his sins to whosoever did so. The same day the Legates in Trent, with all the Prelates, in number 25. in pontifical habit, accompanied With the Divines, Clergy and people of foreign parts, and of the City, made a solemn procession, from Trinity Church to the Cathedral; where Monte, the The Ceremonies used. prime Legate, did sing the Mass of the holy Ghost, in which the Bishop of Bitonto made a long copious eloquent Sermon. That being ended, the Legates caused a long written admonition to be read, the sum whereof was: that it was their charge during the whole course of the council, to admonish the Prelates in occurrences, and that it was fit to begin in that Session, understanding The admonition of Card. Monte. that this admonition & all the rest, were as well made to themselves as to others as being of the same condition, with them that the Council was assembled for three causes; for the extirpation of heresy, restitution of Ecclesiastical discipline, and regaining of peace. To execute which things it was fit to have first a true & inward sense, what it was to be the cause of all those three calamities. Of heresies, not that they had raised them, but that they had not performed their duty in sowing good doctrine, and rooting out the cockle. Of manners corrupted that there was no need to make mention, it being manifest, that the Clergy and Pastors only were corruptors, and corrupted. For which things God had also sent the third plague, which was the war, foreign of the Turks and civil of the Christians. That without this inward and true acknowledgement, their entrance into the Council, and calling upon the holy Ghost were in vain. That the judgement of God was just to punish them so deeply, though it were less than they deserved. Therefore they exhorted every one to know his own faults, to mitigate the wrath of God, replying that the holy Ghost, which they had invocated, would not come, if they refused to hear of their own sins, and like Esdras, Nehemiab, and Daniel, confess them. He added that it was a great blessing of God, that there was such an occasion given to begin a Council, for reformation on all hands. And though contradictors will not be wanting, yet it was their duty constantly to go on, and, as judges, to avoid passion, and aim only at the glory of God, in regard they are to perform this duty before him, the Angels, and the whole Church. In fine, they admonished the Bishops sent by the Princes, to do their Master's service with faith and diligence; yet preferring the honour of God before all. Afterwards the Bull of the intimation of the Council in the year 1542. was read, and a Brief of the simple deputation of the Legates, together with a Bull of the opening of the Council; and immediately Alfonso Zorilla, Secretary to Don Diego, stepped forward, and reproduced the Emperor's Commission presented before to the Legates, and shown a letter of Don Diego, in which he excused his absence, by reason of his indisposition. For his excuse the Legates said it was worthy to be admitted. For the Commission, though they might insist upon the answer given before, yet they were pleased for greater reverence to receive it again, and examine it, and make answer afterwards. These things being done, according to the rite of the Roman Ceremonial, all kneeled down to pray softly, as the use was in all the Sessions, and then they said aloud, Adsumus Domine, etc. Sancte Spiritus, etc. Which the Precedent spoke with an high voice, in the name of all. The Litany being sung, the Gospel was read by the Deacon, Si peccaverit in te frater tu●s, etc. And lastly the hymn, Veni Creator spiritus, being sung, and all sat down in their places, the Cardinal of Monte pronunced the Decree, with interrogatory words; reading, whether it pleased the Fathers, for the praise of God, extirpation of heresies, reformation of Church and people, depression of the enemies of Christ, to determine and declare that the holy Tridentine and General Council should begin, and be begun; whereunto all answered, first the Legates, than the Bishops, and other Fathers by the word Place●, He then added, whether in regard of the Feasts of the old and new year, it The decree for opening the Counsels and holden the next Session. pleased them that the next Session should be the seventh of january; and they answered likewise that it pleased them. This being done, Hercules Severallo, Speaker of the Council, desired the Notaries to make an instrument of all. The hymn, Te Deum laudamus, was sung, and the Father's putting off their Pontifical habits, and putting on their common, accompanied the Legates, the Cross going before. These ceremonies being used in the Sessions following, shall be repeated no more. Germany and Italy were very curious to know the first actions of this assembly, which was begun with so many difficulties, & the Prelates in Trent, and those of their family, were charged by their friends to advice them of it. Therefore immediately after the Session, a copy of the Legates admonition, and of the oration of Bitonto was sent into every place; which were quickly printed. Whereof that I may the better tell what was commonly spoken, it is necessary to relate briefly the contents of the Oration. It began with showing the necessity of the Council, because it is an hundred years since that of Florence, and because things of difficulty belonging to the Church, The contents of the oration, made by the Bishop of Ritonto. cannot well be handled but in it. For in them the Creeds have been made, heresies condemned, manners amended, Christian Nations united, armies sent to conquer the holy land, Kings and Emperors deposed, and schisms rooted out. And that for this cause the Poets introduce the Council of the Gods. And Moses writeth that they were conciliarie voices, the Decree to make man, and to confound the tongues of the Giants. That Religion hath three heads, Doctrine, the Sacraments, and Charity; and that all these three call for a Council. He declared the corruptions entered into them, for restauration of which, the Pope, by the favour of the Emperor, Kings of France, of the Romans, and of Portugal, and of Christian Princes, hath assembled the Synod, and sent his Legates. He made a long digression in commendation of the Pope, and another, not much shorter in praise of the Emperor; then he praised the three Legates, deriving their commendation from the name and surname of each of them; and added that the Council being assembled, all aught to meet in it, as in the Trojan horse. He invited the woods of Trent, to sound forth through the world, that all should submit themselves to that Council; which if they do not, it will be justly said, that the Pope's light is come into the world, and men have loved darkness better than the light. He lamented that the Emperor was not present, or, at the least Don Diego, who represented him. He congratulated the Cardinal Madruccio, that the Pope had assembled in his City the dispersed and wandering fathers. He turned to the Prelates, and said, that to open the gates of the Council, was to open the gates of Paradise from whence would descend living water to fill the earth with the knowledge of the Lord. He exhorted the fathers to amendment, and to open their hearts, as dry ground, to receive it; adding, that if they do it not, yet the holy Ghost will open their mouths, though their minds be possessed with an evil spirit, as he did the mouths of Caiphas and Balaam, lest, if the Council should err, the Church should err also. He exhorted them to lay aside all passion, that they may truly say, It seemed good to the holy Ghost and to us. He invited Greece, France, Spain, Italy, and all Christian Nations to the Marriage. In fine, he turned himself to Christ, praying him, by the intercession of Saint Vigilius, (the turelarie Saint of the valley of Trent) to assist that Council. The Legates admonition was accounted pious, Christian, modest, and The censure of the oration. worthy of Cardinals, but the Sermon of the Bishop was judged fare otherwise. His vanity and ostentation of Eloquence was noted by all. But men of understanding compared, as an holy sentence to a wicked, those ingenious and most true words of the Legates, that without a good inward acknowledgement, the holy Ghost would in vain be called on, with the saying of the Bishop quite contrary, that, without that, their mouth should be opened by the holy Ghost, though their heart remained replenished with a wicked spirit. It was thought arrogancy to affirm, that, in case those few Prelates erred all the Church would err; as if other Counsels of seven hundred Bishops had not erred, and the Church refused their doctrine. Others added that this was not conformable to the doctrine of the Romanists, who grant not infallibility but to the Pope, and to the Council by virtue of the Pope's confirmation. But to compare the Council to the Trojan horse, an insidious invention, was noted of folly, and reprehended for irreverence. To have retorted the words of the Scripture, that Christ and his doctrine, the light of the Father is come into the world, and men have preferred darkness before the light, making the Council and doctrine thereof, to be the Pope's light, appeared to the world, which if it were not received, it should be said, men have loved darkness more than light, was esteemed a blasphemy, and it was wished that at the least he had not taken the formal words of the holy Scripture, that he might not have showed so openly to have disesteemed it. But in Trent, the beginning being made, neither the Prelates, not Legates The Legates not knowing how to proceed, writ to Rome. themselves knew what should be handled, nor what order observed. Therefore the Legates wrote to Rome a letter, worthy to be repeated at large, to give an account of what was done before. First they said they be appointed the next session the day after the Epiphanie, as a term which could not be taxed neither of too long delay, nor too much brevity, that in the mean time they might be advised how to govern themselves in the other sessions, wherein they desire to have light; and because they might every hour be interrogated of diverse things, for which they could not have space to advice and expect an answer, they desired that as particular an instruction, as was possible, should be sent them. Above all they desired advertisement concerning the manner and form to proceed, to propose, to resolve, and what matter should be handled. They demanded especially if the cause of heresies should be the first, or should be treated of in general, or in particular, condemning the false doctrine, or the persons of the principal heretics, or the one and the other together: if the Prelates propose an Article of reformation, where at all seem to aim, whether it should be handled together with the Article of Religion, or before or after: if the Council ought to intimate its beginning to all people and nations, inviting the Prelates and Princes, and exhorting the faithful to pray God for it; or if his Holiness will do it himself; when there shall be occasion to write some letter, missive or responsive, what form is to be used and what Seal; likewise what form is to be used in the extension of 〈◊〉 ●re●s if they should take notice of the Colloquy and Diet which will be held in Germany, or dissemble it, if they shall proceed slowly or swiftly, as well in determining the sessions●, as in proposing the matters. They informed that some Prelates thought fit to proceeded by nations; which they held to be seditious; that it would make the Prelates of every one ●oonutin, and that the greater number of Italians, who are most faithful to the Sea of Rome, would help nothing, when the suffrage of them altogether would be of equal value with the suffrage of a few French men, or Spaniards, or Dutchmen. They sent advice also 〈◊〉 it was perceived that some had a design to dispute of the authority of the Council, and Pope; a thing dangerous to raise a schism amongst the Catholics themselves; and that in the congregation of the 12. all the Prelates jointly and earnestly desired to see the commission of their faculty, which they were constrained artificially to avoid, not knowing as yet how their presidency ought to be understood and how fare his Holiness would have it extended. They demanded also that order might be taken for the roads, that every day and hour they might send and receive advice, as occasion served; they desired some order about the precedency of Ambassadors of the Princes, and provision of money, in regard those 2000 crowns, sent them a little before were spent upon some poor Bishops. The Prelates were earnest that the work might begin; wherefore the Legates to give them some satisfaction, and to show they were not idle, called a congregation the 18. day, without proposing any thing but the manner of living, and conversing, and governing their families. Much was said against the use brought in, especially in Rome, to wear the habit of a Prelate in the ceremony only, and at other times of a secular. Sumptuous apparel, as also base and sordid, were equally reprehended: and much was said of the age of their servants, but all was referred to be resolved in another congregation, which was held the two and twentieth, and was wholly spent in discoursing upon such ceremonies, concluding that a good reformation of the mind was principally necessary: wherefore aiming at the seemliness which belongeth to their degree, and edification of the people, every one will see what he hath to redress in himself, and his family. The Pope, understanding the Council was begun, deputed a congregation of Cardinals and Courtiers to superintend, and advice concerning the affairs of Trent. Consulting with these, he resolved that things were not as yet ripe enough to see clearly what matters were to be handled, and in what order. He caused an answer to be sent to the Legates that it beseemed The Pope's answer. not the Synod to invite either Princes or Prelates, and least of all to desire any one to assist them with prayers, because this he had sufficiently done himself by the Bull of the jubilee, and that by the Letters for the convocation of the Council: that they ought not to think that the Synod should write to any, the Legates having power to supply that, by their own letters written in all their names. Concerning the extension of the Decrees, the title ought to be. The most holy Ecumenical and general Synod of Trent, the Apostolical Legates being Precedents. But for the form of giving voices, that their reasons were very good not to do it by nations; the rather because it was never used in ancient times, but was introduced by the Council of Constance, and followed by that of Basill; which are not to be imitated. But the form used in the last Later as Council being the best and most decent, they should follow that, by which late example, which succeeded well, they might stop the mouth of whosoever proposed any to the contrary. And concerning the condemnation of the heretics, & matters to be handled, & other things demanded by them, order should be given in time convenient: in the mean space they should spend the time inpreambulary things, according to the custom of other Counsels. That they should maintain their presidency with that comeliness that beseemeth the Legates of the Apostolic Sea, yet so as that they may give satisfaction unto all; but, above all, should use diligence that the Prelates should not exceed the bounds of honest liberty, and reverence towards the Apostolic Sea. It was a matter of greater importance to assist the Prelates that they might be able to maintain themselves. Therefore he sent a Brief, by which he exempted all the Prelates of the Council from payment of Tenths, and granted them the participation of all fruits, as well in absence as presence: he sent also two thousand crowns to help the needy Bishops, giving order they should not care to have it published; because, in case it were known, it could not be expounded but for a loving courtesy of the head of the Council. This place requireth, by reason of that which hath been, and will be spoken The manner of giving voices in the Council in all ages. in diverse occasions, about the manner of speaking their opinions in the Council called, Giving of voices, that it should be declared, what the custom was of old, & how this, which is used in these times, came first up. The assembling of a whole Church, to handle in the Name of God the occurrences of doctrine and discipline, is a thing most profitable, used by the holy Apostles in the choice of Mathias, and the seven Deacons: and the Diocesan Counsels are much like to this. But of the meeting of Christians from many remote places to consult together, there is a famous example in the Acts of the Apostles, when Paul and Barnabas, with others of Syria, met the Apostles and other disciples in jerusalem, who were assembled about the question of keeping the Law. And though it may be said that it was a recourse of the new Churches of the Gentiles, unto the old mother Church, from whence their faith was derived, a custom much used in those first ages, & often rehearsed by Irenie and Tertullian, & though the letter were written by the Apostles, Elders, & brethren of jerusalem only, yet in regard that not they only, but Paul & Barnabas also did speak, it may well be called a Council; by example whereof the succeeding Bishops thought all Christian Churches to be but one, and likewise all Bishoprickes to be but only one, so framed, that every Bishop held a part thereof, not as his own, but so, as that all aught to govern the whole, and every one to employ himself most in that which was particularly recommended to him; as S. Cyprian, in his little golden book of the unity of the Church, doth piously demonstrate. In case of necessity of any particular Church, though the persecutions sometimes waxed warm, as many as could assembled themselves, to make provision in common. In which assemblies CHRIST and the holy Ghost being precedent, and charity chase away all humane passion, they advised and resolved of what was fit, without ceremonies or forms prescribed. But after a certain time, passions of men and charity being mingled together, and there being a necessity to govern them with some order, the chiefest man amongst those that were assembled in Council, either for learning, or for greatness of the City or Church whereof he was, or for some other respect of eminency, took upon him the charge to propose and guide the action, and collect the voices. But after that it pleased God to give peace to the Christians, and that the Roman Emperors received the holy faith, there happening more difficulties in doctrine and discipline which, by reason of the ambition or other bad affections of those that had followers and credit, troubled the public quiet another sort of Episcopal assemblies had beginning, congregated by Princes or their Lieutenants, to remedy the troubles. In these the action was guided by those Princes or Magistrates which did call them together, who also were personally present, proposing and governing the treaty, and decreeing interlocutorily, the occurring differences, but leaving the decision of the principal point, for which the Council was congregated, to the common opinion of the assembly. This form appeareth in the Counsels, whose acts do remain. The Colloquy of Catholics and Donatists before Marcellinus and many others may serve for example. But to speak only of general Counsels, this was done in the first Council of Ephesus before the Earl Candidianus, sent Precedent by the Emperor; and more clearly in that of Chalcedon before Martianus and the judges by him appointed, in that of Constantinople in Trullo before Constantine surnamed Poganatus, where the Prince or Magistrate that was Precedent, commanded what should be handled, what order observed, who should speak, and who be silent, and did decide and accommodate the differences in these things. And in the other general Council, the acts whereof are not extant, as of the first of Nice, and the second of Constantinople, the historians of that Age do witness, that Constantine and Theodofius did the like. Yet in those times, when the Bishops themselves did assemble of their own accord and others meddled not, the action was governed as hath been said, by one of them, and the resolution taken according to the common consent. Sometimes the matter was so easy, that it was dispatched in one meeting. Sometimes, by reason of the difficulty or multiplicity thereof, it was necessary to reiterate the business, whence proceeded the many Sessions in the same Council. Not one of them was about ceremony, or only to publish what was digested elsewhere, but to understand the opinion of every one, and the colloquies, discussions, disputes, and whatsoever was done or spoken, were called the acts of the Council. It is a new opinion, and seldom practised, though established in Trent, that the Decrees only are called Acts of the Council, and ought only to be published; but in the ancient Counsels all was given unto all. Notaries were present to collect the voices, who, when a Bishop spoke and was not contradicted, wrote not his proper name, but thus, The Holy Synod saith. And when many said the same thing, it was written, The Bishops acclaymed, or affirmed, and the things so spoken were taken for decisions; if they spoke in a contrary sense, the contrary opinions were noted, and the names of the authors, and the judges or Precedents did pronounce. Sometimes some impertinency did undoubtedly happen by reason of some man's imperfection; but charity, which excuseth the defects of one's brother, did cover it. A greater number of the Province, where the Council was held, and of the borders was present; but without emulation, every one rather desiring to obey, then to give a law unto others. After the Eastern and Western Empires were separated, there remained still in the West some mark of the ancient Counsels, and many were celebrated in Counsels governed by Princes. France, and Germany, under the posterity of Charles the Great, and not a few in Spain, under the Kings of the Goths. At last, Princes being absolutely debarred to intermeddle in Ecclesiastical matters, that kind of Council grew in disuse, 1546 PAUL 3. CHARLES 5.— HENRY 8. FRANCIS 1. & that alone remained which was called by the Eccleisastics themselves; the convocation of which Provincial Counsels was almost wholly assumed by the Pope, by sending his Legates to be Precedents, wheresoever he heard there was a treaty to hold a Council. And after a certain time he took that power to himself which the Roman Emperors used, to convocate a Council of the whole Empire, and to be Precedent himself, if he were present, or, in his absence, to send Legates to be Precedents; and to govern the action. But the Prelates, assembled in the Synod, being delivered from the fear of a Secular Prince, which kept them in awe, as worldly respects, the causes of all mischiefs, did exceedingly increase, which caused also the multiplying of many indecencies, they began to digest and order the matters in private, that they might observe a decency in the public meeting. Afterwards this was observed for a form, and in the Counsels, besides the Sessions, they began to make Congregations of some Deputies, to set in order the matters to be treated of, which in the beginning, if they were many, were divided, and a proper Congregation assigned to every one. And this being not sufficient to remove all the indecencies, because those that were not present, having different interests, made difficulties in public, besides the particular Congregation, they made a general before the Session, where all were present; which according to the ancient rite, is the Conciliarie action, because the Session, every thing being done before, remaineth but a pure ceremony. But a little more than one Age being past, private interests caused a contention to arise amongst the Bishops of diverse Nations. Whereupon those that were remote being few, and not willing to be overcome by the borderers, who were more in number, to make the balance equal, it was necessary that every Nation should assemble by itself, and resolve according to the number of voices, and that the general decision should be established, not by the suffrages of particular men, but by the plurality of the voices of the Nations. So it was observed in the Counsels of Constance, and Basil: which use as it was good where the government was free, as it was when the world had no Pope, so it ill befitted Why the Romanists made so great a matter of the form of proceeding. Trent, where they desired a Council subject unto him. And this was the reason, why the Legates at Trent, and the Court of Rome, made so great a matter of the form of proceeding, and of the quality and authority of the presidency. But the answer being come from Rome, they called the Congregation the fifth of january 1546. where the Cardinal of Monte having saluted and blessed 1546 them all in the Pope's name, caused the said Brief of exemption from payment of tenths to be read. The three Legates made as it were three encomiasticall Orations, one after another, declaring the Pope's good affection towards the Fathers. But some Spaniards said that this favour of the Pope brought greater damage than benefit, because the accepting of it implied a confession that the Pope might lay burdens upon other Churches, and that the Council had not authority to hinder him, nor to exempt those who by right were not to be included. The Legates were not only displeased at this, but returned also some biting terms. Some of the Prelates demanded that the grace might be extended to those of their families also, and to as many as were present in the Council. The Generals of the religious Orders demanded likewise the same exemption, alleging the charge of the Monasteries for the Friars which they brought to the Council. Catalanus Triultius, Bishop of Piacenza, who arrived two days before, related publicly that he was rifled as he passed near to Mirandula, and desired an order should be made in the Council against those that hindered or molested the Prelates, or others that went to the Council. The Legates, joining this propose with the foresaid pretence of exemption, considering of what importance it might be, if the Council should meddle in such a business, making Edicts for their own exaltation, and that this was to touch the secrets of the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy, put it aside with much dexterity, alleging it would seem strange to the world, and too great a desire of revenge, offering to labour with the Pope, that he would provide for the security of their persons, and have consideration of the families of the Prelates, and of the Friars. And so they appeased all. And going on to the Conciliary actions, the Cardinal of Monte related what form was observed in the last Laterane Council, where himself was present, as Archbishop of Siponto. He said, that treating then of the French Pragmatique, of the schism against julius 2. and of the war between Christian Princes, three deputations of Prelates were made for those matters, that each Congregation being employed in one only, it might better digest it; that the Decrees being framed, a general Congregation was called, where every one spoke his opinion, and that by those the resolutions were better reform, so that all things passed in the Session with great concord and comeliness; that the business to be handled by them was more various, the Lutherans having moved every stone, to overthrew the building of Card. Monte prescribeth an order for discussing matters in Council. faith; therefore that it will be necessary to divide the matters, and for every one to ordain a particular Congregation to dispute it, to cause the Deputies to frame the Decrees which are to be proposed in the general Congregation, where every one shall deliver his opinion: which that it might be absolutely free, themselves the Legates did resolve to be proposers only, and not to give their suffrage but in the Session. That all should bethink themselves what was necessary to be handled, that some beginning might be made in the Session which approached. They proposed then, whether they were pleased that a Decree already A great difference about the title of the Council. framed, concerning Christian conversation while the Council lasted in Trent should be published in the Session. Which being read with the title, The most holy, as the commandment from Rome was, the French men desired this addition, Representing the Church Universal: which opinion many Bishops did follow with a joint consent. But the Legates considering that that title was used only in the Council of Constance and Basil, and that to imitate them, was to renew their memory, and to give them some authority, and to open a gap to the difficulties which then troubled the Church of Rome; and which imported more, considering that after they had said (Representing the Church Universal) some also might think to add the words following, that is, which hath power immediately from CHRIST whereunto every one, though of Papal dignity, is bound to obey, they opposed strongly, and (as they wrote to Rome in plain terms) they whetted themselves against it, without declaring to the fathers the true causes, but only saying they were frothy and invidious words, and that the heretics would have made a bad interpretation of them. And they all so laboured, without discovering the secret, first by art, then by saying plainly they would not permit it, that they appeased the general commotion, though the French men and some few more remained firm in their proposition. And john de Salazzar, Bishop of Lanciano, a Spaniard by Nation, assisted the Legates very much, who having commended in ample terms the first Counsels of the Church, for antiquity and sanctity of those that assisted, he desired they should be imitated in the title used by them, which was very plain, without expressing representation, or what, or how great authority the Council had. But he pleased them not, when he said, that, by their example the name of Precedents ought to be laid aside, because it was never used by any ancient Council, but begun only by that of Constance, which The name of Precedents was never used in Council before the Council of Constance. by reason of schism, changed Precedents often: adding, that if that example were to be followed, it would also be necessary to nominate the Emperor's Ambassador. For then the King of the Romans was named, and the Princes with him. But this pride was fare remote from Christian humility: and he repeated the discourse of the Cardinal Santa Croce, which he made the twelfth of December, by which also he concluded, that they should desist to make mention of presidency. This proposition troubled the Legates more than the former; yet the Cardinal Monte suddenly answered, that Counsels have spoken diversely, according to the occurrences of the times: that formerly the Pope hath always been acknowledged, for head of the Church, nor ever any Council hath been demanded, with condition it should not depend on the Pope, as the Duchmen now do with great boldness; unto which heretical temereity it was fit to resist in every action, showing they were joined with the head, which is the Pope, by making mentions of his Legates. He spoke much in this matter, and knowing he could better maintain it by diversion, than persuasions, he was a means they should pass to another thing. The contents of the Decree was approved by all; but there being one particle in it, in which every one was exhorted to pray to God for the Pope, Emperor, and Kings, the French Prelates desired there should special mention be made of the French King. This the Cardinal Santa Croce commended, but added, that the like specification would be expected by all in their place, which would prove a long business, and full of danger, by reason of precedency. The French men replied, that in the Bull of the convocation, the Pope had made mention only of the Emperor and French King; and therefore by that example they should name them both, or neither. The Legates took time to think of it, being desirous to give every one satisfaction. The seventh of january all the Prelates, clad in their ordinary habit, assembled The session january 7. themselves in the house of the prime Legate, from whence they went to the Cathedral Church with the cross before them. Out of the Country of Trent were collected into the City three hundred foot, armed partly with pikes, and partly with harquebusses, and some horse. These put themselves in file on either side the way, from the house of the Church; where the Legates and Prelates being entered, the Soldiers returned to the market place, and discharged their harquebusses, and remained there to guard the Session. Besides the Legates and Cardinal of Trent, there were present four Archbishops, twenty eight Bishops, three Abbats of the congregation of Cassina, and four generals, who sat in the place of the Session. These forty three persons made the general Council. Of the Archbishops, two were titular only, never seen in the Churches, from which they had their name, which the Pope gave them, only to do them honour; the one was Olaus Magnus, Archbishop of Vpsala in Gothland, the other Robert Venante, a Scottish-man, Archbishop of Armagh in Ireland; who, though he were purblind, was commended for his virtue, to ride post the best in the world. These two men, having been relieved certain years in Rome, by the Pope's alms, were sent to Trent to increase the number, and to depend on the Legates. About the number of twenty Divines stood on their feet; the Ambassador of the King of the Romans, and the Proctor of the Cardinal of Ausburg were present, and sat upon the Ambassador's bench, and near unto them, upon the same bench, sat ten Gentlemen, chosen out of the bordering places by the Cardinal of Trent. john Fonseca, Bishop of Castelamare said Mass, and Coriolanus Martiranus, Bishop of S. Mark, made the Sermon. When the Mass was ended, the Prelates put on their Pontifical habits, and then the Litany and Prayers were said, as in the first Session. After this all sat down, and the Bishop that said Mass, mounting into the Pulpit, read the forenamed Bull, against admitting to give voice the Proctors of those that were absent, without mentioning the other, where those of Germany were excepted. Then he read the Decree, in which the Synod exhorted all the faithful assembled in Trent, to live in the fear of God, and daily to pray for the peace of Princes, and unity of the Church, and those of the Council to say Mass, at the least on Sundays, and to pray for the Pope, Emperor, Kings, and Princes, and all to fast, give alms, to be sober, and to instruct their families. It exhorted also all men, especially the learned, to bethink themselves exactly how to resist heresies, and in the assemblies to use modesty in speaking. And it ordained beside, that if any sat not in their place, or gave not voice, or was not present in their congregations, he should not receive any prejudice, or gain any new right. The father's being interrogated, after this was read, they answered, it pleased them. But the French men added, that they approved not so bare a title, and required an addition of Representing the universal Church. In fine, the next session was appointed the fourth of February, and the fathers had leave to departed; who putting off their Pontifical habits, did, in their ordinary apparel, accompany the Legates home in the same order they came to Church; which was observed in all the sessions afterward. After the session there was no congregation held until the thirteenth of january, because Peter Pacceco, Bishop of jahen, lately created Cardinal, who expected the hat from Rome, without which the ceremony gave him not leave to go abroad, had a desire to be there, because order was to be taken therein, that no inconveniences should happen in the session. The congregation being assembled, the Legates complained of those, who in the session had opposed the title; they shown it was not seemly to cause diversity of opinions to appear in that public place; that the congregations were made that every one might deliver his mind more privately, and all agree in that which was to be published; that nothing would more daunt the heretics, and encourage the Catholics, than the fame of union. They descended to the matter of the title, and said, that none was more fit than that which the Pope had given in the Convocation, and in so many other Bulls, where it was called, Ecumenical and universal; unto which it was superfluous to add (representation) in regard whole books declare what a Council lawfully called, and begun, is, and doth represent; that by doing otherwise they should seem to make doubt of the authority thereof, and resemble it to some other Council, unto which they gave that title, being willing to supply with words the lawful authority which they knew it wanted, glancing at that of Basil and Constance, but to make a firm resolution they would have every one deliver his opinion. The Cardinal Pacceco began to say, the Council was adorned with very many titles, which if they were used in all occasions, the expression of them would be greater than the body of the Decree. But as a great Emperor A dispute about the title of the Council. possessor of many kingdoms and states, useth in his Edicts the title only from whence they have force, and often putteth his own name to them without any title at all, so this Council, according to the Subjects that shall be handled, aught to use many titles to express its authority; but now that they are in the preparatories, there is no necessity to use any of them at all. The Bishop of Feltre put them in mind, that the Protestants desired a Council where themselves might have a decisive voice, so that if this title be given to the Council, that it representeth the Church universal, they will draw an argument from hence, that some of every order of the universal Church ought to be present. These being two, the Clergy and the Laity, it cannot be entirely represented, if the Laity be excluded. But for the rest, those also of the Council who assented to the simple title, were of opinion that it ought to be supplied. The Bishop of Saint Mark said that the Laikes are most improperly called the Church. For the Canons determine that they have no authority to command, but necessity to obey, and that this is one of the things which the Council ought to decree, that the Seculars ought humbly to receive that doctrine of faith which is given them by the Church, without disputing or thinking further on it; and therefore that it is very meet to use the title, that the Synod representeth the Church universal, to make them understand that they are not the Church, but aught to hearken to, and obey the Church. Many things were spoken and they went on without any firm conclusion but only that the simple title should be used in the next session, as it was in the last. When this was ended, because certain Prelates desired, that at the last they might come to matters substantial, the Legates, to give them satisfaction, proposed that they should consider of the three heads contained in the Pope's Bulls; that is, the extirpation of heresies, reformation of discipline, and establishing of peace; how they should begin these treaties, what course they should hold, and how proceed; that they should pray God to illuminate them all, and every one should speak his opinion in the first congregation. In the end some commissions from absent Bishops were presented; and the Archbishop of Aix, the Bishops of Feltre and Astorga were deputed to consider of their excuse, and relate in the Congregation. The next day the Legates wrote to Rome, that it appeared that the amplification of the title, with addition of Representing the Church Universal, was a thing so popular and so pleased all, that it might easily be spoken of again: and therefore they desired to know his Holiness pleasure if they should persist in denying it, or yield unto them, especially upon occasion of making some Decree of importance, as to condemn heresies, or the like. They gave advice also, that they had made the proposition for the next Congregation so general, that they might yield to the desire of the Prelates, which was to enter into the substantial points, and yet interpose time that they might receive instruction from his Holiness. They added that the Cardinal Pacceco had advice, that the Emperor had given order to many Spanish Bishops, men of exemplary lives, and learning, to go to the Council. Therefore they thought it necessary, that his Holiness should send ten or twelve Prelates, whom he might trust, men fit to appear for their other qualities, that the number of the Oltramontans increasing, especially men rare, of exemplaritie The Legates desire to make their party strong. and learning, they might in some part be encountered. For amongst those that until then were in Trent, those that had good minds had little learning, and less discretion; and those that had understanding, were discovered to have deseignes, and hard to be governed. In the next Congregation, assembled the eighteenth, to understand the The Imperialists desire to begin with reformation. minds of all, concerning the Propositions made in the last, the opinions were four. The Imperialists said, that the points of doctrine could not be touched, with hope of any fruit, because it was first necessary to remove the transgressions, from whence the heresies arose, by a good reformation, enlarging themselves very much in this field, and concluding that so long as the scandal which the World receiveth, by the deformation of the Clergy, ceaseth not, nothing that they can say or preach will ever be believed, all being persuaded that deeds ought to be regarded, and not words. And that they ought not to take example by the ancient Counsels, because in them either there was not corruption of manners, or that was not cause of heresy; and in fine, that to defer the treaty of reformation, was to show themselves incorrigible. Some few others thought fit to begin with doctrine, and then to pass to reformation, alleging that faith is the ground and foundation of Christian life; that no man gins to build from the roof, but from the foundations; that it is a greater sin to err in faith then in other humane actions; and that the point of rooting out heresies was put first in the Pope's Bulls. A third opinion was, that the points of reformation and faith might ill be separated, because there was no doctrine without abuse, nor abuse which drawed not after it the bad interpretation and bad sense of some doctrine. Therefore it was necessary to handle them at the same time, for that the world having their eyes fixed upon this Council, and expecting a remedy as well in matters of faith as manners, it would be satisfied better by handling them both together, than one after another: especially if according to the proposition of the Cardinal of Monte, diverse deputations were made, and one handled this matter, and the other that, which should be done quickly, considering that the time present, when Christendom had peace, was precious, and not to be lost, not knowing what impediments the time to come might bring. And the rather, because they should study to make the Council as short as they could, that the Churches the less while might remain deprived of their Pastors, and for many other respects, intimating that which might arise in length of time, to the distaste of the Pope and Court of Rome. Some others, among whom were the French men, demanded, that that of the peace might be the first: that they should write unto the Emperor, the most Christian King, and other Princes, giving them thankes for the convocation of the Council, for continuance whereof that they would establish peace, and help the work forward, by sending their Ambassadors and Prelates; and likewise should write friendly to the Lutherans, inviting them charitably to come to the Council, and join themselves with the rest of Christendom. The Legates, understanding the opinions of them all, and commending their wisdom, said, that because it was late, and the consultation of weight, and the opinions various, they would think of what every one had said, and, in the first Congregation, propose the points to be determined. Order was taken that there should be two Congregations every week, Two Congregations every week, without intimation. on Monday and Friday, without warning: and in the end the Archbishop of Aix, having received letters from the most Christian King, saluted the Synod in his Name, and promised that his Majesty would suddenly send an Ambassador, and many Prelates of his Kingdom; and so the Congregation ended. The Legates sent advice of all to Rome, and wrote that they had drawn in length the resolution of the things that were handled, under the pretences before related, but in truth to gain more time, that they might receive instructions and orders how to govern themselves; beseeching his Holiness again to make his will known, and to consider above all, that to prolong the Council, and hold it open, when he might make it short, was not good for the Apostolic Sea: adding that they were constrained to hold two Congregations every week, to keep the Prelates in exercise, and to take occasion from them to make them by themselves. But they said that this would draw on the business very fast, and therefore that it was necessary to take some course to resolve their proposes quickly, and not to defer to answer them, as hitherto hath been done, but to advice them what they ought to do presently, and to foresee, as much as might be, what could happen. And seeing they had written oftentimes, that many poor Bishops came to the Council, for the hope and good promises which his holiness and Cardinal Farnese had given them, they then repeated it, adding, it was an error to think to use them as homely in Trent, as in Rome, where, having no authority, they are humble and in subjection; but when they are in the Council, they think they should be esteemed and maintained, which if it be not done, it were better not to have them in that place, then to have them there ill satisfied, and distasted; concluding that that enterprise could not succeed Well, without diligence and cost. It may generally seem strange, that the Pope, a wise man, and skilful in the affairs of the world, should not give answer unto two particulars, of such importance and necessity, in so long a time, after so many instances of his ministers. But his holiness grounded not his hopes upon the Council; all his cogitations were turned toward the war, which the Cardinal Farnese The Pope is more intent upon the war against the Protestants, then upon the Council. treated with the Emperor the year before, and could not forbear to make demonstration thereof: neither did the Emperor desire the Council should proceed, it being sufficient for his ends that it was opened only. But the Prelates, who desired to begin with reformation, and leave the doctrine behind, assisted by the Emperor's Ministers, assayed to draw the others A controversy how to begin, whether with reformation or doctrine, or with both together. to them: which thing being very easy, because the reformation was generally desired, and not much believed, their number grew so great, that the Legates were confounded. Therefore by themselves and their friends they often dealt privately with diverse, and lastly, in the congregation of the 22. day, all three one after another set themselves to ruin the foundations which were laid in favour of the reformation. One reason, drawn from the Emperor's proposition in the Diet of Worms the last May, made a great impression, when he said they ought to expect what the Council would do in the definitions of doctrine, and in the reformation; and, that if nothing were done, he would intimate another Diet, to accommodate the differences of religion, and correct the abuses: arguing from hence, that if they handled not the points of doctrine, the determinations of the future Colloquy and Diet would be canonised; neither could they with reason hinder them to treat of religion in Germany, which themselves refused to do in the Council. There was a great rich Prelate in the congregation, who, with a premeditated speech, went about to show, that they ought only to aim at the reformation, aggravating much the common deformation of the whole Clergy, and inculcating, that so long as our vessels were not cleansed, the holy Ghost would not dwell in them, and by consequence, that no right judgement could be expected in matters of faith. But the Cardinal Santa Croce taking from hence occasion to speak, said, that there was no reason to defer the reformation of themselves, who were to manage the Council, but that was easy and ready, and might suddenly be executed, without delaying the points of doctrine, which were intricate of themselves, and of long digestion. He much commended that prelate for making mention of a thing so holy, and of so good example: for beginning from themselves, they might easily reform all the rest of the world; and he earnestly exhorted all to come to the practice thereof. This opinion was much commended by all, but not followed; for many soid, the reformation ought to be general, without losing time in that particular. Therefore they all concluded, except two, that the Articles of Religion and reformation should be handled together, as they are alike desired, and deemed necessary by the whole world, and jointly proposed in the Pope's Bulls. The Legates were content with this resolution, though they rather desired to treat of faith, and leave the reformation. But so great was their fear that they should be constrained to handle reformation alone, that they thought it A resolution made to handle doctrine and reformation together. a great victory to join them together. And they thought also that their opinion to leave the reformation was dangerous, because they should resist all the Prelates and States of Christendom, who desired it, which they could not do without much scandal, and infamy. If this course which they took, being constrained thereunto by mere necessity, should not please those at Rome, they could not complain of any but themselves, who were so often solicited to answer the letters, and send necessary instructions. Afterwards it was resolved to write to the Pope to thank him for calling and opening the Council, and to desire him to maintain and favour it, and to be a means unto Christian Princes to continue peace among themselves, and excite them to send Ambassadors to the Council. They resolved also to write to the Emperor, the French King, Kings of the Romans, of Portugal, and other Catholic Princes, to preserve peace, to send Ambassadors, secure the ways, to move their Prelates to appear personally in the Council. The care of writing these letters was committed to the Bishop of Saint Mark, and were to be read and sealed in the next congregation. The Legates published two points to be considered of by the Fathers, whereof they were to give their voices. The first, whether in the next session the heads of faith, and those of reformation which were correspondent, should be handled together. The second how to proceed in making choice of the two heads, and in handling and examining them. The Legates thought they had by these propositions disburdened themselves of the importunate quest made by some, to establish some substantial point in every congregation, and withal to have showed that they held the Prelates in esteem. The next congregation was spent in reading many letters, and disputing A Congregation. what Seal to use. Some proposed they should be sealed in lead, with a Bull proper to the Synod, in which some would have on the one side the image of the holy ghost in the form of a Dove, and the name of the Synod on the other, and some desired other forms, all which were glorious. But the Legates, who had another order from Rome, suffering the fathers to dispute hereon, diverted the proposition by saying it savoured of pride, and protracted the time, because they must send to Venice to make the form of it, in regard no Artisan in Trent was able to do it; adding that it might be better thought of afterwards, and that it was necessary to dispatch the letters now, which might be done by the name and seal of the Prime Legat. That which remained was put off until the next Congregation. In the which, the two points before proposed were discussed, and concerning A Congregation. the first, there were two opinions. One that the Decree should be framed and published: the other that it was not good to tie themselves with a Decree, but to keep their liberty, and resolve as occasion should serve. They took a middle course; to make mention only that the Synod was principally assembled for these two causes, without going any further. But for the second point the mayor part were of opinion, that they being assembled to condemn the Lutheran heresy, they should follow the order of their confession; which others contradicted, because it was an imitation of the Colloquies in Germany, which would debase the dignity of the Council. And the two first heads of the Augustan confession being of the Trinity, and incarnation, in which there was no substantial difference, though they were expressed after a new manner, and unusual in the Schools, if they should be approved, reputation would be given them, and they could not so well condemn the rest; and in case they would neither approve nor condemn them, and speak of them not with the terms of that confession, but of the Schools or others, there was danger to raise new disputes and new schisms. The Legates, who aimed at nothing but to drive out the time, were glad to hear the difficulties, and did carefully cherish them, sometimes encouraging one; and sometimes another. The time prefixed for the session approaching, the Legates, having received The Legates were perplexed for want of instruction. no instruction from Rome, were much perplexed. For to pass that session, as the former, in ceremonies only, was to lose all reputation; and to handle any matter was dangerous, because they had not their mark prefixed whereat to aim. That which seemed to have least peril, was to frame a decree upon the resolution taken in the congregation, to handle the points of faith and reformation together: whereunto opposition was made, that it was to bind themselves, and to determine that in the congregation, which was undecided by the Pope. In this ambiguity it was proposed that they should make a delatory decree, under pretence that many Prelates were in their journey, and would shortly come thither. Cardinal Poole told them, that in regard a confession of faith hath been made in all the ancient Cauncels, the same should be done in that session, publishing that of the Church of Rome. At the last it was resolved to make the Decree with a simple title, and to make mention therein that they ought to treat of religion, and reformation; but in such general terms, that the Creed might be recited, and passed over, making another Decree to defer the material points until another session, alleging for a reason that some Prelates were ready to set forward, and some in their journey already: and to prolong the term of the next session as long as they could, for fear of being brought into the like straits: yet so as not to put it off until after Easter. When this was framed, they imparted it to the Prelates they trusted most, amongst whom the Bishop of Bitonto put to their consideration, that to make a session to establish a Creed, made 1200. years before, and continually believed, and now absolutely accepted by all, might be laughed at by those that were envious, and ill expounded by others. That they cannot say they follow the Father's example in this: because they have either made aconfession against the heresies they did condemn, or repeated the former made against the heresies already condemned, to give them greater authority, adding some thing for declaration, or to reduce it into memory, or to secure it against oblivion. But now neither a new confession was composed, nor a declaration adjoined. To give them more authority belonged not to them, nor to that age. To recall it into memory, in regard it was repeated every week in all Churches, and was in the fresh memory of every one, was a thing superfluous, and affected. That the heretics ought to be convinced by the confession, was true of those who erred against it: but it was not so of the Lutherans, who believed it as the Catholics. If when this preparation shall be made, the confession be never used to this purpose, it will be thought to be done to no other end then to entertain the time, and to sprinkle Court-holy-water, not daring to touch the points of doctrine, nor being willing to meddle with the reformation. He thought it better to interpose delay, in regard of the expectation of the Prelates, and so to end the Session. The Bishop of Chioza added, that the reasons alleged might serve the heretics turns, by saying, that if the confession can serve to convert infidels, overcome the heretics, and confirm the faithful, they could not enforce them to believe any thing beside. The Legate judged not these reasons to be so strong as the contrary, that not to make a Decree was loss of reputation. Therefore they resolved on that side, and fitted some words better, according to the advertisements of the Prelates, and proposed the Decree in the Congregation of the first of February. Of this many things were said; and though it was approved by the mayor part, yet in the end of the congregation it gave distaste, and some of the Prelates said, reasoning among themselves, it will be said, that by a work of twenty years time, it hath been concluded, that we should be brought to hear the Creed repeated. The fourth day, destinated for the Session, they went to Church with The Session. the same ceremonies and company; in which Peter Tragliania, Archbishop of Palermo, sang Mass, Ambrose Catarin of Sienna, a Dominican Friar, Archbishop of Torre, read the Decree: the substance whereof was, that the Synod, The Decree is read. considering the importance of the two points to be treated of, that is, the extirpation of heresies, and reformation of manners, exhorteth all to trust in God, and arm themselves with spiritual weapons, and that their diligence may have both beginning and progress from the grace of God, it determineth to begin from the confession of faith, imitating the examples of the Fathers, who in the principal Counsels, in the beginning of the actions, have opposed that buckler against the heresies, and sometimes have converted the infidels, & overcome the heretics with that alone; in which all that profess Christianity do agree. And here the whole was repeated word by word, without adding any other conclusion. And the Archbishop asked the Fathers, whether the Decree pleased them. All answered affirmatively, b 〈…〉 some with conditions and additions of no great moment, yet such as displeased the Cardinal of Monte; who liked not they should descend to particulars in the Sessions, fearing that when some matter of weight was to be The eighth of April is appointed for the next Session. treated of, some inconvenience might arise. Afterwards the other Decree was read, intimating the Session for the eighth of April, alleging for a cause of the delay, that many Prelates were in a readiness to come, and some were in the journey, and for that the deliberations of the Synod will be more esteemed when they shall be strengthened by the counsel and presence of of more Fathers; yet so as that they would not defer the discussion and examination of what seemed fit to be handled presently. The Court of Rome, who stood all amazed at the very name of reformation, was well pleased to hear that the Council entertained itself in preambles, hoping that time would bring forth some remedy. And the Courtiers that had intemperate tongues, exercised their gibing, publishing diverse bitter Pasquins, as then the custom was in all accidents, some commending Pasquins' made against the Session. the Prelates assembled in Trent, for making a most noble decree, worthy of a general Council, and some exhorting them to understand their own worth and knowledge. The Legates in giving the Pope an account of the Session held, sent also advice, that it would be hard to oppose, and overcome those who desired to finish The Legates give the Pope an account of the Session. the title, with the representation of the Church universal; yet they would endeavour to remove the difficulties. But that it was impossible to entertain the Prelates any more without coming to, and doing some essential matter; and therefore that they expected the order and instruction which they so often had demanded. That for their parts they thought it fit to handle those points of the holy Scripture, which were in controversy between them and the Lutherans, and the abuse brought into the Church in that matter; which things would much satisfy the world, and offend no man: and they would expect an answer for this, there being space enough to examine those matters, and many occasions to drive out the time until the beginning of Lent. But though the Council was then opened, and still celebrated, the affairs of Germany continued the same. In the beginning of the year the Elector The affairs of Germany continue the same, And the Palatine embraceth the reformed religion. Palatine brought in the use of the Chalice, the popular tongue in public prayers, the marriage of Priests, and other things which were reform before in other places. And those that were appointed by the Emperor to be present in the meeting, to find out a way to compose the differences of Religion, met together at a Colloquy in Ratisbon. The Emperor deputed for Precedents the Bishop of Eicstat, and the Conte of Furstemberg: but no good fruit grew thereof, by reason of the suspicions which one part conceived against the other, and because the Catholics omitted no occasions to give greater jealousies to the other side, and to feign them of their own, which finally made the Colloquy to dissolve. The fifteenth of February Martin Luther died also. These news being Martin Luther dieth sent to Trent and Rome, there was not so much grief for the change of Religion in the Palatinate, as joy that the Colloquy succeeded not well, but tended The Romanists rejoice at his death and at the dissolution of the Colloquy without fruit. to dissolution, and that Luther was dead. The Colloquy seemed another Council, and gave great jealousy; because, if any thing had been accorded, they saw not how the Council could after reject it, and, if it had been accepted, it would seem that the Council received laws from another place. And by all means the Colloquy being on foot, and the Emperor's ministers there present, it brought small reputation to the Council and the Pope. The Fathers in Trent, and the Court in Rome conceived great hope, seeing that so potent an instrument, to contradict the doctrine and rites of the Church of Rome, was dead; who was the principal, and almost the total cause of the divisions and innovations introduced, and held it for a presage of the good success of the Council; and the rather because that death was diuulged throughout Italy, with many prodigious and fabulous circumstances, which were ascribed to miracle, and the vengeance of God, though there were but the usual accidents, which do ordinarily happen in the deaths of men of sixty three years of age: for in that age Martin Luther Fables raised upon Luther's death. died. But those things that happened afterwards even until our age, have declared that Martin was only one of the means, and that the causes were more potent and secret. The Emperor being arrived in Ratisbon, complained grievously that The Emperor's letters concerning the Colloquy were laughed at. the Colloquy was dissolved, and wrote letters thereof throughout all Germany; which were laughed at, because it was too much known that the separation was wrought by the Spaniards and Friars, and by the Bishop of Eicstat, whom he had sent. And when the workmen are known, it is not hard to judge whence the beginning of the motion doth proceed. But the wise Emperor was willing to use the same thing to satisfy the Pope and the Council, and to find an occasion against the Protestants; which the event shown to be true. For the same complaints being renewed in the Diet, and means of agreement being sought by those that were assembled, the Ministers of Ments and Triers separating themselves from the other Electors, and adhering to the other Bishops, approved the Council, and desired the Emperor to protect it, and to cause the Protestants to be there, and submit themselves to it. But they did resist and remonstrate that that Council had not those qualities and conditions so often promised, and desired that the peace might be kept, and the differences in religion accorded in a lawful Council in Germany, or in an Imperial Diet. But in the end the masks The provisions for war were known were removed, and the provisions for war could no longer be hid; whereof mention shall be made in its proper place. The Pope considered very much of the letter written from Trent, weighing the inconveniences that would follow, if he kept the Council at anchor, with the ill satisfaction of the Bishops that were there, and the mischief that might arise if the reformation should begin. In fine, perceiving that it was necessary to put something to the hazard, and that it was wisdom to avoid the greater evil, he resolved to write back to Trent,, to begin the action as they had advised, admonishing them not to broach any new difficulties in matter of faith, nor to determine any of the things controversed amongst the Catholics, and to proceed slowly in the reformation. The Legates, who until then had in the Congregations entertained themselves in general matters, having received power to go on, proposed in the Congregation of the 22. of February, that the first foundation of faith being established, they ought in the next place to handle another more ample, which is the holy Scripture, wherein are points belonging to the doctrines controverted with the Lutherans, and others, for reformation of those abuses which are most principal, and necessary to be amended; and so many, that perhaps the time until the next Session will not be sufficient to find a remedy for all. They discoursed of the controversies with the Lutherans in this subject, and of the abuses, and much was spoken hereof by diverse Prelates. The Divines, who were thirty in number, and almost all Friars, had until then served in the Council only to make Sermons on Holidays, in exaltation of the Council and the Pope, and to make light skirmishes with the Lutherans; but now that controverted doctrines were to be decided, and the abuses of learned men rather than of others to be reform, their worth The Divines begin to be esteemed. began to appear. And order was taken that in the points of doctrine to be decided; articles should be extracted out of the books of the Lutherans contrary to the orthodox faith, to be studied and censured by the Divines, that every one speaking his opinion of them, the matter might be prepared to frame the Decrees, which being proposed in the Congregation, and examined by the Fathers, when every man's voice was known, that might be established which was to be published in the Session. And for the abuses, every one should call to mind what he thought worthy of amendment, together with the remedy fit for it. The articles for matter of doctrine, drawn out of the Lutherans books, were, 1. That the necessary doctrine of Christian faith, is wholly contained in the holy Scripture, and that it is an humane invention, to add unto them unwritten Traditions, as left unto the holy Church by Christ and his Apostles, derived unto us by means of the continual succession of Bishops, and that it is sacrilege to defend that they are of equal authority with the old and new Testament. 2. That amongst the books of the old Testament, none should be reckoned but those that have been received by the jews, and in the New the six Epistles, that is, that under the name of S. Paul to the Hebrews, that of S. james, the 2. of S. Peter, the 2. and 3. of S. john, one of S. jude, and the Apocalyps. 3. That to understand the Scripture well, or to allege the proper words, it is necessary to have recourse to the texts of the original tongue in which it is written, and to reprove the Latin translation; as full of errors. 4. That the divine Scripture is most easy and perspicuous, and that to understand it, neither gloss nor comment is necessary, but only to have the spirit of a sheep of Christ's pasture. 5. Whether Canons, with Anathematisms adjoined, should be framed against all these Articles. Upon the two first, the Divines discoursed in four Congregations; and in the first all agreed, that the Christian faith is contained partly in the Scripture, and partly in Traditions; and much time was spent in alleging for this places of Tertullian, who often speaks of them; and many were numbered out of Irenie, Cyprian, Basil, Austin, and others; yea some said more, that Tradition was the only foundation of the Catholic doctrine. For the Scripture itself is not believed but by tradition. But there was some difference how this matter might fitly be handled. Vicenzo Lunello, a Franciscan Friar, was of opinion, that, in regard the holy, Scripture and traditions were to be established for ground of faith, they ought first to treat of the Church, which is a more principal foundation. For the Scripture receiveth authority from it, according to the famous saying of Saint Augustine: I would not have believed the Gospel if the authority of the Church had not compelled me; and no use can be made of traditions, but by grounding them upon the same authority. For if a controversy Discourses about the authority of traditions. arise about a tradition, it will be necessary to decide it either by the testimony, or by the determination of the Church. But this foundation being laid, that every Christian is bound to believe the Church; one may securely build thereon. He added, that they should take example from all those that have substantially written against the Lutherans, as Friar Silvester, and Ecchi●s, who have more alleged the authority of the Church, than any other argument; neither is it possible to convince the Lutherans otherwise. That it is contrary to the end proposed, (that is to lay all the foundations of Christian doctrine) to leave out the principal, and perhaps the only ground, but certainly that without the which, the residue cannot subsist. This opinion had no followers. Some opposed against it, that it was subject to the same difficulties which it made to others. For the Synagogues of the heretics also would arrogate to be the true Church, unto whom this authority was given. Others holding it to be a thing most known and undoubted, that by the name of the Church the Clergy ought to be understood, and more properly the Council and the Pope as head, said they ought to maintain, that the authority of the Church is already decided, and that to treat of it now were to show there was difficulty, or at the least, that it was a thing newly cleared, and not most ancient, ever believed since Christianity began. But Antonius Marinarus, a Carmelite Friar, thought fit to refrain speaking of traditions, and said, that for decision of the first Article in this matter, it was meet first to determine whether the question were facti, or iuris: that is, if the Christian doctrine have two parts, one which was written by the will of God, and the other which was forbidden to be writ, but only taught by word of mouth; or if in the whole body of doctrine it hath accidentally happened, that all having been taught, some part hath not been committed to writing. He added, that it was a clear case that the Majesty of God ordaining the law of the Old Testament, appointed it should be necessary to have it in writing; and therefore wrote the Decalogue in stone with his own finger, commanding it should be laid up in the Cabinet, called the Ark of the Covenant. That he often commanded Moses to write the precepts in a book, and that one copy should be kept in the Ark, and the King have another to read it continually. This fell not out in the Gospel, which the Son of God wrote in the hearts, for which neither tables, nor chest, nor book is necessary: yea, the Church was most perfect before any of the Apostles wrote; and though they had writ nothing, the Church would have wanted nothing of its perfection. But as Christ founded the doctrine of the New Testament in the hearts, so he forbade it not to be written, as in some false Religions, where the mysteries were kept secret, nor was lawful to write them, but only to teach them by word of mouth. And therefore that it is an undoubted truth, that whatsoever the Apostles have written, and whatsoever they have taught by word of mouth, is of equal authority, because they wrote and spoke by the instinct of the holy Ghost, which notwithstanding, as, by assisting them; it hath directed them to write and preach the truth, so it cannot be said it hath forbidden them to write any thing, to the end to hold it in mystery; wherefore the Articles of faith cannot be distinguished into two kinds, some published by writing, others commanded to be communicated only by voice. He said, that whosoever thought otherwise, must fight against two great difficulties; the one, to tell wherein the difference is, the other, how the Apostles successors have been able to write that which was forbidden by God: adding, that it was as hard to maintain the third, that is, how it hath accidentally happened, that some particulars have not been written, because it would derogate from the providence of God in directing the holy Apostles to compose the Scriptures of the New Testament. Therefore The Fathers never made traditions of equal authority with the Scripture. he concluded, that to enter into this treaty, was to sail between Scriptu●e. and Charybdis, and that it was better to imitate the fathers, who served themselves of this place, only in case of necessity, never thinking to make of it an Article of competition against the holy Scripture. He added, that it was not necessary to proceed now to any new determination, because the Lutherans, though they said they would be convinced by the Scripture only, have not made a controversy in this article, and that it is good to keep themselves only to the controversies which they have promoted, without setting new on foot, exposing themselves to the danger of making a great division in Christendom. The Friar's opinion pleased but few; yea, Cardinal Poole reprehended it, The opinion of Marinarus was very distasteful. and said, it better beseemed a Colloquy in Germany, than a Council of the universal Church: that in this they should aim at the sincere verity itself, not as there, where nothing is handled but the according of the parties, though to the prejudice of the truth; that to preserve the Church, it was necessary that the Lutherans should receive all the Roman doctrine, or that as many of their errors as was possible might be discovered, the more to make manifest to the world, that there was no agreement to be made with them. Therefore if they have framed no controversy concerning traditions, it was necessary to frame it now, and to condemn their opinions, and to show, that that doctrine not only differeth from the true, in that wherein it doth purposely contradict it but in all other parts: that they should endeavour to condemn as many absurdities as can be drawn out of their writings, and that the fear was vain to dash against Scylla or Charybdis for that captious reason, whereunto whosoever gave ear● would conclude there was no tradition at all. In the second Article they all agreed in this, that a Catalogue should be Concerning the canon call books of the Scripture. made, (as it was in former times) of the Canonical books, in which all should be registered which are read in the Roman Church, even those of the Old Testament, which were never received by the Hebrews. And for proof of this, they all alleged the Council of Laodicea, Pope Innocence the first, the third Council of Carthage, and Pope Gelasius. But there were four opinions. Some would have two ranks made; in the first only those should be put, which without contradiction have been received by all: in the other those, which sometime have been rejected, or have had doubt made of them; and it was said, though formerly this was never done by any Council or Pope, yet always it was so understood. For Austin maketh such a distinction, and his authority hath been canonised in the Chapter In Canonicis. And Saint Gregory, who was after Gelasius, writing upon job, sayeth of the Maccabees, that they are written for edification, though they be not Canonical. Aloisius of Catanea, a Domican Friar, said that this distinction was made by Saint Hierome, who was received by the Church, as a rule and direction, to appoint the Canon of the Scriptures; and he alleged Cardinal Caietan who had distinguished them, following Saint Hierom, as an infallible rule, given us by the Church; and so he wrote to Pope Clement the seventh, when he sent him his exposition upon the Historical books of the Old Testament. Some thought fit to establish three ranks. The first of those which always have been held for Divine; the second, of those whereof sometimes doubt hath been made, but by use have obtained Canonical authority, in which number are the six Epistles, and the Apocalyps of the New Testament, and some small parts of the Evangelists. The third, of those whereof there hath never been any assurance; as are the seven of the Old Testament, and some Chapters of Daniel and Hester. Some thought it better to make no distinction at all, but to imitate the Council of Carthage and others, making the Catalogue, and saying no more. Another opinion was that all of them should be declared to be in all parts, as they are in the Latin Bible, of divine and equal authority. The Book of Baruc troubled them most, which is not put in the number, neither by the Laodiceans, nor by those of Carthage, nor by the Pope, and therefore should be left out, as well for this reason, as because the beginning of it cannot be found. But because it was read in the Church, the Congregation (esteeming this a potent reason) resolved, that it was by the Ancients accounted a part of jeremy, and comprised with him. In the Congregation on Friday the fifth of March, advice being come The Bishop of Bitonto, assisting in Council, is in danger of excommunication in Rome for not paying his Pensionaries. that the Pensionaries of the Bishop of Bitonto had demanded in Rome to be paid, and for this cause had cited him before the Auditor, requiring he should be compelled by excommunications and other censures, according to the style of the Court, to make payment, he lamented his case, and said that his Pensioners were in the right, and yet himself was not in the wrong. For so long as he was in the Council he could not spend less than six hundred crowns by the year, and that his pensions being detracted, he had left but four hundred: wherefore it was necessary that he should be disburdened or assisted with the other two hundred. The poor Prelates laboured herein, as in a common cause, and some of them passed to high words, and said it was an infamy to the Council, that an officer of the Court of Rome should be suffered to use censures against a Bishop assisting in the Council; that it was a thing monstrous, and would make the world say that the Council was not free; that the honour of that assembly required that the Auditor should be cited to Trent, or some revenge taken against him, that the dignity of the Synod might be preserved. Some also proceeded so fare as to condemn the imposition of pensions, saying, that it was just and anciently observed, that the rich Churches should assist the poor, not by constraint, but by charity, without taking things necessary from themselves, and that S. Paul taught so But that poor Prelates should be constrained to give to the rich, some of that which is necessary for their own sustenance, was a thing intolerable; and that this was one of the points of reformation to be handled in the Council, reducing it to the ancient, and truly Christian use. But the Legates, considering how just the complaints were, and whither they might tend, appeased all, & promised they would write to Rome, and cause the judicial process to surcease, and to endeavour that the Bishop should in some sort be provided for, that he might maintain himself in the Council. All the Divines having made an end of speaking the eighth day, a Congregation A Decree made on the day of Carnoval, that Traditions are of equal authority with the Scriptures. was intimated for the next, though it was no ordinary day, not so much to establish quickly a Decree upon the disputed Articles, as for a grace of the Council, that in that day, dedicated to a profane feast of the Carnoval, the Fathers should busy themselves in the affairs of the Council. And then it was approved by all, that the Traditions should be received as of equal authority with the Scriptures. But they agreed not in the manner of making the Catalogue of the Divine books; and there were three opinions: One, not to descend to particular books; another, to distinguish the Catalogue into three parts; a third, to make only one, and to make all the books of equal authority. And not being all well resolved, three draughts were made, and order given that they should exactly consider which of them should be received in the next Congregation; which was not held the twelfth day, by reason of the arrival of Don Francis of Toledo, sent Don Francis of Toledo arriveth in Trent, Ambassador to the Emperor. Ambassador by the Emperor, to assist in the Council, as Colleague to Don Diego: who was met on the way by the mayor part of the Bishops, and families of the Cardinals. At this time Vergerius, who often hath been named before, came to Vergerius flieth to the Council for refuge, but findeth none. Trent, not so much with desire to assist in the Council, as to fly the rage of his people raised against him, as cause of the barrenness of the land; by the Inquisitor, Friar Hannibal, a Grison. For he knew not where to remain with more dignity, nor to have greater commodity to justify himself against the imputations of the Frair, who published him for a Lutheran, not only in Istria, but before the Nuncio of Venice, and the Pope. Whereof the Legates of the Council being advertised, suffered him not to be present at the public Acts, as a Prelate, if first he were not justified before the Pope, to whom they effectually exhorted him to go; and if they had not feared to raise talk against the liberty of the Council, they would have gone beyond exhortation. This Bishop, seeing he was more disgraced in Trent, departed a little after, with purpose to return to his Bishopric, hoping the popular sedition was appeased. But when he came to Venice, he was forbidden by the Nuncio, to go thither, who had order from Rome to make his process; for disdain whereof, or for fear, or for some other cause, he quitted Italy within a few months after. Vergerius forsaketh Italy. The fifteenth day, the three draughts being proposed, though every one was maintained by some, yet the third was approved by the mayor part. In the Congregations after, the Divines discoursed upon the other Articles, and in the third there was much difference about the Latin translation of the Scripture, between some few who had good knowledge of the Latin, and some taste of the Greek, and others who were ignorant in the Tongues. Friar Aloisius of Catanea, said that, for resolution of this article, nothing could Discourses about the Latin translation be brought more to the purpose, or more fit for the present times and occasions, than the judgement of Cardinal Caietane, a man very well read in Divinity, having studied it even from a child; who for the happiness of his wit, and for his laborious diligence, became the prime Divine of that and many more ages, unto whom there was no Prelate or person in the Council who would not yield in learning, or thought himself too good to learn of him. This Cardinal, going Legate into Germany, in the year 1523. studying exactly how those that erred might be reduced to the Church, and the Arch-heretiques convinced, found out the true remedy, which was the literal meaning of the text of the Scripture in the original tongue in which it is written, and all the residue of his life, which was 11. years, he gave himself only to the study of the Scripture, expounding not the Latin translation, but the Hebrew roots of the old, and the Greek of the new Testament. In which tongues, having no knowledge himself, he employed men of understanding, who made construction of the text unto him word by word, as his works upon the holy books do show. That good Cardinal was wont to say, that to understand the Latin text, was not to understand the infallible word of God, but the word of the translator, subject and obnoxious unto errors. That Hierome spoke well, that to prophesy and write holy books proceeded from the holy Ghost, but to translate them into another tongue, was a work of humane skill. And he complained and said; Would to God the Doctors of the former age had done so, and then the Lutherane heresy would never have found place. He added that no translation could be approved without rejecting the Canon, Vt veterum, d. 9 which commandeth to have the Hebrew text to examine the relitie of the books of the old Testament, and the Greek for a direction in those of the new. To approve a translation as authentical, was to condemn S. Hierome, and all those who have translated. If any be authentical, to what end serve the rest which are not? it would be a great vanity to produce uncertain copies, when there are some infallible. That they should be of the opinion of 9 Hierome and Caietane, that every Interpreter may err, though he have used all art not to vary from the original. But sure it is, that if the holy Council should examine, or correct an interpretation according to the true text, the holy Ghost, which assisteth Synods in matters of faith, would keep them from erring; and such a translation, so examined and approved, might be called authentical. But that any could be approved without such an examination, with assurance of the assistance of the holy Ghost, he durst not say, except the Synod did determine it, seeing that in the Council of the holy Apostles a great inquisition was made before. But this being a work of ten years, and impossible to be undertaken, it seemed better to leave things as they had remained 1500. years, that the Latin translations should be verified by the original Texts. On the contrary, the mayor part of the Divines said, that it was necessary to account that translation, which formerly hath been read in the Churches, and used in the schools, to be divine and authentical; otherwise they should yield the cause to the Lutherans, and open a gate to innumerable heresies hereafter, and continually trouble the peace of Christendom. That the doctrine of the Church of Rome, mother and mistress of all the rest, is, in a great part, founded by the Popes, and by school Divines, upon some passage of the Scripture, which if every one had liberty to examine whether it were well translated, running to other translations, or seeking how it was in the Greek or Hebrew, these new Grammarians would confound all, and would be made judges and arbiters of faith: and in stead of Divines and Canonists, Pedanties should be preferred to be Bishops and Cardinals. The Inquisitors will not be able to proceed against the Lutherans, in case they know not Hebrew and Greek, because they will suddenly answer, the text is not so, and that the translation is false: and every novity, or toy, that shall come into the head of any Grammarian, either for malice, or want of knowledge in Divinity, so that he may but find some grammatical trick in those tongues to confirm it, will be sufficient to ground himself thereon, and he will never make an end. That it doth appear, since Luther began to translate the Scripture, how many diverse and contrary translations have seen the light, which deserve to be buried in perpetual darkness, and how often Martin himself hath changed his own translation; that never any hath been reprinted without some notable change, not of one or two passages, but of an hundred in a breath: that if this liberty be given to all, Christianity will soon be brought to that pass that no man will know what to believe. To these reasons, which the mayor part applauded, others added also, that if the providence of God hath given an authentical Scripture to the Synagogue, and an authentical New Testament to the Grecians, it cannot be said, without derogation, that the Church of Rome, more beloved than the rest, hath wanted this great benefit, and therefore that the same holy Ghost, who did dictate the holy books, hath dictated also that translation which ought to be accepted by the Church of Rome. Some thought it hard to make a Prophet or Apostle only to translate a book; therefore they moderated the assertion, and said, that he had not a Prophericall or Apostolical Spirit, but one very near. And if any should make dainty to give the spirit of God to the Interpreter, yet he cannot deny it to the Council; and when the vulgar edition shall be approved, and an anathema thundered against whosoever will not receive it: this will be without error, not by the spirit of him that wrote it, but of the Synod that hath received it for such. D. Isidorus Clarus, a Brescian, and a Benedictine Abbat, a man well seen in this study, went about to remove this opinion by an historical narration; and said in substance, that in the Primitive Church there were many Greek translations of the Old Testament, which Origen gathered into one volume, confornting them in six columns; the chief of these is called of the Septuagint; from whence diverse in Latin were taken: and many were taken from the Greek text of the new Testament, one of which, most followed and read in the Church, and esteemed the best by Saint Austin; is called Itala; yet so as that the Greek text ought undoubtedly to be preferred. But Saint Hierom, a man (as all do know) skilful in the knowledge of tongues, seeing that of the old Testament to swerve from the Hebrew truth; by the fault partly of the Greek interpreter, and partly of the Latin, made one immediately out of the Hebrew, and amended that of the new Testament according to the truth of the Greek text. Hieroms credit made his translation to be received by many; but was rejected by some, either because they loved more the errors of antiquity, then new truths, or, as himself complaineth by reason of emulation. But a few years after, when envy was laid aside, that of S. Hierom was received by all the Latins; & so they were both in use, one being called the old, and the other the new. Saint Gregory, writing to Leander upon job, testifieth that the Apostolic Sea useth them both, and that himself, in the exposition of that book made choice to follow the new, as conformable to the Hebrew text: yet in the allegations he would use sometimes one, sometimes another, as it best befitted his purpose. The times following, by the use of them both, composed one; taking part of the new, and part of the old, according as the accidents required, and to this the name of the vulgar Edition was given. The Psalms were all of the old; because, being daily sung in the Churches, they could not be changed. The lesser Prophets are all of the new, & the greater mixed of both. This is very true that all hath happened by the ordinance of God, without which nothing can succeed. But yet it cannot be said that there was in it greater knowledge then humane. Saint Hierome saith plainly that no interpreter S. jerom saith that no interpreter hath spoken by the holy Ghost. hath spoken by the holy Ghost. The Edition which we have is his for the most part: it would be strange to attribute the assistance of God to him that knoweth and affirmeth he hath it not. Wherefore no translation can be compared to the text in the original tongue. Therefore his opinion was that the vulgar edition should be preferred before all, and allowed, yet so as that it should be corrected by the original, and all men forbidden to make any other: only that should be amended and the others extinguished: and so all inconveniences caused by new interpretations, which have judiciously been noted, and reprehended in the Congregations, would cease. Andrew de Vega, a Franciscan Friar, going as a Mediator between these two opinions, approved that of Saint Hierom, that the qualities of an interpreter are not any Prophetical, or other special divine spirit, which giveth them infallibility, and the opinion of the same Saint, and of Saint Austin, to correct the translations by the texts of the original tongue. But added that it was not contrary to this to say withal, that the Latin Church holdeth the vulgar edition for authentical, because it is thus to be understood, that concerning faith and manners there is no error in it, though in some small matter, or expression of words there may be a mistaking, it being impossible that all the words of one language should be transplanted into another, but that there will be some restriction or enlargement of significations or metaphor, or other figure. That the vulgar edition hath been examined heretofore by the whole Church during the space of 1000 years, and known that there is no error in it, in matter of faith or manners; and in this account it hath been held and used by the ancient Counsels, and so ought still to be held and approved, and declared as authentical, that is, that it may be read without danger, not hindering those that are more diligent to have recourse unto the Hebrew and Greek originals, but forbidding so great a number of whole translations, which beget confusion. About the Article of the sense of the holy Scripture, the doctrine of Cardinal Caietan gave occasion to speak diversely; who taught, and practised the same himself, that new conceits, when they agree to the text, and Discourses about the exposition of the Scripture. are not alien from other places of the Scripture, and doctrine of faith, are not to be rejected, though the stream of the Doctors run another way, in regard the Majesty of God hath not tied the sense of the Scripture to the old Doctors: otherwise there would remain no more power to those that live now, nor to posterity, then to transcribe the same things again; which some of the Divines and Fathers approved, and some opposed. To the first it seemed a spiritual tyranny to forbid the faithful to make use of their proper ingeny, according to the grace which God hath given them: and that this was just a prohibition to exercise the talon given us by God. That men ought to be enticed, with all allurements, to the reading of the holy writ, from which when that pleasure, which novity bringeth, shall be removed, all men will ever abhor it, and such strictness will make men apply themselves to other studies, and abandon this, and by consequence all study and care of piety. That this variety of spiritual gifts belongeth to the perfection of the Church, and is found amongst the Fathers, in whose writings there is great diversity, and oftentimes contrariety, yet joined with assured charity. Why should not that liberty be granted to this age which others have enjoyed with spiritual fruit? The Schoolmen though, in the doctrine of Theology, they have no disputes about the meaning of the Scripture, yet they have as many differences in points of religion, and no less dangerous. That it is better to imitate antiquity, which hath not restrained the exposition of the Scripture, but left it free. Those of the contrary opinion said, that popular licence being worse than tyranny, it was then fit to curb the unbridled wits, otherways they could not hope to see an end of the present contentions. That anciently it was allowed to write upon the holy Books, because there was need, in regard there were but few expositions. And the men of those times were of an holy life, and settled mind, from whom no confusions could be feared, as now. And therefore the Schoolmen, seeing there was no more need of other expositions in the Church, and that the Scripture was not only sufficiently, but abundantly declared, they took another course to treat of holy mysteries; and seeing that men were inclined to dispute they thought good to busy them rather in examining of the reasons & sayings of Aristotle to keep the holy Scripture in reverence; from which much is derogated, when it is handled after a common fashion, and is the subject of the Studies and exercises of curious men. And this opinion went on so fare, that Richard of Man's, a Franciscan Friar, said that the doctrines of faith were now so cleared, that we ought no more to learn them out of Scripture: which, it is true, was read heretofore in the Church for instruction of the people, whereas now it is read in the Church only to pray, and aught to serve every one for this end only, and not to study. And this should be the reverence and worship due from every one to the word of God. But, at the least, the studying of it should be prohibited to every one that is not first confirmed in school Divinity; neither do the Lutherans gain upon any but those that study the Scripture. Which opinion wanted not adherents. Between these opinions there went two others in the middle: One, that it was not good to restrain the understanding of the Scripture, to the Father's only, in regard their expositions are allegorical for the most part, and seldom literal; and those that follow the letter, fit themselves to their own time, so that, the exposition agreeth not to our age. That Cardinal The opinion of Cusanus; that the exposition of the Scripture must be fitte● to the time. Cusanus, a man excellently learned and honest, said judicially, that the understanding of the Scripture must be fitted to the time, and expounded according to the current Rites: and that it is not to be maruciled at, if the Church in one time expoundeth in one fashion, at another in another. And this was the meaning of the Lateran Council, when it decreed that the Scripture should be expounded according to the Doctors of the Church, or as long use hath approved, that new expositions should not be forbidden, but when they vary from the common sense. But Dominicus Soto, a Dominican Friar, distinguished the matter of faith and manners from the others, saying, it was meet in that only to keep every wit within limits, but in others it was not inconvenient to let every one, so that piety and charity be preserved, to abound in his own sense. That the Fathers desired not to be followed of necessity, but only in things necessary to believe and to do. Neither did the Popes; when in their Decretals they expounded some passage of the Scripture in one sense, mean to canonize that, so that it should not be lawful to understand it otherwise, though with reason. And S. Paul meant so, when he said, that prophesying, that is, interpretation of the Scripture, should be used according to the analogy of faith, that is, with reference to the Articles thereof. And if this distinction were not made, they must needs fall into notable inconveniences, by reason of the contrarieties which are found in the diverse expositions of the ancient Fathers, which do oppugn one another. The difficulties were not so great, but that the vulgar edition was approved, The vulgar edition is approved. almost by a general consent, the discourse having made deep impression in their minds, that Grammarians would take upon them to teach Bishops and Divines. Some few thought it fit, in regard of the reasons brought by the Divines, to leave the point for that time, but seeing the resolution was otherwise, they desired them to consider, that having approved it, they should command it to be printed and corrected, and in that case, that it was necessary to frame a copy by which to make the impression. Whereupon six were deputed by common consent, and commanded to be diligent in making that correction, that it might be published before the end of the Council, reserving power to themselves to augment the number, if amongst those that were to come, any were fit for the work. But in giving voices upon the fourth Article, after Cardinal, Pacceco had said, that the Scripture was expounded by so many and so excellent men in goodness and learning, that there was no hope to add any good thing more, and that all the new heresies sprang from the new expositions of the Scripture, and therefore that it was necessary to bridle the sauciness of modern wits, and to make them content to be governed by the ancients, and by the Church, and that if any had some singular spirit, he should be enforced to conceal it, and not to confound the world by publishing it, almost all run into the same opinion. The Congregation of the 29. was all spent in the fift Article. For the Divines having spoken irresolutely, and with reference to the Synod, to which it belongeth to make Statutes, the Fathers were doubtful also. To leave out the Anathema wholly, was to make no decree of faith, and in the very beginning to break the order set down, to handle the two heads together. To condemn every one for an heretic who would not accept the vulgar Edition in some particular place, perhaps of none importance, or should publish some invention of his own upon the Scripture, through vanity of mind, seemed too rigorous. After long discussion they found a temper, which was to frame the first Decree, and comprehend in it that only which concerneth the Catalogue of the holy Books, and the Traditions, and to conclude that with an anathema. Then in the second, which belongeth to reformation, to comprehend the translation and sense of the Scripture, as if the Decree were a remedy against the abuse of so many interpretations, and impertinent expositions. It remained to speak of the other abuses, of which every one had collected The abuses are spoken of. a great number, and many ways to redress them, as humane weakness and superstition useth holy things, not only beyond, but also contrary to that for which they are appointed. Of enchantments to find treasures, and to bring lascivious deseignes to pass, or to obtain things unlawful, much was said, and many remedies proposed to root them out. Amongst enchantments some put, carrying the Gospel about one; names of God to prevent infirmities, or to be healed of them, or to be kept from evils and mischiefs, or to be prosperous; likewise to read them for the same ends, and to write them with observation of times. In this catalogue were numbered Masses, said in some Countries upon red hot Iron, upon boiling waters, or upon cold, or other matters for vulgar purgations; to recite the Gospel over Arms, that they may have more force against the enemies. In this rank were put the conjurations of dogs to make them not bite, of serpents to make them not offend, of harmful beasts in the field, of tempests, and other causes of the barrenness of the land, requiring that all these observations might be condemned, forbidden, and punished as abuses. But in diverse particulars there were contradictions and disputes. For some defended as things devout and religious, or, at the least, permitted, and not damnable, which others did condemn for wicked and superstitious. The like happened speaking of the Word of God by casting of lots, or divinations, or extracting schedules with verses of the Scripture, or observing those they met, when they opened the book. To use sacred words in scandalous libels, and other detractions, was generally condemned, and much was said of the means how to remove the Pasquins of Rome; wherein the Cardinal of Monte shown great passion in desiring a remedy, because he was often made a subject of the sauciness of the Courtier's tongues, by reason of his natural liberty and pleasantness of wit. All agreed, that the Word of God could never be reverenced enough, and that to use it to men's commendations, though Princes and Prelates, is not seemly, and generally that all vain use of it is a sin. But yet the Council ought not to busy itself in this, in regard they were not assembled to provide against all faults; neither was it to beforbid absolutely, to draw the words of the Scripture to humane matters, because S. Antoninus, in his story, condemned not the Sicilian Ambassadors, who, ask pardon of Martin the fourth, delivered their Ambassage in no other terms, but saying three times, Agnus Dei qui tollis peccata mundi, miserere nobis. Nor the Pope's answer who likewise said thrice, Aue Rex judeorum, Et dabant illi alapas. Therefore that it was the malice of the Lutherans to reprehend the Bishop of Bitonto, who in his sermon made in the public Session, said that to him that refused the Council, it might be replied, Pap 〈…〉 lux venit in mundum, & dilexerunt homines magis tenebras quam lucem. So many Congregations were spent herein, and the number so increased, and the weakness of the remedies proposed did so much appear, that the common opinion inclined to make no particular mention of any of them, nor to descend to the proper remedies, or particular punishments, but only to forbid them under general heads, and leave the penalties to the discretion of the Bishops. Of the abuses of the Prints there was not much to be spoken; for all agreed that the Printers should be bridled, and prohibited to Print any sacred thing before it was allowed; but for this the Decree of the last Lateran Council was sufficient. But about readings and preachings there were terrible controversies. A great contention between the Regulars and Prelates, about readings and preachings. The Regulars being already in possession of them, as well by the Pope's privileges, as by the practice of 300 years, laboured to preserve them with all their might: and the Prelates alleging that they belonged to them, and were usurped, pretended restitution. And because the contention was here, not of opinions, but of profit, they used on both sides not only reasons, but deeds also. Which differences were set on foot that at the time of the Session nothing might be decided. Therefore the Legates resolved, to defer these two points until another Session. Two Decrees were framed, as formerly was resolved, and were read in the last Congregation, and approved; yet with some exceptions in the point of the vulgar Edition. In the end hereof the Cardinal of Monte, after he had commended the learning and wisdom of them all, admonished them of the seemly behaviour which was fit to use in the public Session, showing one heart, and one mind, in regard the points were sufficiently examined in the Congregations: and the Congregation being ended, the Cardinal Santa Croce assembled those that had opposed the vulgar Edition, and shown they could not complain, because it was not prohibited but left free to correct it, and to have recourse to No errors of faith in the vulgar Edition. the original; but that only it was forbid to say there were in it errors of faith, for which it ought to be rejected. The eight of April, apppointed for the Session, being come, the Mass of the holy Ghost was said by Saluator Alepus, Archbishop of Torre in Sardinia, and the Sermon was made by Friar Austin of Aretium, General of the Serui, the Pontifical habiliments put on, the accustomed litanies and prayers made, and the Decrees read by the Archbishop that said Mass. The first contained in substance; that the Synod, aiming to preserve the purity of the Gospel, promised by the Prophets, published by Christ, and preached by the Apostles, Two Decrees read in the Session. as the fountain of all truth, and discipline of manners (which truth and discipline are contained in the books, and unwritten traditions, received by The contents of the former. the Apostles, from the mouth of Christ, and dictated to them by the holy Ghost, and passed from one to another) doth according to the example of the Fathers, receive with equal reverence, all the books of the old and new Testament, and the traditions belonging to faith and manners, as proceeding from the mouth of Christ, or dictated by the holy Ghost, and preserved in the Catholic Church. And setting down the Catalogue of the books, concludeth, that if any will not receive them all, as Sacred and Canonical, in all parts, as they are read in the Catholic Church, and contained in the vulgar Edition, or shall wittingly and purposely despise the traditions, let him be Anathema; that every one may know what ground the Synod will use in confirming the points of doctrine, and reforming of manners in the Church. The substance of the second Decree was; that the vulgar Edition should be The substance of the second Decree. held for authentical in public Lectures, Disputations, Sermons, and expositions, and that none should dare to refuse it. That the holy Scripture cannot be expounded against the sense held by the holy Mother the Church, nor against the common consent of the Fathers, though with purpose to conceal those expositions, and that the offenders should be punished by the Ordinaries: that the vulgar Edition should be most exactly printed. That no books of religion be printed, sold, or kept, without the author's name, and that the approbation appear in the frontispiece of the book, upon pain of excommunication, and pecuniary punishment, constituted by the last Lateran Council. That none should dare to use the words of the holy Scripture in scurrility, fables, vanity, flatteries, detractions, superstitions, enchantments, divinations, castings of lots, libels, and that the transgressors should be punished at the discretion of the Bishops. And it was determined to hold the next The next Session is to be he●d the 17. of june. Session the 17. of june. Afterwards the Commission of Don Diego de Mendoza, and Francis de Toledo, the Emperor's Ambassadors, was read by the Secretary of the Council. The Commission of the Emperor's Ambassadors is read. Don Diego was absent; and the other, having, in the Emperor's name, saluted the Fathers in few words, said in substance; That all the world knew that the Emperor thought nothing to befit him more, than not only to defend the flock of CHRIST from enemies, but to free it from tumults and seditions; therefore that he rejoiced to see the day when the Council, published by the Pope, was opened, and that being willing to favour that occasion with his power and authority, he had sent thither Mendoza, unto whom, in regard of his indisposition, himself was joined. So that nothing remained but to pray God uniformly, that he would favour the enterprise of the Council, and which is the Principal, would preserve peace between the Pope and Emperor, for the establishing of the truth of the Gospel, restoring the Church to her purity, & weeding the cockle out of the Lords field. Answer was made by the Council, that his Lordship's coming was most acceptable, both for the duty they did owe the Emperor, and for the favour he promised them, having also much hope in the realty & religion of his Lordship. That they embraced him with all their heart, and did admit, as fare as they could with reason, the mandates of Caesar. That they were sorry for the indisposition of his Colleague, and thanked God for the peace between the Pope and the Emperor, praying him to favour the desires of them both, for the increase of Christian religion, and peace of the Church. These things being done, with the usual ceremonies, the Session ended; the Decrees whereof were sent to Rome by the Legates, and a little after printed. But after they were seen, especially in Germany, they ministered great A few Prelates and not learned, do decide the greatest points of religion. matter of discourse. Some thought it strange that five Cardinals, and 48. bishops, should so easily define the most principal and important points of Religion, never decided before, giving Canonical authority to Books held for uncertain and apocryphal, making authentical a translation differing from the original, prescribing and restraining the manner to understand the word of God; neither was there amongst these Prelates any one remarkable for learning; some of them were Lawyers, perhaps learned in that profession, but of little understanding in Religion; few Divines, but of less than ordinary sufficiency; the greater number Gentlemen or Courtiers; and for their dignities some were only titular, and the mayor part Bishops of so small Cities, that supposing every one to represent his people, it could not be said that one of a thousand in Christendom was represented. But particularly of Germany there was not so much as one bishop or Divine. Was it possible that amongst so many no man should be sent! Why did not the Emperor cause some of them to go, who assisted in the Colloquy, and were informed in the differences? Amongst the Prelates of Germany only the Cardinal of Ausburg had sent a Proctor, and him a Savoyard. For the Proctors of the Cardinal and Elector of Ments, understanding their master's death, went away two months before. Others said, that the things decided were not of so great moment as they Nothing is certainly defined concerning traditions. seemed. For the point of traditions, which seemed most important, was of no consequence. First because it was nothing to ordain they should be received, if it were not declared which they were, & how they should be known: them because there was no commandment to receive them, but only a prohibition to contemn them wittingly and deliberately. So that he that rejected them with reverend terms, contradicted not; and the rather, because there is an example of the adherents of the Church of Rome, who receive not the ordination of Deaconesses, grant not to the people the election of the Minister, which certainly was an Apostolical institution, continued more than eight hundred years, and which more importeth, observe not the communion of the Chalice, Instituted by Christ, preached by the Apostles, observed by the whole Church, until within two hundred years, and now also by all Christian Nations but the Latin; that if this be not a tradition, it is impossible to show whatother is. And for the vulgar edition declared authentical, nothing at all was done, because among so many copies, it cannot be known which is the true. But this last opposition was made, because the deputation to make a corrected copy of the vulgar edition, was not known. The which, for what cause it was not effected, shall be said in its place. But the Decrees of the Session being seen in Rome, and the importance Nor concerning the vulgar edition. of the things treated of considered, the Pope began to think he ought more to regard the business of the Council, then until that time he had done; and he enlarged the congregation of Cardinals and Prelates, who were to consider of the occurrences of the Synod, and to relate them. By the advice of these, after their first assembling, he admonished the Legates of three things. One not to publish hereafter in Session any decree, before they had communicated it at Rome, and to avoid too much slowness in proceeding, The Pope admonisheth the Legates of three things. but to beware much more of two much celerity, which might make them resolve of some indigested matter, and want time to receive orders from him, what they should propose, deliberate, and conclude. The second; not to spend time in matters not controversed, as they had done in those that were handled for the last session; wherein all agree, that they are undoubted principles. The third, to take heed, that by no means the Pope's authority be disputed on. Whereunto they readily answered that they would obey his Holiness To whom the Legates make a ready answer. commandment; but that it seemed to them, that in the things defined, there is small difference between Catholics and Heretics, and that some of the Scriptures of the Old and New Testament, received by the third Council of Carthage by Innocentius the first, by Gelatius, by the sixth Synod of Trullus, and the Florentine Council are called into question by the Heretics, and which is worse, by some Catholics and Cardinals, and also that the unwritten Traditions are impugned by the Lutherans, who intent nothing more than to annihilate them, declaring that all things necessary to salvation, are written. And therefore though these two heads be principles, yet they are the most controversed conclusions which are to be decided in the Council, and of the greatest importance. They added that until then there was no occasion to speak of the Pope's authority, or of the Council, but in treading of the title, when the addition of Representation of the universal Church was required. That many desire it still, but that they will avoid it as much as possibly they can. And in case they shall be brought to it by force, they will desire (thinking it will not be denied them) to expound the manner how it doth represent, that is, by means of the head, and not otherwise; whereby there will be rather gain then loss. For the rest because they think the mayor part will always bear all reverence to his Holiness, being united, as Head, with the body of the Council, (which will be so long, as they shall agree in the reformation) he may set his heart at rest that his authority shall not be questioned. After this the Pope sent jeronimo Franco Nuncio to the Swisseses, giving him The Pope sendeth a Nuncio to the Swisseses. letters to the Bishops of Zion and Coira, to the Abbot of S. Gallo, and other Abbats of those Nations; to whom he wrote, that, having called all the Prelates of Christendom to the General Council of Trent, it was fit that they, who represent the Helvetian Church, should assist also, in regard he much loved that nation, as especial sons of the Apostolic Sea, and maintainers of the Ecclesiastical liberty. That Prelates out of Italy, France, and Spain were arrived already, and the number increased daily. That it was not seemly that they, being borderers, should be prevented by those that dwelled further off. That their Country was infected with heresies, and therefore had more need of a Council. In fine he commanded them, upon their allegiance and oath, and pains prescribed by the laws, to go thither as soon as was possible; referring the rest to be told them by his Nuncio. And at the many instances of the Clergy and University of Collen, assisted And giveth sentence against the Archbishop of Collen. by the Bishops of Liege, and utrect, and University of Louvain, he pronounced sentence against the Archbishop and Elector of Collen, declaring him excommunicated, depriving him of all benefices and privileges Ecclesiastical, absolving his subjects from their oath of fidelity, and commanding them not to obey him, because he had incurred the censures of the Bull of Leo the tenth, published against Luther and his adherents, as having held, defended and published that doctrine against the Ecclesiastical rules; traditions of the Apostles, and usual rites of Christian religion. And the sentence The Pope maketh a Bull in favour of Adolphus. was after printed in Rome. He made also another Bull, giving order that Adolphus Count of Scavemburg, assumed before by the Archbishop for his coadjutor, should be obeyed. And he earnestly desired the Emperor, that the sentence might be executed; The Emperor will not execute the Pope's sentence. who thought not this novity fit for his purpose, because it would make the Archbishop, who until then had absolutely obeyed him, to unite himself with those that were combined against him. And therefore he held him still for an Archbishop and treated with him, and wrote to him, without regard of the pope's sentence. This vexed the Pope at the heart, but seeing The Protestants are confirmed in their opinion by this sentence. there was no remedy, he thought it folly to complaint in vain. That sentence produced another bad effect, because the Protestants took occasion to confirm their opinion that the Council was intimated only to ensnare them. For if the controversed doctrine of faith ought to be examined in the Council, how could the Pope, before the definition thereof, proceed to sentence, and condemn the Arch bishop of heresy? Therefore it appeareth that in vain they should go to that Council, where the Pope domineereth, who cannot dissemble, though he would, that he esteemeth them as men condemned. That it was manifest also that the Pope made no account of that Council, because, after it was begun, he proceeded definitively in that which belongeth to the Council, without imparting any thing unto it. The Duke of Saxony signified this to the Emperor by his Ambassadors, and after said unto him, that the Pope's mind being now made manifest, it would be high time to provide for Germany, by a Nationall Council, or by handling seiorusly, the points of Religion in a Diet. But to return to the business of the Council there remained (as hath been said) as remnants of the things, handled before in the last Session, the two points, to provide for the Lectures of the holy Scripture, and preaching of the word of God. For this was handled in the first Congregation; and (to begin the matter of faith) it was proposed to treat likewise of original sin. Whereunto the Spanish Prelates opposed, and said, that to provide against the abuses of preaching & reading, was matter enough for one session. Which opinion also was followed by the Italian Prelates who were on the Emperor's side. And the Legates thought they had discovered that this was plotted by Caesar's ministers, who at the very instant had seriously treated with those Prelates. Therefore they sent advice thereof to the Pope, from whom they had answer, that they should take heed to go on warily, until he were able to give them a resolution. Therefore they used artificial diligence, entertaining themselves with part of the Abuses, without coming to the conclusion of them, and without making demonstration whether they would proceed in the matter of original sin. And thus the case stood until Easter. Which being passed, the Pope wrote they should proceed, and propose Don Francis of Toledo persuadeth that the reformation should be handled without doctrine. that matter. This being delivered the second of May, came to the know ledge of Don Francis; who going to visit the Legates used much art, sometimes making show to give them counsel, sometimes proposing his opinion for the prosecuting of the reformation only, to know their minds, and to persuade them obliquely to embrace his design. But seeing that did no good, he began to speak as plainly as was needful, that he had letters from the Emperor, by which he was charged to be a means that they should not enter into the points of doctrine, but should handle the reformation only. The Legates brought many reasons to the contrary; & amongst others they said, they could not do it without contradicting the Pope's Bulls, which proposed these two things together; and that which was established in the Council, that they should go forward cheek by jowl; adding, that they had written to his Holiness, that they would begin eight days after Easter. divers discourses and replies were made on both sides, and in conclusion the Legates said they were commanded by the Pope, and could not be wanting to their duty. Don Francis said, it was the duty of good ministers to maintain amity between Princes, and sometimes to expect the second Commission. This was not denied by the Legates; but they answered that more was not to be expected from them than they were able to do with their honour. They gave the Pope an account of all this, adding, that the Cardinal of Trent told them, that if the Article of original sing were proposed, the Emperor would be discontented; and therefore on the one side being desirous to make peace and concord, and on the other to obey his Holiness commandments, they thought good to send away this advice in diligence, beseeching him not to let them err; adding that if no other advice came, they would follow his last commandment, and would labour to persuade Don Francis and the Cardinal of Trent, that this Article of original sin was no more questioned in Germany, but accorded, as was manifest by the last Colloquy of Ratisbon, where his Majesty for the first Article to be accorded, caused that of justification to be taken. But to give as much more time as is possible, they will entertain themselves, as many days as they honestly can, in dispatching that which remaineth of the last Session. A Congregation was made for this only, to give a better form how they should more orderly proceed than they formerly had done, as well in handling the doctrine of faith, as the matter of reformation. And they distinguished two sorts of Congregations, one for Divines, to discourse on the matter of faith which should be proposed, whose opinions should be written by one of the Notaries of the Council, to whom should be added A form to proceed in Council is set down. Canonists, when reformation was spoken of: (which Congregations were to be held in the presence of the Legates, in which any of the Fathers that would might be present.) Another sort of Congregations should consist of Prelates to frame the heads of Doctrine and reformation, which, being examined, and set in order, according to the most common opinion, should be proposed in the general Congregation, to understand every one's voice that by the determination of the mayor part, the decrees might be established, which are to be published in the Session. According to this order, they treated of Lectures and Sermons, framing The diff 〈…〉 between the Prelates and Regulars, about lectures and sermons doth return. and reforming diverse draughts of Decrees; neither was it possible to find a way to please all, because the Prelates that were much interessed to desire that all might depend upon the Episcopal power, without exemption of any. But on the other side, the Legates desired to maintain the privileges given by the Pope, especially to the Mendicants and Universities. And after many disputes, when the matter was sufficiently debated, they thought that, in the Congregation of the tenth of May, all would agree. But it proved to the contrary, for though it lasted till night, yet in some points, they could come to no conclusion, for the diversity of opinions amongst the Prelates themselves, and in others, because the Legates would not yield to the general opinion, to remove, or at the least, to moderate the privileges. They alleged against the Bishops, that they were more moved by their proper interest, then by reason; that they made none account to prejudice the regulars; that they were too bold in correcting the former Counsels, & in meddling with the privileges granted by the Pope. And they could not agree, not only for the variety of Opinions and interests of the Bishops, but also because the Imperialists did endeavour to make a difference, to hinder the proposing of the points of Doctrine Neither was this temporising ungrateful to the Legates, who were resolute, if they were not forbid in the answer, which they expected from Rome, to propose the doctrines, and, as their inward friends said, to clear themselves afterwards of whatsoever should ensue. But to make some end of the things handled, they caused a brief of the opinions of the Divines and Canonists, delivered in diverse preceding Congregations, to be read; saying, that in regard the voices were long, they had collected the sum of them, that they may examine them, and speak their opinions thereon. But Bracius Martellus, Bishop of Fiesole, hearing the extract read, opposed it in a continued speech, and said it was necessary that the The Bishop of Fiesole opposeth the Legates. general Congregation should know the voices and reasons of all, without reading collections and sums; and enlarged himself by amplifying the authority of the Council, & the necessity to inform it well, & the small conveniency, that some few should be judges of the determinations, or that the resolutions should come from any other place: whereat the Legates were much offended, and reprehended the Bishop with affected modesty, but bitingly enough. And so the Congregation broke up. The next day the Legates sent to the B. to demand a copy of his discourse, and sent it to Rome, taxing it as irreverent and seditious; adding, that they had modestly and severely reprehended him, and would have gone further Who complain to the Pope both of him, and of the Bishop of Chioza. (because he deserved no less) but that they feared to move some unseasonable dispute, which might make a rent; But that he ought not to escape unpunished, lest he should be emboldened to do the like in every congregation, or worse: representing to his Holiness, that by all means he should be chased out of Trent, and order taken that the Bishop of Chioza, (not much unlike unto him, though in another course) should never return. This Bishop parted immediately after the session, upon pretence of indisposition, but in truth by reason of words which passed between him and Cardinal Poole in Congregation, in the matter of traditions. For having spoken in defence of Friar Antonius Marinarus, and thereupon contested with the Cardinal, and so having complained that the Council was not free, he saw, he was not in the Legates favour, and obnoxious to danger. The Legates not content with what they had done, to mortify the Bishop of Fiesole, and to keep the matter entire until there came advice from Rome, that they might go on with it, or dissemble, as they should be commanded, in the next Congregation. Monte gave him a nip by the way, and concluded that he left him then to consider of his own affairs, because himself was to be employed in matters of greater importance. The Pope answered concerning the two Bishops, that he would give a remedy in time convenient. But for the matters to be handled, he said, that The Pope's answer to the Legates. if they regarded the desires of Princes, they would make the Council more tumultuous, and the resolutions more long and hard, because every one sought to cross what liked him not and by putting difficulty in one thing, to promote another. Therefore that without any more to do, they should begin with original sin, advising them to omit the excuse which they purposed to use to D. Francis, that is that the article of original sin is not questioned in Germany; but should rather use general terms, and all reverence to the Emperor. He further commanded them, that concerning the correction of the The Council in Tr 〈…〉 is governed by cert 〈…〉 ne 〈…〉 pu●tes 〈◊〉 Rome. vulgar edition, they should proceed no further, until the Deputies over the Council in Rome, had determined what course should be held. The Legates resolving, for execution of those orders, to propose original sin, made a congregation two days together, to determine of the two heads of reading and preaching, before they published their purpose to handle matters of faith, lest those two points, being undecided, might cause the Imperialists to dinert from this. And they caused the Deputies for the vulgar edition, to bring to them all they had done, charging them to proceed no further until they had received new order. Such was the liberty of the Council depending on the Pope, in leaving of things begun, and beginning new. In treating of the Lectures and Sermons, there was a general complaint of the Bishops, especially Spanish; that, CHRIST having commanded that his doctrine should be taught, which is exercised in the Church by preaching and reading to the more capacious, that they may be fit to teach the people, the care to superintend, over all that exercise these functions, aught to be proper to the Bishop. That the Apostles have so instituted, and the holy Fathers so practised. That now this office is absolutely taken from the Bishops by A complaint against the regular orders. privileges, so that no jot thereof remaineth. That this is the cause why all is out of order, because the order instituted by CHRIST is changed. The Universities are withdrawn with exemptions, that the Bishop cannot know what they teach; the Sermons are by privilege given to the Friars, who by no means acknowledge the Bishop, nor suffer him to meddle: so that the office of a Pastor is quite taken from the Bishops. And on the contrary; those who anciently were appointed to weep for sins, and expressly and severely forbidden to preach and teach, have assumed this power unto them, or, at the least, it is given them for their proper function. And so the flock remaineth without either shepherd or hireling, because these ambulatory Preachers, who to day are in one City, to morrow in another, know neither the need, nor the capacity of the people, and least of all the occasions to teach and edify them, as doth the proper Pastor, who liveth always with the flock and knoweth the necessities and infirmities of it. Besides the end of those Preachers, is not to edify; but to take alms either for themselves or their Cloisters; which that they may the better obtain, they aim not to benefit the soul, but to delight the care, and sooth men in their pleasures, that thereby they may draw more profit; and the people, in stead of learning the doctrine of CHRIST, learneth either novity, or vanity at the least. Luther was one of these; who if he had remained weeping in his Cell, the Church of CHRIST had not stood in these terms. That the abuse of the Pardoners was more manifest, who go about preaching Indulgences, whose scandals, formerly given, cannot be related without tears. That it is a clear case, that they exhort the people to nothing but to give money. The only remedy for these disorders, is to take away all the privileges, and to restore to the Bishops, the charge to teach and preach, and to elect those for their fellow labourers whom they shall know worthy of that ministry, and disposed to exercise it with charity. On the contrary side, the Generals of the Regulars, and others said, An Apology of the regular orders. that the Bishops and Curates having wholly abandoned the office of a Pastor, so that for many hundreds of years the people remained without Sermons in the Church, and without the doctrine of Divinity in Schools, God had raised the begging orders to supply these necessary ministeries; into which notwithstanding they intruded not themselves, but entered by the grant of the Supreme Pastor; unto whom it principally appertaining to feed all the flock of CHRIST, it cannot be said that men deputed by him, to supply the defects of him that had the care of the flock and did aband on it, have usurped the office of another. But it may be say de, that if they had not used that charity, there had now remained no sign of Christianity. Now that they have applied themselves more than three hundred years to that holy work, with such fruit as appeareth, they have prescribed those functions, and made them their own, by a lawful title, given by the chief Pastor, the Bishop of Rome; and that the Bishops have no lawful right unto them, nor can allege the use of antiquity to regain that office, which so many hundred years since they have forsaken. That they have a desire of gaining for themselves or their Monasteries is a mere calumny, because the alms are gathered only for their necessary food, and apparel, and the residue being spent for the worship of God, in masses, buildings, and ornaments of Churches, turneth to the benefit and edification of the people, and not to their own profit, that the services done by their orders to the holy Church, and doctrine of Divinity (which is no where to be found but in their Cloisters) deserve the continuance of that charge which others are not able to exercise. The Legates, importuned by both parties, by the Council of their most The Legates relate this difference to Rome and expect an answer. inward friends resoluted to relate to Rome, and expect an answer. The Pope referred it to the Congregation; where presently it was seen whither the pretence of the Bishops tended; that is, to make themselves so many Popes in their Dioceses. For when the Pope's privilege and exemption should be removed, and every one should depend on them, and none on the Pope, all cause of going to Rome would cease. They considered that the Popes The Deputies in Rome take part with the Mendicants, for reasons of Policy. have anciently had for a principal secret to preserve the Primacy given them by CHRIST, to exempt the Bishops from the Archbishop, the Abbats from the Bishops, and so to oblige men to defend him. That it is a clear case, that after the six hundredth year, the Primacy of the Apostolic Sea hath been upheld by the Benedictine Monks exempted, and after by the Congregations of Clunie, and Cistercium, and other monastical assemblies, until God raised the Mendicant orders, by which it hath been maintained until now. Wherefore to take away their privileges, were directly to oppugn the Papacy, and not those orders; to remove the exemptions, were a manifest depression of the Court of Rome, because they should want means to keep a Bishop within compass, that he exalt not himself too high. Therefore that the Pope and Court were compelled by necessity to maintain the Friar's cause. But to do these things smoothly, they considered also that it was necessary to conceal this reason; and they resolved to answer the Legates, that by all means they should preserve the state of The Pope's answer. the Regulars, and cause the Bishops to surcease, setting before them the excessive number of the friars, and the credit which they have with the people, and advice them to take a moderate course, and not make a Schism, by desiring too much. That it was just they should receive some satisfaction, but they should also be content to give it; and when they came to the point, they should grant any thing concerning the Pardoners, but should do nothing concerning the Friars, without communicating it to the Generals, and should give the Bishops some satisfaction which might not take away the privileges. That they should do the like for the Universities; because it was necessary that both these and those should depend on the Pope, and not on the Bishops. After these letters came to Trent, those of the Council had three diverse ends. For the other particulars proposed in these two matters, by those who were not interested either to favour or disfavour the exemptions, were but little considered of. For the Lectures, some proposed the restitution of the ancient use when Monasteries and Canons cloisters were but Colleges and Schools. Whereof some remainder appeareth in many Cathedral Churches, where there is the dignity of a Schooleman, Head of the readers, with a Prebend. These men now do not perform the duty, and indeed are unable. All thought it honest and profitable to restore the Divinity Lecture in Cathedral Churches, and Monasteries. For the former they thought it easy to make provision, by committing the care of the execution thereof to the Bishops; but for the latter very difficult. The Legates opposed the superintendency of Bishops, even in this also, though it were over Monks only, not Mendicants, for fear of leaving a gate open to them, to meddle with privileges granted by the Pope. But Sebastianus Pighius, Auditor of The invention of the Auditor of the Rota. the Rota, found a temper for this, that the superintendency should be given to the Bishops, as Delegates of the Apostolic Sea. The invention pleased, because it was in favour of the Bishops, without derogation of the privilege, for the Bishop was to superintend, not as Bishop, but as the Pope's Delegate. And this gave a pattern to accommodate other difficulties; one in giving authority to the Metropolitans, over Parishes united to Monasteries, not subject to any Diocese; another, in giving power to Bishops over exempted Preachers, who fail; and served also very much in the Decrees of the Sessions that were after. The Canonists proposed that the School subtlety was not fit in these Politic reasons to uphold the Pope's authority. times, and that it beseemed rather natural things, and Philosophy, that these new Lectures should be introduced to handle the Sacraments, and the authority of the Church, as Turrecremata, Augustinus Triumphus, & after them S. Antoninus, and others have done with great fruit. But the Friars contradicting, and opposing that this doctrine was as necessary as that, they found a temper, and ordered that the Lecture should be for exposition of the Scripture, and that the matter should be fitted to the exigence of the text read, and the capacity of the auditors. After many Discourses in many Congregations, they came to establish the Decrees for the Sermons, and to overcome the difficulties, they caused the Prelates, who were their assured friends, to negotiate with the Italian Bishops, wishing them to consider how much they were bound, for the honour of their nation, to uphold the dignity of the Papacy, whose authority was treated of by meddling with the privileges, and what they might hope for from the Pope and Legates, applying themselves to that which is just, and not depriving the Friars of that they have enjoyed so long. That it was dangerous to despise so many learned men, now when heresies do trouble the Church. That the authority of Bishops should be enlarged, by granting them power to allow or disallow the Preachers when they preach out of the Churches of their Order; and when they preach in them, by making them acknowledge the Prelate, first ask his benediction. That the Bishops might punish the Preachers for heresy, & forbidden them to preach, to avoid scandal. That they should be contented with this, and that other things should be added, as occasion served. By this means they gained so many, that they were secure to establish the Decree with those conditions. But there remained another difficulty; because the Friars and Generals were not satisfied, and to distaste them was not secure, and expressly forbid by the Pope. They endeavoured to show them, that the grant made to the Bishops, was just and necessary, whereof themselves were cause, by extending their privileges too much, and by passing the bounds of honesty. In fine, by admonishing the Bishops to proceed so, that the Friars might not have cause to complain, the Generals also were pacified. When they made known their resolution to condemn in the same Session the Lutheran opinions of original sin, they alleged, that, to keep the order of putting both the matters together, it was necessary to handle some point of faith, and that they could not begin from any other point. And they proposed the Articles extracted out of the Protestants doctrine in that matter, to be examined and discussed by the Divines in the Congregations, whether they ought to be condemned for heretical. The Cardinal Pacceco said, that the Council was to handle Articles of faith, only to reduce Germany, the which he that would do out of season, should not only fail of his end, but make matters worse. When there is opportunity to do it, it cannot be known to those in Trent, but only to him that sitteth at the stern of that Country, who, seeing all particulars, knoweth when to apply the medicine. Therefore he advised that they should crave by letters the opinion of the principal Prelates of the Nation, before they went any further, or that the Pope's Nuncio should speak thereof with the Emperor. To which opinion the Emperor's Prelates, induced by the Ambassador, did adhere. But the Legates, commending their judgement, and promising to write to the Nuncio, added, that, notwithstanding this, the Articles might be disputed by the Divines, to gain time; whereunto the Cardinal also, and the others, adhered, hoping that many difficulties might come across, to cause a delay, and the Ambassador Toledo was contented, so that the Summer might be passed before the definition were made. The Articles proposed, were. 1. That Adam, by transgressing the precept, hath lost justice, and incurred the The points of original sin to be discussed. wrath of God, and mortality; and though he be impaired both in soul and body, yet no sin is transferred from him to posterity, but only corporal punishments. 2. That Adam's sin is called original, because it is derived from him to posterity, not by transmission, but by imitation. 3. That original sin is ignorance, or contempt of God, or want of fear, without confidence in his Majesty, without divine love, and with concupiscence, and bad desires; and generally a corruption of the whole man in his will, soul, and body. 4. That in children there is an inclination to evil, proceeding from the corrupted nature, so that after the use of reason, it bringeth forth a loathing of divine things, and an immersion in matters of the world; and that this is original sin. 5. That children, at the least borne of faithful parents, though they are baptised into the remission of sins, yet they have no sin by descending from Adam. 6. That original sin is not canceled in Baptism, but not imputed, or so razed, that it beginneth to diminsh in this life, and is wholly rooted out in that to come. 7. That the sin remaining in the baptised, hindereth his entrance into heaven. 8. That concupiscence which cherisheth sin, and remaineth after baptism, is truly sin. 9 That the principal punishment due to original sin, is hell fire, besides corporal death, and other imperfections, unto which man is subject in this life. The Divines in the Congregation agreed, that to discuss those Articles, it was necessary not to proceed in that order, but to examine all the matter methodically, and see what was sin in Adam, and what, derived from him to posterity, is sin in all men, called original, how it is transmitted, and how remitted. In the first point also they agreed, that Adam being deprived of righteousness, The discussion of original sin. his affections rebelled against reason; which the Scripture useth to express, saying, the flesh rebelleth against the spirit, and by one only name, calleth his defect Concupiscence. That he incurred the wrath of God, and corporal mortality, threatened by God, together with the spiritual death of the soul; and yet that none of these defects can be called sin, but punishments that follow. For sin is formally the transgression of a divine precept. And here many enlarged themselves, to find out the kind of this fault. Some said it was pride, some gluttony, some infidelity, and some more sound, that it might be drawn to all these, and more. But he that will take S. Paul's words for his ground, can put it in no other kind, but of pure disobedience. But seeking to know what thing derived from Adam is sin in us, the opinions were more diverse. For S. Austin, who first sought into the essence thereof, following S. Paul, said it is concupiscence. And S. Anselmus, many hundred years after, holding that sin is canceled in the baptised, concupiscence still remaining, maintained that it is the privation of original righteousness, which in Baptism is renewed, by a thing equivalent, which is grace. But S. Thomas, and S. Bonaventure, desiring to reconcile these two opinions, considered that in our corrupted nature there are two rebellions; one of the soul against God, the other of the senses against the soul; and that this is concupiscence, and that unrighteousness, and therefore both together are the sin. And S. Bonaventure gave the first place to concupiscence, saying that this is positive, and the other negative. And S. Thomas contrarily made concupiscence the material part, and the privation of righteousness the formal. Whereupon he said, that this sin in us is concupiscence, destitute of original righteousness. The Master of the Sentences, and the old Schoolmen followed S. Augustine's opinion, which was maintained in the Council by two Hermit Friars. But because john Scotus defended the opinion of his countryman Anselmus, the Fransciscans maintained it in the Council, and the greater part of the Dominicans that of S. Thomas. So it was declared what was the sin of Adam, and what original sin in other men. But they were more troubled to discourse how it was transmitted from him to posterity, and successively from father to son. For Saint Austin, who opened the way unto others, pressed with the objection of julianus the Pelagian, who asked him of the manner of transmitting original sin when man is conceived, seeing that Matrimony and the use thereof is holy, neither How original sin is transmitted to posterity. God the first author sinning, nor the parents, nor he that is borne, by what chink sin entered, answered only, that chinks were not to be sought where a gate stood wide open, the Apostle saying, that by Adam sin entered into the world. And in many places where he was to speak hereof, he shown himself doubtful, and was irresolute whether as the body of the child is derived from the body of the father, so the soul from the soul. For the fountain being infected, the river must needs be defiled. The modesty of this Saint, was not imitated by the Schoolmen; who, being resolved that every soul is created immediately by God, said, that the infection was principally in the flesh, contracted by our forefathers in the earthly Paradise, either from the poisoned quality of the fruit, or the venomous breath of the Serpent. Which contamination is derived into the flesh of the children, which is a part of their parent's flesh, and is contracted by the soul in the infusion, as a liquor contracteth the ill quality of an infected vessel; and the infection is caused in the flesh, by the lust of the parents in the generation. But the variety of opinions made no difference in the censure of the Articles: For every one cleaving to his own, shown that it was decided by it, that the first article was heretical, which undoubtedly was condemned for such in the Council of Palestina, and in many of Africa against Pelagius. And it was reexamined in Trent, not as it was found in the writings of Luther, or his followers, but as it was averred by Zuinglius: who, notwithstanding seemed to some of the Divines, who discussed his words well, to think rather that in the posterity of Adam it was no sin of action, but a corruption and transformation of nature, which he called a sin in the kind of substance. The second Article was esteemed heretical by all, and was by the same Pelagius long since invented; who, because he was not condemned in the Council of Palestina, for saying that Adam had not hurt his posterity, he recanted, and confessed the contrary, and after, together with his followers, declared himself that Adam had damnified his posterity, not by transmission of sin, but by giving them a bad example, which hurteth those that do imitate it. And Erasmus was noted to have renewed the same assertion, interpreting the place of Saint Paul, That by Adam sin entered into the world, and passed into all, in regard all have imitated, and do imitate his transgression. The third Article for the first part, was censured in Trent, as also in many Colloquies in Germany, by saying that those actions could not be original sin, seeing they are not in children, nor always in those of ripe age: so that to say there was no sin but that, was wholly to deny it, and not to satisfy the excuse of those in Germany, who under the name of actions, understand a natural inclination to ill, and an inability to good. For, if they understood it so, it was sit to say it, and not to speak evil, but so as that others may understand them well. And though Saint Austin spoke thus when he said, that original righteousness was to obey God, and not to have concupiscence, he would alter his speech if he had been in these times, because it is very lawful to name the cause for the effect, and the effect for the cause, when they are proper and adequate. But it is not so in this case for original sin is not the cause of those bad actions, except a bad will, as principal, be added. But for the second part of the Article, they said, that if the Protestants understood a privative corruption, the opinion may be tolerated; but they understand a corrupted substance, as if the proper nature of man were changed into another form, then that in which it was created, and reprehend the Catholics, when they call the sin a privation of justice, as a fountain without water; but they call it a fountain from whence corrupted waters do issue, which are the acts of incredulity, distrust, hatred, contumacy, an inordinate love of ones self, and worldly things: and therefore that it was fit absolutely to condemn the Article. And the fourth also was censured by the same reason, saying that inclination to be the punishment of sin, and not sin formally; and without alleging aught else, it was absolutely denied to be a sin. It must not be omitted that in this point, the Franciscans could not contain The Franciscans exempt the Virgin Mary from sin, and are opposed by the Dominicans. themselves from exempting the Virgin, the mother of GOD, from this law by a special privilege, endeavouring to enlarge themselves in the question, and to prove it; and the Dominicans laboured to comprehend her by name, under the common law, though the Cardinal of Monte omitted no occasion to make them leave that controversy, saying, they were assembled to condemn the heresies, not the opinions of the Catholics. No man resisted the condemnation of the articles. But Friar Ambrose The opinion of Catarinus. Catarinus noted the reasons for unsufficient, in that they declared not the true nature of this sin; and shown it in a long discourse. The substance whereof was; that it is necessary to distinguish the sin from the punishment; that concupiscence and privation of righteousness, is the punishment of sin; therefore that it is necessary the sin should be another thing. He added, that which was not a sin in Adam, it is impossible it should be a sin in us: but neither of these two were sin in Adam, because neither privation of righteousness, nor concupiscence were his actions; therefore neither are they in us; and if they were effects of sin in him, of necessity they must be so in others also. By which reason, it cannot be said that sin is the enmity of GOD against the sinner, nor the sinner's enmity against GOD, seeing they are things that follow sin, and come after it. He oppugned also the transmission of sin, by means of the seed and generation, saying, That as, if Adam had not sinned, righteousness would have been transfused, not by virtue of the generation, but only by the will of God, so it is fit to find another means to transfuse sin. And he explained his opinion in this form; that as God made a Covenant with Abraham and all his posterity, when he made him father of the faithful, so when he gave original righteousness to Adam and all mankind, he made him seal an obligation in the name of all, to keep it for himself and them, observing the commandments; which because he transgressed, he lost it as well for others as himself, & incurred the punishments also for them; the which as they are derived into every one, so the very transgression of Adam belonged to every one; to him as the cause, to others by virtue of the Covenant; so that the action of Adam is actual sin in him, and imputed to others, is original; because when he sinned, all mankind did sin with him. Catarinus grounded himself principally, for that a true and proper sin must needs be a voluntary act, and no other thing can be voluntary but the transgression of Adam imputed unto all. And Paul saying that all have sinned in Adam, it must be understood that they have all committed the same sin with him. He alleged for example, that St. Paul to the Hebrews affirmeth, that Levi paid tithe to Melchizedek, when he paid it in his great Grandfather Abraham; by which reason it must be said, that the posterity violated the commandment of GOD, when Adam did it, and that they were sinners in him, as in him they received righteousness. And so there is no need to run to lust which infecteth the flesh, whence the soul receiveth infection. For it cannot be understood, how a spirit can receive a corporal passion; and if sin were a spiritual blemish in the soul, it could not first be in the flesh, and if it be corporal in the flesh, it can work none effect in the spirit. That the soul, by joining itself with an infected body, doth receive spiritual infection, is an unconceivable transcendency. He proved the covenant of God with Adam, by a place of the Prophet Osea, by another of Ecclesiasticus, and by many places of Saint Austin. That the sin of every one is the act only of the transgression of Adam, he proved by Saint Paul, when he saith, That by the disobedience of one man, many are made sinners; and because the Church hath ever understood that sin is nothing else but a voluntary action against the law, of which kind there was none but that of Adam; and because Saint Paul saith, That death entered by original sin, which entered only by actual transgression. And he brought for the principal proof, that though Eve did eat the apple before Adam, yet she knew not she was naked, nor that she had incurred the punishment, but only after Adam had sinned. Therefore Adam's sin, as it was not his alone, but of Eve too, so was it also of all his posterity. But Friar Dominicus Soto, to defend the opinion of Saint Thomas, and of the other Divines from the objections of Catarinus, brought a new exposition, Dominicus Soro crosseth the opinion of Catarinus. and said, that Adam sinned actually in eating of the forbidden fruit, but after he remained a sinner by an habitual quality, caused by the action, as by every bad action such a disposition is bred in the mind of the actor, by which, though the act be past, he remaineth, and is called a sinner; that Adam's action was transitory, nor had existence, but while he wrought; that the habitual quality remaining in him, passed into the posterity, and is transfused as proper unto every one; that Adam's action is not original sin, but that consequent habit which the Theologues call privation of righteousness, which may be well expounded, considering that man is called a sinner, not only when he transgresseth actually, but after also, until the sin be canceled, not in regard of the punishments, or other consequences of sin, but in regard of the preceding transgression itself; as that which maketh a man crooked, until he be straightened again; who is said to be so, not by an actual action, but by that effect which remaineth after the action is past. He compared original sin to crookedness, as it is indeed a spiritual obliquity; for the whole nature of man being in Adam, when he made himself crooked by transgressing the Precept, the whole nature of man, and by consequent, every particular person remained crooked not by the curuitie of Adam, but by his own, by which he is truly crooked and a sinner, until he be straightened by the grace of God. These two opinions were sharply disputed, and every one pretended that his own should be received by the Synod. But in the consideration how original sin was remitted, they agreed How original sin is renutted all, that it is canceled by baptism, and the soul restored pure into the state of innocence, though the punishments which follow sin be not removed, that they may be an exercise for the just. And this all of them expounded by saying, that the perfection of Adam consisted in an infused quality, which adorned the soul, made it perfect and acceptable to God, and exempted the body from mortality. And God, for the merit of CHRIST, giveth unto those that are regenerated by baptism another quality called justifying grace, which wiping out every blemish in the soul, maketh it pure, as was that of Adam; yea in some it worketh greater effects then original righteousness, but only that it worketh no effect in the body, whereby mortality, and other natural defects are not removed. Many places of Saint Paul and the other Apostles were alleged, where they say, that baptism washeth, cleanseth, illuminateth and purifieth the soul, so that no condemnation, spot or wrinkle remaineth. It was exactly discoursed, how, if the baptised have no sin, sin can pass into their children? Whereunto Augustinus answered with examples only: as of a circumcised father the son is borne uncircumcised, and of a blind man one that can see, and of a pure grain, one clad in straw. Catarinus answered, that the Covenant was made with Adam only, and that every one hath sin by imputation of that of Adam; so that the intermediate Parents have nothing to do therein: and if the forbidden fruit had been eaten, not by Adam, but by one of his sons, his posterity had not sinned; and if Adam had sinned after he had begotsonnes, his sin had been imputed to them though borne before. Soto disputed against it, that if Adam had sinned after his sons were borne, those would not have been obnoxious unto it, but their posterity should. The common voice was, that the sixth Article was heretical, for saying there remaineth in the baptised something worthy of death: and the seventh for leaving remainders of sin in the baptised: and the eight most clearly, for making concupiscence a sin in the baptised. Only Antoninus Marinarus, a Carmelite Friar, affirming, as the others, that sin is canceled by baptism, and that concupiscence is before sin, yet, for condemning the contrary of heresy, he considered that Saint Austin being old, writing here of to Bonifacius, said plainly that concupiscence was not a sin but a cause and an effect of sin: and writing against julianus he said in as plain terms, that it was sin, and the cause, and effect thereof: and yet in his retractions he never made mention of either of these two contrary propositions, because he thought he might speak both ways of it, in regard it was not a matter of faith, the difference being rather verbal than otherwise. For it is one thing to ask if a thing be a sin, or if it be a sin to a person excused. As he that goeth forth to hunt for things necessary for his sustenance, if he think to kill a wild beast, and, by invincible ignorance, slay a man, the Lawyers say that the action is murder, and a sin: but the hunter is excused, so that unto him it is not, by reason of his ignorance. So concupiscence, being the same before and after baptism, is sin in itself; and Saint Paul saith, that it resisteth the Law of God, even in the regenerate, and whatsoever doth that is sin. But he that is baptised is excused; because he is clad with CHRIST: so that the Article is true one way, and false another; and it is not just to condemn a proposition, which is true in one sense, without distinguishing it first. This opinion was rejected by all, and it was said that Saint Austin made two sorts of concupiscence; one before baptism, which is a repugnancy of the will to the Law of God, which he said was sin, and abolished in Baptism; another, which is the repugnancy of the sense to reason, which remaineth after baptism, which S. Austin called the cause and effect, but never sin: and when he seemeth to say otherwise, it must be defended that his mind is; that concupiscence is a sin, which by baptism leaveth to be so, and becometh an exercise of virtue and good works. To this opinion of Soto they joined what he had said in his sermons, made in the Mass on the fourth Sunday of the last Advent, and in that of the Lent, exhorting to repose all confidence in God, condemning all trust in works, and affirming that the heroical Acts of the ancients, so renowned by men, were truly sin; that he spoke of the difference of the Law and the Gospel, not as of two times, but as if the Gospel had been ever, and the Law ought to be ever, and also of the certainty of Grace, though with ambiguous and doubtful clauses, for fear they might so reprehend him, that he could not be defended. This made the Friar suspected by some, that he was not wholly Soto is suspected of Lutheranisme. averse from the Protestants doctrine. When they came to the Article of the punishment, though Saint Austin, grounding himself upon Saint Paul, held expressly, that the pains of hell fire belonged unto it, even in little children, whereunto none of the holy Fathers contradicted, yet the master of the sentences, with the Schoolmen, who follow most of all Philosophical reasons, distinguished two kinds of eternal punishments; one the privation only of celestial blessedness, the other, a chastisement: and they assigned the first only to original sin. Only Gregory of Arimini forsook the general opinion of the Schoolmen, who by that means gained the name of Tormenter of children. But neither he nor Saint Austin were defended by the Theologues in the congregations. Yet there was another division amongst them. For the Dominicans A difference between the Franciscans and Dominicans about Limbo. said that children dead, without baptism before the use of reason, remain after the resurrection in a Limbo and darkness under the earth, but without fire: the Franciscans said they are to remain upon the earth, and in light. Some affirmed also, that they should be Philosophers, busying themselves in the knowledge of natural things, not without that great pleasure which happeneth when curiosity is satisfied by invention. Catarinus said further, that they shall be visited and comforted by the holy Angels and Saints. And in this so many vanities were delivered, that they might give great matter of entertainment. But for reverence of Austin, and not to condemn Gregory of Arimini, the Augustinians made great means, that the Article, though false, as they thought, might not be condemned for heretical; though Catarinus employed all his force to the contrary, to repress (as he said) the boldness and ignorance of some Preachers, who, to the great scandal of the people, publish that doctrine, affirming that Saint Austin had said so only in heat of disputation against the Pelagians, and not because he was clear in that opinion. Whereupon, since the truth is declared to the contrary by common consent of the Schools, and that the Lutherans have raised the same errors, and the Catholics themselves fall into it, the declaration of the Synod is necessary. The censure of the Divines being ended, and the points treated of by the The Prelates did scarcely understand the discourses of the Divines Fathers, to resolve upon the form of the Decree, the Bishops (amongst whom very few had knowledge in Theology, but were either Lawyers, or learned men of the Court) were confounded with this scholastical and crabbed manner of handling the Articles; and amongst so-many opinions, knew not what to think of the essence of original sin. That of Catarinus was best understood, because it was expressed by a political conceit of a bargain made by one for his posterity, which being transgressed, they are all undoubtedly bound; and many of the Fathers did favour that. But perceiving the contradiction of the other Divines, they durst not receive it. For remission of the sin, this only they held to be clear, that every one hath original sin before baptism, and is perfectly purged of it by baptism. Therefore they concluded that this should be established for faith, and the contrary condemned for heresy, together with all those opinions which deny original sin, in what sort soever: but what that sin is, there being so many differences amongst the Divines, they said it was not possible to set down so circumspectly, that it might satisfy all, and not condemn some opinion, which might cause a schism. Marcus Viguerius, Bishop of Sinigaglia, Friar jerom General of S. Austin, Andrea's Vega a Franciscan, opposeth the common inclination to condemn the opinion of the Lutherans without declaring the opinion of t 〈…〉 Catholics and Andreas Vega, a Franciscan Divine, were opposite to this general inclination. This last shown more than the others, that it was not convenient, nor ever used by any Council, to condemn an opinion for heretical, without declaring first which is Catholic; that no true negative hath in itself the cause of its truth, but is so by the truth of an affirmative; nor ever any proposition was false, but because another is true: neither can the falsity of the one be known, but by him who knoweth the truth of the other. Therefore the opinion of the Lutherans cannot be condemned of heresy, until the opinion of the Church be set down. He that shall observe the manner of proceeding in all Counsels, which have handled matter of faith, will see, that they have laid first an Orthodox foundation, and by that condemned the heresies; and so it is necessary to do now. For when it shall be read that the Council of Trent hath condemned the Lutherans, for saying original sin is ignorance, contempt, distrust, an hate of heavenly things, and a corruption of the whole man in the will, soul and body, who is there that will not demand, what is it then? and will not say in himself, if this opinion be heretical, which is Catholic? And when he shall see the opinion of Zuinglius condemned, that children the sons of the faithful, are baptised into remission of sins, though nothing be transmitted from Adam but the punishments, and the corruption of nature, will not suddenly ask, what else is then transmitted? In sum, he concluded, that the Council was assembled principally to tell the Catholic truth, not only to condemn heresies. The Bishop said, That these Articles having been so often disputed in the Diets The Bishop of Sinigaglia, & Friar jerom General of the Augustins speak to the same purpose. of Germany, every one would expect from the Council a perspicuous doctrine, cleared from all difficulties. The General also, who was somewhat suspected to be suborned by the Ambassador Toledo, added, that the true Catholic doctrine of original sin is contained in the writings of S. Austin; that Egidius Romanus had wrote a book thereof; that whensoever the Fathers would take but a little pains, they might be able to understand the truth, and judge of it; that they should not suffer a fame to be spread, that in Trent that was resolved in four days, which in Germany hath been so long discussed without conclusion. These advertisements were not harkened unto, because the Prelates had no hope to be able by study to be well informed in the crabbed schoole-poynts, neither durst they go about to make trial of it; and because the Legates had received absolute command from Rome to define this matter in the next session, they were constrained to avoid the difficulties, especially because the Cardinal of Monte was resolved to make this great jump by all means. And therefore calling unto him the Generals of the Orders, and the Divines, Catarinus and Vega, who spoke more than the rest, he charged them to pass by the difficulties, and help forward the dispatch. The Prelates deputed to frame the decree, with the assistance of the Divines, divided the matter into five Anathematisms. The first, of the personal sin of Adam: the second, of the transfusion into posterity: the third, of the remedy by baptism: the fourth, of the baptism of children: the fifth, of concupiscence remaining. After this, the opinions of the Zwinglians were condemned in the four first, and of Luther in the fifth. They conferred on these Articles almost all, adding and taking away what they thought fit with much concord, but only that the Franciscan Bishops and Friars approved not, The Franciscans desire that the Virgin Mary should be excepted. that it should be generally said, that the sin of Adam passed into all mankind, because the blessed Virgin, the mother of our LORD, was comprehended, if she were not particularly excepted; and they desired the exception. The Dominicans said on the contrary, that the proposition so general, and without exception was Saint Paul's, and all the holy Doctors, and therefore that it was not fit to alter it with an exception: and that contradiction waxing warm, they fell into the question which the Legates had often diverted. They said, that though the Church had tolerated the opinion of the conception, yet he that would examine the matter well, might find that she was not exempted from the common infection. And the others opposed, that it would be as much as to condemn the Church, who celebrateth the conception as immaculate, and a kind of ingratitude, derogating from the honour due unto her, by whom all the graces of CHRIST pass unto us. The disputations turned into contention, so fare, that the Emperor's Ambassador had hope to obtain his design, that the matter might not be proposed in the next Session. Many things were proposed upon that occasion, which caused them to A discourse of the Author to show how the blessed Virgin came to be worshipped. proceed to the Decree, which shall be rehearsed; which because it afforded matter of discourse, for the entire understanding of all, it is necessary to relate from the beginning the original of this controversy. After that the impiety of Nestorius had divided CHRIST, making two sons, and denying him to be God who was borne of the blessed Virgin, the Church, to inculcate the Catholic truth in the minds of the faithful, made often mention of her in the Churches as well of the East as of the West; with this short form of words in Greek, Maria 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Latin, Maria matter Dei. This being instituted only for the honour of CHRIST, was by little and little communicated also to the mother, and finally applied to her alone; and therefore when images began to multiply, CHRIST was painted as a babe in his mother's arms, to put us in mind of the worship due unto him, even in that age. But in progress of time, it was turned into the worship of the mother without the son, he remaining as an appendex in the picture. The writers and Preachers, especially those that were contemplative, carried with the torrent of the vulgar, which is able to do much in these matters, leaving to mention CHRIST, invented with one accord new praises, Epithets, and religious services; in so much that about the year 1050. a daily Office was instituted to the blessed Virgin, distinguished by seven Canonical hours, in a form which anciently was ever used to the honour of the Divine Majesty, and in the next hundred years, the worship so increased, that it came to the height, even to attribute that unto her, which the Scriptures speak of the Divine wisdom. And amongst these invented novities this was one, her total exemption from original sin. Yet this remained only in the breasts of some few private men, having no place in Ecclesiastical ceremonies, or amongst the learned. About the year 1136. the Canons of Lions dared to bring it into the Ecclesiastical Offices. Saint Bernard, who lived in those times, esteemed the most learned and pious of that age, who was most frequent in the praises of the blessed Virgin, so fare as to call her the neck of the Church, by which every grace and influence passeth from the head, inveighed severely against the Canons, and wrote unto them, reprehending them for introducing a dangerous novity without reason, or example of antiquity; that there want not places to praise the Virgin, who cannot be pleased with a presumptuous novity, mother of rashness, sister of superstition, daughter of lightness. The next age had Schooledoctors of both the orders Franciscan and Dominican, who in their writings refuted this opinion, until about the year 1300. when john Scot, a Franciscan, putting the matter into disputation, and examining the reasons, did fly to the omnipotency, saying that God had power to free her from sin, or to cause sin to remain in her only for an instant, or for a certain time: that God only knoweth which of these three is true; yet it is probable to attribute the first to Marry, in case it be not repugnant to the authority of the Church, and of the Scripture. The doctrine of this famous Divine was followed by the Franciscan order. But in the particular of the conception, seeing the way laid open they affirmed absolutely for true, that which he had proposed as possible and probable, under this doubtful condition, if it be not repugnant: to the Orthodox Faith. The Dominicans did constantly resist; and followed Saint Thomas, one of their order, famous for his learning, S. Thomas is canonised by Pope john the, 22 to disgrace the Franciscans. and for the approbation of Pope john the two and twentieth, who, to depress the Franciscans, who did for the most part adhere to the Emperor Lewis of Bavaria, excommunicated by him, did canonize that Doctor and his doctrine. The show of piety and devotion made the Franciscan opinion generally more accepted, and more tenaciously received by the University of Paris, which was in credit for eminent learning; and after long ventilation and discussion, was afterwards approved by the Council of Basill, which forbade to preach and teach the contrary. This took place in those Countries which received the Council. Finally Pope Sixtus the fourth, a Franciscan, made two Bulls in this matter; one in the year one thousand four hundred seventîe six, approving a new Office, composed by Leonard Nogarola Protonotary, with Indulgences to him that did celebrate it, or assist: the other in the year one thousand four hundred eighty three, condemning the assertion, as false and erroneous, that it is heresy to hold the conception, or a sin to celebrate it, excommunicating the Preachers and others who noted that opinion of heresy, or the contrary, because it was not as yet decided by the Church of Rome and the Apostolic Sea. But this did not appease the contentions, which between the two orders of Friars still waxed sharper, and were renewed every year in December; so that Pope Leo the tenth thinking to give a remedy by deferring the controversy, made letters be written unto diverse. But afterwards he had more important cogitations, by reason of the novities of Germany, which in these contentions wrought that which happeneth in States, that the City being beleaguered, the factions do cease, and all join against the common enemy. The Dominicans grounded themselves upon the Scripture, the doctrine of the Fathers, and the most ancient Schoolmen, where not one jot was found in favour of the others; but they alleged for themselves miracles, and contentment of the people. john of Vdine, a Dominican Friar, said, either you will that Saint Paul and the Fathers have believed this exemption of the Virgin from the common condition, or not. If they have believed it, and yet have spoken generally without ever making mention of this exception, imitate them also now. But if they have believed the contrary, your opinion is a novity. jerolamus Lombardellus, a Franciscan Friar, said, that the authority of the present Church, was no less than that of the Primitive; if the consent of that in those times made men speak without exception, the consent of this, which appeareth in celebrating the Feast throughout, aught to induce us not to omit it. The Legate wrote to Rome of the marvelous agreement of all against the Lutheran doctrine, and the resólution taken to condemn it, and sent a copy of the Anathematisms framed, giving advice withal of the contention raised about the conception. Whereunto it was answered from Rome, that by no means they should meddle with a matter, which may cause a schism between Catholics, but should strive to reconcile the parties, and give The Pope commandeth that the contention about the conception should be omitted for fear of making a schism them both satisfaction, and above all to preserve in strength the brief of Sistus 4. The Legates having received the order, did by themselves, and by the wiser sort of Prelates persuade both parties to lay aside the contentions, and apply themselves jointly against the Lutherans. They were on both sides contented to be silent, so that their opinion were not prejudiced: yet the Franciscans said that the Canon was against them if the Virgin were not excepted, and the Dominicans that they were condemned if she were. It was necessary to find a way how it might be declared that she was neither comprehended, nor affirmatively excepted; which was by saying, they had no intention either to comprehend or except her. Afterwards at the great instance of the Franciscans, the others were content it should be said only they had no meaning to comprehend her. And to obey the Pope it was added, that the constitutions of Sistus 4. should be observed. While these things are handled in Trent, the Diet being assembled in Ratisbon, The Diet of Ratisbon. the Emperor shown great displeasure that the Colloquy was dissolved without fruit, and required that every one should propose what he thought fit to appease Germany. The Protestants desired that the difference of Religion might be composed, according to the Recess of Spira, by a national Council, saying it was more fit than a general, because by reason of the great difference in opinions between Germany and other Nations, it is impossible to avoid the raising of a greater contention: and whosoever will enforce Germany to change opinion, must first slay many thousands of men; which would be a damage to the Emperor, and a joy to the Turks. The Emperor's ministers answered, that his Majesty was not the cause why the Decree of Spira was not executed; and that it was known unto all, that, to make so necessary a peace with the French King, he was constrained to yield to the Pope in matters of Religion; that the Decree was fitted to the necessities of that time, which being changed, it was also necessary to change opinion; that in National Counsels sometimes manners are amended, but Faith and Religion never handled, that in Colloquies one hath to do with Theologues, who, for the most part are untractable & obstinate; so that with them one cannot come to such moderate counsels as is necessary; that none loved Religion more than the Emperor, who would not swerve one jot from that which is just and honest, to please the Pope: but he knew well, that in a Nationall Council he should neither be able to reconcile the parties, nor find whom to make judge. The Ambassador of Mentz and Triers divided themselves from the other four, and being united with all the Catholics, approved the Tridentine Council, and besought Caesar to protect it, and to persuade the Protestants to go thither and submit themselves unto it. They answered that the Council in Trent was not free, as was demanded and promised in the Imperial Diets: they desired again that the Emperor would observe the peace, and ordain that Religion might be established in a lawful Council of Germany, or an Imperial Diet Job a Colloquy of learned men 〈◊〉 both 〈◊〉. In this Interim, the Emperor had made secret provision, for war, which not being able longer to concedles 〈…〉 known to the Protestants in the Diet, and because peace was concluded with the French King, and The provisions for war against the 〈◊〉 Protest 〈…〉 〈◊〉 no longer be concealed. truce with the T 〈…〉, every one did easily perceive the cause especially, for that a fame was spread 〈…〉 the Pope also and Ferdinand did arm, whereby all was in confusion. And the Emperor seeing he was discovered, the ninth of Innosent, the Cardinal of Trent Post to Rome, to demand of the Pope the succours 〈◊〉 promised, and sent Captains with money into Italy and Flanders to levy Soldiers, and solicited the Princes, and Protestant German Captains, not combined with those of the league of Smalcalda, to follow his colours, affirming, and promising bee would not make war for Religion, but suppress the rebellion of some, who, under that pretence, would not acknowledge the Laws, nor the Majesty of the Prince, By this promise he quieted many of the Cities, who before had received the renovation in the Rites of the Church, promising all benevolence to the obedient, and security for their Religion. But in the Council there being no more difference amongst the Father's concerning the things discussed, and the decrees of faith and reformation being framed, the Emperor's Ambassador, being not able any longer to resist the Legates resolution, the seventeenth of june being come, the day apppointed for the Session, Alexander Pichalhomini, Bishop of Pianza, sang, Mass: Marcus Laureus, a Dominican Friar, preached; and when the usual ceremonies were ended, the decree of faith, with five Anathematisms, was read. 1. Against him that confesseth not, that Adam, by transgressing hath The Decree of faith with 5. a 〈…〉 t 〈…〉 in the Session. lost sanctity and justice, incurred the wrath of God, death and thraldom to the Devil, and is infected in soul and body. 2. Against him that averreth that Adam by sinning hath hurt himself only, or hath derived into his posterity the death only of the body, and not sin, the death of the soul. 3. Against him that affirmeth that sin, which is one in the beginning, and proper to every one, transmitted by generation, not imitation, can be abolished by any other remedy then the death of CHRIST: or denieth that the merit of CHRIST is applied as well to children, as to those that be of ripe years, by the Sacrament of Baptism, ministered in the form and rite of the Church. 4. Against him that de 〈…〉eth that children which are newly borne aught to be baptised though the sons of Christians, or saith they are baptised for remission of sins, but not because they have contracted any original sin from Adam. 5. Against him that denyeth that by the grace of Baptism the guilt of original sin is remitted, or saith that all is not removed which hath the true and proper nature of sin, but that it is razed and not imputed, concupiscence still remaining in the baptised for an exercise, which cannot hurt but him that consenteth to it: the which being called sin by the Apostle, the Synod declareth that it is no true and proper sin, but is so termed because it ariseth from sin, and inclineth to it. That the Synod meaneth not to comprehend in the decree the blessed Virgin, but that the constitutions of Sistus 4. aught to be observed, which it doth renew. The Decree of the reformation containeth two parts, one in matter of the Lectures, the other of the Sermons. For the Lectures it was ordered, that in the Churches where there is a stipend allotted for reading Divinity, the Bishop should provide that the holy Scripture should be read by the Stipendiary, it he be fit, and not being fit, the Bishop should depute a substitute, The Decree of reformation. to perform the charge: but for hereafter that the benefice should not be conferred but upon a sufficient person. That in the Cathedral Churches of populous Cities, and collegiate Churches of great Castles, where no such stipend is assigned, the first Prebend that falleth void, should be applied to that use, or some simple benefice, or a contribution of all beneficed men, to institute the Lecture. That in poor Churches, there should be at the least a Master to teach Grammar, who shall enjoy the fruits of some simple benefice, or have a stipend from the Capitular or Episcopal table, or the Bishop shall find some other way to effect it. That in the Cloisters of Monks there should be a Divinity Lecture, if it may be, wherein if the Abbats shall be negligent, they shall be constrained to do it, by the Bishop as the Pope's Delegate. That in the Conuents of the Regulars, there should be deputed Masters of sufficiency to perform this charge. That in public studies, where a Divinity Lecture is not instituted, it shall be instituted by the charity and piety of Princes, and Republics; and where it hath been instituted and neglected, it shall be restored. That none shall be made a Lecturer, either public or private, before he be approved by the Bishop, as fit for his life, manners, and knowledge, except those that read in the Cloisters of Monks. That the privileges granted by law, to Public Readers in Divinity, and scholars, for the enjoying of the fruits of their benefices, in their absence shall be preserved. Concerning Sermons the Decree containeth, that the Bishops and Prelates be bound, if they be not hindered, to preach the Gospel in person, and if they be, to substitute men of sufficiency. That the inferior Curates ought to teach things necessary to salvation, either by themselves, or others; at the least on Sundays and solemn Feasts: whereunto they shall be constrained by the Bishops, any exemption notwithstanding. And the Curates of the Parishes subject to Monasteries, which are in no diocese, shall be constrained to the same by the metropolitans, as Delegates of the Pope, in case the Regular Prelate shall be negligent. That the Regulars shall not preach, except they be approved, for their life, manners and knowledge, by their superiors: and in the Churches of their Order, they shall demand the benediction of the Bishop before the Sermon begin: but in other Churches they shall not preah without the Bishop's licence, which shall be given them gratis. If the Preacher sow errors or scandals, the Bishop shall prohibit him; if heresies, he shall proceed against him according to law and custom: and if the Preacher be a privileged person, he shall do it as delegate; yet taking care that the Preachers be not molested by false imputations, and calumnies, and have no cause to complain of them. That they permit not that either Regulars who live out of Cloisters, or secular Priests, except they be known and allowed by them, do preach until an account be given thereof to the Pope. That the Pardoners shall not preach, nor cause any to preach, and in case they do, they shall be compelled to obey by the Bishop, notwithstanding the privileges. In fine, the 29. of julie, was assigned for the next Session. The Decrees being pronounced by the Bishop that said Mass, the Secretary of the Council read the letters of the French King, in which he deputed for his Ambassador in the Council Peter Danesius; who made a long The 29. of july is appointed for the next Session. Peter Danesiu is Ambassador for the French King, and maketh an Oration in the S 〈…〉 on. and eloquent Oration to the Fathers, saying in substance; That the Kingdom of France since the first most Christian King Clodoveus, hath always preserved Christian religion most sincere. That S. Gregory the first gave the title of Catholic to Childebert, in token of his incorrupt religion. That the Kings have never suffered any sect in any part of France, nor any but Catholics; yea, have procured the conversion of Strangers, Idolaters, and Heretics, and have constrained them with pious arms to profess the true and sound religion. He shown how Childebert compelled the Visigothes, who were Arrians, to join themselves with the Catholic Church: and how Charles the Great made war thirty years with the Saxons, to reduce them to Christian religion. Then he declared the favours done to the Church of Rome. He recounted the enterprises of Pippin and Charles the Great against the Lumbards'; and how, in a Synod of Bishops, it was granted by Adrian to Charles, to create the Pope, and to approve the Bishops of his Dominion, and invest them after they had received the oath of fidelity. He added, that though his son Ludovicus Pius, surrendered that authority to create the Pope, yet he reserved that Legates should be sent unto him, to preserve amity, which hath been ever maintained with mutual offices. For which confidence, the Popes, in times of difficulty, either chased out of their Sea, or fearing sedition, have retired themselves into that Kingdom. That it cannot be told how many dangers the French men have run, and how much money and blood they have spent, to enlarge the lists of the Christian Empire, or to recover that which hath been usurped by the Barbarians, or to restore the Popes, or to deliver them from danger. He added, that King Francis descending from these, in the beginning of his reign, after the victory achieved in Lombary, did, with the same piety, go to Bolonia, to meet Leo the tenth, to confirm a peace with him; which hath continued with Adrian, Clement, and Paul: and in these 26. years the points of faith being brought into great ambiguities in diverse regions, he hath taken most exact care, that nothing should be innovated in the common Ecclesiastical use, but all reserved to the public censures of the Church. And though he be of a quiet, pleasing, and not bloody disposition, yet he hath used severity, and made grievous Edicts; and hath brought to pass, by the diligence and vigilancy of his judges, that in so great a tempest, which hath subverted many Cities, and whole Nations that most noble Kingdom should not be shaken, in which the ancient doctrine, rites, ceremonies, and manners, do remain: so that the Council might ordain what they thought to be true and fit for the Christian Commonwealth. He said further, that the King knew how profitable it was to Christendom to have the Pope for Head, and that, being tempted and invited, with most gainful proffers, to follow the example of another, would not forsake his opinion, and thereby hath lost his neighbour's love, with some disadvantage. That understanding the Convocation of the Council, he presently sent some of his Bishops, and when he saw it went on in earnest, and that the authority thereof was established by many Sessions, he hath sent him for his Ambassador, to assist them, and to procure, that at the last, they would constitute and propose the doctrine which ought every where to be professed by all Christians, and rectify the Ecclesiastical discipline, by the square of the Canons; promising that the most Christian King will cause all to be observed in his kingdom, and protect the decrees of the Council. Then he added, that, the merits of the French King being so great, his privileges, granted by the ancient Fathers and Popes, aught to be preserved, which Ludovicus Pius, & all the Kings of France since have possessed: and the rights, privileges, and immunities confirmed to the Churches of France, of which he is defender, Which if the Council will do, the Frenchmen will be thankful, and the Fathers will not repent them of their deed. And is answered by Hercules Severollo. Hercules Severollo, Proctor of the Council briefly answered, in the name of the Synod, thanking the King; showing that the Ambassadors presence was most acceptable, promising all diligence in the establishing of faith and reformation of manners, offering all favour to the Kingdom and Church of France. But the Decrees of the Session being printed, and gone into Germany, afforded The censure of the decrees in Germany. matter of discourse. It was said that the Pelagian impiety was superfluously handled, being by so many Counsels, and the common consent of the Church, more than a thousand years since, condemned, that it had been tolerable if the ancient doctrine had been confirmed; that in conformity unto it, they had well proposed a true universal proposition, by saying that the sin of Adam did pass into all his posterity, but after had destroyed it, by an exception; that it helped them not, that the exception was not assertive, but ambiguous: for as one particular maketh false the contradictory universal, so one ambiguons particular, maketh the universal uncertain. And who seethe not that so long as this exception remaineth, though with ambiguity, every one may conclude, that it is not certain that sin is passed into all the posterity, because it is not certain whether it be passed into the Virgin: and the rather, because the reason which persuadeth that exception, may persuade many more. That Bernard concluded well, that the same reason which induced to celebrate the Conception of the Virgin, will conclude the like for her father and mother, Grandfathers, and great Grandfathers, and all her Genealogy since Adam. But when they came to Abraham they should go no further; because there is great reason to exempt from original sin none but him. For unto him the promise of the Redeemer was made; CHRIST is ever called the seed of Abraham, and Abraham the Father of CHRIST, and of all that believe, a pattern of the faithful. These be greater dignities then to bear CHRIST in the belly; according to that divine answer, that the Virgin was more blessed in having heard the word of GOD, then in having borne CHRIST, and given him suck. And he that will not for preeminency except Abraham, but only esteem for sound the ancient reason, that CHRIST IS without sin, because he was borne of the holy Ghost, without the seed of man, will say it is better to follow the council of the wise man, and contain one's self within the bounds set down by the Fathers. They added, that the world was much bound to the Council, for being contented to say that it confesseth, and thinketh that concupiscence remaineth in the baptised; or else men would be compelled to deny to feel that which they do. In the decree of reformation, it was expected that order should have been taken with the schoolmen and Canonists, with these for giving divine proprieties to the Pope, even to call him God, attributing unto him infallibility and making the same tribunal of both, saying also, that he is more merciful than CHRIST: with the School men, who leaving the Scripture, or making it all doubtful, have made Aritostles Philosophy the foundation of Theology, even making a question whether there be a GOD, and disputing of it on both sides. It seemed strange that it was unknown until then, that to preach was the office of Bishops: that the abuse of preaching vanities, or any thing but CHRIST was not removed; that provision was made against the open merchandizing of Preachers under the name of alms. News being come of these decrees to the Emperor's The D 〈…〉 es a 〈…〉 in the Emperors Court. Court, it was taken in ill part that light matters, not required by Germany, were handled, and that in matter of faith the disputes were awaked by the decree. For the controversy of original sin, being almost agreed in the Colloquies, from the Council, from whence composition was expected, a decree did proceed against the things accorded and it was written in the Emperor's name, to his Ministers in Trent, that they should promote the reformation, and endeavour that the controversy of faith should be deferred until the Protestants came, whom the Emperor was persuaded he could bring thither; or, at least, until the Prelates of Germany did arrive, who would put themselves into the journey, so soon as the Diet was ended But they talked but a little while of these affairs of the Council because other accidents happened, which drew all men's eyes and minds unto them. For in Rome the 26. of june, the Cardinal of Trent concluded a league The Cardinal of Trent concludeth a league the 26. of June, between the Pope and the Emperor, against the Protestants. between the Pope and Emperor, against the Protestants of Germany, the treaty whereof was begun the year before in Worms by Cardinal Farnese, as hath been said, and afterwards continued by other Ministers. The causes alleged, and the conditions were; because Germany had a long time persevered in heresy, for remedy whereof the Council was assembled in Trent, and already begun, whereunto the Protestants refusing to submit, the Pope and Emperor, for the glory of GOD, and safety of Germany, do agree, The causes and capitulations of this league. that the Emperor shall take arms against those that refuse it, and reduce them to the obedience of the holy Sea: and for this, the Pope shall lay in Venice an hundred thousand crowns in trust, beside the hundred thousand laid there all ready, to spend in this use only, and shall send to the war at his own charges, twelve thousand Italian foot, and five hundred light horse, for six months, shall give the Emperor for this year, half the rents of the Churches of Spain, and power to alienate, of the revenues of the Monasteries of those kingdoms, to the value of five hundred thousand crowns: that during the six months, the Emperor shall not make an accord with the Protestants without the Pope, who also shall have a certain portion of whatsoever is gained by the war and if the war continue longer new capitulations, which shall seem fit to both parties; shall be treated on and place shall be left for other to enter into the league bearing part of the charges, and receiving part of the profits. There was one capitulation apart, which was kept secret, concerning the French Kings that if any Christian; Prince during the war, did move latins against the Emperor, the Pope should be bound to persecute him with spiritual and temporal forces. A few days after the Pope wrote to the Swisses inviting them to assist The Pope writeth to the Suissès: him; first showing in ample terms his benevolence towards them, and the grief he felt for that some of them had ostranged themselves from his obedience, and thanking God for those, who persevered and commending; them all for that in this difference of religion they keep themselves in peace, whereas in other places diverse tumults did arise for the same cause he added, that to provide, against them he had ordained the Counsel of Trent, hoping that no man would refuse to submit himself and he was assured that those amongst them, who until then 〈◊〉 in the Apostolical obedience will obey the Council and the others not conteinneth. He invited them also to come thither, complaining that; many in Germany, who are called Princes, did proudly disdain and despise the Council; whose authority is rather Divine then humane. This hath compelled him to think of force and Arms. And because it hath happened that the Emperor hath made the same resolution, he hath been constrained to join With him, and assist him with his own and the Church's power, to restore religion by war, That he was willing to signify his purpose and mind unto them, that they may join their prayers with him, render the ancient honour to the Church of Rome, and assist him in so pious a cause. But the Emperor made show he undertook the war, not for religion, The Emperor would not have it thought that this war is made for religion. but for matters of State, for that some denied him obedience, plotted with strangers against him, and refused to obey the Laws, usurped the possessions of others, especially the Churches, going about to make bishoprics and Abbacies, hereditary: and that having proved diverse gentle means to reduce them, they ever became more insolent. On the other side the Protestants laboured to make manifest to the And the Protestants show the contrary. world, that all proceeded from the instigation of the Pope, and of the Council of Trent. They put the Emperor in mind of the Capitulations which he swore in Frankfurt, when he was created Emperor; and they made protestation of the injury. But many of the Protestants kept themselves on his side, because they could not believe, that he had any other respects then of State. And the Archbishop of Collen (of whom we have spoken The Archb 〈…〉 of Collen sentenced by the Pope is obeyed by his people, and followeth the Emperor, before) who though he were sentenced, and deprived by the Pope, continued in government, and was obeyed by his people, followed the Emperor; who also acknowledged him for Election and Archbishop, and wrote unto him, that none of his subjects might bear arms against him: wherein the Archbishop employed his endeavours sincerely. The Elector of Saxony, and the Landgrave seeing this, they published a Manifest the eleventh of july, declaring that the war was undertaken for Religion, and that the Emperor covered his meaning with a cloak of taking revenge against some few for rebellion, to disjoin the confederates, and oppress them by degrees. They alleged that Ferdinand and Granuell, and other ministers of his Majesty, had said, that the cause of this war was the The Elector of Saxony and the Landgrave of Has 〈…〉 a publish a Manifest against the Emperor. contempt of the Council; they called to mind the Pope's sentence against the Elector of Collen; they added that the Spanish Prelates would not have contributed so much of their proper revenues for any other cause; they shown that in other things the Emperor could pretend nothing against them. But while the Pope and Emperor prepared against the Lutherans some thing beside Anathematisms, the day after the Session, the eighteenth of june, a Congregation was made, where after the accustomed prayers and invocation justification is to be handled, in the next place. of the holy Ghost, the Secretary read, in the Legates name, a writing, framed by the principal Theologues, in which it was proposed, that having, by divine inspiration, condemned the heresies concerning original sin, the order of the things to be handled did require, that the doctrine of the moderns, in the point of divinegrace, which is the medicine of sin, should be examined; and that the rather it was fit to follow the order, because it was observed by the Augustane Confession; all which the Council meaneth to condemn. And the Fathers and Divines were entreated to have recourse by prayer unto the divine assistance, and to be assiduous, and exact in their studies, because all the errors of Martin were resolved into that point. For having undertaken from the beginning to oppugn the Indulgences, he saw he could not obtain his purpose, except he destroyed the works of repentance, in defect whereof Indulgences do succeed. And justification by faith only, a thing never heard of before, seemed to him a good means to effect this; from whence he hath collected not only that good works are not necessary, but also that a dissolute liberty in observing the Law of GOD, and of the Church will serve the turn: hath denied efficiency in the Sacraments, authority of Priests, Purgatory, sacrifice of the Mass, and all other remedies for remission of sins. Therefore by a contrary way, he that will establish the body of the Catholic doctrine, must overthrew this heresy of justice by faith only, and condemn the blasphemies of that enemy of good works. When the writing was read, the Emperor's Prelates said, that the more principal and important the point proposed was, it should be the more maturely, and opportunely handled, that the sending of the Cardinal Madruccio to the Pope shown, that some business was on foot, the which it was not fit to disturb, but in the mean space to handle some thing of the reformation. The Papalins did, on the other side, inculcate, that it was no honour to interrupt the order begun, to handle together, in every Session, doctrine and reformation, and that after original sin no other matter could be handled. The Legates, having heard all their opinions, concluded that to discuss the points, and prepare them, was not to define them, but that they could not be determined without preparation before, (Which they said only to gain time, and after to put themselves in order, to execute what should be resolved at Rome, between the Pope and the Cardinal, in the Emperor's name. That to digest that matter, was not to hinder the reformation, because in that the Divines would be employed, and in this the Fathers and Canonists. With this resolution it was concluded, that the Articles to be discussed and censured, should be collected out of the books of Luther, out of the Colloquies, Apologies, and out of the writings of the Lutherans and Fathers. And three Fathers, and as many Divines were deputed to set down what should be discussed, and to frame the Articles. The next Congregation was held to order the matter of Reformation; The discourse of the Card. Monte concerning residency. where the Cardinal of Monte said, that the world hath complained long since of the absence of Prelates and Pastoures, daily demanding residence: that the absence of the Prelates and other Curates from their Churches, is the cause of all the mischiefs of the Church. For the Church may be compared to a ship, the sinking whereof is ascribed to the absent Pilot, that should govern it, if he were present. He shown to them, that heresies, ignorance, and dissolution do reign in the people; and bad manners and vices in the Clergy, because the Pastors being absent from the flock, no man hath care to instruct those, or correct these. By the Prelate's absence it is come to pass, that ignorant and unlearned Ministers have been promoted, and persons assumed to bshoprics, that were more fit for any other charge; for in regard they need not execute their duty in person, no fitness is necessary. So he concluded, that to establish the point of residency, was a general remedy for all the maladies of the Church; which also hath sometimes been used by Counsels and Popes, but either for that the transgressions were then but few or for some other cause, it was not applied with such strong and straight bonds, as is necessary now that the disease is come to the height: that is with a more severe commandment, with more grievous and fearful punishments, and by means more easy to be executed. This was approved by the first voices of the Prelates. But when jacomo The Bishop of Vesone speaketh in favour, of nonresidency. Cortesi, a Florentin, Bishop of Vesone, was to speak, commending what had been said by others, he added, that as he believed that the presence of the Prelates and Curates in times past, was the cause of maintaining purity of faith in the people, and discipline in the Clergy, so he could clearly show, that their absence in these latter times, hath not been the cause of the contrary subversion, and that the custom of not residing hath been brought in, because residence hath been wholly unprofitable. For the Bishops could not then preserve sound doctrine amongst the people, when the Friars and Pardoners had authority to preach against their wills. It is well known that the innovation in Germany, sprang from the Sermons of Friar john Techel, and of Friar Martin Luther; among the Swisses from the Sermons of Friar Samson of Milan. And the residing Bishop was able to do nothing, but fight with disadvantage, against these, who were armed with privileges. The Bishop is not able to make the Clergy live honestly, for that, besides the general exemption of all the Regulars, every Chapter hath one, and there be few particular Priests that want it. The Bishop cannot provide that fit men be promoted to that charge, for the licences to promote, and the faculties which the titular Bishops enjoy, who suffer him not to use so much as the ministry of the Pontificals. And it may be said in one word, that the Bishops do not reside, because they have nothing to do, or rather that they may not make greater inconveniences to arise, which would happen by their concurrence, and contention with privileged men. He concluded, that as he thought it fit to restore residency, so they ought to treat how to restore the Episcopal authority. The Bishops that spoke after this Prelate followed his opinion, that it was necessary to command residency, and to remove the exemptions which do hinder it. And the Legates were enforced to consent, that both should be considered of, and that every one speak his opinion of them, and that some Fathers should be deputed to frame the Decree, that it might be examined. The deputies for collecting the Articles of justification, having received The Deputies for collecting the Articles descent about the manner of proceeding. the extracts of the propositions noted by every one to be censured, were not all of one opinion. One part desired that four or six fundamental Articles of the new doctrine might be chosen, and condemned, as was done in the matter of original sin; alleging that it was fit to follow the style begun, and the example of the ancient Counsels, which, having declared the principal Article, condemned the heresy, never descending to particular propositions, but condemning the books of the heretics, in that universal they comprehended all the pernicious doctrine; and so the honour of the Council required. But the other part, aimed to put under censure all the propositions, which might receive a bad construction, that those might be condemned, which in reason did deserve it: saying, that it was the office of a Pastor to discern entirely the wholesome grass from the hurtful, and not to suffer the flock to taste of this. And if the example of ancient Counsels ought to be imitated, they should imitate that of Ephesus, which made so many, and so famous Anathematisms against the doctrine of Nestorius, that they did contain whatsoever the heretic had said, and the Counsels of Africa, which descend to the condemnation of all the propositions of the sects. The first opinion did undoubtedly propose a more easy way, and would 25. Articles concerning justification. have pleased whosoever desired a speedy end of the Council, and left a chink open for agreement, which future times might produce. Yet the second was embraced, which said it was good to examine all the propositions of the Lutheran doctrine, to censure and condemn that, which, after mature deliberation, should seem necessary and convenient. And 25. Articles were framed. 1. Faith without works, is sufficient to salvation, and alone doth justify. 2. justifying faith is a sure trust, by which one believeth that his sins are remitted for CHRIST; and those that are justified are bound to believe certainly that their sins are remitted. 3. By faith only we are able to appear before God, who neither regardeth, nor hath need of our works: faith only making us pure, and worthy to receive the Eucharist, believing that in it we shall receive grace. 4. Those that do honest things, without the holy Ghost, do sin, for that they do them with awicked heart, and it is sin to keep the Commandments of God without faith. 5. The best repentance is a new life, and the repentance of the life past is not necessary, neither doth the repentance of actual sins dispose us to receive grace. 6. No disposition is necessary to justification; neither doth faith justify because it disposeth us, but because it is a means or instrument, by which the promise and grace of God is laid hold on, and received. 7. The fear of hell helpeth not in gaining of justice; yea, hurteth, and is sin, and maketh the sinners worse. 8. Contrition which ariseth from the discussion, calling to mind, and detestation of sins, weighing the grievousness, multitude, and filthiness of them, or the loss of eternal happiness, and gain of perpetual damnation, maketh a man an hypocrite and a greater sinner. 9 The fears by which sinners are terrified either internally by God, or externally by Preachers, are sins, until they are overcome by faith. 10. The doctrine of the dispositions destroyeth that of faith, and taketh consolation from the consciences. 11. Only faith is necessary, and other things are neither commanded nor forbid, neither is sin any thing but incredulity. 12. He that hath faith is free from the precepts of the Law, and hath no need of works to be saved; for faith giveth all abundantly, and alone fulfilleth all the Commandments, and no work of a faithful man is so bad as may accuse or condemn him. 13. A man baptised cannot lose salvation by reason of any sin whatsoever, except he will not believe, and no sin, but infidelity, separateth us from the grace of God. 14 Faith and works are contrary, and works cannot be taught without shipwreck of faith. 15. Externall works of the second Table are hypocrisy. 16. The justified are set free, from guilt, and punishment, and satisfaction neither in this life nor after death is necessary; and therefore there is no Purgatory, or satisfaction, which is part of Penance. 17. The justified, though they have the grace of God, cannot fulfil the Law, or avoid sins, though mortal. 18. Obedience unto the law in the justified is weak, and unpure in itself, not acceptable to God, but accepted for the faith of the person reconciled, who believeth that the remainders of sin are forgiven him. 19 The just sinneth in every good work, and no work maketh the sin venial. 20. All the works of men, yea, of the most sanctified, are sin: the works of the just are venial by the mercy of God, but in the rigour of his judgement are mortal. 21. Though the just aught to doubt that his works be sins, yet he ought withal to be assured that they are not imputed. 22. Grace and justice are nothing but the will of God, neither have the justified any inherent justice in them, and their sins are not abolished, but only remitted, and not imputed. 23. Our justice is nothing but the imputation of the justice of CHRIST, and the just have need of a continual justification, and imputation of the justice of CHRIST. 24. All the justified are received into equal grace and glory, and all Christians are equally great with the mother of God, and as much Saints as she. 25. The works of the justified deserve not blessedness, neither can any confidence be put in them, but only in the mercy of God. When the Articles were published, it was not so easy to set down a course to handle them in the Congregations, as when original sin was disputed on. For in that matter they found the Articles already handled by the Schoolmen; but the opinion of Luther concerning justifying faith, that it is a confidence and certain persuasion of the promise of God, with the consequences that follow, of the distinction between the Law & the Gospel, and of the quality of works depending on the one, and the other, was never thought of by any School writer, and therefore never confuted or discussed: so that the Divines had work enough, first to understand the meaning of the Lutheran propositions, and that difference from those that are determined in the Schools, and then the reasons, by which to distinguish them. It is certain that in the beginning some of them, and the Fathers for the most part, did believe that the Protestants, denying freewill, held opinion, that man, in external actions, is like a stone, and when they attribute justice to faith only, without the concurrence of works, thought him just who believed only the Story of the Gospel though, in other respects, he were never so wicked; and other such absurdities; the which, by how much the more they are alien from common sense, so much the harder they are to confute: as is usual in all opinions contrary to manifest appearance, and the generally received persuasion. The mayor part of the Divines, who then were ascended to the number of five and forty, was very tenacious of the opinions generally received in the Schools, impatient of contradiction, where the School men agreed, but where they agreed not, they did very much stand in defence of their own opinion; and the Dominicans, more than the rest, were wont to vaunt, that, for the space of three hundred years, the Church overcame heresies by their pains. Yet there wanted not some wise men, who suspended their judgement, until the reasons were weighed. In this number was Ambrose Catarinus of Sienna, a Dominican Friar, after created Bishop of Minori, Andreus de Vega a Spaniard and Frauciseane and Antonius Marinarus, a Carmelite. The Heremites, because they were of the order which Martin Luther quitted, did affect to show themselves more contrary to him then all others, and especially jerolamus Seripandus the General. In examining the Articles, the Theoloques that began (to facilitate the understanding of the three first) laboured to set down what that faith which justifieth is, and what works it excludeth, distinguishing them into three sorts; preceding grace, whereof the seven following Articles until ten do speak, concurrent in the very moment with the infusion of it, and subsequent after grace received; of whicht he other eleven do speak. That faith justifieth must be presupposed as undoubted, for that it is said and repeated by Saint Paul. To resolve what that faith is, and how it maketh a man just, the opinions were different in the very beginning. For the Scripture attributing many virtues to faith, which some knew not how to apply to one only, they thought the word was equivocal, and did distinguish it into many significations, saying that sometimes it is taken for an obligation to keep promises: in which sense Saint Paul said, that the incredulity of the jews The significations of faith. made not vain the promise of God: sometimes for the virtue to do miracles, as when it is said, if I shall have so much faith as to remove mountains; sometimes for the conscience, in which sense it is said, that, that work, which is not conformable to faith is 〈◊〉; sometimes for a trust and confidence in God, that his Majesty will keep his promises; so Saint james willeth us to pray in faith, without doubting: Lastly, for a persuasion and firm assent (though not evident) to the things revealed by God. Others added other significations, some to the number of nine, some to the number of fifteen. But Frior Dominicus Soto, opposing himself against all, said, that this Soto maintaineth a singular opinion. is a renting of faith, and a giving of victory to the Lutherans, and that there were but two significations; one, the truth and reality of him that affirmeth or promiseth, the other, the assent in him that heareth: that the first is in God, the second is only in us: and of this last all places of the Scripture, which speak of our faith, are understood: but to take faith for a trust and confidence, is not only an improper kind of speaking, but abusive, never received by Saint Paul: that trust differeth little or nothing from hope; and therefore the opinion of Luther ought to be held for an undoubted error, or rather heresy, that justifying faith is a trust and certainty in the mind of a Christian, that his sins for CHRIST, are remitted. Soto added, and was followed by the mayor part, that that trust could not justify, because it was temereity, and a sin: for that no man, without presumption, could assure himself that he was in grace, but aught always to doubt. For the other part Catarinus held, and had many followers, The opinions of Catarinus, and of Andreus Vega. that justification proceeded not from that trust, yet that the just might and ought to believe by faith, that he is in grace. Andreus Vega set a third opinion on foot, that it was neither temerity, nor certain faith, yet that one might have a conjectural persuasion without sin. And this controversy could not be quitted, because in it consisted the point of the censuring the second Article. Therefore it was first lightly discussed, then (the parties being warmed) it divided, and held long in dispute all the Council, for the reasons and causes which shall be declared. But all agreed, that justifying faith is an assent to whatsoever is revealed by God, or determined by the Church to be believed; which, sometimes being joined with charity, sometimes remaining without it, they did distinguish into two sorts; one which is found in sinners, which the Schools call unformed, solitary, idle, or dead, the other, which is only in the good, working by charity, and therefore called Form, efficacious, and lively. And here another controversy arose. For some thought that faith, unto which the Scriptures ascribe salvation, justice, and sanctification, was only the lively faith, (as also the Catholics of Germany held in the Colloquies) and included the knowledge of the things revealed, the preparation of the will, and charity, in which the fulfilling of the whole Law is contained. And in this sense it cannot be said, that only faith justifieth, because it is not alone, but form with charity. Among these, Marinarus liked not it should be said, that faith is form with charity, because that kind of speech is not used by Saint Paul, but only that faith worketh by charity. Others understood, that justifying faith was faith in general, not saying it was either lively or dead, because they do both justify after diverse manners; either completely, as the lively, or as a beginning or foundation, as the historical faith, and of this Saint Paul speaketh when he attributeth justice unto it, no otherwise then as Philosophy is contained in the alphabet; that is, as in a basis; which is as it were nothing, the principal remaining, that is to set the statue upon it. This second opinion was jointly maintained by the Dominicans and Franciscans, the other by Marinarus and his adherents. But the principal point of the difficulty was not touched; that is, whether a man is just, and then doth justly, or, by doing justly, becometh just. They all agreed in one opinion, that to say only faith doth justify, was a proposition of many fences, and all absurd. For God and the Sacraments do justify, as causes in their several kinds: so that the proposition hath that and many other exceptions. The preparation also of the soul to receive grace, is a cause in its kind, so that faith cannot exclude that sort of works. But the Articles concerning works that go before grace, all which Luther condemneth for sin, the Divines censured for heretical, rather by way of invective then otherwise, condemning likewise of heresy the opinion taken in general, that humane works, without faith, are sin: thinking it a clear case, that many actions of men are indifferent, neither good nor evil; and that others there are, which though they be not acceptable to God, yet are morally good, as the honest actions of Infidels, and Christians which are sinners, which to call honest and sins implieth a contradiction; and the rather, because in this rank are included the heroical actions, so much commended by antiquity. But Catarinus maintained that man, without the special help of God, can do no work, which may truly be good, though morally, but sinneth Catarinus his opinion concerning the value of works. still. Therefore the works of the Infidels, who are not excited by God to believe, and of the faithful who are sinners before God stirreth them up to conversion, though they seem honest to men, even heroical, yet are truly sins, and he that commendeth them, doth consider them in general, and according to external appearance; but he that shall examine the circumstances of every one, shall find they are perverse: and that for this Luther was not to be condemned; notwithstanding he said that the Articles ought to be censured, as they speak of works that follow preventing grace, which are a preparation to justification, as an abomination of sin, fear of hell, and other terrors of conscience. For confirmation of his opinion, he brought the doctrine of Saint Thomas, that to do a good work, the concurrence of all circumstances is necessary, but the want of one only is sufficient for an ill. So that howsoever among the works considered in general, some are indifferent, yet in the singular there is no medium between having all the circumstances, and wanting some. Therefore every particular action is good or evil, neither is there to be found any one indifferent. And because amongst the circumstances the end is one, all works referred to a bad end are infected; so that the Infidels referring all to a bad end, their actions are sins though they seem heroical, to him that knoweth not their intention. Neither doth it make any difference whether the relation to a bad end be actual or habitual, because the just doth merit, though he referreth not the work actually to God, but habitually only. He said further, alleging Saint Austin, that it is sin not only to refer the action to a bad end, but also not to refer it to a good; and because he defended that, without the special preventing assistance of God, a man cannot refer any thing to God, he concluded, that no good moral work can be before. For this he alleged many places of Saint Austin, to show that he was of this opinion. He alleged also places of Saint Ambrose, Saint Prosper, S. Anselmus, and of other Fathers. He produced Gregory of Arimini, the Cardinal of Rochester, who, in his book against Luther, was clearly of the same opinion, saying, it was better to follow the Fathers, than the Schoolmen, who are divided, and rather to take the Scriptures for a ground, from whence true Theology is taken, than the subtleties of Philosophy, which the Schools have used: that himself also was of that opinion, but having studied the Scriptures and Fathers, had found the truth. He alleged the passage of the Gospel; A bad tree cannot bear good fruit, with the amplification which our Saviour added, saying, Either make the tree good and the fruit good, or the tree evil and the fruit evil. He used also other arguments, and especially the place of Saint Paul, that nothing can be clean to Infidels, because their mind and conscience is spotted. This opinion was very sharply impugned by Soto, proclaiming it heretical, Soto proclaimeth the opinion of Catarinus to be heretical. for inferring that man had not liberty to do well, nor could obtain his natural end, which was to deny freewill with the Lutherans. He maintained a man might, by that strength of nature, observe every precept of the Law, in regard of the substance of the work, though not in regard of the end; which was enough to avoid sin. He said there were three sorts of humane actions; one, the transgression of the Law, which is sin; another, the observation thereof, having charity for the end, which is meritorious and acceptable to God; the third mixed, when the Law is obeyed for the substance of the precept; which work is morally good and perfect in its kind, because it accomplisheth the Law, making every work good according to morality, avoiding, by that means, all sin. But he moderated this great perfection of our nature, by adding, that it was one thing to take heed of any one particular sin, and another to beware of all together; and said that a man might avoid any one, but not all; by the example of him that had a vessel with three holes, who could not stop them with two hands, but could stop which two of them he would, one remaining open of necessity. This doctrine did not satisfy some of the Fathers. For though it clearly showed that all works are not sins, yet it did not wholly salve freewill, because it will necessarily follow, that it is not free in avoiding all sin. But Soto giving the title of good works unto these, knew not how to determine whether they were preparatory to justification. It seemed to him they were, in regard of the goodness of them: and it seemed they were not, considering the doctrine of Saint Austin, approved by Saint Thomas, and other good Divines, that the first beginning of salvation proceeds from the vocation of God. He avoided these straits by a distinction, that they were preparatory a fare off, but not nearly, as though giving a remote preparation to the force of nature, the first beginning was not taken away from the grace A new distinction invented by Soto. of God. The Franciscans thought that not only this kind of works were good and did truly and properly prepare to justification, but also that they were truly meritorious in the sight of God. Therefore Scotus, the author of their doctrine, invented a kind of merit, which he attributed to works done by the force of nature only, saying that in congruity they deserve grace by a certain law, and infallibly and that a man, by natural power only, may feel a sorrow for sin, which is a disposition, and merit of Congruity, to abolish it: approving a common saying of his times, that God never The doctrine of the Franciscans concerning meritorious works faileth him that doth as much as he is able. And some of that Order, passing those bounds, did add, that if God giveth not grace to him that doth what he can, he would be unjust, unrighteous, partial, and an accepter of persons. They clamoured with much stomach and indignation, that it would be a great absurdity, if God made no difference between one that is naturally honest, and another drowned in all vices, and there would be no reason why he should rather give grace to one than another. They also alleged, that Saint Thomas was of this opinion, and that otherwise a man is put into desperation, and made negligent to do well, and wicked men may excuse their bad works, and attribute them to the want of the assistance of God. But the Dominicans did confess that Saint Thomas was of this opinion, when he was young, and after did retract it, when he was old. They did reprehend Is contradicted by the Dominicans. it, because in the Council of Orange, it is determined that no kind of merit goeth before grace, and that the beginning should be attributed to God; saying, that the Lutherans having made such exclamations for this congruous merit, it ought wholly to be abolished, as indeed it was never heard of in the Church in ancient times, in so many controversies with the Pelagians. That the holy Scripture doth attribute our conversion to God, and that it is not fit to leave the form of speech which it useth. For the preparations there was no difference in the substance of the doctrine. All held that after God doth stir us up, fear and other considerations of the malignity which is in sin do arise. They said that the opinion, that these things are bad, was heretical, because God exhorteth the sinner, yea, moveth him to these considerations, and it must not be said that God moveth to sin; and which is more, it is the office of a preacher to terrify a sinner by these means: and because by the same means, all pass from the state of sin to that of grace, it seemed very strange that one cuuld no tpasse from sin to justice, without the means of another sin. But for all this, they could not free themselves from the difficulty on the contrary part; because all good works may stand with grace, but that fear and other preparations cannot, and therefore are sins. Friar Antonius Marinarus thought the difference was verbal, and said, that as passing from a great cold to a heat, one must pass by a less degree of cold, which is neither a heat nor a new cold, but the same diminished, so one goeth from sin to justice by terrors and attritions, which are neither good works, nor new sins, but old sins extenuated. But he was compelled to retract, because all were against him Of the works done in grace there was no difficulty amongst them. For they all said they were perfect, and merited salvation; and that Luther's opinion, that they are all sins, is wicked and sacrilegious: and holding it to be blasphemy to say, that the blessed Virgin hath committed the least venial sin, they could not endure to hear that she sinned in every action, and said, that the earth and hell would open themselves against so great blasphemies. For censure of the 22. and 23. Articles, in the point of the essence of Divine grace, it was a common consideration, that the word Grace, in the first All agreed to condemn Luther concerning works after grace. signification, was understood for a benevolence or good will, which, when it is in him that hath power, necessarily bringing forth a good effect, that is, a gift or benefit, which is also called Grace. That the Protestants thought so meanly of the Majesty of GOD, that it could do no more than make us partakers of his good will: but his omnipotency required that we should have the benefit thereof in effect. And because some man might say, that the divine will only, which is GOD himself, can have no greater thing to bestow, and that to have given us his Son was the greatest benefit, and that Saint john, to show the great love of GOD towards the world, alleged nothing else but that he had given us his Son, they said that these benefits are common to all, and that it was fit he should bestow a particular present to every one. Therefore the Divines have added an habitual grace, given to every just man in particular, which is a spiritual quality created by GOD, infused into the soul, whereby it is made grateful and acceptable to the divine Majesty, whereof though the Fathers speak not in express terms, nor the Scripture, yet it is clearly deduced from the word justify; which being effective, doth necessarily signify to make just, by the impression of real justice: which reality, because it is no substance, can be nothing else but a quality and habit. And upon this occasion there was much spoken against the Lutherans, who will not have the verb justificare to be effective, but judicial and declarative, grounding themselves upon the Hebrew word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Tsadak, and the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which signify to be pronounced just; and upon many places of the New and Old Testament, and that it is used in that signification in the Latin translation, alleging for it places to the number of fifteen. But Soto excluded all those of Saint Paul, which spoke of our justification, which he said must needs be understood in an effective sense: whereupon arose a great dispute between him and Marinarus, who said, one should not ground himself upon so light a matter. But he said the Article of habitual Grace could not be doubted of, as being decided in the Council of Vienna, and by the common opinion of all Theologues: that this was to make sure foundations, which cannot be destroyed, and not to say that Saint Paul to the Romans, when he saith that GOD justifieth, doth not mean declaratorily: for it is manifestly against the Text, which maketh a judicial process, and saith, that none can accuse or condemn Gods' Elect, because GOD doth iustifiethem: where the judicial words, to accuse and condemn, do show that the word justify, is judicial also. But the Franciscans approved habitual grace, because charity itself is an habit. And here was a sharp disputation between them and the Dominicans, whether the habit of Grace be the same with the habit of Charity, as Scotus would, or distinct, as Saint Thomas, and neither party yielding, they debated whether, besides this Grace or inherent justice, the justice of CHRIST also be imputed to the justified, as if it were his own; which they did in regard of the opinion of Alvertus Pighius, who confessing the inherent, added, that we must not trust in that, but in the imputed justice of CHRIST, as if it were ours. None doubted that CHRIST had merited for us; but some blamed the word to Impute, and would have it abolished, because it was not to be found in Fathers: who contented themselves with the words, Communication, participation, diffusion, derivation, application, computation, and conjunction. Others said, that, agreeing upon the thing, they ought not to differ upon the word, because it signifieth precisely the same that the others do, which though not by all and often, yet sometimes was used. For this the 109. Epistle of Saint Barnard was brought, and Vega defended, that, though the word be not found in the Scriptures, yet it is a most proper Latin word, to say that the justice of CHRIST is imputed to mankind for satisfaction and merit, and that it is continually imputed to all that be justified, and do satisfy for their own sins: but he would not have it said, it was imputed as if it were ours. Whereunto it being opposed that Saint Thomas useth to say, that the passion of CHRIST is communicated to the baptised for remission, as if himself had sustained it and died, there was a long and great contention upon his words. The Eremite General held an opinion, that, in the Sacrament of Baptism, the justice of CHRIST is imputed, because it is communicated wholly and entirely; but not in penance, when our satisfactions are also required. But Soto said, the word Imputation, was most popular and plausible, because it signified, at the first sight, that all should be acknowledged from CHRIST; but yet that he did ever suspect it, in regard of the bad consequences which the Lutherans draw from thence. That is, that this only is sufficient, without inherent righteousness: that the Sacraments do not confer grace: that the punishment is abolished together with the guilt: that there remaineth no place for satisfaction: that all are equal in grace, justice, and glory: whence they deduce also that abominable blasphemy, that every just man is equal to the blessed Virgin. This admonition begat such a suspicion in the hearers, that there appeared a manifest inclination to condemn the word for heretical, though reasons were effectually replied to the contrary. The contentions between the Theologues, did certainly arise from the immoderate affection they bore to their own sect, and were cherished by diverse, for diverse ends. By the Imperialists, to constrain them to abandon justification. By the Courtiers, to find a way to separate the Council, and so to avoid the imminent reformation. And by others, to free themselves from incommodities, which they feared would be greater, by reason of the dearth, Contentions in the Council are cherished by diverse for diverse ends. A jubily is published in Rome, in which religion is declared to be the cause of the war●e against the Protestants: and of the war which approached: and the rather because they had little hope to do good. But while they thus dispute in Trent, the Pope published a jubilee in Rome, the fifteenth of july: by which he eased the Princes of Germany of the pains to find out, or persuade others, the true cause of the war. For having largely declared, in that Bull, his pastoral affection and care for the salvation of men, relating the perdition of souls by the increase of heresies, and that to root them out, the Council was already begun, he bewailed, above measure, the obstinacy of the heretics, who contemn and refuse to obey it, and to submit themselves to the determination thereof. For remedy whereof he had made a League with the Emperor, to reduce them to the obedience of the Church by force of Arms. He therefore wished them all to have recourse unto GOD by prayers, fastings, confessions, and communions, that GOD of his Divine Majesty, would give a good issue to this war, undertaken for his glory, exaltation of the Church, and extirpation of heresies. The Emperor, in conformity to his purpose of concealing the cause of The Emperors Band● against the Sax on and Landgrave. Religion, the twentieth of the same month, published a Bando against the Saxon and Landgrave, laying to their charge that they had always hindered his designs, had never obeyed him, made conspiracies against him, moved war against other Princes of the Empire, seized upon Bishoprickes, and other governments, dispossessed many of their goods, and covered all these things with the glorious and sweet name of Religion, peace, and liberty, but having indeed rather any other end. Therefore he doth prescribe them, as perfidious, rebels, seditious, guilty of high treason, and enemies of the public peace: and commandeth that none do assist them, or be linked with them, absolveth the nobility and people of their dominions from their Oath of fidelity, including all those in the Bando who persevere to obey them. The cause of the war alleged by the Emperor grieved the Pope, and The Pope and the Emperor are offended one with another for alleging diverse causes of the war. that of the Pope grieved the Emperor, because both their ends were hindered. For though the Pope pretended that he had published this Manifest, that all the people of Christendom might implore the aid of God, to favour the Emperor's Arms, yet both he and every man of judgement knew very well that it was to give notice to Germany, and the whole world, that the war was for Religion: which the simpler sort also did know a little after. For his letter to the Swisses before mentioned, and a copy of the Capitulations made with Madruccio, were published. The Pope crossed Caesar in this, because he desired the suppression of the Protestants, without the exaltation of the Emperor, and therefore to balance them well, he meant to constrain all the professors of the new Religion to unite against him. And it is certain that the Pope's action hindered the Emperor's designs. For desiring the Swisses to continue their league with the house of Austria and Burgundy, and not assist the rebels, the Euangelikes answered that they would first be sure that the war was not for Religion. So it happened, that, the war being but newly begun, diseords were already sowed between the Princes, lately confederated. The Potentates of Italy were amazed, and saw the Pope's usual wisdom The Princes of Italy do censure the Pope for making this war. was wanting to keep war fare from Italy, and the Princes beyond the mountains in an equal balance of strength; who in the same instant had failed in both. For if the Emperor had subdued Germany, Italy had remained at his discretion, and France not been able to resist. If the Emperor had been overcome, the Dutchmen would have passed into Italy. And perhaps these reasons running in the Pope's mind, persuaded him when he had concluded the leagte, to secure himself against the Emperor with the counterpoose of Germany. But Caesar, besides his distaste for the jubilee, suspected also that the Pope, having obtained his end of making war against the Protestants; would dissolve the Council, under pretence to defer it until the war was ended, or for scare of the arms which the Protestants prepared in Suevia. He knew this was the aim of all the Court, negotiated with him more than five and twenty years, and that the Bishops assembled in Trent, even his own, had the same mind, for the incommodities which they suffered there. He feared the Lutherans would say, if the Council were separated, that it was assembled only to find a pretence of making war against them; and that the Catholics of Germany would think, that, the interests of religion and reformation being laid aside, he would endeavour only to subdue them. He doubted also, that going on to handle the Controversed points, as already they had original sin, and meant to handle (as he was advertised) justification, he might be hindered in some composition, which otherwise he might have made, giving hope to the Cities that their reasons should be heard, to separate them from the Princes of the league. He saw clearly it was necessary the Council should remain open, and yet meddle only with reformation: but that it was impossible to obtain it without the Pope consented with him. Therefore he sent to certify him in diligence, that he would employ all his spirit and forces to make Trent The Emperor doth earnestly entreat the Pope that only reformation may be handled in the Council, and that it might not be dissolved. secure, though there went a fame of the Protestant armies in Suevia. That it was necessary to maintain the Council, that they might answer the backebiting and calumnies, which would be spread against them both, if it were dissolved. He earnestly prayed him to keep the Council open and not to handle the controversies, because his purpose was to compel the Protestants, his adherents, by authority, and his enemies by force of arms, to be present, and submit themselves. But in the mean time he desired him not to hinder his excellent design, shutting the door upon them, with contrary decrees, made in their absence. That this could not continue long, and that he hoped to see the end of this summer. Therefore, that he should be contented that now reformation only should be treated of, or, if religion were, they should touch matters of small weight only, that, when they were defined, they might not offend the Protestants. He ordained also, that his Ambassador in Trent should make the same instance to the Legates. And being informed that Santa Croce was inclined to any kind of dissolution of the Council, he charged his Ambassador to give him a nip, and tell him, that if, in this, he did cross his Majesty, he would cause him He threatneth the Legate Santa Croce. to be thrown into the river Adice. This was known to all, and written by the Historians of this time. The Pope, though he would fain have been free from the Council, which the Court desired also, yet he thought it necessary to gratify the Emperor, in keeping it open, and not handling controversies. But to treat only The Pope & Court did not like that reformation only should be handled. of Reformation neither pleased him nor the Courtiers. Therefore he wrote to the Legates that they should not suffer the assembly to dissolve, nor make a Session until himself had given order, but should entertain the Prelates, and Theologues with Congregations, and such businesses and exercises, as seemed to them best. The 25. day the jubilee was solemnly published in Trent, in pretence of the Legates, and all the Council. And that they might apply themselves to fastings, and other works of Penance according to the 〈◊〉 of the ●al, the Session was deferred 〈◊〉 it should be intimated all the Congregations in 〈…〉 tted for 15 days. The jubely is published in Trent. At the same time the Protestant A●●y came near to Tirost, to stop the passage of the 〈…〉 of Italy, to the Emperor's service and Chiusa was taken by 〈…〉 For which cause the Country was all The Protestant army maketh the Prelates in Trent afraid. in arms, to find their progress, and Francisco Castela●●o, who guarded the Council, went 〈◊〉 person to Ispru●, and fortified that City, to prevent the possession of the passages, and planted himself seven miles about it. This made men doubt, at that Country would be the feet of the war, and that the 〈…〉 wholly be disturbed. The Prelates, who desired a pretence to retire, amplified the dangers and incommodities; whereunto the Legates not not opposing in the beginning, caused a suspicion, that the Pope had no mind to continue the Council. Some of the most timorous Prelates, who had no desire to remain in Trent, departed; and so would more have done, if the Cardinal of Trent, lately returned from Rome, had not assured them, that the Pope would have been much displeased therewith and the timorous had not been comforted by him, and the Emperor's Ambassador, securing them that the great number, which came out of Italy, would compel the Protestants to be gone: and also if the Pope's letters to the Legates, which came in the midst of these stirs, had not joined the Pope's authority and theirs, to the entreaties of others. But though the Protestants enterprise did not succeed, and tirol remained The Italian troops pass by Trent, under the conduct of Octanius Farnese. secure, so that there was no doubt on that side, yet there was confusion in Trent, by reason of the great number of soldiers, which continually passed out of Italy into Germany, who, according to the capitulations of the league, were in all to the number of twelve thousand foot, and five hundred horse, beside two hundred from the Duke of Tuscany, and one hundred from the Duke of Ferrara. The most famous Captains of Italy came with them, under the conduct of the General Octanius Farnese, and his brother Alexander Farnese, Cardinal and Legate, both grandchilds to the Pope, by his son; and six thousand Spaniards, the Emperors own soldiers, taken out of Naples and Lombary. And so long as the soldiers passed, which was until the middle of August, though the public actions of the Council were not wholly omitted, yet the meetings were not so many, nor so frequented. But that the Bishops and Divines might have entertainment, the Cardinal Santa Croce held an assembly of learned men in his house, where they treated of the samethings, but familiarly, and without ceremony. The Protestants combined with the Emperor, did then publish a writing, The Protestants combined with the Emperor do rail against the Pope. addressed to their subjects, full of raylings against the Pope, calling him Antichrist, instrument of Satan, imputing unto him that, before, he had sent to kindle a fire in diverse places of Saxony, and now was author and mover of the war, and had sent into Germany to poison the wells, and standing waters, advising all to be diligent in taking and punishing those poisoners. This very few did think to be probable, and was esteemed a calumny. The Pope's men being come into the army, which was in Landisuth, the 15 of August, the Emperor gave the collar of the golden Fleece, unto his Son in law Octavius, which he had bestowed on him in the celebration of the assembly of that Order, held upon Saint Andrew's day, and he saw the The Emperor giveth the collar of the golden Fleece to his son in law Octanius Farnese. muster of the Pope's men, with much approbation and content, to have the flower of the Italian Soldiers. Yet the ends of the Pope and Emperor being diverse, they produced occasions of distastes. The Cardinal Farnese desired to carry the cross, as Legate, before the army, and had order from the Pope so to do, publishing Indulgences, as formerly was used so to be done in The Emperor will not suffer Card. Farnese the Legate to carry the cross before the army. Crasadoes, declaring it was the war of the Catholic Church. But he could obtain neither of these from the Emperor, whose end was quite contrary, to entertain the Lutherane Princes who were with him, and that the Cities might not wax obstinate against him for it. The Cardinal perceiving he could not tarry in the field in any other quality, with the Pope's dignity, and his own, he remained in Ratisbon, and feigning himself to be sick, expected his Grandfather's answer, whom he had advertised of all. They now being in a readiness on both sides, though either had a great army, and forced one another, presenting also the battle when they saw their advantage, and though each of them had many good occasions to acchieve some notable victory, yet they were not embraced by the Protestants, because the Elector and the Landgrave had equal authority over The equal authority of the Saxon and Landgrave bringeth great disadvantage to their army. them: a government which ever succeedeth ill in arms: and because the Emperor knowing this, that he might be Conqueror without blood, and not give the enemy's occasion to set their affairs in better order, expected that time should put into his hand a certain victory, in stead of one that was doubtful, exposing himself to the hazard of a battle, whereby nothing of moment or consequence was done. The Legates in Trent, now freed from the Soldiers, did regulate the Congregations, according to the first style, reducing them to ordinary days, and be thinking themselves how to drive the time, according to the purpose of the Pope. They found no other means, but to show that the importance of the matter required an exact discussion, and to prolong the disputations of the Divines, giving an entrance to new matters; whereof there could not want occasion, in regard that by reason of connexion, or intemperancy of wit, Doctors do ever easily pass from one subject to another. They resolved also to cherish the differences and variety of opinions; a thing easy to be done, aswell for the natural inclination of man to overcome in disputations, as because in the Schools, especially of the Friars, too much obstinacy in opinion of their own sect, is very usual. Monte, who was of an ingenuous Card. Monte cannot dissemble so well as the other Legate Santa Crace. disposition, thought it would be hard, and could not promise to be constant in so long a dissimulation, as he saw was necessary. But Santa Croce, a man of a melancholy and close nature, offered to take upon him the charge of governing the business. Father's are deputed to compose the Anathematisines. In the Congregation of the twentieth of August, it seeming that as much had been spoken upon the twenty five Articles, as was sufficient to frame the Anathematisines, it was proposed to depute Fathers to compose them. And there were named three Bishops, and three Generals, and Sonta Croce first of all. Who having made a model of the Canons, and proposed it to be discussed in the Congregations following, the same disputations did return, of the certainty of Grace, of the moral works of Infidels and sinners, of the merit of congruity, of imputation, of the distinction of Grace and charity; and those that were interested in the opinions spoke more earnestly, because the Cardinal gave them an edge, by showing that the matters were of importance, Santa Croce cherisheth the division amongst the Divines. and aught to be discussed well, and that without the resolution of them, it was impossible to make a good determination. The controversy of the certainty of Grace only, held the disputants in exercise many days, and made obstinate, and divided into two parts, not only the Divines, but the Prelates also. Yet the question was not cleared by the disputation, but more obscured. In the beginning (as hath been delivered) one part said that certainty A difference in opinions about certainty of Grace. of Grace was presumption; the other, that one might have it meritoriously. The ground of the first was, that Saint Thomas, Saint Bonaventure, and generally the Schoolmen thought so, for which cause the mayor part of the Dominicans were of the same opinion. Besides the authority of Doctors, they alleged for reasons, that God would not that man should be certain, that he might not be lifted up in pride, and esteem of himself, that he might not prefer himself before others, as he that knoweth himself to be just would do, before manifest sinners: and a Christian would so become drowsy, careless, and negligent to do good. Therefore they said that incertainetie was profitable, and meritorious beside, because it is a passion of the mind, which doth afflict it, and being supported, is turned to merit. They alleged many places of the Scripture also; of Solomon, that a man knoweth not whether he be worthy of hate or love; of Wisdom, which commandeth not to be without fear of the sin pardoned, of Saint Peter, to work out our salvation with fear and trembling; of Saint Paul, who said of himself, though my conscience accuse me not, yet am I not thereby justified. These reasons and testimonies The opinion of Seripandal, Vega, & Soto. together with many places of the Fathers, were brought and amplified, especially by Seripandus, Vega, and Soto. But Catarinus, and Marinarus, had other places of the same Fathers, to the The opinion of Catarinus & Marinarus contrary; which shown they had spoken accidentally in this particular, as the occasions made most for their purpose, sometimes to comfort the scrupulous, sometimes to repress the audacious. Yet they kept them close to the authority of the Scripture. They said that to as many as it is read in the Gospel that CHRIST hath forgiven sins, to all them he said, Believe that your sins are forgiven. And it would be an absurdity that CHRIST should give an occasion of temereity and pride, or, if the contrary were profitable, or a merit, that he would deprive all men of it. That the Scripture bindeth us to give God thankes for our justification, which cannot be given except we know we have obtained it; for to give them when we are uncertain, would be most foolish and impertinent. That Saint Paul doth plainly confirm the certainty, when he putteth the Corinthians in mind to know that CHRIST is in them, except they be reprobates. And when he saith, we have received from God the Spirit to know what is given us by his Divine Majesty; and more clearly: that the boly Spirit doth bear witness to our spirit, that we are the sons of God: and it is much to accuse them of rashness, who believe the holy Ghost that speaketh with them. For Saint Ambrose saith that the holy Ghost doth never speak unto us, but doth make us know that it is he that speaketh. After this he added the words of CHRIST in Saint john, that the world cannot receive the holy Ghost, because it seethe him not, nor knoweth him, but that the Disciples shall know him, because he shall dwell in them. Catarinus did fortify himself strongly, by saying, that it was the opinion of a man in a dream, to defend that grace is voluntarily received, when we know not whether we have it or not; as if, to receive a thing willingly, it be not necessary that the willing receiver should know it is given him, that he doth really receive it, and that, after it is received, he doth possess it. The force of these reasons made them first retire a little, who censured the opinion of temereity, and yield that there might be a conjecture, though not an ordinary certainty. Yet they acknowledged a certainty in the Martyrs, in the newly baptised, and in some by special revelation; and from conjecture they were brought to call it moral faith: and Vega, who, in the beginning, admitted probability only, overcome by these reasons, and beginning to favour the certainty, for fear of conforming himself to the Lutheran opinion, said, that there was so much certainty as did exclude all doubt, and could not be deceived, yet that it was not Christian faith, but humane and experimental. And as he that is hot, is sure he is so, and should want sense if he doubted, so he that hath grace in him, doth perceive it, and cannot doubt; yet it is by the sense of the mind, not by Divine revelation. But the other defenders of certainty, constrained by the adversaries to speak plainly, whether they thought a man might have it, or whether he were bound unto it, or whether it were a Divine or humane faith, they came to say, that it being a faith given to the Testimony of the holy Ghost, it could not be said to be in our liberty, every one being bound to believe Divine revelations, and that it must needs be called Divine faith. And they being pressed with the objection, that if that faith be not equal to the Catholic faith, it doth not exclude all doubt, if it be equal, than the just aught as much to believe he is justified, as the Articles of faith, Catarinus did answer, that that faith was divine, of equal certainty, excluding all doubt, as well as the Catholic; but that it was not the Catholic itself. He affirmed that the Faith which one giveth to Divine revelations, made unto one's self, in particular, was divine, and excluded all doubt, but when it is received by the Church, than it is made Universal, that is, Catholic, and that this only concerneth the Articles of faith; which notwithstanding, in regard of certainty and exclusion of doubt, is not superior to private faith, but exceedeth it only in universality. So all the Prophets had first private faith of the things revealed to them by God, of which, after they were received by the Church, they had a Catholic faith. This opinion seemed hard at the first hearing, and the adherents of Catarinus, who were all the Carmelites, because john Bacon, their Doctor, was of that opinion, and the Bishops of Sinigaglia, Worcester, and Salpi, did willingly go so fare; but afterwards, the reason being weighed and discussed, it was strange how it was received by a principal part of the Prelates, Soto crying out that it was too much in favour of the Lutherans, & others defending that Luther ought not to be censured if he had said that, after justification, that kind of faith doth follow, but because he saith that is the faith which justifieth. They answered the reasons of the other part, that the Schoolmen ought not to be regarded, who ground themselves upon Philosophical reasons; that one cannot judge of divine motions; that the authority of Solomon was not to the purpose; for saying none knoweth whether he be worthy of love or hatred, applying it here, it would conclude, that the most wicked sinner, who persevereth, cannot know that he is in disgrace with God: that the saying of Wisdom cannot be applied to this, and the translation doth deceive, because the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doth not signify sin pardoned, as the translation is, but expiation or pardon, and the words of the wise man are an admonition to the sinner not to lay sin upon sin by too much confidence of pardon to come, or past: that it was not fit to ground an Article of faith upon an error of an interpreter. Thus did the same men, who then had made the vulgar edition authentical, speak of it; which every one may also observe out of the books printed by them, who assisted at the decree of the approbation. They said, that to work with fear & trembling was an Hebrew phrase, which signifieth not ambiguity, but reverence, because fear & trembling are used by servants to their masters, even when they are commended by them, and know they are in favour; that the place of S. Paul did favourthem, when he spoke of justification. For saying I am not conscious of any want, yet thereby am I not justified, he would infer, but I am justified by something else, and so would prove the certainty. But the true sense is, that Paul speaketh of defect in the office of preaching, and saith, my conscience doth not accuse me of defect in any thing, yet I dare not say I have wholly satisfied, but I reserve all to the judgement of God. He that had not seen the memorial of those who had part in these disputations, and how fare different that was which they printed, would not believe how much was spoken upon this article, and with how much heat, not only by the Divines, but the Bishops also, all seeming to understand the truth, and to have it on their side: so that Santa Croce saw there was more need of a bridle, than spurs, who desired to make an end of it by entreating them to pass to something else, and to divert the controversy. It was twice proposed in congregation of the Prelates to leave this question, as ambiguous, long, and troublesome; yet they returned to it, being drawn by their affections. At last the Cardinal, showing they had said enough, and that they should consider again of the things spoken, to resolve on them more maturely, obtained of them to speak of preparative works, and observation of the Law: upon which occasion the matter of Free will was brought in by many, and not neglected by the Cardinal, & he proposed whether they would have that particular also handled together with the rest, because it did so cohere with them, that it could not be handled severally. Therefore Prelates and Divines were deputed to collect Articles, out of the works of the Lutherans, that they might be censured. The Articles were, 1. God is the total cause of our works, good and evil: and the adultery of David, the cruelty of Manlius, and the treason of judas, are works of God, as well as the vocation of Saul. 2. No man hath power to think well or ill, but all cometh from absolute necessity, and in us is no free will, and to affirm it, is a mere fiction. 3. Free Articles concerning Free will. will, since the sin of Adam, is lost, and a thing only tirular, and when one doth what is in his power, he sinneth mortally; yea, it is a thing feigned and a title without reality. 4. Free will is only in doing ill, and hath no power to do good. 5. Free will moved by God, doth by no means cooperate, and followeth as an instrument without life, or as an unreasonable creature. 6. That God converteth those only whom he will, though they will not, and spurn against it. Upon the two first Articles they rather spoke in a tragical manner, then The discussion of the articles. Theological; that the Lutheran doctrine was a frantic wisdom; that man's will as they make it, is prodigious; that those words, a thing of title only, a title without reality, are monstrous; that the opinion is impious and blasphemous against God; that the Church hath condemned it against the Manichees, Priscillianists, and lastly, against Aballardus, and Wigleffe, and that it was a folly, against common sense, every one proving in himself his own liberty; that it deserveth not confutation, but, as Aristotle saith, chastisement, or experimental proof. That Luther's Scholars perceived the folly, and to moderate the absurdity, said after, that man had liberty in external, political, and ecumenical actions, and in matters of civil justice, that which every one but a fool knoweth to proceed from counsel and election, but denied liberty in matters of divine justice only. Marinarus said, that as it is foolish to say, no humane action is in our power, so it is no less absurd to say that every one is, every one finding by experience that he hath not his affections in his power, that this is the sense of the Schools, which say, that we are not free in the first motions; which freedom because the Saints have, it is certain, that some freedom is in them, which is not in us. Catarinus, according to his own opinion, that without God's special assistance, a man cannot do a moral good, said there was no liberty in this, and therefore that the fourth Article was not so easily to be condemned. Vega, after he had spoken with such ambiguity, that he understood not himself, concluded, that between the Divines and the Protestants there was no difference of opinion. For these concluding now that there is liberty in Philosophical justice, and not in supernatural, in external works of the Law, not in internal and spiritual, it is to say precisely with the Church, that one cannot do spiritual works, belonging to religion, without the assistance of God. And though he said that all endeavour was to be used for composition, yet he was not gratefully heard, it seeming in some sort a prejudice, that any of the differences might be reconciled; and they were wont to say, that this is a point of the Colloquies, a word abhorred, as if, by that, the Laity had usurped that authority which is proper to Counsels. A great disputation arose amongst them, whether it be in man's power to believe or not believe. The Franciscans following Scotus, did deny it; saying, that as knowledge doth necessarily follow demonstrations, so faith doth arise necessarily from persuasions, and that it is in the understanding, which is a natural agent, and is naturally moved by the object. They alleged experience, that no man can believe what he will, but what seemeth true; adding that no man would feel any displeasure, if he could believe he had it not. The Dominicans said, that nothing is more in the power of the will then to believe, and, by the determination and resolution of the will only, one may believe the number of the stars is even. Upon the third Article, whether free will be lost by sin, very many authorities of Saint Austin being alleged, which expressly say it, Soto did invent, because he knew no other means to avoid them, that true liberty is equivocal; for either it is derived from the Noun, Libertas, freedom, or from the Verb Liberare, to set free: that in the first sense it is opposed to necessity, in the second to servitude; and that when Saint Austin said, that freewill was lost, he would infer nothing else, but that it is made slave to sin and Satan. This difference could not be understood, because a servant is not free, for that he cannot do his own will, but is compelled to follow his Masters; and by this opinion Luther could not be blamed for intitling a book, of servile will. Many thought the fourth Article absurd; saying, that liberty is understood to be a power to both the contraries: therefore that it could not be said to be a liberty to evil, if it were not also to good. But they were made to acknowledge their error, when they were told that the Saints, and blessed Angels in heaven, are free to do good, and therefore that it was no inconvenience that some should be free only to do evil. In examining the fifth and sixth Articles, of the consent which freewill giveth to divine inspiration, or preventing grace, the Franciscans and Dominicans were of diverse opinions. The Franciscans contended that the will being able to prepare itself, it hath liberty much more to accept or refuse the divine prevention, when God giveth assistance, before it useth the strength of nature. The Dominicans denied that the works preceding the vocation are truly preparatory, and ever gave the first place to God. Notwithstanding there was a contention between the Dominicans themselves. For Soto defended, that although a man cannot obtain grace, without the special preventing assistance of God, yet the will may ever some way resist and refuse it, and when it doth receive it, it is because it giveth assent, and doth will so: and if our assent were not required, there would be no cause why all should not be converted. For, according to the Apocalyps, GOD standeth always at the gate, and knocketh: and it is a saying of the Fathers, now made common, that God giveth grace to every one that will have it, and the Scripture doth always require this consent in us; and to say otherwise were to take away the liberty of the will, and to say that God useth violence. Friar Aloisius Catanea said to the contrary, that God worketh two sorts of preventing grace in the mind, according to the doctrine of Saint Thomas, the one sufficient, the other effectual; to the first the will may consent or resist, but not to the second, because it implieth contradiction that efficacity can be resisted. For proof he alleged places of Saint john, Saint Paul, and very clear expositions of Saint, Austin. He answered, that it ariseth hence that all are not converted, because all are not effectually prevented. That the fear of overthrowing freewill is removed by Saint Thomas, that things are violently moved by a contrary cause, but never by their own: and God being the cause of the will, to say it is moved by God, is to say it is moved by itself. And he condemned, yea mocked the Lutherans manner of speech, that the will followeth, as a dead or unreasonable creature; for being reasonable by nature, moved by its own cause, which is God, it is moved as reasonable, and followeth as reasonable. And likewise that God converteth, though men will not, and spurn at him. For it is a contradiction that the effect should spurn against the cause. That it may happen that God may effectually convert one, that before hath spurned against sufficient prevention; but afterwards cannot, because a gentleness in the will moved, must needs follow the efficacy of the divine motion. Soto said, that every divine inspiration was only sufficient, and that that whereunto freewill hath assented, obtaineth efficiency by that consent, without which it is uneffectuall, not by the defect of itself, but of the man. This opinion he defended very fearfully, because it was opposed, that the distinction of the reprobate from the elect, would proceed from man, contrary to the perpetual Catholic sense; that the vessels of mercy are distinguished by grace, from the vessels of wrath. That God's election would be for works foreseen, and not for his good pleasure. That the doctrine of the Fathers, and of the African and French Counsels against the Pelagians, hath always published, that God maketh us to will, which is to say, that he maketh us consent. Therefore giving consent to us, it ought to be attributed to the divine power; or else he that is saved would no more be obliged to God, than he that is damned, if God should use them both alike. But, notwithstanding all these reasons, the contrary opinion had the general applause, though many confessed, that the reasons of Catanea were not resolved, and were displeased that Soto did not speak freely, but said that the will consenteth in a certain manner, so that it may in a certain manner resist: as though there were a certain manner of mean between this affirmation and negation. The free speech of Catanea, and the other Dominicans, did trouble them also, who knew not how to distinguish that opinion, which attributeth justification to consent, from the Pelagian: and therefore they wished them to take heed of leaping beyond the mark, by a too great desire to condemn Luther; that objection being esteemed above all, that, by this means, the divine election or predestination, would be for works foreseen; which no Divine did admit. This drew them to speak also of Predestination. Therefore it was determined, by reason of the connexion, to draw Articles, Articles concerning Predestination, drawn out of the writings of the Zwinglians. in this subject, also from the doctrine of the Protestants. In the books of Luther, in the Augustan confession, and in the Apologies, and Colloquies, there was nothing found that deserved censure: but much in the writings of the Zwinglians; whence these following Articles were drawn. 1. For Predestination and reprobation, that man doth nothing, but all is in the will of GOD. 2. The Predestinated cannot be condemned, nor the Reprobate saved. 3. The elect and predestinated only are truly justified. 4. The justified are bound by faith to believe they are in the number of the Predestinated. 5. The justified cannot fall from grace. 6. Those that are called, and are not in the number of the Predestinated, do never recelue grace, 7. The justified is bound to believe, by faith, that he ought to persevere in justice until the end. 8. The justified is bound to believe for certain, that in case he fall from grace, he shall receive it again. In examining the first of these Articles, the opinions were diverse. The The discussion of the Articles. most esteemed Divines amongst them thought it to be Catholic, and the contrary heretical; because the good School Writers, Saint Thomas Scotus, and the rest, do so think, that is, that GOD, before the creation, out of the mass of mankind, hath elected by his only and mere mercy, some for glory, for whom he hath prepared, effectually, the means to obtain it; which is called to predestinate. That their number is certain and determined, neither can there be any added. The others not predestinated cannot complain, for that GOD hath prepared for them sufficient assistance for this, though indeed none but the elect shall be saved. For the most principal reason, they alleged, that Saint Paul to the Romans, having made jacob a pattern of the predestinated, and Esau of the Reprobate, he produceth the decree of GOD, pronounced before they were borne, not for their works, but for his own good pleasure. To this they joined the example of the same Apostle, that as the Potter of the same lump of clay, maketh one vessel to honour, another to dishonour, so GOD of the same mass of men, chooseth and leaveth whom he listeth. For proof whereof S. Paul bringeth the place, where GOD saith to Moses; I will show mercy on whom I will show mercy, and I will show pity, on whom I will show pity. And the same Apostle concludeth, that it is not of him, that willeth, or of him that runneth, but of God who showeth mercy: adding after, that God showeth mercy on whom he will, and hardeneth whom he will. They said further, that for this cause the counsel of the divine predestination, and reprobation is called, by the same Apostle, the height and depth of wisdom, unsearchable, and incomprehensible. They added places of the other Epistles, where he saith; We have nothing but what we have received from God, that we are not able of ourselves, so much as to think well; and where, in giving the cause why some have revolted from the faith, and some stand firm, he said, it was because the foundation of God standeth sure, and hath this Seal; the Lord knoweth who are his. They added diverse passages of the Gospel of Saint john, and infinite authorities of Saint Austin, because that Saint wrote nothing in his old age, but in favour of this doctrine. But some others, though of less esteem, opposed this opinion, calling it hard, cruel, inhuman, horrible, impious, and that it shown partiality in GOD, if, without any motive cause, he elected one, and rejected another; and unjust, if he damned men for his own will, and not for their faults, and had created so great a multitude to condemneit. They say it destroyed free will, because the elect cannot finally do evil, nor the reprobate good; that it casteth men into a gulf of desperation, doubting that they be reprobates, that it giveth occasion to the wicked of bad thoughts, not caring for penance, but thinking that if they be elected, they shall not perish, if reprobates, it is in vain to do well, because it will not help them. They confessed, that not only works are not the cause of God's election, because that it is before them, & eternal, but that neither works foreseen can move GOD to predestinate, who is willing, for his infinite mercy that all should be saved; and to this end prepareth sufficient assistance for all, which every man, having freewill, receiveth or refuseth, as pleaseth him: and GOD, in his eternity, forseeth those who will receive his help, and use it to good, and those who will refuse; and rejecteth these, electeth and predestinateth those. They added, that otherwise there was no cause why GOD in the Scripture should complain of sinners, nor why he should exhort all to repentance and conversion, if they have not sufficient means to get them: that the sufficient assistance, invented by the others, is unsufficient, because in their opinion, it never had or shall have any effect. The first opinion as it is mystical and hidden, keeping the mind humble and relying on GOD, without any confidence in itself, knowing the deformity of sin, and the excellency of divine grace, so this second was plausible and popular, cherishing humane presumption, and making a great show; and it pleased more the preaching Friars, than the understanding Divines. And the Courtiers thought it probable, as consonant to politic reasons. It was maintained by the Bishop of Bitonto, and the Bishop of Salpi shown himself very partial. The defenders of this, using humane reasons, prevailed against the others, but coming to the testimonies of the Scriptures, they were manifestly overcome. Catarinus holding the same opinion to resolve the places of Scripture, which troubled them all, invented a middle way: that GOD of his goodness, hath elected some few, whom he will save absolutely, for whom he hath prepared most potent, effectual, and infallible means; the rest he desireth for his part they should be saved, and to that end hath provided sufficient means for all, leaving it to their choice to accept them, and be saved, or refuse them and be damned. Amongst these there are some who receive them & are saved, though they be not of the number of the elect; of which kind there are very many. Others refusing to cooperate with God, who wisheth their salvation, are damned. The cause why the first are predestinated, is only the will of GOD; why the others are saved, is the acceptation, good use, and cooperation with the divine assistance, foreseen by GOD; why the last are reprobated, is the foreseeing of their perverse will, in refusing, or abusing it. That Saint john, Saint Paul, and all the places of Scripture alleged by the other part, where all is given to GOD, and which do show infallibility, are understood only of the first, who are particularly privileged; and in others, for whom the common way is left, the admonitions, exhortations, and general assistances are verified, unto which he that will give care and follow them, is saved, and he that will not, perisheth by his own fault. Of those few who are privileged above the common condition, the number is determinate, and certain with God, but not of those who are saved by the common Way depending on humane liberty, but only in regard of the foreknowledge of the works of every one. Catarinus said he wondered at the stupidity of those, who say the number is certain and determined, and yet they add that others may be saved, which is as much as to say that the number is certain, and yet it may be enlarged; and likewise of those who say, that the reprobates have sufficient assistance for salvation, though it be necessary for him that is saved to have a gratner, which is to say, a sufficient unsufsicient. He added that Saint Augustine's opinion was not heard of before his time, and himself confesseth, it cannot be found in the works of any, who wrote before him, neither did himself always think it true, but ascribed the cause of Gods will to merits, saying, God taketh compassion on, & hardeneth whom he listeth. But that will of GOD cannot be unjust, because it is caused by most secret merits; and that there is diversity of sinners, some, who though they be justified, yet deserve justification. But after the heat of disputation against the Pelagians transported him to think, and speak the contrary. Yet when his opinion was heard, all the Catholics were scandalised, as S, Prosper wrote to him. And Genadius of Marscilles 50. years after, in his judgement which he maketh of the famous writers, said that it happened to him according to the words of Salmon, that in much speaking one cannot avoid sin, and that by his fault, exaggerated by the enemies, the question was not then risen, which might afterwards bring forth heresy; whereby the good Father did intimate his fear, of that which now appeareth, that is, that, by that opinion, some Sect, and division might arise. The censure of the second Article was diverse, according to the three related opinions. Catarinus thought the first part true, in regard of the efficacy of the Divine will, toward those who are particularly favoured, but the second false, concerning the sufficiency of God's assistance unto all, and man's liberty in cooperating Others ascribing the cause of Predestination in all to humane consent, condemned the whole Article, in both parts. But those that adhered to S. Austin, and the common opinion of the Theologues, did distinguish it, and said it was true in a compounded sense, but damnable in a divided: a subtlety which confounded the minds of the Prelates; and his own, though he did exemplify it, by saying; he that moveth cannot stand still, it is true in a compound sense because it is understood, while he moveth; but in a divided sense it is false, that it is in another time. Yet it was not well understood, because applying it to his purpose, it cannot be said, that a man predestinated can be damned, in a time when he is not predestinated, seeing he is always so: and generally the divided sense hath no place where the accident is inseparable from the subject. Therefore others thought to declare it better, saying that God governeth and moveth every thing, according to its proper nature, which in contingent things is free, and such, as that the Act may consist together with the power to the opposite; so that with the act of predestination, the power to reprobation and damnation doth stand. But this was worse understood than the first. The other Articles were censured with admirable concord. Concerning the third and sixth, they said it hath always been an opinion in the Church, that many receive divine grace, and keep it for a time, who afterwards do lose it, and in ●ine are damned. There was alleged the example of Saul, Solomon, & judas, one of the twelve, a case more evident than all, by the words of CHEST to the FATHER; I have kept in thy Name all that thou hast given me, of which not one hath perished but the son of perdition. To these they added Nicholas, one of the seven Deacons, and others first commended in the Scriptures, and then blamed; and for a conclusion of all, the fall of Luther. Against the sixth they particularly considered, that vocation would be an impious derision, when those that are called, and nothing is wanting on their side, are not admitted: that the Sacraments would not be effectual for them, all which things are absurd. But for censure of the first, the authority of the Prophet was brought, directly contrary in terms, where God saith, that, if the just shall abandon justice, and commit iniquity, I will not remember his good works. The example of David was added, who committed murder and adultery; of Magdalene and Saint Peter, who denied CHRIST. They derided the follies of the Zwinglians, for saying the just cannot fall from grace, and yet sinneth in every work. The two last were uniformly condemned of timeritie, with exception of those unto whom God hath given a special revelation, as to Moses and the Disciples, to whom it was revealed that they were written in the book of heaven. The examination of the Divines, concerning freewill and Predestination, being ended, and the Anathematisms in those matters framed, they were joined to those of justification, according to their fit places. Whereunto opposition was made by some in one part, by some in another, where there appeared any word which might prejudicate their opinion. But jacobus Coccus, Arch bishop of Corfu, considered, that, by the Theologues, the Articles were censured, with many limitations and amplifications, which ought to be inserted in the Anathematisms, that the proposition might not absolutely be condemned, which might receive a good construction; and the rather, because it is humanity, to make the most favourable interpretation, and charity, not to think evil. divers did contradict; first in regard of the practice of the ancient Counsels, which have condemned heretical propositions without limitation, naked, as they have been delivered by the heretics; especially because it is sufficient in matter of faith, for condemning an article, that it hath one false sense which may cause the unadvised to err. Both the opinions seemed reasonable, the first, because it was fit to know which sense was condemned, the second, because it was not for the honour of the Council, to limit the propositions of heretics. Hereunto was added, that all the Canons were thus composed, reciting the opinion which was to be condemned, and alleging, for cause thereof the places of Scripture, and doctrine of the Church, unto which it was opposite. The Canons were made, according to the form of the Council of Orange, like to those of original sin, in the preceding Session. But the reading of them proving long and tedious, and the mixture of truth and falsehood, of things reproved and approved not very intelligible; the Bishop of Sinigaglia put them fitly in mind of a remedy for both inconveniences; that it was better to separate the Catholic doctrine from the contrary, and make two Decrees; in one to make a continuated declaration, and confirmation of the doctrine of the Church, in the other to condemn, and anathematise the contrary. The advice pleased all, and so it was resolved; and first the anathematisms were framed apart; and then pains taken to make the other Decree. And this they called the Decree of the doctrine, and that the Canons; which The Decree of the doct 〈…〉 and the Canons. style was after followed in the second and third Convocation of the Council. Sancta Croce took incredible pains to make the Decrees, avoiding, as much as was possible, to insert any thing controversed among the Schoolmen, Santa Croce took great pains to give every o●● satisfaction in making the Decrees. and so handling those which could not be omitted, as that every one might be contented; in every Congregation he observed what was disliked by any, and took it away, or corrected it, as he was advised: and he spoke not only in the Congregations, but with every one in particular, was informed of all the doubts, and required their opinions; he diversified the matter with diverse orders, changed sometimes one part, sometimes another, until he had reduced them to the order in which they now are, which generally pleased and was approved by all. It is certain, that to determine those things, Congregations were held, consisting partly of Theoloques, partly of the Prelates, to the number of one hundred, and that, from the beginning of September until the end of November, there passed not a day, in which the Cardinal did not meddle with that which was done before, and change something. The memorial of these mutations remaineth: whereof I will rehearse two, as a taste of many, which it would be tedious to recount. In the first point of doctrine, it was first written, by common consent, that neither the Gentiles, by virtue of Nature, nor the jews, by the law of Moses, could free themselves from sin; and because many did hold that circumcision did remit sins, they suspected that these words might prejudice their opinion, though S. Paul hath, in express terms, said the same, in more than one place. The Cardinal, to satisfy these men, in the place where it was said (Per ipsam etiam legem Moysi) changed, and said (Per ipsam etiam litterant legis Moysi●) & every ordinary Divine might easily judge, how well the word literam did befit that place. In the beginning of the eight point, those that manetained certainty of grace, were not contented it should be said, A man's sins are not omitted by the certainty of remission, and because one is confident in it. And the Cardinal gave them satisfaction, by excluding the real certainty, and putting in the room, boasting, & confidence in that only. And in the conclusion of that point, every one might plainly see, that the cause ought to have been given, for that no man can certainly know that he hath obtained grace. But to satisfy one part, he added, certainty of faith; and the Dominicans, thinking this was not enough, urged him to add Catholic. But because the adherents of Catarinus were not contented, in stead of those words, Catholic faith, it was said, Faith, which cannot be subject to falsehood. This contented both sides. For one party inferred, then, that certainty of faith which can be had herein, may be false, and therefore is uncertain, the other inferred, that this certainty could have no doubt of falsehood while it remained, but by changing from the state of of grace to the State of sin, it may become false; as all contingent truths, by alteration of their subjects are made false. But the Catholic faith is not only certain, but unchangeable, because the subject of it 〈…〉 things necessary, or past, which cannot be altered. And truly, concerning these particulars, it is not fit to rob the Cardinal of his due praise, who knew how to satisfy men, even obstinate in contrary opinions. And those that would be better informed therein, may understand, that, immediately after the Session, Friar Dominicus Soto, principal of the Dominicans Dominicus Soto Principal 〈…〉 the Dominicans, and Andreas Vega, 〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉 publish books as commentaries of the Decree, contra●● one to an 〈…〉. wrote three books, and did entitle them, of Nature and Grace, for commentary of this Doctrine, and in his expositions, all his opinions are found when this work was published, Friar Andrew Vega, the most esteemed of the Franciscans, fet forth fifteen great books for Commentaries upon the 〈…〉 e'en points of that decree, and did expound it all according to his own opinion. These two opinions do not only differ, almost in all the Articles, but in many of them, are expressly contrary. Both which works were printed in the year 1548. and he that shall read them, observing that they do give very often, interchangeable and doubtful senses to the words of the Council, will marvel how these two persons, the chief for learning, and estimation, who had greater part therein then others, did not know the only sense and true scope of the Synod: of which also, some few others, of those which were interested, having written diversely, I could never find, whether that assembly did agree in one sense, or whether there was unity of words only. But to return to the Cardinal, when the Decree was approved The Decree is sent to Rome, and approved there. by all in Trent, he sent it to the Pope, and the Pope gave it to the Friars, and learned men of Rome, to be consulted of and it was approved by them, because every one might understand it in his own sense. I have rehearsed altogether what was done in matter of faith, that I might not divide things that are connexed. But in the mean time, some days Reformation is handled. were spent about the reformation; and in those congregations it was proposed to set down the qualities, requisite in the promotion of the greater Prelates, and Ministers of the Church. And very grave sayings were delivered with great ostentation, but there was no way found how those things, whereof they spoke might be observed. For where the Kings have the presentation, they saw not with what bonds to tie them: where election hath place, the chapter doth consist of great and mighty persons: for the residue, all dignities are conferred by the Pope, and more than two thirds of the benefices The point concerning the qualities of the Prelates is omitted. are reserved to the Apostolic Sea; unto which it is not fit to prescribe a law. Whereupon, after many and long discourses, it was concluded, that it was better to leave the business. The discourses in point of residency, were neither fewer nor shorter; The point of residence is handled. which ended not in the resolution which was necessary, & desired by many, and made some confusion then, and prepared matter for other times. For the understanding whereof, it is necessary to resume this matter from the beginning. The Ecclesiastical Degrees were not originally instituted as dignities, preeminencies, rewards, or honours, as now they are, and have been, many A discourse of the author concerning residency. hundred years, but as ministeries, and charges, otherwise called by Saint Paul, works, and those that exercise them, are called by CHRIST our LORD in the Gospel, Workmen; and therefore no man could then enter into cogitation to absent himself from the execution thereof in his own person: and if any one (which seldom happened) retired from the work, it was not thought reasonable, he should have either title or profit. And though the ministeries were of two sorts, some anciently called, as now they are, with care of souls: others of temporal things, for the sustenance and service of the poor and sick, as were the Deaconries, and other inferior works, all held themselves equally bound to that service, in person; neither did any think of a substitute, but for a short time, and for great impediments, much less to take another charge, which might hinder that. The Church being increased, where there were many Christians, and free from persecutions, another sort of Ministers was instituted, to serve in the Ecclesiastical assemblies, aswell in reading the divine Scriptures, as in other functions, to stir up devotion. There were instituted also Colleges of Ministers, which might in common apply themselves to some charge, and others as Seminaries, from whence to take Ministers instructed already. These of the Colleges, not having any personal charge, seeing the Congregation did administer, as well with one more, as with one less, sometimes, by reason of study, or greater instruction, or for some other cause, were absent from the Church, one for a short time, another for along, without having title, charge, or profit. So Saint jerom, a Priest of Antioch, but without any particular Cure, and Ruffinus, in the same manner, of Aquileia, and Saint Paulinus, ordained Priest of Barcelona, did reside but little. But when the number of them increased, they did degenerate, and were called vagabond Clerks, because that manner of living made them odious, who are often spoken of in the Laws and novel constitutions of justinian. But never any thought to hold the title of an office, or enjoy the profit, without doing service, but only, after the year seven hundred, in the West Church, when the Ecclesiastical ministeries were changed, and made dignities, and honours, and rewards for services done. And as before a person was chosen fit for the necessity of the Church, so afterward a degree, dignity, or emolument was fitted to the quality of the person; from whence arose the exercising of the ministry by a substitute. This abuse hath drawn in another by consequence; that is, to think one's self disobliged, not only to minister, but to be present, and assist him that laboureth in his place. And indeed where the industry of the person is not chosen for the work, but a place and degree is provided for the person, there is no reason he should be bound to labour for himself, or assist him that doth. The disorder proceeded so fare, that it would have overthrown the Clergy, if the Popes had not in part resisted, commanding that Prelates and other Curates, though they might exercise the charge by substitutes, yet should be tied to assistance in the place, which they called residence. Whereunto also they bond the Canons, without constraining other beneficed Clerks unto it, not so much as speaking of them, but leaving them to the custom, or rather abuse brought in: by which silence it came to pass, that they thought themselves obliged. Neither did this voluntary deceit displease the Pope, who saw very well that it would end in the greatness of the Court. And hence arose the pernicious, and never sufficiently detested distinction, of Benefices of residence, and not residence; which followed as well in deed as in doctrine, without any blush of absurdity, which it did evidently bring with it: that is, to give a title and salary without Obligation. And to palliate it, or rather to make it more shameful, whereas the Canonists have a maxim convincing this absurdity, that is, that every Benefice is given for an office, they have expounded it, understanding by office, the hours or prayers of the Breuiarie: so that a revenue of a thousand or ten thousand, or more crowns is given for this only, to take a Breuiarie in hand, and read as fast as one can, in a low voice, not marking any thing but to pronounce the words. But the distinction of the Doctors, and the provision of the Popes augmented the abuse in the short time: For without those some of the beneficed men might perhaps have made conscience of it, but with them, they think the abuse is justified, as a thing lawful. And for the Curates, the Pope's dispensation was never denied to any, that sought it by that way by which every thing is obtained at Rome. So that the poor only do reside, and those that gain by it: and the abuse, first a little remedied by the Pope's laws did, by the dispensations, not only leap to the height, but spread itself abroad, and infected the earth. After the stirs of Germany for Religion; which gave occasion to speak of and desire reformation, every one ascribing the mischief to the negligence, and small care of the Prelates, desiring to see them at the government of their Churches, detesting the dispensations, which caused them to be absent, discourses were made of their Obligation; and some Pious men, amongst whom was Friar Thomas Caietan, Cardinal, affirmed that the Obligation of residence was by the Law of GOD. And it happened, as it doth, in all things, that the preceding passion persuaded the more rigid opinion, and more strict Obligation, and made the disobligation more hard. This caused them to add unto it, the vigour of the Law of GOD. The Prelates, seeing the mischief, and desiring it should be excusable, and a small fault, would needs believe, that they were not bound by GOD, but by the Pope, whose dispensation, or silence, did save them. With these previous dispositions of doctrine, the matter Great controversies in the Council about residence was proposed in the Council, as hath been said: which because it produced a small controversy in the beginning, a greater in the progress, and in the end (which was in the years 1562. and 1563.) greatest of all, it will not be unseasonable to make some recapitulation, and to recount some particular occurrences. Therefore though the Articles first proposed, were but to add greater bonds, and punishments, to the precepts, to remove the impediments, and A controversy whether residence be de iure Divine. facilitate the execution, and all agreed, alleging persuasions out of the old and new Testament, Canons of the Counsels, doctrine of the Fathers, and out of the inconveniences which sprang from the non-residency, yet the mayor part of the Divines, especially the Dominicans, did determine that the obligation was by the Law of God. Friar Bartholomew Caranza, and Friar Dominicus Soto, Spaniards, were the most principal authors. The most grounded reasons they brought were, that Bishoprickes are founded by CHRIST, as ministeries and works, and so require a personal action, which a man absent cannot perform, that CHRIST, describing the quality of a good shepherd, saith, that he giveth his life for the flock, knoweth the sheep by their names, and walketh before them. The Canonists and Italian Prelates did dispute, that the obligation was by the Ecclesiastical law, alleging that anciently never any nonresident was reprehended as a transgressor of the Law of God, but of the Canons only. That Timothy, though Bishop of Ephesus, was long in his journey, by order of S. Paul. That it was said to Saint Peter, Feed the Lambs; which is understood of all, and yet he cannot be every where present: so the Bishop may fulfil the commandment of feeding; without residence. They answered the contrary reasons, that the conditions of a Pastor, proposed by CHRIST, do agree to none but CHRIST himself. Friar Ambrose Catarinus, though a Dominican, was contrary to the rest. He said, the Bishopric instituted by CHRIST is one only, which the Pope hath: the institution of the others is by the Pope; who, as he divideth the quantity and number of the sheep to be fed, so he prescribeth also the manner and quality. Therefore it belongeth to the Pope, to appoint every Bishop, to attend the flock, by himself, or his substitute, and may allot unto him either much or little, and deprive him also of the power of feeding. Thomas Campeggius, Bishop of Feltre, answered another way, that the Bishop, as Saint jerom testifieth, is the institution of CHRIST, but the division of Bishoprickes was after instituted by the Church: that CHRIST gave the charge of feeding to all the disciples, but tied them not to a place, as the actions of the Apostles, and of their Disciples do show; the assigning of this portion of the flock to one, and that to another, was an Ecclesiastical institution, to govern better. These things were handled by the Bishops with much passion. The Spaniards did not only adhere to, but cherish the opinion, that it was de The Spanish secret in this point. iure divino, having a secret, which they communicated only amongst themselves, to make great the Episcopal authority. For if it were once decided that they had the charge from CHRIST to govern their Church, it would be decided also, that they have from him authority necessary for it, which the Pope could not restrain. These designs were smelled out, by those that leaned to the Court, therefore in regard of the importance of the matter, they also encouraged the maintainers of the contrary opinion. The Legates thought it better to withstand the danger, by dissembling their knowledge of it: and, aiming at this mark, said for the present, that the matter was hard, and had need of greater examination; that where the controversy is between the Catholics, they ought not to condemn one part, for fear of making a schism, and sowing contentions, that they may jointly endeavour to confute the Lutherans. Therefore, that it were better to defer the declaration, by what right it is due, until another Session. Some thought it sufficient to renew the old Canons and Decretals in this matter, and said, they were severe enough, because they inflicted deprivation for a punishment, and reasonable enough, because they admitted lawful excuses. There remained to find a way that dispensations might not be granted, and that was sufficient. Others thought it necessary to add new punishments, and remove the impediments; which was of the greatest importance, because those being taken away, residency would follow; and that it was no matter from whence the obligation came, so it were executed; and that this being done, the matter would be better discussed. It pleased the mayor part that the one and the other should be done: whereunto the Legates g 〈…〉; upon condition, that the dispensations should not be spoken against, but, to cause them not to be desired, that the impediments should be taken away, which come by exemptions wherein there was as much spoken, and with no less con〈…〉, between those which held every exemption for all abuse, and those who thought them necessary in the Church, and reproved only the excesses. S. jerom witnesseth, that in the first beginnings of Christianity, the Churches A discourse of the Author concerning exemptions. were governed by a kind of Aristocracy, by the common counsel of the Presbytery: but to withstand the divisions which were brought in, the monarchical government was instituted, giving all the superintendency to the Bishop, whom all the orders of the Church did obey, neither 〈◊〉 any one think to withdraw himself from under the authority. The neighbour Bishops, whose Churches, because they were under one Province, had commerce, did govern themselves also in common by Synods; and to make the government more easy, attributing much to the Bishop of the principal City, they made him as it were Head of that body: and by a more ample communion, which all the Provinces of one perfecture or great government held together, the Bishop of the City where the Ruler did reside; gained a certain superiority, by custom. These prefectures were, the Imperial City of Rome, with the Cities adjoining; the prefecture of Alexandria, which governed Egypt, Libya, and Pentapolis: of Antioch, for Syria, and other Provinces of the East: and in the other lesser prefectures, called in Greek, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the same was observed. This government, brought in, and approved by custom only, which found it commodious; was established by the first Council of Nice under Constantine, and ordained by a Canon that it should continue: and every one was so fare from putting himself out of this order; that the Bishop of jerusalem having many honourable preeminences, perhaps because it was the place where our Saviour Christ conversed in the flesh, and was the fountain of Religion, the Council of Nice did ordain that those honours should still remain, but so that nothing was detracted from the Metropolitan, than Bishop of Caesarea. This government; which hath been ever held in all the Churches of the East; was altered in the Latin, because many great Monasteries being built, governed by Abbates of great fame and worth, who by their conspicuous virtues, made the Bishop's afraid, there arose some emulation between these and those: and the Abbates, to free themselves from these inconveniences, whether real, or feigned, and to cover their ambition, to withdraw themselves from the subjection which they owed, did obtain of Popes to be received under the protection of Saint Peter, and immediately under the subjection of the Pope. This being profitable for the Court of Rome, because he that obtaineth privileges, is bound to maintain the authority of him that granteth them, suddenly all the Monasteries were exempted. The Chapters also of Cathedral Churches, consisting for the most part of Regulars, by the same pretences, did obtain exemption. Finally, the Cluniacensian and Cistersian Congregations were all wholly exempted, With great enlargement of the Pope's authority, which came to have subjects in all places, defended and protected by the Papacy, and interchangeably defenders and protectors. The invention was not commended by Saint Bernard, who lived in that time, and was of the Cistersian Congregation: yea, he admonished Pope Eugenius; to consider thereof, that all were abuses, that it ought not to be well taken if an Abbot did refuse to obey the Bishop, and the Bishop the Metropolitan: that the militant Church should take example by the triumphant, where no Angel ever said, I will not be under the Archangel. But Bernard would have said more, if he had lived in the times following, when the Mendicant Orders, obtained, not only a general exemption, from the Episcopal authority, but power also to build Churches, in any place whatsoever, and to administer the Sacraments in them. But in these last ages the abuse went on so fare, that every petty Priest did obtain, with a small charge, an exemption from the superiority of his Bishop, not only in causes of correction, but also to be ordained by whom he listeth, and in sum, not to acknowledge the Bishop at all. This being the state of the cause, and the Bishops requiring remedy, some that were more vehement, returned to the things spoken in the Congregations, that were before the other Session, against the exemption of Friars. But the wiser sort thinking it impossible to obtain any thing, so long as the number and greatness of the Regular Orders continued, and favour of the Court, they were contented to remove only the exemptions of the Chapters; and particular persons, and demand a revocation of them all. But the Legates, treating with them in particular, and putting then in mind that all the reformation could not be made by that Session, that it was fit to begin, and leave something for future times, made them rest contented, that the exemption of particular Priests, Friars, not inhabiting in the Cloisters, A small reformation in matter of exemption is made. and of Chapters, only in criminal causes, should be removed (from whence the greater disorders do arise,) as also faculties to give clerical Orders to him that resideth not in his own diocese: promising to provide against the other abuses in another Session. While these things were handled in Trent, the Pope having received advice Card Farnese the Pope's Legate with the Emperor, is recalled. from the Cardinal Farnese, considering with how small reputation an Apostolic Legate did remain in Ratisbon, when his soldiers were in the field, he recalled him: and, with him, a great number of Italian Gentlemen, which were of the Pope's troops, did departed. In the midst of October, the two armies were so near, at Santhem, that there was but a little river between them. And standing so, Octavius Farnese, sent by the Emperor The two Armies are near together, and Daveuert is taken by Octavius Farnese. with the Italians; and some Dutchmen, took Daveuert in the sight of the enemy, who having done nothing while he was in Suevia but hindered the Emperor, was constrained in November to abandon the Country, by reason of a great diversion, made by the Bohemians, and others of the Imperial High Germany is left to the Emperor's discretion. faction, against Saxony, and Hassia, places belonging to the two Protestants Heads; who retired to defend their own Countries, leaving High Germany at the Emperor's discretion; and this was the cause why many Princes and Cities combined, did incline to composition with him, having honest caution to hold their religion. But he would not make mention thereof in writing, lest the war should seem to be made for that cause, which would offend those that followed him, make others more unwilling to render themselves, and give suspicion to the Ecclesiastiques of Germany, who hoped to see the Roman Rites restored in every place. Yet his Ministers promised them all, that they should not be molested in the exercise of religion, excusing their Master, if, for many respects, he could not satisfy them, to make a capitulation thereof: and he so carried himself, that his resolution appeared to give them content, by connivency; By these deditions the Emperor gained much artillery, drew much money from the Cities, to the value of many hundred thousands, and, which was of greatest importance, was absolute Lord of all High Germany. This happiness made the Popeiealous, and think to provide for himself The pope is jealous of the Emperor, and recalleth▪ his forces. before all Germany were subdued. His soldiers under the conduct of his grandchild Octavius, were much diminished in number, by reason of those who parted with the Cardinal Farnese, and of others who did run away by whole ranks, for the incommodities they suffered. The residue, in the midst of December, the Emperor's Army being lodged near the Village of Sothen, departed, by order from the Pope, from whom Octavius had commandment to return into Italy, and to tell his Uncle, that the six months being ended, the Pope could no longer bear so great a charge: that the time of the obligation was ended, and that effected for which the league was made, that is, Germany brought into obedience. The Emperor complained, that Whereof the Emperor complaineth. he was abandoned when he had most need of help. For nothing was done, so long as the Heads were not oppressed, who could not be said to be subdued, but retired only, to defend their own Territories; and being delivered from fear, it was to be doubted they would return with greater forces, and better order than before. But the Pope justified his not continuing in the The Pope justifieth his action. league, and the departure of his men, by saying, that he was not made partaker of the composition with the Cities and Princes, which could not be established without him; and especially, because it was made with much prejudice of the Catholic faith, tolerating heresy, which might have been rooted out. That according to capitulation, he had not been partaker of the profits of the war, nor of the money the countries' paid which did compound; that the Emperor complained, when himself was offended and disesteemed, even with damage of religion. Nor content with this, he forbade the Emperor to receive money of the Churches of Spain, longer than the six months: and though the Emperor's Ministers made many effectual treaties with him, showing that the cause continuing, for which they were granted, it required that the grant also should continue, and that all would be in vain, and without fruit, if the war were not ended, yet they The Fiesehi make a conspiracy against the D●rij in Genua, for which the Pope is blamed by the Emperiour. could not remove him from his resolution. In Genua, the family of the Fiesehi, making a dangerous conspiracy (which had almost taken effect) against that of the Dorij, which followed the Emperor's side, the Emperor was assured that the Pope's son, the Duke of Piacenza was author of it, and believed that it came from the Pope, and refrained not 1547 PAUL 3. CHARLES 5. HENRY 8. FRANCIS 1. to add this complaint to the others. The Pope believed the Emperor would be busied in Germany a long time, and not be able to offend him with temporal forces: but feared he might trouble him by making the Protestants go to the Council. To separate the Council seemed too violent and scandalous a remedy, especially having continued seven months in a treaty, whereof nothing was published. He was of opinion to publish the things already digested, seeing that by that declaration, either the Protestants would The Pope's resolution concerning the proceeding in Council. refuse to go thither, or, if they went, would be constrained to accept it; wherein the principal point of all the controversies consisting, the victory would be his own. And if there were no other reason to do it, this was sufficient to prove it was good for him, because the Emperor would not have any controversies decided. For the counsels of those that have contrary ends, aught to be contrary. He saw well, that the Emperor would not take it for an affront. But the distastes between them were already so great, that little could be added to them; and the Pope, when he was pressed with reasons, which did persuade and dissuade, was wont to use the Florentine saying, A thing done hath an head; and so to execute that which was necessary. Therefore he wrote to the Legates in Christmas, that they should hold a Session, and publish the decrees already framed. This commandment being received, they called a Congregation the third of january, in 1547 which having determined, by the uniform consent of all, to imitate a Session for the thirteenth, in regard it was tedious to all, to remain there so long, and resolve of nothing; the Legates did propose the publication of the Decrees framed. For those of faith, the Emperor's Prelates opposed, and said, that there was no opportunity as yet, and that it sufficed to publish the reformation. But the Papalins urged the contrary; alleging it was known to all the world, that the point of grace and justification had been discussed seven months together, and that the Decree was established; and that it would be a derogation to the faith, if the Council should seem to fear the publishing of the truth, which was decided. And because these were more in number, their opinion, assisted by the Legates, prevailed. The two next Congregations were spent, in reading again the Decrees, as well of faith as The Session is held the 13 of january, and the Decrees of faith and reformation are published. reformation: the which, some small matters being corrected, by the advice of those who were not present at the first, pleased them all. The Legates, accompanied with the Prelates, went to the Church with the usual ceremonies, on Thursday the thirteenth of january, and held the Session; where Andreas Cornarus, Archbishop of Spalleto, sang Mass, Thomas Stella; Bishop of Salpi, did preach; and the Decrees of faith and reformation were read. The first contained sixteen heads, with their prohemes, and thirty three anathematisms. After it had forbid to believe, preach, or teach, otherwise then was constituted and expressed in that Decree, it declared in substance: 1. That neither Gentiles, by natural means, nor jews, by the letter of Moses, hath been able to free themselves from sin. 2. Whereupon GOD sent his Son, to redeem the one and the other. 3. Who, though he died for all, yet those only enjoy the benefit, unto whom his merit is communicated. 4. That the justification of the wicked, is nothing but a translation, from the state of the son of Adam, into the state of the adopted son of God, by JESV CHRIST, which, after the publication of the Gospel, is not done without Baptism, or the vow thereof. 5. That the beginning of justification, in men of age, proceedeth from preventing grace, which inviteth to dispose themselves, consenting, and cooperating with it freely: which they do willingly and might refuse. 6. The manner of the preparation, is first to believe, willingly, the divine revelations, and promises, and knowing one's self to be a sinner, to turn from the fear of God's justice to his mercy, to hope for pardon from him, and therefore to begin to love him, and hate sin: and finally, purposing to be baptised, to begin a new life, and keep the commandments of God. 7. That justification followeth this preparation, which is not only a remission of sins, but sanctification also; and hath 5. causes: the final, the glory of God, and eternal life: the efficient, God: the meritory, CHRIST: the instrumental, the Sacraments: and the formal, justice, given by God, received according to the good pleasure of the holy Ghost, and according to the disposition of the receiver, receiving, together with remission of sins, faith, hope, and charity. 8. That when Saint Paul saith, that man is justified by faith, and gratis, it ought to be understood, because faith is the beginning, and the things that precede justification are not meritorious of grace. 9 That sins are not pardoned to him that vaunteth, and reposeth himself only in the confidence, and certainty of the remission. Neither ought it to be said, that only faith doth justify, but every one as he should not doubt of the mercy of God, the merits of CHRIST, and efficacy of the Sacraments, so, in regard of his own indisposition he may doubt, because he cannot know by certainty of infallible faith, that he hath obtained grace. 10. That the just are more justified by observing the Commandments of God and the Church. 11. That it cannot be said, that the Commandments of God are impossible to the just, who, though he fall into venial sins, yet ceaseth not to be so; that no man ought to rely on faith only, nor say, that the just sinneth in every good action, or committeth sin, if he do any thing for reward. 12. That no man should presume he is predestinated, believing that the justified can sinne no more, or sinning, can promise himself repentance. 13. That no man can promise to himself absolute certainty to persevere until the end, but should put his hope in the assistance of God, who will continue, if man fail not. 14. That those that are fallen into sin may again receive grace, being stirred up from above to recover it by repentance, which differeth from baptism, because it containeth not only contrition, but sacramental confession, Priestly absolution, at the least in vow, and satisfaction beside for the temporal punishment, which is not always remitted altogether, as in baptism. 15. That the grace of God is lost, not only by infidelity, but by any mortal sin, though faith be not lost by it. 16. It proposeth to the just the exercise of good works, by which eternal life is gained, as grace promised by the mercy of God, and a reward due to good works by the divine promise. And it concludeth that this doctrine doth not establish any justice of our own, refusing the justice of God, but the same is said to be ours, because it is in us, and of GOD, being infused by him for the merit of CHRIST. In fine, to make every one understand, not only the doctrine to be followed, but that also which is to be avoided, it addeth Canons, against him that saith. 1. That a man may be justified without grace, by the strength of humane nature, and doctrine of the Law. 2. That grace is given to live well with greater facility, and to merit eternal life, as if free The Canons will can do it, but with difficulty. 3. That a man may believe, love, hope or repent, as he ought, without the prevention, or assistance of the holy Spirit. 4. That free will, excited by GOD, doth not cooperate, to dispose us to grace, nor can descent, though it would. 5. That after the sin of Adam free will is lost. 6. That it is not in the power of man to do ill, but as well bad as good works, are done, not only by God's permission, but by his own proper working. 7 That all works, done before justification, are sins, and that a man sinneth the more, by how much the more he laboureth to dispose himself unto grace. 8. That the fear of hell, which maketh us abstain from sin, and to fly to the mercy of GOD, is sin. 9 That the wicked is justified by faith only, without preparation, proceeding from the motion of his will. 10. That man is justified without the justice by which CHRIST did merit for us, or is formally just by that. 11. That he is justified only by the imputation of the justice of CHRIST, or only by remission of sins without inherent grace and charity; or that the grace of justification is only the favour of GOD. 12. That justifying faith is nothing but confidence in the mercy of GOD, who remitteth sins for CHRIST. 13. That, for remission of sins, it is necessary to believe they are remitted not doubting of one's own indisposition. 14. That man is absolved and justified, because he doth firmly believe it. 15. That he is bound by faith to believe that he is in the number of the predestinated. 16. That one may be certain he hath the gift of perseverance, without special revelation. 17. That only that the predestinated obtain grace. 18. That the Commandments of God are impossible to the just. 19 That there is no other Evangelicall precept but of faith. 20. That the just and perfect man is not bound to observe the Commandments of God and the Church, or that the Gospel is a promise without condition of observing the Commandments. 21. That CHRIST is given for a redeemer, not for a lawmaker. 22. That the justified may persevere without the special assistance of GOD, or cannot with it. 23. That the just cannot sinne, or can avoid all venial sins, without a special privilege, as the Church holdeth of the Virgin. 24. That justice is not preserved and increased by good works, but that they are fruits only or signs. 25. That the just sinneth mortally, or venially, in every work. 26. That the just ought not to expect a reward for his good works. 27 That there is no mortal sin but infidelity. 28 That grace being lost, faith is lost also; or that the faith remaining is not true nor of a Christian. 29 That man sinning after baptism, cannot be lifted up by the grace of God, or may recover it by faith only, without the Sacrament of penanace. 30. That every fault and punishment is wholly remitted to every penitent man, there remaning no temporal punishment, to be endured in this life, or in Purgatory. 31. That the just sinneth, if he do good, only in hope of an eternal reward. 32. That the good works of the just, are the gifts of God, and are not withal the merits of the justified. 33. That this doctrine is derogatory to the glory of God, and merits of CHRIST, or that their glory is not made more illustrious by it. When I had made this short narration of the Decree, I began to think it superfluous, seeing all the decrees of that Council are printed in one volume, The author's reason why he rehearseth the decrees though they be printed in a volume apart. and in every man's hands, and that in the composition of the Acts that follow, I might refer myself to that book: and I was about to tear this leaf. But considering that some might desire to read the whole continuation in one book only, and that if any thought it better to see the original, he might omit this mine abbreviation, I resolved not to change, but to observe the same style in the matters following: and the rather, because I am grieved, when, in Zenophon and Tacitus, I see the narration of things, most known to their times, omitted, which remaineth unknown to me, because there is no means to know it again: and I hold it for a maxim, that one ought never to refer himself to another. Therefore I come to the sum of the Decree of reformation. Which did contain in substance; 1. That the Synod being willing to The Decree of reformation. amend the depraved manners of the Clergy and people, thought fit to begin with the governors of the greater Churches. Therefore trusting in God, and his Vicar on earth, that, that charge shall be given to worthy men, exercised from their youth in Ecclesiastical discipline, it doth admonish them to perform their duty, which cannot be executed without residing in the place, where it is to be done: Yet many, leaving the flock, and care of the lambs, wander in Courts, and apply themselves to secular business. Therefore the Synod doth revive all the ancient Canons against nonresidents, and doth constitute beside, that every governor of a Cathedral Church, of what title or preeminency soever, who shall remain six months together out of his Diocese, without a just and reasonable cause, shall lose the fourth part of the revenues, and if he persevere six months more, shall lose another fourth part, and the contumacy increasing, the Metropolitan, upon pain of not entering into the Church for three months, shall delate him to the Pope, who, by his supreme authority, may inflict greater punishment, or provide the Church of a more profitable Pastor. And if the Metropolitan shall likewise offend, the most ancient Suffragan shall be bound to denounce him. 2. But others, inferiors to Bishops, tied to residence either by law or custom, shall be compelled thereunto by the Bishops, abrogating every privilege which giveth a perpetual exemption from residing. But dispensations granted for a time, for a reasonable cause, true, and proved before the Ordinary, shall remain in force, and the Bishop, as Delegate of the Apostolic Sea, shall take care that a sufficient Vicar be provided for the charge of souls, with a convenient portion of the revenues, notwithstanding any privilege or exemption. 3. Beside that no Clerk, by personal privilege, or regular dwelling out of the Monastery, by privilege of his order, shall be exempt from being punished, if he offend, or visited, or corrected by his Ordinary. 4. Likewise that Chapters of Cathedral and other Collegiate Churches, shall not, by virtue of exemption, customs, oaths, and agreements, be freed from the visitation of their Bishops, and greater Prelates, when there shall be need. 5. In fine, it did ordain that no Bishop might exercise Pontifical acts in the diocese of another, by pretence of privilege, without his leave, and The next Session to be held the third of March. only over his subjects. And the day of the next Session was appointed the third of March. In Rome, the Decree of faith ministered no matter of discourse, in regard it was not new, as well because it had been seen, and examined publicly (as hath been said) as because all men knew that the German opinions were to be condemned. But the Court Bishops, who had been afraid a long time of the Article of residency, which was handled, did rest content, assuring themselves that the Decree of the Council, could work no greater effect, than the Pope's Decretals had done before. But the inferior The inferior Courtiers are discontented with the reformation. Courtiers were discontented, seeing the Bishop had power to compel them. They lamented their own misery, who were to serve all their life to gain their living, and after so much pains taken, for a reward, must be confined in a village, or, by a base Canonry, subjected to a greater slavery, in obeying the Bishops, who will not only keep them, as it were, tied to a stake, but with visitations, and pretence of corrections, will bring them to a miserable subjection, or hold them in perpetual vexations, and charge. But elsewhere, and especially in Germany, when the Decrees were seen, The Decrees are censured in Germany. that of faith was more spoken of: which must be read over and again, with much attention and speculation, because it could not be understood without a perfect knowledge of the inward motion of the mind, and without knowing in whom it is active, in whom passive, things most subtle, and, for the diverse appearance they make, ever accounted disputable; all the doctrine of the Council turning upon this hinge, whether the first object of the will work upon the will, or the will upon the object, or whether they be both active and passive. Some pleasant wits said, that if the Astrologers, not knowing the true causes of the celestial motions, to salve the appearances, have invented Eccentriques, and Epicicles, it was no wonder if the Council, desiring to salve the appearances of the supercelestial motions, did fall into excentricity of opinions. The Grammarians did not cease to admire and scoff the artifice of that proposition, which is in the fifth Chapter; Neque homo ipse nihil omnino agate; which they said was not intelligible; and without example. For if the Synod would signify: Etiam homo ipse aliquid agate; it might say so plainly, as is fit to do in matter of faith, where the more simple expression is the better; and if they would use an elegancy, they might say, Etiam homo ipse nihil agate. But the word (omnino) being interposed, that speech is incongruous and without sense, as all are which have two negatives that cannot be resolved into an affirmative. For to resolve that, one must say, Etiam homo ipse aliquid omnino agate, which is incongruous, and not to be understood, what aliquid omnino may signify here. For it would say that a man hath an action in a certain kind, which in another kind is no action. The Fathers were defended, by saying, that to examine the form of Speech so severely, was nothing but to cavil. Whereunto they replied, that a gentle interpretation was due unto usual forms of speech, but that it is a public utility to discover the artifice of him, that, leaving the clear and usual phrases, inventeth those that are incongruous, and contain in them contradiction, to cavil, and to play on both sides. Those that understood Theologie said, that the doctrine, that a man may always refuse divine inspirations, was contrary to the public, and ancient prayer of the Church. Et ad te nostras etiam rebels compelle propitius Uoluntates: Which is not fit we should say is a vain desire, but that it is made by faith, as S. james saith, and granted by God to his elected. They added that one could no more say with S. Paul, that it cometh not from man which doth separate the vessel of wrath from those of God's mercy, that which separateth being that humane, Non nihil omnino. Many did consider that place of the seventh Chapter, where it is said, justice is given by measure, according to the good pleasure of God, and the disposition of the receiver; both which things cannot be true. For if it pleased God to give more to him that were less disposed, it would not be by measure of the disposition; and if it be by the measure of that, there is always the motive by which God worketh, and doth not use his good pleasure. They marvelled that those were condemned, who said that the Precepts of God were impossible to be kept; seeing that the same Council, in the Decree of the second Session, exhorteth the faithful assembled in Trent, that, repenting, confessing, and communicating, they should observe the Commandments of God, Quantum quisquis poterit. Which modification would be impious, if the justified could keep them absolutely; and they noted that the same word, Praecepta, was there, to take away all cavil. Those that were read in the Ecclesiastical Story, said, that in all the Counsels, held in the Church, from the Apostles time until now, there were never so many Articles decided, as in this Session only; in which Aristotle had a great part, by having exactly distinguished all the kinds of causes, which if he had not done, we had wanted many Articles of Faith. The Politicians also, though they ought not to examinematters of Religion, but simply follow them, yet found matter of discourse in this Decree. For seeing in the tenth Chapter, the Obligation of obeying the Commandments of GOD and the Church, and the same replied in the twentieth Canon, they were scandalised, because there was no mention of Obligation to the commandments of Princes and Magistrates. They said that obedience unto these is more plainly set down in the Scripture; that the old Law is full of it; that the doctrine is clear in the new Testament, expressed, and handled at large by CHRIST himself, by Saint Peter, and Saint Paul. That there is found an express Obligation to hear the Church, but none express to obey it. He is obeyed who commandeth of his own power, and he is heard who doth promulgate that which belongeth to another man. Neither were these men satisfied with the excuse, that the commandments of Princes are included in those of God, and that obedience is due unto them, because God hath commanded they should be obeyed. But they replied that, by this reason, the Church rather ought to be omitted; and said that the Church was expressed, and the Princes passed over in silence, to breed (according to the ancient scope of the Ecclesiastiques) that pernicious opinion, that men are bound to obey them for conscience sake, and Princes and Magistrates only for fear of temporal punishments, and that otherwise their commandments may be transgressed without respect, and so to cause every government to be hated, accounted tyrannical, and subverted, and, by describing the subjection unto Priests to be the only principal way to gain heaven, to draw all jurisdiction to themselves, and by consequence, all authority. The Decree of reformation was said to be a mere illusion. For to trust in God and the Pope that provision should be made of persons worthy to govern the Churches, belongeth rather to him that prayeth, then to him that reformeth. To renew the ancient Canons with one word only, and one so general, was more to confirm the disuse of them: but if they would restore them in earnest, they should remove the causes which have buried them in silence, give them strength by penalties, and deputation of those that should put them in execution, and should use other means which do revive, and preserve Laws. In fine it was said to have done nothing but establish that one might be absent all the year, by losing half the revenues, or rather one was taught how he might not reside eleven months and more, without any punishment, by interposing those thirty days or fewer, in the midst of the other time of the year; and that the Decree was wholly destroyed, with the exception of just and reasonable causes, which no man is so simple as not to find, being to have judges for whom it will be profitable not to have residency practised. This place requireth that mention should be made of a particular accident, which, then begun, though it ended not until after four months, belongeth wholly to the present Session, & maketh known what the Council was, and in what estimation it was had, by those that assisted in it. For the understanding whereof, I will repeat that Friar Dominicus Soto, who had (as hath been said) a great part in the Synod, in framing the Decrees of original sin, and justification, having noted all the opinions and reasons used in Soto and Catarinus publish Books one against another, concerning the meaning of the Council, and the Fathers are much divided. those discussions, thought to communicate them unto the world, and to draw the words of the Decree to his own meaning, printed a book containing the whole together, and did entitle it; De natura & gratia: and did dedicate it, with an Epistle, to the Council, to be (as he said in the dedication) a Commentary of the two foresaid Decrees. Coming to the Article of the certainty of grace, he said in a long discourse; that the Synod had declared, that a man cannot know he hath grace by so great certain 〈…〉 e, as is that of faith, excluding all doubt. Catarinus, newly made Bishop of Minori, having defended the contrary, and still persevering, did print a little book, with an Epistle Dedicatory to the same Synod; the scope whereof was, to maintain that the Counsels meaning was not to condemn the opinion of him that saith a just man may know he hath grace, as certainly as he knoweth the Articles of Faith to be true: yea, that the Council hath decided that he is bound to believe it, because, in the six and twentieth Canon, it hath condemned him that saith that the just man ought not to hope for, and expect a reward, it being necessary, that he that ought to hope as a just man should know he is so. In this contrariety of opinions, both writing affirmatively to the Council, either of them did not only say, that his opinion was the opinion of the Synod, but afterwards wrote also and printed Apologies, and Antipologies, making complaints to the Synod the one of the other, of attributing that to it, which it never said, bringing diverse testimonies of the Fathers to prove their own opinion: who bare witness; some for one, some for another; so that the Fathers were all divided into two parts, except some good Prelates, who as neutrals, said, that they understood not the difference, but gave consent to the Decree, in the form as it was published, because both the parties were agreed. The Legate Santa Croce did testify for Catarinus. Monte said, he was of a third party. This seemed to put all men out of hope to understand the meaning of the Council, seeing the principal men that were present in it, did not agree. And it doth raise a difficulty, what that Synod was that determined the Article, unto which, Soto and Catarinus did write and appeal, each thinking it was on his side; so that it was necessary, that either one of them, or both should be deceived And what shall one think of the others, when it so happened to these? It might be said, it was the aggregate of all together, unto which the holy Ghost giving assistance, made it to determine the Truth, though not understood by him that did determine it, as Cataphas' did prophesy, because he was high Priest, not understanding the prophecy, as the Bishop of Bitonco said in his Sermon. But this answer had two oppositions, the one, that God made the reprobate and infidels prophesy, without understanding, but the faithful, by illuminating their mind; the other, that the Divines do uniformly say, that Counsels do not deliberate of faith by divine inspiration, but by humane disquisition, which the Spirit doth assist, to keep them from errors, so that they cannot determine, without understanding the Counsels do deliberate of faith, not by divine inspiration, but by humane disquisition. matter. Perhaps he should hit upon the truth, that should say, that, debating the contrary opinions in framing the Decree, every party did refuse words contrary to his opinion and all rested in those which he thought might be fitted to his own meaning: so that the expression of the matter became capable of diverse interpretations. But this would not serve to resolve the doubt proposed, and to find what the Counsel was: because it is to give it unity of words, and contrariety of meanings. But that which hath been related in this All agreed in condemning the Lutheran opinions. particular, and perhaps did happen in many matters, occurred not in condemning the Lutheran opinions, 〈…〉 did agree, with an exquisite unity. One advertisement of the sante Catarinus concerning his ma 〈…〉 written An advertisement given by Catarinus. to the Synod in the 〈◊〉 book, is not to be 〈◊〉 the Author 〈◊〉 ve not to be defrauded of his 〈◊〉) 〈…〉 that it was 〈◊〉 pugnancie, to say that 〈…〉 certain he hath it, because no man can receive a thing 〈◊〉, which he knoweth not to be given him, and without being sure he hath received, it 〈◊〉 But to return to the Council, the day after the Session a general Congregation was assembled, to deliberate of, and put in order the matter to be digested in the next Session, and, for matter of faith, it being already determined to follow the confession of Ausburg, the first point was of Ecclesiastical ministry, which the Lutherans say is authority to preach the Gospel, and to administer the Sacraments; and some resting upon the first part, did propose that the Ecclesiastical authority should be handled, declaring all those functions, spiritual and temporal, which God hath given them over the faithful, and are denied by the Lutherans. And this did generally please the Prelates, because it was a matter of an easy understanding, without any crabbedness of the School, and where themselves might have a part. But it was not grateful to the Divines, because those things were not handled in the Schools; so that they should have nothing to dispute, and must refer themselves for the most part to the Canonists. They said that the Augustanes do not handle all Ecclesiastical authority, but that only of preaching; whereof there was as much decreed in the last Session as was sufficient; but in the second part there was matter that did cohere with justification, The subject of the next Session is the Sacraments. The Legates desire to prevent the handling of the authority of the Council and Pope. that is, the Sacraments, which are the means to be justified, and said it was more fit to make these the subject of the next Session. The Legates, and their dependants adhered hereunto, in show for the same reasons, but indeed for another more potent, because, in the other consideration, they might have handled the authority of Counsels, and of the Pope, and proposed many hard matters, not fit to be moved. Having resolved to handle the matter of the Sacraments, it was considered that it was various and ample, not possible to be comprehended in a Session, nor easy to be determined into how many parts it ought to be divided. The Augustans made it short by taking away four Sacraments, of which they ought to treat more exactly, to re-establish them: therefore that it was good to begin to discuss the Sacraments in general, & charge was given to put in order the Articles drawn out of the Lutheran doctrine, descending also to the Sacraments in particular, of as many as seemed easy to discuss: and that the reformation might follow the definition of faith and doctrine, the abuses, occurring in the minister of the Sacraments, should be put together, ordaining a Congregation of Prelates and Canonists to discourse of the remedies, and to frame the Decrees, with order, that if they both happened on the same day, Santa Croce should be Precedent of the Theologues, and Monte of the Canonists, and both together in the general Congregation. But beside this, in regard of the promise to continue the matter of residency, some of the most principal Articles thereof were to be handled. In this it was not so easy to agree, because the Legates and their adherents had contrary ends to the other Bishops. These began to hope, and to aim, almost all, but especially the Spaniards, The Spanish Prelates hope to regain Episcopal authority. to regain the Episcopal authority, which anciently every one did exercise in his own Diocese, when the reservations of Benefices, of Cases, or of Absolutions, Dispensations, and the like were unknown, which they were wont to say in private discourse, when few were present, that ambition and avarice had made proper to the Court of Rome, under a feigned colour to manage them better, and more to the public service of God, and the Church, throughout all Christendom, than the Bishops could do in their own Cities, in regard of their imperfection and ignorance. But it was not so, because dissolution and ignorance did not enter into the Episcopal order, until they were compelled to go as servants to Rome. But if bad government were then seen in the Bishops, which caused their authority to be taken Card. Monte doth cunningly divert the decision of residence. away, now it may be seen to be worst of all in the Court of Rome; so that, by the same reason, that mannagement ought to be taken away which is not proper to it, but much abused by it. The decree, that residency was required by the Law of God, was esteemed by these Prelates the best remedy for the disease past, and preservative against hereafter. For if God hath commanded Bishops to reside perpetually with the flock, it followeth necessarily that he hath also prescribed them the charge, and given them power to exercise it well. Therefore the Pope cannot call them, or busy them in aught else, nor dispense with them, nor restrain their authority, given them by God. Therefore they desired to proceed to the determination, saying, it was necessary to resolve the Article, because it was sufficiently discussed. The Cardinal of Monte having premeditated before, let them speak who were most earnest, that part of the heat might exhale; then he opposed himself dexterously, and said, it was necessary to do it, because the world did expect it, but that they ought to do it in a fit time; that the difficulty was handled with too much heat, and that in some it had stirred more passion than reason; so that it was necessary to let the fervour be cooled, and to interpose a little time, that, the contentions being forgotten, and charity revived, place may be given to the holy Ghost, without which the truth cannot be decided. That the Pope's Holiness, who hath understood, to his grief, the former contentions, desireth the same, that himself also may discuss the matter in Rome, and assist the Synod with his counsel. He concluded, with more resolute terms, than so modest a beginning ought to infer; that no more speech should be had of it before the Session, because the Pope's will was resolutely so, but that they should attend to reform the inconveniences which have caused the abuse of not residing. This mixture of remonstrances and power made some of the Fathers, who afterwards did print treaties concerning this matter, say, and put in print, that the Legates did forbid to speak of this question; and others denied it, with an invective against the first, saying, they derogated from the liberty of the Council. In the end of the Congregation it was resolved to resume the things that remained to be discussed in the last Session, and to treat of removing the impediments, which are the causes of not residing. Amongst which the most principal being plurality of Benefices, in regard it was impossible to reside in many places, it was resolved to treat of that. But to avoid confusion, I will relate withal that which belongeth to the Sacraments, where the consideration, for the most part, was speculative and doctrinal, not to interrupt the order of the matter of Benefices, wherein some things happened which did open a way to important and dangerous actions. Articles were framed by the deputies in matter of the Sacraments, and the manner of speaking of them was prescribed to the Divines, communicated to all in a sheet of paper, with order that they should say, whether they were all heretical or erroneous, and aught to be condemned by the Synod; and if any deserved not that sentence, they should allege their reasons and authority; and after should declare what was the opinion of Counsels, and of the holy Fathers, in all those, and which of the Articles have been reproodued already, and which remain to be condemned: and if in this matter any one should find out some other Article worthy of censure, he should give notice thereof, and avoid impertinent questions in all, wherein one might dispute on both sides, without prejudice of faith, and all other superfluity and tediousness of words. Of the Sacraments in general there were fourteen Articles, 1. That Fourteen Articles of the Sacraments in general. the Sacraments of the Church are not seven but fewer, which may be called truly Sacraments. 2. That the Sacraments are not necessary, and that men may obtain the grace of God without them, by faith only. 3. No Sacrament is more worthy than another. 4. That the Sacraments of the new Law do not give grace unto those, who do not resist. 5. That the Sacraments have never given grace or remission of sins, but only the faith of the Sacrament. 6. That immediately after the sin of Adam, the Sacraments were instituted by God, by means whereof grace was given. 7. By the Sacraments, grace is given to him only, who believeth that his sins are remitted. 8. That grace is not given always in the Sacraments, nor unto all, in respect of the Sacrament itself, but only when and where it pleaseth God. 9 That in no Sacrament a Character is imprinted. 10. That a bad Minister doth not confer the Sacrament. 11. That all Christians of what sex soever, have equal power in the ministry of the Word of God and Sacraments. 12. That every Pastor hath power to make long, or short, or change at his pleasure, the forms of the Sacraments. 13. That the intention of the Ministers is not necessary, and worketh nothing in the Sacraments. 14. That the Sacraments have been instituted only to cherish faith. Of Baptism there were seventeen Articles. 1. That in the Roman Seventeen Articles of Baptism. Catholic Church, there is no true Baptism. 2. That Baptism is free, and not necessary to salvation. 3. That it is not true Baptism which is given by Heretics. 4. That Baptism is repentance. 5. That Baptism is an external sign, as the red mark in the Lambs, and hath no part in justification. 6. That Baptism ought to be renewed. 7. That true Baptism is faith, which believeth that sins are remitted to the penitent. 8. That in Baptism sin is not rooted out, but only not imputed. 9 That the Baptism of CHRIST and john, have the same virtue. 10. That the Baptism of CHRIST hath not made void that of john, but hath added the promise unto it. 11. That in Baptism the immersion only is necessary, and all other things being free, may be omitted without sin. 12. That it is better to omit the baptism of children, then baptise them while they do not believe. 13. That children ought not to be baptised, because, they have not proper faith. 14. That those that are baptised in their childhood, coming to the age of discretion, aught to be rebaptised because they have not believed. 15. That those that have been baptised in their infancy, when they come to age, aught to be interrogated, whether they will ratify that Baptism, and, if they deny, aught to be left in liberty. 16. That sins committed after Baptism are remitted, only by the memory and faith that one hath been baptised. 17. That the vow of Baptism hath no other condition but of faith, yea, nullifieth all other conditions. Of Confirmation there were four Articles. 1. That Confirmation is not a Sacrament. 2. That it is instituted by the Fathers, and hath no promise Four Articles of Confirmation. of the grace of God. 3. That now it is an idle ceremony, and formerly was a Catechism, when children, coming to age, gave an account of their faith, before the Church. 4. That the Minister of Confirmation is not the Bishop only, but any Priest whatsoever. In the Congregations, all the Divines agreed, in affirming the number of seven; and condemning the contrary opinion as heretical, in regard of All agree that there are seven Sacraments, but not that there are no more. Reasons to prove the number of seven. the general consent of the Schools, beginning from the Master of the Sentences, (who spoke definitively thereof) until this time. To this they joined the Decree of the Florentine Council for the Armenians, which determineth that number, and; for greater confirmation, the use of the Roman Church was added; whence they concluded, that it ought to be held for an Apostolical tradition, and article of Faith. But, for the second part of the Article, all did not agree, some saying it was enough to follow the Florentine Council, which passed no further. For to decide that the proper Sacraments are neither more nor fewer, doth presuppose a decision of the true and proper essence, and a definition of the Sacrament; a thing difficult, in regard of the many definitions, brought not only by the Schoolmen, but by the Fathers also, of which one will make that to be a Sacrament, which another doth not. That it is a question also amongst the Schoolmen, whether the Sacrament can be defined, whether it have unity, whether it be real, or intentional: and that it is not reasonable, in such ambiguity, to tie conclusions with so strong a bond. It was remembered, that Saint Bernard, and Saint Cyprian, accounted the washing of feet a Sacrament, and that Saint Austin made every rite, by which GOD is honoured, to be a Sacrament: and elsewhere understanding the word more strictly than the propriety doth comport, maketh Sacraments only those, which are expressly mentioned in the New Testament; which are Baptism, and the Eucharist only, though he doubteth in one place, that there is another. For the other part it was said, that it was necessary to establish for an Article, that the proper Sacraments, are neither more nor less, to repress the boldness as well of the Lutherans, who make them sometimes two, sometimes three, sometimes four, as also of those who exceed seven; and if sometimes a greater number, and sometimes a less, be found in the Fathers, it was because then, before the determination of the Church; it was lawful to use the word in a more large, or more strict signification. And here, to establish the sufficiency of this number of seven, as the Schoolmen speak, that is, that they are neither more nor less, they were tedious in recounting the reasons deduced from seven natural things, by which life is gained and preserved; from the seven virtues; from the seven capital vices; from the seven defects, which came from original sin; from the six days of the creation of the world, and seventh of rest; from the seven regions of Egypt; from the seven Planets; from the famousness of the number of seven, and other congruities, used by the principal Schoolmen, for proof of the conclusion; and many reasons why the consecration of Churches, of the vessels of Bishops, Abbats, Abbesses, and Monks, are not Sacraments, nor holy water, nor the washing of feet, as Saint Bernard said, nor Martyrdom, nor the creation of Cardinals, nor the Coronation of the Pope. Some said, that, to bridle the Heretics, it was not sufficient to condemn the Article, if every one of the Sacraments were not particularly named, for fear some bad spirit might exclude some of the true, and substitute some false. Afterwards, another essential point, for the Article, was called to mind, that is, to determine the Institutor of all the Sacraments; which is CHRIST; to condemn the heresy of the Lutherans, who ascribe to CHRIST, the ordination of Baptism, and the Eucharist only. And that CHRIST ought to be held, by faith, for the Institutor, Saint Ambrose Saint Austin, and above all, the Apostolical Tradition was alleged: from which no man dissented. But some said, they ought not go on so fare, and that it was enough, to keep within the bounds of the Florentine Council; and the rather, in regard that the Master of the Sentences held, that Extreme Unction was instituted by Saint james, and Saint Bonaventure, with Alexander, that Confirmation began after the Apostles. And the same Bonaventure, with other Divines, maketh the Apostles authors of the Sacrament of Penance. And many have said of Matrimony, that it was instituted by God in Paradise. And CHRIST himself, when he spoke of it, in a place fit to name the author, doth attribute the institution thereof, not to himself, but to the FATHER in the beginning. For these respects, they advised not to add that point, for fear of condemning the opininion of the Catholics. The Dominicanes on the contrary, did affirm, with some bitterness of words, that those Doctors might be expounded and salved, with diverse distinctions, and that they would ever have referred themselves to the Church; but the Lutherane boldness ought not to pass without condemnation, who have brought in those falsities, with contempt of the Church; and that was not to be tolerated in the rash Lutherans, which might be endured in the holy Fathers. In the second Article, of the necessity of the Sacraments, some would The necessi of the Sacraments. not have the condemnation to be absolute, but a distinction made, in regard it is certain, that all are not absolutely necessary. There was another opinion also to be condemned, which said, That the Sacraments were not necessary in the Church, because it is certain, they are not necessary to every one, yea, that some are incompatible, as Order, and Matrimony. Yet the more common opinion was, that the Article should be condemned absolutely, for two reasons: one, because the necessity of one is sufficient to make the Article false, as it lieth; the other, because they are all necessary in some sort some absolutely, some by supposition, some by conveniency, and some for greater utility. But many marvelled, that Articles of Faith should be established, in such multiplicity of equivocation. For whose satisfaction, when the Canons, were composed, there was added, condemning him that held the Sacraments not to be necessary, but superfluous; enlarging by this last term the signification of the first. Many were of opinion that the other part of the Article ought to be omitted, because it was defined in the last Session, that faith only was not sufficient: and Marinarus said that the distinction of the Sacrament in vow, was used by the Schoolmen, but was unknown to antiquity, and full of difficulties. For in the Acts of the Apostles, when Cornelius the Centurion was instructed, the Angel said, his prayers were acceptable to God before he knew the Sacrament of Baptism, and other particulars of Faith; and all his family, hearing the Sermon of Saint Peter, received the holy Ghost before they had been instructed in the Doctrine of the Sacraments: and after the holy Ghost received, they were instructed concerning Baptism, by Saint Peter; so that having no knowledge of it, they could not receive it in vow; and the Thief upon the Cross, then only illuminated by the virtue of CHRIST, knew not the Sacraments, nor could make any vow of them. And many holy Martyrs, converted in the heat of persecution, by seeing the constancy of others, and presently taken and put to death, one cannot say, but by divination, that they knew the Sacraments and could make a vow. Therefore it was better to leave that distinction to the Schools, and to put it in the Articles of faith. The common opinion was to the contrary, saying, that although the words of the distinction were new and scholastical, yet one must believe that the thing signified was taught by CHRIST, and is an Apostolical tradition: and for the examples of Cornelius, the Thief, and Martyrs, it is to be understood, that there are two sorts of vows of the Sacrament; the one explicit, the other implicit; and, at the least, this second is necessary: that is, that they had not the vow actually, but would have had it, if they had been informed. These things the others granted to be true, but not obligatory, as Articles of faith. The difficulties, in which they could not agree, where referred to the Synod, that is to the general Congregation. As it happened also in the third Article; which, though every one thought to be false, yet all did agree, that, in regard of the necessity and utility, Baptism Concerning the dignity of the Sacraments. doth proceed; in regard of the signification, Matrimony; in regard of the dignity of the Minister, Confirmation; in regrad of divine worship, the Eucharist: but because one cannot say, without a distinction, which is more worthy, it is better to omit the Article, which cannot be understood without subtlety. Another opinion was, that all the respects of dignity ought to be expressed. And another, that the clause should be added to the Article; that is, according to the diverse respects. This opinion was most followed, but did much displease those, who could not endure that the Synod should abase itself to these scholastical fooleries, (for so they called them) and believe that CHRIST would have these weak opinions brought into his faith. Although that the fourth Article ought to be condemned; yea, that it was necessary to amplify it, condemning the doctrine of Zuinglius in particular; The fourth Article is generally condemned. who will have the Sacraments to be but signs, by which the faithful are discerned from infidels; or Acts, and exercises of the profession of Christian faith, having no other relation to grace, but as signs that one hath received it. After they treated of condemning those who deny that Sacraments do confer grace, to him that putteth not a bar, or do not confess, that grace is contained in the Sacraments and conferred, not by virtue of faith, but Ex opere operato. But coming to expound how they are contained, and their causality, every one did agree, that grace is gained by all Whether the Sacraments do confer grace Ex opere operato. those actions that excite devotion, which proceedeth not from the force of the work itself, but from the virtue of devotion, which is in the worker; and these are said in the Schools, to cause grace, Ex opere operantis. There are other actions which cause grace, not by the devotion of him that worketh, or of him that receiveth the work, but by virtue of the work itself. Such are the Christian Sacraments, by which, grace is received, so that there be no bar of mortal sin, to exclude it, though there be not any devotion. So by the work of Baptism, grace is given to the infant, whose mind is not moved toward it, and to one borne a fool, because there is no impediment of sin. The Sacrament of Chrism doth the like, and that of extreme unction, though the sick man hath lost his memory. But he that hath mortal sin, and doth persevere actually, or habitually, cannot receive grace, by reason of the contrariety, not because the Sacrament hath not virtue to produce it Ex opere operato, but because the receiver is not capable, being possessed with a contrary quality. Though they all agreed in this, yet they differed, because the Dominicans did affirm, that how be it grace is a spiritual quality, created immediately by GOD, yet it is an instrumental and effective virtue in the Sacraments, which causeth a disposition in the soul to receive it. And therefore it is said that they contain grace; not that it is in them as in a vessel, but as the effect in the cause, alleging a subtle example, as the chezill is active, not only in scabling the stone, but in giving form to the Statue. The Franciscans The Franciscans and Dominicans cannot agree about the manner ho 〈…〉 the Sacraments do contain grace. said that it could not be conceived, how God, being a spiritual cause, can use a corporal instrument, for a spiritual effect, as is grace; they did absolutely deny all effective or dispositive virtue in the Sacraments; saying they have no virtue, but by the promise of God, that so often as they shall be administered, he will give his grace to them. Therefore it is said they do contain it, as in an effectual sign, not by any virtue of their own, but by a Divine promise, of infallible assistance to the ministry. Therefore it is a cause, for that the effect doth follow, not by any virtue of its own, but by the promise of God, to give grace at that time; as the merit is cause of the reward without any activity. This they proved not only by the authority of Scotus, and Saint Bonaventure, their Divines, but by Saint Bernard also who saith that grace is received by the Sacraments, as a Canon is invested by the book, and a bishop by the ring. The reasons were expounded on both sides, with great prolixity and sharpness. And they censured one another. The Dominicans said, that the other opinion was near to Lutheranisme, and the others, that theirs, being impossible, gave occasion to the heretics to calumniate the Church. Some good Prelates desired though without effect) to make peace, saying, that in regard they agreed in the conclusion, that the Sacraments contain and are cause of grace, it did little import in what manner, and that it was better, not descending to particulars, to stand in the general. But the Friars replied that they spoke not of words, but of establishing, or annihilating the Sacraments. There would never have been an end, if the Legate Sancta Croce had not given order that they should pass to that which remained, and that afterwards they should return to examine whether it were necessary to decide the point, or to leave it. The Legates called unto them the generals of the orders, and prayed The Legates use means to repress the dangerous liberty of the Friars. them to cause the Friars to treat with modesty and charity, without partiality to their own sect, showing they were called to speak against heresies, and not to make new arise by disputes. And they wrote thereof to Rome, showing how dangerous the liberty was which the Friars did assume, and to what it might come. And they told the Pope that a moderation was necessary. For there being a fame spread of those dissensions, and censures which one party pronounced against the other, it must needs raise scandal, and small reputation of the Council. It was thought fit to omit the fifth Article, as decided in the former Session. But Friar Bartholomew Miranda called to mind that Luther, by that paradox of his, that the Sacraments do not confer grace, but by exciting faith, drew also a conclusion, that those of the old, and of the Evangelicall law, are of equal virtue; which opinion was to be condemned, as contrary to the doctrine of the Fathers, and the Church; all having said, that the old Sacraments were only signs of grace, but the new contain it and cause it. No man did contradict the conclusion, but the Franciscans proposed: that it should not be said of the old Law, but of Moses Law, in regard that Circumcision itself did cause grace: but it was not a Mosaical Sacrament; for CHRIST also said, it was not of Moses, but of the Fathers; and also because other sacrifices, before Abraham, did confer, and cause grace. The Dominicans replied that Saint Paul said plainly, that Abraham had received the Circumcision only for a sign; that he being the first unto whom it was given, it is as much as to say it was instituted only for a sign. And the questions of the manner of containing, and causing grace, returned into the field. Friar Gregory, of Milan, said hereupon, that it was a clear case in Logic, that things in the same kind have identity and difference among themselves. If the old Sacraments and ours had only difference, they would not all be Sacraments, but equivocally; if only identity, they would be absolutely the same thing. Therefore they must beware to put difficulty in plain matters for some diversity of words; and that Saint Augustine had said, that these and those, are diverse in the sign, but equal in the thing signified. And in another place, that they were diverse in the visible species, but the same in the intelligible signification; and that else where he puts a difference, that those were promissive, and these demonstrative: which another doth express in another term, that those were prenunciative, and these contestative. Whence it plainly appeareth, that they agree and differ in many things; which no sensible man can deny: and therefore it was wisdom, not to put that Article in the beginning, neither was it to any purpose to touch it in the present Decree. Another opinion came forth, that the opinion of the Lutherans, and Zwinglians, was to be condemned, without descending to the particulars. For they say, there is no difference, between the old and new Sacraments, but in the Rites. But it hath been showed, that there are other differences; and therefore, they are to be condemned for this only, without descending to show what those differences are. But the sixth was censured by the Dominicans, who said it was proper to the Evangelicall Sacraments to give grace, and that the old did not give it, but only by the virtue of devotion: and that this was the opinion of Saint Thomas. They alleged, for a principal ground, the determination of the Florentine Council, that the Sacraments of the old Law did not cause grace, but did figure, that it must be given by the passion of CHRIST. But Because S. Bondaenture, and Sootus did maintain, that the Circumcision did confer grace Ex opere operato, Scotus adding, that, immediately after the sin of Adam, a Sacrament was instituted, in which a grace was given to babes by virtue of it, that is, Ex opere operato, the Franciscans said the Article was true, and could not be censured, and that if, as Saint Thomas said, children, before CHRIST, were saved by the father's faith, the state of Christians was worse. For now the father's faith doth not help the children, without Baptism; and Saint Austin saith, that the child that is carried by the father to be baptised, if he die in the way, is damned. So that if faith only did then suffice, the condition of the sons of Christians is now worse. In these difficulties, many did propose, that the Article, as probable, should be omitted. To leave out the seventh and eighth, there was a great agreement. But in Concerning the Character imprinted by the Sacrament. the ninth of the Chalacter, Friar Dominicus Soto, endeavoured to declare, that it hath foundation in the holy Scripture, and hath ever been held in the Church for an Apostolicull Tradition: and though the name hath not been used by the Fathers, yet the thing signified is most ancient. Others did not grant him so great a scope, because it did not appear, that Gratian, or the Master of the Sentences, had made any mention thereof. Yea, john Scotius said, that it was not necessary, by the words of the Scripture, or of the Fathers, to affirm it, but only by the authority of the Church; a thing usual with that Doctor, to deny things with a kind of courtesy. It was worth the knowing what thing they meant it should be, and where situated, in such multiplicity of Schoole-opinions: some making it a quality; and amongst those were four opinions, according to the four kinds of the qualities; some a spiritual power; some an habit or disposition; others a spiritual figure; and the opinion that it was a sensible metaphorical quality, did not want abettors. Some would have it a call relation, some, a fabric of the mind; who were to declare how fare it differed from nothing. The same variety, of opinions concerning the subject, was trouble some; some placed it in the effende of the soul; some in the understanding; some in the will, and there wanted not, who gave it place in the hands and tongue. Jerome of Portugal, a Dominican Friar, thought that the Sacraments did imprint a spiritual quality, before the coming of grace; and that it was of two sports: one bib which can never be abolished, the other which may be lost, and regained; the former whereof is called a Character, and the later a certain ornament. The Sacraments which give the first, cannot be reiterated, because their effect ever remaineth; the others may, when their effect is lost. This carried a fair show, but was not approved by many, because there was no other author to be found of that ornament, but Saint Thomas; who also, though he begat it, yet did not think it worthy of education. But howsoever, all agreed in this general, that three Sacraments have the Character; yet some did say modestly, that it was to be approved as more probable, not as necessary: Three Sacraments have a Character. others on the contrary, that it was an Article of Faith, because Innocentius the third, made mention of it, and was so defined by the Council of Florence. The Article, that the honesty of the Minister was not necessary, was so discussed by Saint Austin, in so many books, against the Donatists, that the Divines did all agree: and besides it was alleged, for a principal ground, that the Article was condemned, by the Council of Constance, amongst the errors of john Wickliefe. They all condemned the eleventh Article, as contrary to the Scripture, Tradition, and use of the universal Church. The twelfth, of the forms of the Sacraments, was distinguished, as receiving two senses: understanding by form, either the essential words, as it is said, that every Sacrament hath, for matter, the sensible element, and, for form, the word; or understanding, by form, all the form and rite of the Ministry, which includeth many things not necessary, but decent. And they thought fit to make two Canons thereof; by the first, condemning him of heresy, that saith, that the form may be changed, being instituted by CHRIST. But, for the second sense, though accidental things may receive mutation, yet when any rite is brought in by public authority, or received and confirmed by common use, it should not be in every man's power to change it, but only in the Popes, as Head of the Church universal, when it is convenient for some new respect. In the thirteenth, of the intention of the Minister, they could not descent from the Council of Florence, which holds it necessary: but what intention Concerning the intention of the Minister in the administration of the Sacrament. was required, was hard to express, in regard of the variety of opinions about the efficacy and virtue of the Sacraments: because there cannot be the same intention of two, who have diverse opinions. The common answer was, that the intention to do as the Church did, was sufficient. Notwithstanding this exposition, the difficulties remained, for that men's opinions what the Church is, being diverse, their intention in administering the Sacrament, would prove various also. It seemed they might say, it was not different, when all had the same aim, to do that which hath been instituted by CHRIST, and observed by the Church, though a false Church be taken for a true so that the rite of the one and the other be the same. In this particular, the Bishop of Minori proposed a thing worthy to be repeated A discourse of the Bishop of Minori about the intention of the Minister. here, and esteemed by all to deserve great consideration. He said, that to the Lutherans, who give no other virtue to the Sacraments, then to excite faith, which notwithstanding may be stirred up some other way, it did little import to receive the true Sacrament. Whereupon they say it is not necessary, and think it not convenient, that the malice of a wicked Minister, who hath no intention to confer the true Sacrament, should be able to hurt, because we are to regard what the faithful receiveth, and not what is given. But amongst the Catholics, who do truly attribute to the Sacrament power to give grace to him that doth not resist it, seeing it happeneth very seldom, that grace is obtained by any other means, surely little children, and many who have but small understanding, are saved no other way. And ordinary men have so weak a disposition, that it would not suffice without the Sacrament. And those few, who, as Phonixes, have a perfect disposition, yet do receive greater grace by the Sacrament. Therefore it much concerneth a Christian to be assured, that he receiveth that which is true and effectual. If a Priest, having charge of four or five thousand souls, were an infidel, but a formal hypocrite, and in absolving the penitent, baptising of children, and consecrating the Eucharist, had an intention not to do what the Church doth, it must be said that the children are damned, the penitent not absolved, and that all remain without the fruit of the Communion. Neither is it enough to say, that faith supplieth; because it doth not help children at all, according to the Catholic doctrine, nor others, so much as the Sacrament: and to attribute so great virtue to faith, were to take all virtue from the Sacraments, and to fall into the Lutheran opinion. He considered how a tender Father would be afflicted when his son was about to die, if he doubted of the intention of the baptising Priest. So he that feeleth himself of a weak disposition, and is to be baptised, what anxiety will he have, that perhaps the Priest is a counterfeit Christian, and mocketh him, not meaning to baptise him, but only to wash him in jest. And the same may be feared in confession, and receiving the Eucharist. He added, if any said these cases were rare, would to God it were so, and that, in this corrupt age, we had not cause to doubt they were many. But suppose they are very few, or but one only. Let there be a knave Priest, who feigneth, and hath not an intention to administer the true Baptism to a child, who after, being a man grown, is created Bishop of a great City, and liveth many years in that charge, so that he hath ordained a great part of the Priests; it must be said, that he, being not baptised, is not ordained, nor they ordained, who are promoted by him. So, in that great City, there will be neither Eucharist, nor Confession, because they cannot be without the Sacrament of order, nor order without a true Bishop, neither can he receive order who is not baptised. Behold millions of nullities of Sacraments, by the malice of one Minister, in one Act only. And he that thinketh that God supplieth by his omnipotency, and provideth against these daily occurrences by extraordinary remedies, will sooner make one believe that God, by his providence, hath provided that such accidents should not happen. Therefore the Bishop said to every inconvenience; God hath made provision herein, by ordaining that to be a Sacrament which is administered, according to the rite instituted by himself, though the Minister have another inward intention. And he added that this doth not cross the common doctrine of the Divines, or the determination of the Florentine Council, which requireth intention, because the inward intention is not to be understood, but that which is manifested by the external work, though inwardly it be contrary. And so all inconveniences are removed, which otherwise are innumerable. He brought many reasons for proof, and at last the example written by Sozomene; That the children of Alexandria, being at play by the Sea side, did imitate, in jest, the actions used in the Church, and Athanasius, created Bishop of the play, did baptise other children not baptised before; whereof Alexander, of famous memory; Bishop of Alexandria, being Athanasius being a child did baptise other children. advertized, he was troubled at it, and called the children, and asked what their Bishop had done, and said unto them: and understanding that all the Ecclesiastical rite was observed, by the Counsel of other Priests, did approve the baptism; which could not be maintained, if such an intention, as others spoke of, were required, but might well be in that manner that himself did express it. The Divines did not approve this doctrine, yet were troubled, and The opinion of the Bishop of M 〈…〉 was not received. But a year after he published a little Book to show that the Synod was of his mind. knew not how to resolve the reason: But they still defended that the true intention of the Minister was necessary, either actual, or virtual, and that without it the Sacrament was not of force, notwithstanding any external demonstration. I must not refrain to show also (though it be an anticipation of the fit time) that howsoever the Synod did after determine absolutely that the intention of the Minister is necessary, yet this Prelate remained firm, and, in a little Book that he wrote of this Subject a year after, did say that the Synod of Trent was of his opinion, and that the determination ought to be understood in his sense. There was no difficulty in condemning the last Article, by reason of that which hath been said by others. The matter of Baptism, in the third Article, gave them greater trouble, what that Baptism is, which is given by the heretics. All grounded themselves upon the Schoole-doctrine, received by the Florentine Council, that a Sacrament requireth matter, form, and intention, and that water is the matter, the expression of the Act in the name of the Father, the Son, and the holy Ghost, the form; and to do what the Church doth, the intention. Whereupon they established an undoubted conclusion, that those heretics have true baptism, and agree with us in these three things; which they said was received by an Apostolical tradition, established long before by Pope Stephanus the first, in the beginning of the third age, and approved by all the Church following. But those that understand antiquity do know, that this was not the opinion of Stephanus, in whose time, matter, form, and intention were not heard of. For that Pope did think absolutely that those who were converted from any heresy whatsoever, ought not to be rebaptised; though, in those times, the heretics, except some few Montanists, were Gnostics, who used extravagant baptisms, by reason of the exorbitant opinions which they held, of the divinity, and person of CHRIST. And it is certain that those Baptisms had not the form which is used now, and yet the Church of Rome did the receive to repentance, every sort of heretics indifferently, without rebaptising them. The Bishops of Africa and Cappadocia were directly opposite, saying, that all 〈…〉 were to be rebaptised. In the Council of Nice a middle course was 〈…〉 is, that the Cathari should not be rebaptised, but the Paulianists and 〈…〉 ists should: The Council of Constantinople did name many heretics which were to be rebaptised; and others to be received to baptism with them, in whom it would be hard to show that the same form was used. But (which is of more importance) Saint Bernard doth witness, that the Novations, Eucratiques, Saccofors were not rebaptised in Rome, whom notwithstanding he did rebaptize; neither did that Saint think this diversity to be absurd: only he said, it would be good to assemble many Bishops to reslove upon an uniform proceeding. But giving no more heed to these things then to fables, they held the current doctrine, that an heretic doth truly baptise, if he useth the words, and hath the intention of the Church. The fourth Article; that Baptism was Repentance, in regard of the force of the speech, was held by many not to be false, alleging the Evangelist, who saith, that john preached the Baptism of Repentance; and that Paul, in the sixth to the Hebrews, calleth Baptism by the name of Repentance. And so many Fathers have said the same, that the Article could not be condemned, except it did say: that Baptism was the Sacrament of Penance. But because it seemed in this sense to be the same with the sixteenth Article, many thought fit to leave it. The 9 and 10. belonging to the Baptism of john, many were of opinion that they ought to be omitted. For not speaking of those of the old law, it was less fit to speak of that which was in the middle, in regard their scope was to handle the Sacraments of the new law. But others said, that the heretics mind was, not to exalt the Baptism of john, and to make it equal Whether the Baptism of john & Christ be equal. with that of CHRIST, but to abase that of CHRIST, and to make it equal with john's baptism; inferring, that, as this did not give grace, but was a pure signification, so was ours also, which is a most formal heresy. In the eleventh of the Rites, some would have the substantials distinguished from others, and said, that those only cannot be omitted without sin. Others would exclude the case of necessity only, and that otherwise it was not lawful to omit any whatsoever; for in regard the Church, governed by the holy Ghost, hath ordained them, they are necessary by the precept, though not by the substance of the Sacrament. They alleged many Chapters of the Popes, and Counsels, all which would prove vain, if every one might change as he listeth. That part which speaketh of immersion, though it be a more express figure of the death, burial, and resurrection of CHRIST, yet it was condemned by all, and many places of the Prophets were alleged, where aspersion, or effusion of water is spoken of, all which, they said, ought literally to be understood of baptism. All set themselves against those three which speak of the baptism of children, alleging the doctrine of the ancient Fathers and Schoolmen; and many invectives were made against Erasmus, attributing unto him the Erasmus is taxed. invention of the fifteenth, saying, it was impious and pernicious, and would open a way to abolish all Christian Religion: adding, that if the children of the uncircumcised jews, coming to age, were bound to keep all the law, and were punished for transgressing it, it was 〈…〉 compel the sons of the faithful to observe the Christian law; that th' 〈…〉 had deservedly condemned the Article, and so ought the Synod to ded. They concluded, that the sixteenth was contained in the former Articles, because it did take away Penance, one of the seven sacrament. But all said, that the last was contrary to the proper ministry of baptism, in the very beginning whereof the catechised is admonished; that if he will have eternal life, it is necessary to observe all the commandments. In the Articles about confirmation, there was no difference; and all, Of Confirmation, Chrism, and Unction. for their ground, did allege the Council of Florence. And that which is said in the third Article, that young men did formerly give an account of their faith in the presence of the Church, was generally decided, that, not being used in these times, one ought to believe it was never used before; for the Church would never have intermitted that ceremony. Many places of Counsels and ancient writers were alleged, making mention of Chrism, and Unction, which cannot agree to instruction or examination. Therefore they concluded, that it was a most vain ignorance, to change so principal a Sacrament, against the common meaning of all the Church, into a rite perhaps used in some particular place, but never universally, as the Unction of the Chris 〈…〉 Upon the last article there was much difficulty, in regard Saint Gregory, Whether only the Bishop be minister of Confirmation. the Pope, did grant the ministry to simple Priests. The Franciscans, according to the doctrine of Saint Bonaventure, followed by john Scotus, and their order, which doth attribute the ministry to the Bishop only, as Pope Adrian the sixth did also maintain, answered, that it was a permission only for that time, and against the Pope's will, to avoid the scandal of those people: or else that the Unction, permitted by Gregory, was not the Sacrament of confirmation. Which answer not pleasing Saint Thomas; because it did not wholly free the Pope from having erred, he found a temper, and said, that though the Bishop be the minister of Confirmation, yet, with the Pope's permission, it may be administered by the Priest. Others opposed, and said that the doctrine of the Roman Church was absolute, that the ministers of Sacraments are instituted by CHRIST, whom though the Pope can command to the exercise of the ministry, yet he cannot make the Sacrament to be of force that is administered by others, nor nullify that which is conferred by the minister, instituted by CHRIST, though against his commandment. And therefore if CHRIST hath instituted the Bishop for minister, the Pope cannot make that grant to the Priest; if CHRIST hath granted that the Priest may do it, the Pope cannot hinder him. For it would seem a strange thing, that in the other Sacraments, being all of greater necessity, CHRIST should prescribe the minister, without leaving any liberty unto men, and in this, which may at any time be deferred, use a singularity, whereof, for six hundred years, until the time of Gregory, no man had made any mention, building an Article of faith upon four words, spoken by occasion: and if the epistle had been lost, no man would ever have invented that distinction, unusual in such a matter, nor to be applied to any thing but to this place of Gregory. Others, being not satisfied with the resolution of either party, did propose, that the words of the Florentine Council should be taken. Some thought fit, only to condemn him that would say, that the Priest, and not the Bishop only, is the ordinary Minister; giving by the word (ordinary) power to infer, therefore there is another extraordinary, or to say, that there can be no other, because the Sacraments have no Minister, but Ordinary. While the forenamed Articles, were discussed by the Divines, in the Congregation A Decree of Reformation containing six heads. of the Canonists, assembled to collect, and remedy the abuses, concerning the Sacraments in general, and, in particular, of Baptism, and Confirmation, a Decree was made containing six heads: which said thus in substance. That the Synod, desiring to remove the abuses, brought in by men or time, and to teach the Ministers of Churches, and all the faithful, how to govern themselves in observing, ministering, and receiving the Sacraments, doth ordain. 1. That the Ecclesiastical Sacraments, shall be freely conferred, without taking or demanding any thing for them, under any pretence whatsoever, and no chest, vessel, cloth, or any such thing shall be showed, by which a demand may be intimated; nor the Sacrament shall be denied, or deferred, upon pretence of any long and ancient custom, not to confer them before some certain stipend be paid, or satisfaction of some debt, considering that neither custom, or length of time, doth diminish the sin, but rather increaseth it: and the offenders shall be punished according to the laws, made against simoniacal persons. 2. The Sacrament of Baptism, shall not be conferred in profane places, but in Churches only, except in case of necessity, and when the children of Kings, and Princes are to be baptised, according to the constitution of Clement the fifth; which shall not take place in all that have dominion, but only in great Princes. Neither shall the Bishop give the Chrism, but in seemly ornaments, and in the Churches, sacred places, or Episcopal houses. 3. The Sacrament of Baptism shall be administered by able Priests, in the mother Churches only, except, by reason of great difficulty to go to them, the Bishop think fit to grant it to other Churches, or that it hath been granted time out of mind: in which Churches, holy water, taken from the mother Church, shall be kept in a clean and decent vessel. 4. In Baptism and Chrism, there shall be allowed but one Godfather, who shall neither be infamous, nor excommunicated, nor interdicted, nor under age, nor a Monk, nor any that cannot perform what he promiseth. And in Chrism, he shall not be received for a godfather, who hath not received Chrism himself. 5. To take away the abuse, practised in many places, to carry about the water of Baptism, or christened children, with their forehead bound, to make many godfathers, by washing of the hands, or losing the forehead, the Priests, in regard no compaternity is contracted by these means, shall not permit the water of Baptism to be carried out of the Church, but shall cause it to be cast into the Sacrary, and the Font to be shut up. And the Bishops, when they give the Chrism, shall make two clerks stand at the Church door, to untie and wash the foreheads, of those that have received the Chrism, not suffering any that is tied to go out of the Church. 6. The Bishops shall be diligently careful, not to confirm any who is excommunicated, interdicted, or in mortal sin. And though the Canonists did more easily agree in these Decrees, than the Theologues in their discussions, yet some differences were amongst them; for resolution whereof, because after long disputation, they could not agree, they put them inform, and referred the decision to the general Congregation. The first doubt was, whether unto these words, that Difficulties referred to the general Congregation. is, that nothing shall be required or demanded, it should be added, or received. The second, whether they should add these words; under pretence of any custom whatsoever. The third, whether they should use some words, to signify, that the Synod doth not prohibit valuntary oblations, or doth prohibit them only, when they are given in regard of the Sacrament, and not for other respects of piety, or whether the Decree should be left in its universality. But there was the same difficulty, in the general Congregation, impossible In which they could not be decided. to be reconciled. Those that required the additions, not to receive, or pretend custom, alleged the Gospel; Freely you have received, freely give; and many Canons, anathematising him that giveth or receiveth a temporal thing, for a spiritual. That custom, against the law of God and nature, is corruption, and cannot take place. That in the title of simony, the custom of giving, or receiving, for possession of benefices, benedictions of marriages, for burials, benediction of the Chrism, for oil, or for the ground of the burial, is reprehended and condemned. Which the rather ought to be applied to the Sacraments, in regard, if that be not prohibited, nothing is done, because the corruption is used in all places, and every one will excuse himself with it. That as the custom of receiving any thing before, is condemned in the Decree, so the custom to receive after, aught to be condemned, by the same reason; or else, by condemning that, this is approved. And for voluntary oblations, they would have it generally forbid, to give or receive any thing a little before, or a little after, for any respect whatsoever; because, in respect of the time, one may presume that it is given for the Sacrament. And here the gloss was alleged, which saith, that howsoever it is a work of piety, to put money into the box, yet to do it in time of receiving the Sacrament, breedeth suspicion of simony: and therefore that the time is to be respected, which may make a thing seem evil, which otherwise may be accounted good. That God doth command, to take away all occasion of scandal, and to abstain from all appearance of evil. And therefore that the Sacraments may be purely administered, they would have voluntary oblations absolutely forbid, in time of administering the Sacraments, exhorting the faithful, to use them, in other times and occasions. On the other side was alleged, that the fourth Council of Carthage granteth the receiving of what is offered for baptising of Children; and that the Divines, having determined that no temporal thing shall be received for the Sacrament, do consent withal, that one may receive for the pains in administering them, and much rather when it is given or received, not in respect of the Sacrament, but by way of alms, or else the Laity would have no occasions to exercise works of charity, and the poor Curates would not be able to live. They alleged the authority of Saint Paul, That it is not lawful to muzzel the Ox that treadeth the corn, and that he that serveth at the altar should live by it. That it should never be confessed that any custom is introduced to give or receive any thing, for the ministering of the Sacraments; because it being generally used, it would be as much as to say, that a pernicious abuse hath been tolerated, yea approved in the Church universal. Therefore that they ought not to speak of breaking a custom that was never in use; lest thinking to remedy that which is not evil, but so esteemed by the tenderness of some men's consciences, the Church should receive a mortal wound. Their principal reason was that Innocentius the third, in the general Council, in the Chapter, Ad Apostolicam, doth not only declare the custom of making oblations, in the administration of Sacraments, to be lawful, and ordain it should be observed, but that the Bishop should be punished, in case he should go about to change it. Therefore to determine the contrary now, would be to condemn, very scandalously, a Pope & a general Council, as approvers and defenders of a pernicious error. It was replied by the other side, that the Statute of the Council of Carthage doth condemn, severely, the exaction, and doth tolerate the voluntary oblation: but that it was amended by the Council of Heliberum, which forbiddeth the use, observed in those times, that the baptised should put some money into the font. That the invention of the Divines, distinguished the ministry of the Sacrament from the pains in administering it, and the distinction to receive in respect of the Sacrament, or of some thing else, and that of the first and second intention, are metaphysical, and chimerical, considering the words of the Gospel, are delivered in absolute terms, not subject to cavil, or glosses, which do mar the Text: That God by Moses and Saint Paul, prohibiting the muzzle, doth mean that food should not be denied to the hungry beast, yet that he should not be filled with superfluity. That the poverty of the Clergy could not be pretended, having not only competent, but abundant revenues. That the abuse is that the governors of Churches reside not in their benefices, and yet will receive all the fruits, hiring the incertainty to poor silly Priests, who are forced to sell all to keep themselves alive. That they should rather make provision that all should reside, by which means they would have more then enough for their maintenance, and should not need to sell the Sacraments. And by this occasion they began again to dilate of residency, and of the good that would follow declaring it to be, De iure divino. That if any benefice with cure of souls be small, provision should be made, by uniting other simple benefices, and in case there were no other way, by causing the people to contribute for their maintenance. That it is better, and pleaseth God more to confess the error past, and to redress it, then to defend it, and persevere. And the Cardinal of Monte, who otherwise did not seem inclined to reformation, was peremptory in this, answering those that alleged the authority of Innocentius the third, and the general Council, that they did great wrong to that Pope and those Fathers, to say they defended so great an abuse, and that they shown their ignorance. For if they read the 3 chapter of the same Council, which is the third before that which they have alleged, they might have seen the meaning very plainly, and how those Fathers did forbid all exactions, condemning also the custom to the contrary. And, in that Chapter, the customs to give any thing for administering the Sacraments are not allowed, but others, being lawful, honest, and in favour of the Church, are permitted, as tenths, first fruits, oblations usually made to the altars, canonical portions and such other laudable usances; alleging that the Chapter was so understood by Bartolus and Romanus. The Father's deputed to make the decrees in matter of faith considering Anathematisms framed. the opinions of the Divines, and the conclusions in which they agreed, leaving and distinguishing the Articles according to their direction, and ranging them in a better order, framed 24. Anathematisms, concerning the Sacraments in general, ten of Baptism, and three of Chrism: which were expressed in such a form, as that no Catholic opinion was condemned, and all parties satisfied. But in composing the Heads to express the doctrine, It was hard to express the doctrine, and to displease no persons, as was done in justification, it was not possible to use the terms of one opinion, but that another seemed to be disallowed; which neither pleased the Doctors for the affection they bore to their own sect, nor the Legates and Neutrals, for fear of sowing new divisions: But not being able to express the doctrine so nicely, but that more than one of the parties would be lost, they referred it to the general congregation, to define how the Sacraments do contain and cause grace. The Congregation was no less perplexed than the Deputies. One part inclined to omit wholly the matter of doctrine, and to pass with the Anathematisms only, as they did in original sin. Another part would have the doctrine by all means, alleging the reasons used, when they treated of justification; that it was necessary to follow the example then begun: and that all diligence should be used to satisfy all parties. But at the last they said it must be done, and that there was no danger of division. For the Divines, present in Council, though they sharply defend their own opinions, yet they do refer themselves to the Synod, which the absent will assuredly do also. Therefore they should not refrain to do the business exactly, that the heretics may be convinced. This opinion had prevailed, but that john Baptista Cigala, bishop of Albenga, and Auditor of the Chamber, did strongly oppose: who said, it was never found in any Story, that ever any man was willing to have his opinion condemned, and though all the Catholics refer themselves to the judgement of the Church of Rome, yet, if their opinion were rejected, they would not refer it, but defend it more obstinately, fortifying themselues the more by reason of opposition; by which means, of sects, heresies do spring. Therefore that the best way was to tolerate all the opinions, and to take care that none condemn another, but that all may live in peace. Neither is there such contrariety between them, that using this moderation, any inconvenience can arise; whereas, without it, every verbal difference or little trifle is able to divide the whole world. That many opinions of the modern innovators might have been tolerated, if they had been modestly maintained, without condemning the Church of Rome, and the doctrine of the Schools. This constrained Leo to retor● against Luther those arrows, which he had first shot against the Apostolic Sea. In sum, the wife Prelate said, that the usual protestations of the Doctors to refer themselves to the Church, were terms of good manners and reverence, which should be answered with as much respect, by keeping themselves neutral between the contrarieties. That it is fit, that he that would be respected should give respect again: and one ought never to believe that he that saith he doth refer himself and submit, hath a purpose to do it, if The protestations of Doctors, that they refer themselves to the Church are but terms of good manners. occasion were offered. Of this Luther is a manifest example, who, while he had to do only with the Friars, who were Pardon mongers in Germany, in matter of Indulgences, as also with the doctors of Rome, did always say he referred himself to the Pope. And when Leo took the promise for real, which was made only in show, Martin did not only keep it, but inveighed more against his Holiness, than he had done against the Pardoners in Germany. The Legates sent a copy to Rome of all things that were deliberated, and The Legates send to Rome. of the difficulties remaining, as well in matter of Faith, as in reformation of the abuses, desiring to have order what they should resolve, reexamining in the mean space the same matters; but most seriously the matter of the plurality of Beneficies, proposed long before, as hath been said, and handled in part at the same time, all the substance whereof I will continuately relate in this place. In the Congregation of the fifteenth of januarie, when the Articles of the Sacraments were given out, the matter, begun the day before, continuing still, in regard many do not reside because they are not fit to exercise the charge, with the plurality of Benefices they handled the qualities and conditions required in Bishops. They began with that which Saint Paul requireth in bishops and Deacons, insisting much upon the words, irreprehensible, The qualities and conditions required in Bishops. given to hospitality, not covetous, not new in Religion, and esteemed by strangers. Afterwards other conditions, required by many Canons, were alleged, wherein there was no difficulty, all uniformly declaiming against the vices and defects of the Prelates and Clergy. This displeased not the Legates, being content to see the Prelates entertain themselves with this shadow of liberty. But in the heat of speaking, john Salazar bishop of Lanciano, attributed the beginning of all to the Court of Rome, which, in distributing bshoprics, regarded not the sufficiency of the persons, but services performed. Whereunto the bishop oh Bitonto, who spoke a little after, replied with much feeling, and said, that the fault of others was unjustly attributed to the Court. For in Germany bshoprics are given by election, in France, Spain, and Hungary, by the King's nomination; and in Italy many do belong to particular Patrons; and to those that are free, the princes do recommend, and will not be denied, taking all liberty from the Pope. But he that will not be transported by opinion, but judge sincerely, will see that those who are made freely at Rome are the best of all Europe. Plurality of benefices, unknown to the first ages, hath not been brought in by the Court of Rome, but by bishops and Princes, before the Popes took upon them to regulate the matter of benefices throughout all Christendom: and, but for the provisions which are to be found in the body of the Canon Law, the disorder would have been already mounted to the height. Some were pleased, and some displeased at 〈…〉 is contention▪ according▪ to their affections. But every one discovered that the matter could not be handled without danger, as the treaties of the next Congregations did show. But because this particular deserveth to be well understood, it v●ill be fit to show how the abuse began, & came to this growth▪ Yet I will not speak A discourse of the Author concerning plurality of Benefices. of those happy times when the name of the Church was common to all the congregation of the faithful, unto which did belong the use & propriety of the goods which are called Ecclesiastical, when the poor, & their ministers had their food and apparel from one common Mass, and those were more principally provided for then these. Neither will I mention the time when they did fall one degree, and of one Mass made ●4 parts, putting that of the poor in the lowest place, which, according to the former use, aught to be in the first. But I will begin from the time when the Name of the Church was appropriated to the Clergy only, all other Christians being excluded; when that was applied to few, which belonged to all, and to the rich, that which first served for the poor. I say in the beginning of those times, the Clergy having divided amongst themselves all the revenues of the Church, the charges, which before were called ministeries and offices of spiritual care, the temporality being now most esteemed, were named benefices. And yet so long as the old Canons remained, that one man should not be ordained unto two titles, none could have more than one Benefice. But the revenues being by wars or inundations diminished, and become not sufficient for their maintenance, one man might hold two, yet so as that he should attend them both. This was begun in favours not of the man beneficed, but of the Church, which, because it could not have a proper minister, might have at the least some other service. Upon pretence of the insufficiency of the Benefices, and that none could be found to serve in them, they began to grant more of them unto one, though no necessity appeared, for the service of the Churches, and the mask being taken away by little and little, they were not ashamed to do it in favour of the man beneficed. But the world being scandalised hereat, there was a moderation used; whereupon the distinction began of men tied to residency, and not tied, and of benefices compatible and not compatible calling those of residency incompatible one with another, and the other compatible with these and with themselves. Yet the gloss of the Canonists always declared How the distinction of Benefices compatible & incompatible began. (to make a show of honesty) that many benefices should not be given to one, but when one is not sufficient for maintenance. But they cut this sufficiency very large, proportioning it not to the person but to the quality, not esteeming it sufficient for an ordinary Priest, if it were not enough for himself, the family of his parents, three servants, and an horse: and more, if he were noble or learned. And it is strange how much they allowed for a Bishop, in regard of the Decorum he is to keep. For Cardinals, it is sufficient to note the common saying of the Court, that they are equal unto Kings; by which they conclude, that no revenue is too much for them, except it be more then enough for a King. The custom being begun, and neither the world, nor equity being able to resist it, the Popes reserved to themselves power to dispense with the incompatible▪ and to have more than two of the others. But to find a colourble way to put this in practice, they laid hold on Commendaes', a thing instituted at the first to good purpose, but after used to this end only. For when, by reason of wars, pestilence, and other such causes, the election or provision could not be made so soon, the superior did recommend the vacant Church, to some honest and worthy man, to govern How Commendaes' began▪ it, besides the care of his own, until a Rector were provided; who then had nothing to do with the revenues, but to govern them, and consign them to another. In progress of time the Commendataries, by diverse pretences of honesty and necessity, made use of the fruits, and, to enjoy them the longer, sought means to hinder the provision. For remedy whereof, order was taken, that the Commenda should not last longer than six months▪ But the Popes, by the plenitude of their power, did pass these limits, and commended for a longer time, and at the last, for the life of the Commendatarie, giving him power to use the fruits, besides the necessary charges. This good invention; so degenerated, was used in the corrupted times, for a cloak of plurality: observing the words of the law, to give but one benefice to one man, contrary to the sense; in regard that a Commendatarie for life, is the same in reality with the titular? Great exorbitances were committed, in the number of the benefices commended; so that, after the Lutherane stirs began, and all men demanded reformation, Clement the seventh in the year 1534. was not ashamed to commend unto his Nephew Hippolytus, Cardinal d'ye Medicis, all the benefices of the world, secular, and regular, dignities, and parsonages, simple, and with cure, being vacant, for six months, A large Commenda gaven to Hippolytus, Cardinal de Medicis Clement the 7. to begin from the first day of his possession, with power to dispose of, and convert to his use all the fruits. This exorbitancy was the height of all, which in former times the Court durst not use, though it gave in Commenda a very great number unto one. Therefore the Union, formerly used for a good end, was invented to palliate Of Union 〈◊〉 Benefices Plurality. This was practised when a Church was destroyed, or the revenues usurped, that little which remained together with the Charge, being transferred to the next, and all made one benefice. The industry of the Courtier found out, that besides these respects, benefices might be united, so that by collation thereof, Plurality was wholly covered, though in favour of some Cardinal or great personage, thirty, or forty in diverse places of Christendom were united. But an inconvenience did arise, because the number of benefices did decrease, and the favour done to one, was done afterwards to many, without merit or demand, to the great damage of the Court and Chancery. And this was remedied, with a subtle and witty invention, to unite as many benefices as pleased the Pope, only during the life of him upon whom they were conferred, by whose death the union was understood to be dissolved, ipso facto, and the benefices returned to their first state. So they shown the world their excellent inventions, conferring a benefice, which was but one in show, but many in deed; as one confessed he had stolen a bridle, concealing it was upon a horse head, which he stole with it. To remedy plurality, it was necessary to remove the abuse of these three pretences. This the wiser sort of Prelate's understanding, agreed uniformly at the first propose, to inhibit all, of what condition soever, to have more than three benefices. And some added, when two amount not to the value of four hundred ducats of gold: and that if one were worth so much, no man whatsoever should have any more, nor more than three, though they were not worth so much. Of this there was much disputation; and A dispute about the remedy of Pluvalitie. much more when Aluise Lipomano, Bishop of Verona, proposed that this decree might touch them also, who were now possessors of more; who, without exception of any, should be constrained to renounce those that were supernumerary, within six months if they were in Italy, and within nine if in other places: which if they did not they should be deprived, without any further declaration, notwithstanding the benefices were United, or commended, or possessed by any othertitle. To this opinion the Bishop of Feltre did adhere, but did moderate it, by distinguishing Dispensations, Commendaes', and Unions: saying, that some were made for the good of the Churches, and some in favour of the possessor: desiring that the former should remain in force, and the other should be regulated. The Bishop of Lanciano did not admit this distinction: saying, that he that would make a lasting law, must not put exceptions into the body of it, in regard the malice of man is apt to invent them, and to free themselves from the rule. The Bishop of Albenga made a long oration to show, that good laws do regulate Law's ought to look forward only, and not backward. the future only, and that he, who, not containing himself within the bounds of reason, will amend that which is past, doth ever raise tumults, and in stead of reforming, make a greater deformation: that it were strange to deprive men of their possessions, and persuade them to be content. He added, that he foresaw, that if such a Decree were made, either it would not be received, or if it were, would cause colourable and simoniacal resignations, and greater mischiefs than plurality could. For hereafter, the provision seemed unto him superfluous: for no man being to have more benefices but by the Pope's dispensation, it sufficed that he was resolved not to dispense. In that Congregation, amongst many tragical exclamations, made by diverse men, Bernardus Dias, Bishop of Calabora, said that the Church of Vicenza was so disordered, as all men knew, that it required rather an Apostle than a Bishop; taxing the Cardinal Ridolfi, who possessed that Bishopric, besides many other benefices, not governing it, nor having the Episcopal order, never seeing it, nor knowing any thing but the rents. And every one spoke against the inconvenience, that famous Churches should never see their Bishops, because they were employed in other Bishoprickes, or more beneficial dignities. Some said, that the Pope only might provide against this, and were of the opinion of Albenga, that he alone might make the reformation. This pleased the Legates, as well for the Pope's dignity, as to free themselves from taking pains in this matter, which, in regard of the variety of opinions and interests, they thought would be of an hard digestion: hoping that when they had gone so fare as to leave this reformation to the Pope, they should easily leave also unto him the point of residency, which was as hard to be concocted, for that it was popular, and drew with it the regaining of the Episcopal authority and jurisdiction. Therefore the Legates, being in hope that it might be obtained, especially if it were proposed as a thing done, not to be done, they presently sent the Pope word of it, who was glad of the news, because both the Court and himself were doubtful where the attempts and designs of the Prelates might end. And thinking fit to strike the iron while it was hot, he made a greater stride than the Legates would have had him, and dispatched a Bull, by which he recalled unto himself the whole business of the Reformation. But in Trent whilst an answer was expected from Rome, they proceeded in the treaty begun, and made a draught of the Decree, that no man should have more than one Bishopric, and he that had more should quit the rest; that hereafter whosoever shall obtain many inferior incompatible Benefices, shall be deprived without further declaration; and he that formerly hath possessed more than one, shall show his dispensations to the Ordinary, who shall proceed according to the Decretal of Innocentius 4. Ordinarij. In giving their voices upon these points, many desired to have dispensations forbid. The showing of the dispensations, Of dispensations for Plurality. and the proceeding according to the Decree of Innocentius, pleased but few; because it was a kind of approbation of them all, and an increasing of the mischief. For Innocentius saith, that if the dispensations be found good, they shall be admitted, if there be any doubt, recourse shall be had to Rome, in which case no man doubted, but that any of them might be doubted of, and receive a declaration at Rome, conformable to the grant. Many feared that when they were examined and approved, there remaining no doubt, the abuse would be confirmed; and therefore would have had them prohibited absolutely. Others said they have always been in the Church, and were necessary, and that all was in using them well. Marcus Vigerius, Bishop of Sinigaglia, was of an opinion, which, if it had been received and believed, would easily have reform the whole Clergy. He said the Synod might remove all inconveniences, by declaring, that a lawful cause was necessary for a dispensation, and that whosoever doth otherwise grant it, doth sin, and cannot be absolved, but by revoking it; and that he who obtaineth it, is not secure in his conscience, notwithstanding the dispensation, and continueth in sin until he quitteth the Benefices so gotten. This opinion wanted not contradictors. For some stood up and said, that he who granteth licence of Plurality, without a lawful cause, doth sin, yet the dispensation is good, and the dispensed is secure in his conscience, though he knew the unlawfulness of the cause. And the difference continued many days; these saying, that it was to take all authority from the Pope, and those, that the Pope's authority stretched not so fare, as to make that evil should not be evil. From this they went to another doubt, whether Plurality was forbid by the Law of A doubt moved by what law Plurality is forbid. God, or of man. Those who maintained residency to be by the Law of God, said that Plurality was forbid by the same Law, and therefore that the Pope could not dispen●e: others said it was forbid by the Canons only. The Legates did hardly appease the contradiction, and held it dangerous, as well for setting on foot the point of residency, as because it touched the Pope's authority, though he was not named: and the rather, because that subtle discussion of the force of them did put them all in hazard. There being much confusion, Diego di Alano, Bishop of Astorga, said that in regard they could not agree about Dispensations, they should prohibit Commendaes', and Unions, which are pretences to palliate the abuse; and he spoke much against the one and the other. He said that Unions and Commendaes' for term of life were full of absurdities, because by them it was confessed, that regard was not had of the good of the Church, but of the person, that they were most scandalous to the world, invented a little before, to satiate avarice and ambition, and that it was a great indignity to maintain an abuse so pernicious, and notorious. But the Italian Bishops, who were for the most part interested in one of these, did not willingly hear such absolute propositions, thinking fit some provision should be made against them, but not such as should take them quite away. In the beginning of February, the Topes answer and Bull came from The Pope sendeth a Ball to the Legates which displeaseth them. Rome; which the Legates thought was too ample. But yet to make use of it, they proposed the matter again, causing the same determination to be repeated by their adherents, that, in regard of the difficulties and variety of opinions, it were good to free themselves, and refer all to the Pope. The Imperialists, even those who formerly seemed not averse, did now strongly reply, and said it was not honourable for the Council. To which opinion the mayor part inclined, returning to that which was said before, and raising a greater confusion: in so much that the Legates saw that they could not make use of the Bull, and wrote back, that they were out of hope to remit the whole reformation to his Holiness, nor more than that which is proper unto him, that is, the moderation of the Dispensations and Privileges, and Reformation of the Cardinals: which if he were resolved to make, it were good to use prevention, and to publish a Bull in Rome, under the name of the Reformation of the Court. For no man could say that the Pope was not to reform his own Court, and that which belongeth to himself. Neither was it necessary to publish this Bull in the Council, which, if it did handle all other matters, would be fully satisfied. And they advertized his Holiness, that the Synod would never be quiet, until provision were made, not only against the future, but also against the present grants which are scandalous. When the Congregation was ended, the Spanish Prelates, with their followers, to the number of twenty, the Cardinal Pacceco being the chief, The Spaniards do desire that the manner of proceeding in Council should be changed. did uniformly conclude, that, as the Congregations were carried, no firm resolution could be made. For all the good that was spoken, was either dissembled by him, who governed the actions, or obscured by contentions. Therefore that it was necessary to change the manner, and to give their demands in writing, that so they may come to a conclusion. And they made a Censure upon the points proposed, and put it in writing, presenting it to the Legates in the Congregation held the third of February. The Censure contained eleven Articles. 1. That between the quality of Bishops and Parish-Priests, all those conditions should be put, which are The Spanish Censure. set down in the last Lateran Council, it seeming that too large a gate is opened to Dispensations, which are necessarily to be now quite removed, by making a more strict Reformation, in regard of the heresies which they cause, and the scandals which they give to the world. 2. That it be plainly specified, that Cardinals are bound to reside in their Bishoprikes six months in the year at the least, as formerly hath been commanded to other Bishops. 3. That the residency of Prelates be first declared to be iure divino. 4. That the Plurality of Cathedral Churches be declared to be a great abuse, and every one admonished (specifying the Cardinals also) to be content with one only, and to quit the rest within some short time, and before the Council end. 5. That the Plurality of the lesser Churches be taken away, prohibiting it not only for the future, but for the time passed also, revoking all Dispensations granted, not excepting Cardinals or others, but for just and reasonable causes to be produced and proved before the Ordinary. 6. That Unions for life, even those that have been made long since, be all revoked, because they induce Plurality. 7. That every one who hath a Benefice with cure, or other Benefices which require Refidencie, be deprived if he reside not, without any Dispensation to be granted, but in cases permitted by the Law. 8. That whosoever hath a Benefice with Cure, may be examined by the Bishop, and being found to be illiterate, vicious, or otherwise unfit, may be deprived, and the Benefice given to one that is worthy, by a rigorous examination, not at the will of the Ordinaries. 9 That hereafter Benefices with Cure be not given before examination and inquisition. 10. That none be promoted to a Cathedral Church without process, to be made in Partibus, at the least concerning his birth, life, and manners. 11. That no Bishop may ordain in the Diocese of another, without leave of the Ordinary, and, in that case, may ordain persons of that Diocese only. The Legates were troubled, not only for that many Articles were set The Legates are troubled with the 〈…〉ter of the 〈…〉 the manner. on foot, all aiming to restrain the authority of the Pope, and make that of the Bishop's greater, but for the importance of the beginning, to give their petitions in writing; and because many were joined in the same demand, not showing what their meaning was, but only alleging the weight of the things proposed. They took time to think of it, saying, they would not be idle in the mean while, but establish other points of Reformation. And give the Pope a ●●ct account of all They gave the Pope a strict account of all things past, adding, that the Prelates did every day take more liberty, not refraining to speak of the Cardinals without respect, and to say openly, that it was necessary to moderate them, and with small reverence of his Holiness, that he gave nothing but words, and used the Council to keep the world in hope, and not to make a true Reformation; that hereafter it would be hard to keep them in order, because they had many private assemblies amongst themselves. They proposed to his consideration, that it would be good to make some effectual Reformation in Rome, and publish it before the Session. They sent also the Censure of the Spaniards, desiring him to consider the importance of their attempt, and whither it might arrive, in regard it was not likely they would be so bold, without they were upheld, and perhaps incited by some great Prince. And they desired to receive commandment what they should do▪ saying, their opinion was to persist, and not to yield one lote, aswell for the importance of the matter, as not to open this passage, that the Prelates may obtain, by sed 〈…〉 on and force, that which is not willingly granted them. For that would be to depend on their favour, and incur the danger of some sinistrous accident. That, for matter of dispensation, they would not suffer themselves to be over come: but in the end, if the opposites will not yield, all must come to voices, which are not weighed, but numbered. Therefore, not to hazard themselves, but to be sure to overcome in the Session, it would be necessary to command straightly, those that are gone to Venice, upon pretence to spend the beginning of Lent in their own Churches, but with intention to come no more, that they suddenly And desire him to send unto them more of his dependants, that they one come by number. return, without reply. For the whole importance of the Reformation will consist in the next Session, and as the Mutineers shall then succeed, they will resolve either to oppose in other occasions, or to remain quiet and obedient. This advice being sent to Rome, the Legates, in the next Congregations, proposed the Reformation of diverse abuses. The first was of those who take a Benefice and title without orders, or consecration answerable to them. All detested the abuse, and desired a remedy. But the Cardinal Pacceco said, that all remedy would be in vain, if Commendaes' and Unions were not removed, it being manifest, that a Cathedral Church might be commended to a Deacon, and he that would have a Parish Church without orders, may cause it to be united to a simple benefice, which requireth them not, and so will hold the one in consequence of the other, without being consecrated. The other Reformations were concerning diverse Exemptions from the Visitations of Bishops, from their examinations, from the hearing of civil causes, and from the revision of the government of Hospitals. Herein the Legates thought to gain the favour of the Bishops, by enlarging their authority. But he that pretendeth right to all, is commonly offended by the restitution of half. So the Bishops, (especially the Spaniards) thought they were wronged, because the Reformation was not complete. Yet they spoke more reservedly, in regard the number of the Italians, who adhered to the Legates, did increase, and because they expected an answer concerning their propositions from Rome, having discovered that they were sent thither. The Pope having received the advice, wrote most effectual, but, withal, most loving letters to his Nuncio at Venice, to make the Prelate's return, who were almost all in that City. Who performed the business in such sort, that all took the journey for a favour, in regard they were to do his Holiness so great service. The Pope commanded the Deputies to consult of the Spanish Censure; and the residue, which was of greater importance, together with other things, whereof he was advertized before, he reserved to his own determination. The Deputies, weighing the business, did consider that the proposition The determination made in Rome concerning the Spanish censure. made by the Legates, was more honourable, and more profitable, if it did succeed, but if not, more per 〈…〉 cious: that it was not wisdom to ruune so great hazards, in matters of so great moment: and that to deny all, or to grant all, was equally dangerous. Their conclusion was, that if the Legates were not more than certain to overcome, they might grant part of, or all the underwritten modifications, as occasion was offered in handling of the business: which were digested by way of answer to every article of the Spanish Censure. To the first, to renew the Laterane Council, in the two points, it seemeth that the Prelates may be satisfied, so that in the residue, the Canons that shall be made be reasonable. To the second, to bind the Cardinals to residency, for those who remain in Rome, and actually serve the universal Church, it is not convenient, and for the others, his Holiness will make provision, as is said in the letters. To the third, to constitute that residency is required by the word of God, first the Decree being applied to particular Churches, would perhaps not be true: then for the effect, it cannot choose but make greater confusion, there being a contradiction, that the Decree should be made, and the contrary permitted, at the least tacitly, for half of the year. To the fourth, to declare the plurality of the Cathedral Churches to be an abuse, the same answer may be made as unto the third, and for the Cardinals, his Holiness will provide, as hath been said before. To the fifth, of the plurality of the lesser Churches, the provision proposed by the Legates, seemeth to be sufficient, and yet, if for the time past it be thought fit, to make it more severe, his Holiness is contented: who doth advertise them, that too much severity in this part, may work a contrary effect, by the resistance which is like to be made, by those who are in possession: and doth consider withal, that simply to leave the judicature of the dispensations to the Ordinaries, may cause abuse, and bring forth no other effect, than the increase of their authority. To the sixth, to revoke the Unions for life, howsoever his Holiness thought to make a fit provision therein, yet if it be desired to take them all away, it may be granted, so that a convenient time be given to the possessors, to dispose of the Benefices. To the seventh, that non-residency in Benefices with Cure, should precisely carry with it Deprivation, without any Dispensation to be granted, but in cases permitted by the law, is too rigorous, and would be observed very hardly, in case it should be determined. To the eight, that he that hath a Benefice with Cure, if it be found he is unlearned, or vicious, may be deprived by the Ordinary, it being understood of such inability, as by the law doth deserve it, it may be granted; otherwise the demand is not honest, because all would be left to the conscience of the Ordinaries. To the ninth, that Benefices with Cure, be not given before diligent examination, in regard it is necessary to leave the manner and quality thereof, to the conscience of him who is to confer the Benefices, it seemeth that to make any other Decree herein, is superfluous or unprofitable. To the tenth, to make the Process in partibus, concerning those who are promoted to Cathedral Churches, there appeareth no fruit of this diligence, it being as easy to find a false witness in partibus, as at Rome: where, because every thing may be sufficiently examined, it is superfluous to seek further. To the eleventh, that none be ordained but by his own Bishop, it seemeth that the Bull may suffice, because it doth provide many ways, against the inconveniences, pretended in this point. The Pope, did presently dispatch the answer to Trent, leaving it to the discretion Is dispatched to Trent▪ of the Legates to resolve, by the counsel of their friends, what they thought fit tog●ant according to occasions, either, part, or all, so that they contained themselves within the limits set down by the Deputies in Rome: or to deny all, in case they found themselves able to do it. He advised them of the request made to those in Venice, and that they should hold the Session in the due time, wholly omitting the doctrine of the Sacraments, and publishing the Anuthematismes only, in which they are all agreed, because the doctrine cannot be expounded without danger. That they should leave wholly the Decree of the abuses of the Sacraments, of Baptism and Confirmation, it being impossible to touch that string, without offending the whole order of poor Priests and Friars, and giving the Heretics too great a conquest, by confessing they had formerly approved such notable absurdities. He concluded, that they should labour to make the Session as quiet as was possible, but yet with the honour of the Apostolic Sea. Afterwards the Pope, considering with himself and with his inward The Pope is troubled with the advices sent from the Council, and frō●us Nuncio in Germany. friends, the advices sent unto him from Trent, and from his Nuncio in Germany, was full of suspicion, that the Council would produce some great monster, to the prejudice of himself, and the Papacio. He considered the factions amongst the Divines, especially Dominicans and Franciscans, ancient enemies, and contrary in doctrine, and feared that, taking courage in the Council, they would go beyond the bounds of those contentions, which have been hardly composed by the wiser sort: whose differences being no less than those with the Lutherans, and themselves very bold in taxing one another, except pains were always taken to make them agree, there would be danger of some great inconvenience. He was much troubled with the disputation of Residency, whether it be required iure divino, and with the boldness of Friar Bartholomew Caranza, who, being encouraged by many, dared to call the contrary opinion, the doctrine of devils. He saw how easily such another mischief as that of Luther might arise, and that, if an article of faith were made of residency, the Papacy was reduced to nothing. He considered, that all the reformations aimed to restrain the Pope's authority, and to enlarge the power of the Bishops, and how little himself was esteemed, in that, the Council having given hope to refer the Reformation to him, whereof he had framed a Bull, and recalled the whole matter to Rome, they had after treated thereof more sharply, without any respect of his authority. He had great suspicion of the spirit and courage of the Spaniards, considering the qualities of that wise Nation; that it doth not work by chance, that it maketh greater show of reverence than it beareth, that it standeth united in itself, & steppeth not one foot forward, without looking a great way before them. It seemed to him a great matter, that they met together, and had made a common censure; and thought it probable that this web was secretly spun by the Emperor, in regard his Ambassador did daily treat with them. He suspected the Emperor also for his present prosperity, which ordinarily doth make men not able to set bounds to their designs. He considered his connivency at religion, and thought it was to gain the Lutherans favour. He remembered the complaints used not only by the Emperor, but by his Ministers also, when the Italian Soldiers departed, that he was abandoned in time of need; and he knew that he attributed the sedition of Genna to his son, the Duke of Piacenza But he weighed above all, his words used to the Nuneio, that he had no greater enemy than the Pope. He feared that when he had established an absolute authority in Germany, he would think to do the like in Italy, making use of the Council to suppress the Papacle. He saw that all was in his power, in regard of the incurable indisposition of the French King, and his approaching death. Of the Dolphin, being young, and not experienced, he knew not what to promise himself: and was assured that the Prelates, who did until then, adhere to the Court of Rome, whensoever the Emperor should unmask himself, would profess to be on his side, either for fear of greater power, or for emulation at the Pope's greatness: which they would discover, when they should see a secure way laid open to moderate it. These respects made him resolve to secure himself in some sort of the And after consultation resolveth to translate ●●be Synod to Bolonia. Council. To end it, did not seem seasonable, in regard there did remain so many things to be handled. The Suspensson did require some great cause, and would be to little purpose, in regard he should be presently desired to take it away. To translate it to a place where himself had absolute authority, seemed the best counsel. And seeing this was to be done, heo would so do it, as that all danger should be prevented: which could not be, if the council, were not celebrated within his own territories. He did not think Rome was fit, because it would raise too much discourse in Germany. Bolonia seemed the best place, because it was neore the Mountains, fertile, and of great receipt. For the manner, he resolved to conceal his own person, and to cause it to be done by the Legates, by the authority given them in the Bull; dated the 22. of February, and sent unto them in August. 1545. For doing so, if the Translation were opposed, the Legates would be blamed, and himself, as not interessed, might the more easily uphold them: and if, by accident, he should change his opinion, he might do it without dishonour. Being thus resolved, he sent a private Gentleman of the family of the Cardinal of Monte with letters of credit, to do this ambassage to both the Legate●: commaun●ding him, not to arrive there before the Session and then to give them authority to translate the Council to Bolonia, making some apparent cause to arise, or making use of some cause already in being; putting it in execution so quickly, that, after the enterprise begun, they should conclude before any impediment could be interposed. But in Germany, a great part of those Cities about the Rhine, having made The Emperor doth leave to temporize with the Archbishop, of Collen. composition with the Emperor, and the Elector Palatine caused h●● ministers to de●●t, the Emperor seeing himself now able to exclude the Archbishop of Collen, sent two Commissaries, to assemble all the orders of his Sat, and to cause them to abandon him, and to receive for their Arch bishop, Prince Adolphus, his coaiutour, yielding obedience; and swearing side▪ litieunto him. The Clergy was ready to do it, for the causes before recited: but the nobility and Ambassadors of the Cities refusing, saying they could not abandon a Prince unto whom they had sworhe. The Duke of Cloves bordering upon him, sent to the Arch bishop, and caused 〈◊〉 ●●of the Nobility to go thither also, to pray him to find a mea 〈…〉 that the whole State might not be dissolved, with the great damage of the neighbour 1547 PAUL. 3. CHARLES 5. EDWARD 6. FRANCIS 1. Who doth generously renounce his state. Countries. The Archbishop moved with compassion, to free the State from war, and that the innocent people might not suffer, did generously renounce the State, and absolve his subjects from the oath; and so Adolphus, was received for his successor, whom he had always loved as his brother, and communicated to him whatsoever he had done for reformation of the Church; who was now of another opinion, either because he was truly changed, or for some other respect. In February, news came to Trent of the death of the King of England, Thanks given to God, and great joy in Trent, for the de●th of the K. of England which happened the month before. The Fathers gave thankes to GOD, and went almost all to the Bishop of Worcesten, congratulating that himself and the kingdom were (as they said) delivered from the tyranny of a cruel persecutor, saying, it was a miracle that he had left a son of but nine years of age, that he might not be able to tread in his Father's steps. And it is true that he did not tread in them all. For Henry, though he had wholly taken away the Pope's authority, and punished his adherents capitally, yet he did ever constantly retain all the residue of the doctrine of the Church of Rome. But Edward (for so his son's name was) governed by his Uncle on the mother's side, the Duke of Somerset, who was inclined to the doctrine of the Protestants, changed religion, as shall be said in its place. The Pope's letters being come, the Cardinal Sancta Croce was of opinion, that it was good to mollify the Prelates combined, by granting some of the petitions, which were granted from Rome, thinking, they would easily be pacified with that determination. The Cardinal of Monte said, that to condescend to an inferior (especially to a multitude) was to make them pretend a greater satisfaction; that first he would try his friends, & when he found he was fortified with the greater number, he would not retire an inch; but if he found it otherwise, he would use art. After many discourses, as it happeneth between Colleagues, Sancta Croce yielded to Monte, who was more passionate. They received advice, that the absent Prelates would be returned before the end of February, whose minds were sounded, and many of them were found to adhere to the Pope. These being confirmed with hope, and others ensnared with the same bait, that the Pope would take notice of every A decree containing 15. heads, is proposed in Congregation. one's merit, they caused the decree to be made, with fifteen heads, and proposed it in Congregation. By this, greater difficulties were raised. In the Proheme, by this exception; Saving always the Apostolical authority, in all things. Every fool saw at what it aimed, and that it inferred a pertinacious obstinacy, in the abuses which they ought to remedy, by preserving their causes. Yet none durst oppose, but the Bishop of Badacoz, who said, it had need of declaration, because And is there opposed. the Council ought not, nor could impeach the authority of any, much less of the Apostolic Sea, acknowledged for Head of all the Catholics. But it seemed that the words there placed did signify, that in Rome the proceeding should be in those things as before, and that the moderation should not have power over dispensations, and other inventions, by which the authority of the old Canons hath been always weakened. In defence of the exception it was said, that the Laws of Counsels are not as the Laws natural, where equity and rigour are the same thing, that they are subject to the common defect of all Laws, which by reason of their universality, aught to be moderated by equity in cases not foreseen, when it would be unjust to put them in execution. But because there is not alwayesa Council, to which recourse may be had, nor it being possible to attend this, when there is one, the Pope's authority is necessary. It was replied, that though all Laws have the defect of universality, yet all were published without exceptions, that so they should now do, or otherwise it were as much as to say, that ordinarily and not only in rare cases, and not foreseen, the Pope might dispense with the contrary. This opinion was not openly approved by all, who in their conscience But the opposers are 〈…〉 ced. thought it true; whereupon the Legate Monte taking courage, said it was a subtlety, not to attribute as much to the Apostolic Sea, as they were bound, and so he made them all silent. The Bishop of Badacoz demanded, that mention should be made in that Proheme, that the Article of residency was not quite left off, but deferred only. The Legates answered, that this was a distrust of their promises, and a vain Obligation to do that which was always in their power: Yet, to satisfy so great a desire, he said it should be added in the Proheme, that all was decreed in prosecuting the point of residency, which they had begun; whereby it would appear, that it was not ended in the other Session, and that part did remain to be handled. Concerning the Heads of the qualities of Bishops and other Curates, the Discourses above the qualives of Bishops and Curates: Archbishop Torre said, that they did not only remedy the corruptions brought in, but did weaken the ancient remedies. For with such general terms of age, manners, knowledge, ability and worth, every one might be canonised for an able man, and to allege the decrees of Alexander was to nullify all other Canons, which prescribe other conditions. For when one is always named and the others purposely concealed, it seemeth that there is some derogation to these, that it was necessary to say plainly what this gravity of manners, and knowledge of letters is: which if it Were done, every Courtier would be excluded for ever. That the manners requisite are well repeated by Saint Paul, and yet not regarded. The learning and Doctorship, which Paul requireth is the knowledge of Christian Doctrine, and of the holy Writ: that Honori●s the third is not to be imitated, who deprived a Bishop of the lower Sax●●e, because he had not learned Grammar, nor ever read Donatu●. For the gloss, saith he, could not teach the people grammar; as if Sermons were to be made by Grammar rules, and not according to the Gospel. The Bishop of Huesca added that neither the reference to, nor the allegation of the Decretals or constitutions did please him. For it is done either to give greater authority to them, or to received it from them, or to make one aggregate of these, and the Synod, of greater, force; and that all those ways 〈◊〉 was unfit because the authority of both would be diminished▪ That then it was fit to do it when the constitution was too long to be repeated: but when it did co●●ine but the same thing there was no cause for it, in regard it would cause undeterminable contentions, by disputing whether those constitutions be approved as the letter, doth simply found, or with the limitations and ampliations of the Doctors, & with the diverse interpretations; which is to confound the world. That they have need of Decrees which may cause peace, charity, and poserious reformation in the Church, not which may give occasion of strifes, and new inconuenienc. To what purpose were it now to inflict upon the Ordinaries, the punishments of the Chapter; Grave nimis, the execution whereof is committted to the Provincial Counsels, which are disused, if order be not taken to bring them in use again? Then the Benefices conferred by the Ordinary, by reason of diverse reservations, being fewer than a tenth part, why should provision be made in this, and the abuse suffered to run in the nine tenths, which the Court doth confer? Likewise in matter of Plurality, to approve the constitution, De multa, is to establish it the more, because dispensations are permitted in that. The Articles were much disputed on. The Spaniards did require, that the Cardinals should be specified; but answer was made, that it was not A dispute whether the Cardinals ought to be specified in the reformation. convenient, in regard of the greatness of the Order, being the chiefest in the Church, and replenished with men of singular merit, to show so plainly that there were corruptions in it, worthy of amendment, and that they did not amend themselves. But it was sufficient to do it in general terms, which should include them also; as to command every one, of what dignity, degree, or preeminence soever. Others said to the contrary, that the Canonists have declared, that the Cardinals are not contained under any general terms, if they be not expressed by name, and therefore that there was no other way to provide against the bad example which the world taketh, but to reform them in particular. That there is small need to reform the inferior Clergy, whose corruptions are but small, and themselves, as it were, compelled to imitate the greater Prelates. That in curing a sick body, one ought to begin with the greater diseases, and the more principal parts, which being healed, the others will heal of themselves, or will need but light medicines. For the abuse of perpetual Unions, they said it was sufficiently provided, by referring to the Bishops the examination of those which are already made, and by presuming them to be surreptitious, which are not grounded upon reasonable causes. But all was overthrown by the modification following, that is, if the Apostolic Sea should not think otherwise: for this was to establish them, and to put the Bishop to trouble and charge. It was desired again, that Unions for life should be prohibited, and those nullified which are already made. But the mayor part did approve the Decrees as they were proposed, some for the good affection they bore to Rome, and some because they had been persuaded, and some good men also, who were promised, that the Pope, by his Bull, would take away both these and many other disorders: but that, for reputation of the holy Sea, he ought to do it himself, and not seem to be compelled to receive laws from the Synod, against his will. And these put together were three quarters of the whole number of the Synod. The time of the 〈◊〉 approaching, and the 〈…〉 athematismes being read over again, some required that the doctrine should be added, and some demanded why the Decree of the abuses was not resolved on. To these it was said, that the matter was not well discussed, and that it was more fit to handle them after all the Sacraments, giving remedy withal to the abuses occurring in the ministry of every one, and to the general abuses of them all. In giving a reason why the doctrine was omitted, the most concluding argument was, that so it was done in the Session concerning original sin, and that a doctrinal declaration is necessary, when the anathematisms cannot be understood without it; therefore that it was necessary in the Decree of justification; but in this of the Sacraments, the anathematisms be so plain of themselves, that they may serve also for doctrine. The approaching of the time, and the consent of the mayor part, made them resolve for this opinion, and compelled them to be silent who demanded the doctrine, and the reformation of the forenamed abuses. The Decrees being made, though with these difficulties, and the third The Session, March the 3. of March being come, and the Prelates, according to their usual order, assembled in the Church, to celebrate the Session, james Coccus, Archbishop of Corfu, said Mass, Coriolanus Martiranus, Bishop of Saint Mark, was to make the Sermon, who for the distastes received in the Congregation, thinking he could not well be present, and not persist in the same opinion, in regard it was not secure to contradict in public Session, he made choice to feign some indisposition, and so to be absent: by which means there was no Sermon that morning: as if amongst sixty Bishops, thirty Friars, exercised in preaching, not one was able to speak four words with premeditation of four hours. And it was noted in the Acts, that there was no Sermon, because A jesting act concerning the Bishop of S. Mark. the Bishop of Saint Mark, deputed to, make it, was hoarse, and so it was Printed. Which as it ought to be attributed only to the pleasant vain of the Secretary, who wrote it, so it is a sure argument, that they did not then think the time would come, when all the actions of that Assembly, should be esteemed equal to those of the Apostles, when they met together, expecting the coming of the holy Ghost. When the Mass, and other ceremonies were ended, the two Decrees were read. The first concerning Faith, contained in substance. That for compliment The Decrees are read. of the doctrine, defined in the former Session it was meat to handle the Sacraments; and, the better to extirpate the heresies, the Synod did for the present, constitute the Canons following, meaning to add others afterward, when time should serve. The Canons, or the Anathematisms of the Sacraments in general, were thirteen. The Canons of the Sacraments in general. 1. Against him that saith, that the Sacraments of the new Law, have not been all instituted by CHRIST, or that they are more or less than seven, or that any of them is not truly, and properly a Sacrament. 2. And that they differ not from those of the old Law, but in the ceremonies and rites. 3. And that none of them is, in no respect, more worthy than another, 4. That they are not necessary to salvation, and that the grace of God, may be gained by faith alone, without them, or without any purpose to receive them. 5. That they are ordained only to nourish faith. 6. That they do not contain in them the grace signified, or do not give it to him that doth not resist, but are external signs of justice, and Characters of a Christian profession, to discern the faithful from Infidels. 7. That grace is not always given by the Sacraments, nor unto all, for as much as belongeth to God, though they be lawfully received. 8. That by Sacraments Grace is not given, in virtue of the administration of them; called, Opus operatum: but that it sufficeth only to believe the promise. 9 That in Baptism, Confirmation, and Order, no indelible Character is imprinted in the soul, for which cause they can be received but once. 10. That all Christians have power to administer the Word and all the Sacraments. 11. That in ministering the Sacraments, the ministers intention, at the least to do what the Church doth, is not necessary. 12. That the minister, who is in mortal sin, giveth not the true Sacrament, though he observe all things necessary. 13. That the usual rites, approved by the Church may be despised, or omitted, or changed for others, by every Pastor. Of Baptism there were fourteen Anathematisms. 1. Against him The Canons of Baptism. that saith the baptism of john had the same virtue with that of Christ. 2. That true and natural water is not necessary to baptism. 3. That in the Church of Rome, which is the Mother and Mistress of all the Churches, there is not to be found the true doctrine of baptism. 4. That Baptism, given by heretics, in the name of the Father, Son, and holy Ghost, with intention to do what the Church doth, is not true baptism. 5. That the baptism is free, that is, not necessary to salvation. 6. That the baptised cannot lose Grace, though he sin, so that he leave not to believe. 7. That the baptised are bound only to believe, and not to observe the Law of CHRIST. 8. That they are not bound to observe the Laws of the Church. 9 That by the memory of baptism, all vows made afterwards are of no force, but derogate from faith, and baptismal profession 10. That sins committed after baptism, by faith and memory thereof, are remitted, or made venial. 11. That baptism is to be renewed in him, who hath denied the faith. 12. That none should be baptised but in the age of CHRIST, or at the time of death. 13 Against him who putteth not children baptised in the number of the faithful, or saith they must be rebaptised at the years of discretion, or that it is better to omit their baptism until then. 14. That children baptised, when they come to age, aught to be required to ratify the promise made in their name, and to be left to their will if they refuse, not compelling them to Christian life, but by denying them other Sacraments. Of Confirmation there were three Canons. 1. Against him that saith it is an The Canons of Confirmation. idle ceremony, not a Sacrament properly, or that it was formerly used, that children might give a public account of their faith. 2. That to give virtue to the Chrism, is to wrong the holy Spirit. 3. That every simple Priest is the ordinary minister of Confirmation, and not the Bishop only. After this, the decree of reformation was read, which, in the Acts bore The decree of Reformation. this title. A Canon concerning residency. And it contained in substance; 1. That no Bishop be created but of lawful matrimony of ripe years, learned, and of good behaviour. 2. That none may have or keep more Bishoprickes than one, in Title, Commenda, or any other way, and whosoever hath now more than one, shall choose one, and quit the rest within six months, if they be of the Pope's free collation, or else within a year: otherwise all shallbe accounted void but the last. 3. That other benefices, especially with Cure, be given to worthy persons, able to take charge of souls: otherwise the ordinary Patron is to be punished. 4. That hereafter whosoever shall receive many incompatible Benefices, by way of Union for life, perpetual Commenda, or otherwise; or shall keep those that he hath received against the Canons, shall be deprived of all. 5. That the dispensations of those who have many Benefices with Cure, or incompatible, shall be showed to the Ordinaries, making provision afterwards for the cure of souls, and other obligations. 6. That perpetual Unions, made within forty years, shall be reviewed by the Ordinaries, as delegates, and those that are unjust shall be nullified, and those that have not been in possession, or shall be made hereafter, shall be presumed to be surreptitious, if they be not made for reasonable causes, and with citation of all that be interested; and nothing to the contrary of this, shall be declared by the Apostolic Sea. 7. That Benefices with cure, united, shall be visited by the Ordinaries every year, and shall have Vicars a signed, perpetual or temporal, with such a portion of the fruits as to them shall seem meet, without respect of Appeals or Exemptions. 8. That the Ordinaries shall every year by the Apostolic authority, visit the Churches exempted, providing for the care of souls, and other duties, without respect of Appeal, Privileges, or Customs prescribed. 9 That Bishops shall be consecrated within the time set down by the Law, and all prolongations for more than six months shall be void. 10. That the Chapters of Churches, in vacancy of the Bishopric, shall not grant Dimisories for Orders, but to him that is obliged to take them, because of a Benefice. 11. That licences to be promoted by any Bishop shall be void, if a lawful cause be not expressed, for which they may not be promoted by their own Bishop, and, in that case, they shall be promoted by a Bishop that resideth in his Diocese. 12. That Faculties not to receive due Orders shall not serve for longer time than a year, but in cases expressed in the law. 13. That men presented to Benefices, by any Ecclesiastical person whatsoever, shall not be instituted before examination; made by the Ordinaries, except those who are presented by Universities, Colleges, and general Studies. 14. That in the causes of the exempted a certain form shall be observed, and where the question is of reward, or concerning those who sue in forma, pauperis, the Exempted also, who have a judge deputed, shall be convented before the Ordinary but those who have no judge deputed, shall be convented in all causes. 15. That the Bishops shall take care of the Hospitals, that they be well governed by the administrators, though Exempted, observing a certain form. The Prelates who opposed in the Congregations, did the same in the Session, A modest opposition is made, but not regarded by the Legates. but with greater modesty: desiring that the degrees of the persons comprehended might be expressed, and that besides the provisions against future evils, remedies might be added for the present, which are more hurtful, and dangerous. But the Legates, harkening unto those words as unto idle talk, concluded the Session, and appointed the next for the 〈…〉 of April. The credence concerning the Translation is delivered. The same day the Pope's messenger, concealed until then, even from the Legates, did appear, and declared to them his credence; and immediately went from Trent to Ispra● The Card Santa Croce was confounded; but Monte, being without fear said, that he ever knew the Pope to be a wise Prince, and that he then saw in him the height of judgement, that it was necessary to do so, if they would preserve the authority of the Sea▪ Apostolic: and therefore that it was fit to serve his Holiness with fidelity, secrecy, and diligence. And it happened fitly that many in the families of the Prelates were sick, either by the disorders of the Carnoval, or because the air had been moist many days before. Monte suborned some to ask the Physicians whether those infirmities were not The pretence for the Transl●non. contagious. The Physicians, who in their Prognostiques, always say the worst they can, because if they prove true, they seem learned▪ in having foreseen them, if not, they seem more learned in remedying or preventing them, spoke some ambiguous word, which was studiously spread abroad, and believed by some of the meaner sort Some others also were credulous of it, especially those who were willing to departed, and therefore wished it were true. And after the Session, a Bishop dying opportunely, interred with the obsequies of the whole Council, made the matter more conspicuous. Whereupon all Trent was full, that the disease was contagious, and▪ the same was spread in all the bordering places. The Legates, to show they had no finger in dispersing this fame, held a general congregation the next day after the Session, to digest what should be discussed concerning the Eucharist, and, the week following, the Congregations of the Divines did begin. But the fame being increased, Monte gave order to Hercules Severolo, Proctor of the Council, to make a Process concerning the posti●ent infirmity. The Physicians were examined▪ and jeronymus Fracastorius amongst others, who had the title of the Physician of the Council, and other persons beside. It was reported that the neighbour places would have no more commerce with the City: which made many Prelates ask leave to departed, either for fear, or for desire to go from thence by all means. Monte gave leave to some, that their departure might be alleged as one of the causes; others, with whom he was more familiar, he persuaded to tarry, indeed, not to want adherents when he should propose the Translation of the Council, but▪ in show, that the council might not dissolve; and therefore he wished them to require in the Congregations, that some order might be taken. The Process was prosecuted until the 8. day, when news came, either true or feigned, that Verona would traffic no more with them: which troubled them all, because they should be as it were all in prison. Therefore the, day a general Congregation was held concerning this: in which the Process was read, and a proposition made, what remedy might be found that they might not be confined, with a disease in their houses, and deprived of victuals and other necessaries. Many protested they would departed, and could not be hold, and, when much had been spoken, Monte proposed the translation of the Council, saying he had Apostolic authority to do it from the beginning; and caused the Pope's Bull to be read, directed to the 3. Legates, The Bull of the Translation is read. Monte, Santa Croce, and Poole. In which, having declared that he had established the Council in Trent, & sent them ●hither, as his Legates, and Angels of peace to the end that so godly a work might not be hindered by the incommodity of the place, he giveth power to any two of them, in absence of the third, to translate it into some other city, more commodious, opportune, and secure; and to command the Prelates, upon censures and punishments, not to proceed any further in Trent, but to continue it in the City, unto which they shall transfer it, & to call thither the Prelates, & other persons of the Council of Trent, upon pain of perjury, & other censures, set down in the letters of the convocation, & that he will ratify whatsoever they shall do, any thing to the contrary notwithstanding. The Emperor's Prelates answered immediately, that the disease & the dangers were not so great, that the timorous might have leave to go, until the opinion were passed, which, by the help of God, would vanish quickly, and if the Session were deferred, it was no matter: that many departed the year before, for the suspicions of war, and the Session was deferred The Emperor's ministers do discover the plot. more than 6. months, and that they might do so now, if there were occasion. And other such reasons they brought. The disputation concerning this was long. When the Congregation was ended, the Imperialists, conferring among themselves, and seeking curiously that which before they cared not to know, they smelled out that it was not a general disease, but a pretence. The next day a Congregation was called to consult upon the same matter. It was found, that 11. Prelates were already parted, & they began to speak of the place whither to go. That it should be in Germany, all did abhor. It could not be in the State of any Prince, because they had treated with none. There remained only the State of the Church. The Legates proposed Bolonia; which pleased all those that approved the Translation. The Imperialists did contradict, and some did almost protest: but the mayor part consented. Some doubted the Pope would take the Translation ill, because it was made without his knowledge. But Monte said, that sudden chances, and perils of life are free from these respects, and that he would undertake the Pope should be contented. Consideration was had of the Emperor, and other Princes, and it was concluded, that if they made mention of them in the Decree, they gave satisfaction to the reverence which they did owe them: and to satisfy, in some sort, those, who approved not the translation, they made some mention of returning. The Decree was proposed by way of deliberation. Doth it please you to declare that this disease is manifest, in regard of the predictions, and other things alleged so notoriously, that the Prelates cannot remain in this City, without danger of their life, nor can be kept here against their will; and because of the departure of many, and protestations of others, by whose departure the Council would be dissolved; and for other causes alleged by the Fathers, notoriously true and lawful; Doth it please you to declare, that, for the security of the Prelates lives, and prosecution of the Council, it ought to be transferred to Bolonia, and is now transferred, and that the Session intimated, for the 21. of April, shall be celebrated, and all things prosecuted there, until the Pope and Council shall think fit to reduce it into this or some other place, by the advice of the Emperor, the French King, and other Christian Kings and Princes? The next day the Session being held, and the Decree read, 35. Bishops, and A Session is held to read the Decree of the Translation to Bolonia. three Generals did assent. But the Cardinal Pacceco, and 17. other Bishops opposed. Among those that consented, there was not one of the Emperor's Subjects, but Michael Saracenus, a Napolitan, Archb. of Matera. But amongst those that consented not, there was Claudius della Guische, Bishop of Mirpois, and Martelli, Bishop of Fiesole, and Marcus Viguerius, Bishop of Sintgaglia, whom the Cardinal of Monte did upbraid, that his uncle being drawn from a base estate to the height of the Cardinality, from whence the greatness of his house and his own Bishopric did proceed, he did ill requite the Apostolic Sea. For answer he used the words of S. Paul, God is not mocked. The Legates departed, with the Cross carried before them, accompanied with the Bishops of their faction, with ceremonies and prayers. The Imperialists were commanded by the Emperor's Ambassador, not to departed until his Majesty were informed, and gave them order. In Rome the Court was glad they were delivered from danger. For there was already great confusion and sale made by the possessors of many Benefices, who sought to unburden themselves, but so as that they would lose no commodity. The Pope said, that having given his Legates power to translate the Council, and promised to ratify what they should determine, and cause it to be executed, and they having judged the infection of the air to be a lawful cause, he Which is approved by the Pope. could not choose but approve it, and the rather, because the mayor part of the Prelates did consent. But none was so simple, as not to believe that all was done by his commandment, it being certain that nothing, how little soever, was handled in the Council, without order first had from Rome. For which purpose letters coming once every week, and some weeks twice, it was not credible, that a matter of that importance, was hatched in the Legates brains. Besides, only to bring so many persons into a City, so jealous as Bolonia, without consent of the Prince thereof, seemed to be a thing which the Legates would never have The date of the Bull is suspected by many. attempted. Many did believe that the Bull had not a true date, but was newly made, though the date were old, and with the name of Cardinal Poole, to give greater reputation: otherwise that clause, in which authority is given unto two of them, the other being absent, to translate the Council, would seem a kind of Prophecy, that Poole should departed a year after; and the liberty to transfer it to what City they listed, seemed too large, and improbable, considering the suspicion always fixed in the mind of the Popes, that the Council should be celebrated in an unfaithful City, shown more than ever by Pope Paul, when he did call it. So that it was incredible that he would, unnecessarily, expose himself to the discretion of another, in a matter of so great weight. Yet, following the notes which I have seen, as I have said before, I assure myself, that it was made two years, and sent 18. months before this time. But that which could not be concealed, and which did scandalise It appeareth by the Bull, that the Council was not free. every one, was, that, by that Bull, it appeared that the Council was in servitude. For if the two Legates could command all the Prelates, at once, to part from Trent, and compel them by punishments, and censures, let any man say that can, what liberty they had? The Emperor, hearing the news, was much The Emperor is offended with the Translation. displeased, because, it seemed, he was despised, and because he saw a weapon taken out of his hand, by managing whereof, according to opportunity, he thought to set Religion at peace in Germany, and so to put it under his The French King dieth. obedience. The news came not to the French King, who the 21. of the same month, changed this life for a better. THE THIRD BOOK OF THE HISTORY OF THE COUNCIL OF TRENT. I Am not ignorant of the laws of Histories, 1547 PAUL 3. CHARLES 5. EDWARD 6. HENRY 2. and how they differ from Annals, and Diaries. I The censure of the Author concerning this work. know likewise, that the narration of uniform accidents, breedeth satiety in the Writer, and tediousness in the Reader: and that to recount small matters too particularly, deserveth the name of a foolish knowledge. Yet I observe frequent replies, and little narrations, in Homer, and that, in the expedition of Cyrus the younger, Xenophon doth more ravish and instruct the mind, by reciting the serious and merry discourses of the soldiers, then by relating the actions and counsels of Princes. I am of opinion, that every matter hath his proper form, and that this of mine, cannot be composed with ordinary rules. I assure myself, that this work will be read by few, and is of a short life; not so much for want of form, as for the nature of the Subject. And I am so persuaded, by that which I see happen in the like things. But not regarding perpetuity, or continuance of time, it shall suffice me that it will please some one, to whom I will show it, because I know he will make use of it; and I am assured that▪ for hereafter, that will happen to it which the coniunctures shall comport. The Prelates remaining in Trent, were in great suspense, until letters The Emperor's Prelates remain in Trent. came from the Emperor, commending them for contradicting the Translation, and abiding in Trent, with express order not to part from the City. They consulted among themselves, whether they should do any Conciliarie Writings pass between the Prelates of Trent and of Bolonia. act: and it was uniformly resolved, that it would make a schism, and therefore was not to be attempted: but that they ought to study the points, and to expect what opportunity would bring. There passed some writings between the Divines of Trent, and of Bolonia. These did, with affectation call it the Synod of Bolonia; and those, the holy Synod, be it wheresoever it will. And some of them remain still in Print in Bolonia. The Legates, and other Cardinals of Rome, made diverse requests in private, unto some of those who remained in Trent, to cause them to go to Bolonia, or, at the least, to make them departed from thence. But they gained none, but Galeatius Florimante, Bishop of Aquila. They laboured to bring to the Session, all their friends that parted from Trent, and that more should come also: which was easy to do by reason of the commodious passage from Rome thither. divers Congregations were made, in which nothing was handled, but how they might defend the Translation to be lawful, and to show that those of Trent, were bound to join with them. The 21. of April being come, the day appointed for the Session, with great concourse of all the people of Bolonia, and much solemnity, the Legates, The first Session in Bolonia. accompanied with thirty four Bishops, went to the Council house; where nothing was done, but a Decree read, which said, that, it being resolved in Trent to translate the Synod to Bolonia, and to celebrate the Session that day, publishing Canons in matter of the Sacraments, and of reformation, yet considering, that many Prelates of the Council, were employed in their Churches, by reason of the holy days of Easter, hoping they will return ere long, that all may be done with honour and gravity, the Synod hath deferred the celebration of that Session, until the second of june, reserving power to themselves to abbreviate the term. It was decreed also, to write letters in the name of the holy general Synod, to the Father's remaining in Trent, exhorting them to go to Bolonia, and to unite themselves with the Body, from which being separated, they cannot be called an Ecclesiastical Congregation, but do give much scandal to Christendom. These letters, being received in Trent, were thought not to be discreet, and did rather exasperate then mollify their minds. Therefore they resolved not to answer, for fear of making a contention, and so to let the attempt fall; which was ascribed to the Cardinal of Monte his too much liberty, not to the moderation of that Assembly. The Emperor, who was in Saxony with a puissant Army, in the very face The Elector of Saxony is taken prisoner in battle, and the Landgrave of Has 〈◊〉 th' yield of that Elector, wholly busied in martial affairs, had laid aside all thoughts of the Council. And the 24 of the same month, having put his Army in order, upon the river Elb, called by the Latins Albi, came to a set battle; where the Duke Elector was wounded and taken prisoner, and his Army defeated. The Protestant forces being weakened hereby, the Landgrave was The Saxon is condemned to 〈◊〉, but his 〈◊〉 is ●●uen upon hard conditions. enforced to yield, and some few days after, by the mediation of his son in law Mauritius, and the Elector of Brandeburg, did wilingly make his personal appearance. The Duke was first condemned to die as a traitor, and then his life was given him, upon diverse hard conditions; all which he accepted, but his submission to the Council, in matter of religion. And Caesar was content, that the others being observed, this should be omitted. Other conditions were proposed also to the Landgrave; amongst which one was to obey the Decrees of the Council of Trent; whereunto he consented not, but subscribed to refer himself to a godly and free Council, where the Head and the members might be reform, which also the Duke Maurice, and the Elector of Brandeburg would do. They were both imprisoned, the Saxon for ever, and the Landgrave during the Emperor's pleasure. Caesar being made Lord of Germany by this victory, became Master of a great deal of Artillery, and drew much money from the Cities and Princes; and to give a peaceable form to what he had achieved by war, he ordained a Diet in Ausburg. These things did much afflict the Pope, who considered that Italy was without help, and remained at the Emperor's discretion. Yet he was comforted, The Pope is afflicted in mind with the Emperor's prosperity. that having gotten the conquest by force, he would be compelled to maintain it by the same means, and could not remove his army from thence very soon. In the mean space he had time to treat & agree with the new French King, and the Italians, and to secure himself. In all these troubles he was consolated, being delivered from fear of the Council. He commended above measure, the resolution of the Cardinal Monte, to whom he attributed this benefit. He resolved to send into France, jeronymus Boccaferrius, a Roman, Maketh a confederation with the new French King. Cardinal of Saint George, in show to condole with the King, for the death of his father, and to give him joy of the beginning of his kingdom, but with Commission to make intelligence, and confederation with him. The Pope gave the Legate most ample power to grant the King all his demands, in matter of Benefices, without regarding the Decrees of the Tridentine Council. And sendeth a Legate into Germany. And, to be ready to embrace all occasions, which might arise in Germany, to trouble the Emperor, and that no resolution might be taken in the Diet to his prejudice, he sent Francis, Cardinal Sfondrato, for Legate, with instruction to treat with the Clergy, and to keep them in devotion; to make diverse propositions to the Emperor, to establish the Council in Bolonia; which, if it were not in a place of his own subjection, he feared more than the Emperor's Arms in Italy. At this time there was a great sedition in Naples, because the Viceroy D. A great commotion is raised in Naples, by bringing in the Inquisition. Pedro di Toledo, desired to bring the Inquisition into the kingdom, according to the custom of Spain. The Napolitans resisted, and made a seditious cry throughout Naples, God save the Emperor, and confound the Inquisition: then, being assembled, they chose a Magistrate to defend them saying, That when they yielded their obedience to the Catholic King, they made an express capitulation, that causes of heresy should be censured by ordinary Ecclesiastical judges, and that the particular office of the Inquisition should not be brought in For this cause the Spaniards and Napolitans did seditiously take Arms, and many were slain, and there was danger of rebellion. When all things were set in order, fifty thousand men being put in Arms, assembled by the sound of Bells, the Spaniards being retired into the Castles, and the people fortified with Artillery, in convenient places, there was, as it were, a formal war, between the City and the Castles. The tumult lasted from the end of May, until the midst of july, and more than three hundred persons were slain on both sides. In which interim the City sent Ambassadors And nourished by the Pope. to the Emperor and the Pope, offering to yield, if they might be received. It was enough for the Pope to nourish the sedition, which he did with much dexterity, having not forces to maintain the enterprise. But the Cardinal Theatinus, Archbishop of that City, promising them the adherence of all his kindred, who were many, and potent, and his own pains also, who, to that purpose, would go in person, did effectually exhort them not to let slip an occasion, so profitable for the service of the Church, gaining unto it so great a kingdom. The Spaniards, calling succours from diverse parts, became more potent, and letters came from the Emperor, that he was content there should be no Inquisition, and pardoned the City, except nineteen, all which he named but one, whom he would discover when time served: yet the City paid for a fine an hundred thousand crowns. These conditions were of necessity received, and those few of the nineteen who could be found, were put But appeased by the Emperor. to death; and so the tumult was appeased. In Bolonia the Legates did not well know as yet what to do; and the Pope The Council in Bolonia proceedeth slowly. had commanded them not to proceed to any action, which might be opposed, or make a division, but to go on slowly, deferring the Sessions, and making some Congregations, to show they were not idle. But it was not easy to make them in a good form, to discuss the point of the Eucharist, in regard the principal Divines, accustomed to handle matters of faith in The reformation is wholly forgotten. Trent, were wanting. Yet some Congregations were held, and diverse Divines did speak, but no Decree was framed. There is no cause to speak any more of the Reformation, because it was then buried in deep silence. The second of july being come, the Session was celebrated with the same The second Session is held and nothing done. ceremonies; where they did nothing but prorogue it, with a decree like to that of the form, showing that the Synod had deferred it until that day, because the Fathers were absent and expected: whereupon, being desirous to deal lovingly with them, they added another Prorogation, until the fifteenth of September, not ceasing in the mean space to examine the points of doctrine and Reformation, reserving to themselves power to abbreviate or prolong that term, though in a private Congregation. In France it was not hard for the Legate to obtain of the King whatsoever A strong alliance is made between the Pope and the French King. the Pope desired. For he also was no less jealous of the Emperor's fortune, and there was good intelligence between them, and very secret propositions did pass. Amongst the public, one was, that the King should send to the Council of Bolonia, as soon as might be, as many Prelates as was possible. Marriage was contracted between Horatius Farnese, the Pope's Nephew, and Diana the King's bastard daughter, of the age of nine years. The King sent nine French Cardinals, to remain in the Court, to give the Pope reputation; and to nourish friendship between them. The Pope created Two Cardinals are created at the King's instance. Cardinals the six and twentieth of july, at the King's instance, Charles di Guisa, Archbishop of Reins, and Charles of Vandosme, of the blood royal. In the end of August, Caesar went to Ausburg, to celebrate the Diet there, The Emperor holdeth a Diet in Austburg. having about the City, the whole Army of Spaniards and Italians, and some companies of foot within the City. It began the first of September, where the Emperor desiring principally to pacific Germany, did impart what he had formerly done in diverse Diets, to reconcile it, and how, for this end, he had caused the Counsel to be called, and to begin in Trent: but that his pains availing nothing, he was constrained to pass to another remedy. And because it pleased God to give a happy issue to his resolution, reducing Germany to those terms that he was assured to reform it, he had assembled the Princes for that end. But for that the difference of religion was cause of all those troubles, it was necessary to begin there. The opinions of the Princes in that Diet were diverse; for amongst the Electors the ecclesiastics desired, and urged, that the Council of Trent should be held, and demanded no condition. The Seculars, adhering to the Lutherans, were content, with these conditions, that it should be free, pious, that the Pope should not preside, neither in person, nor by his Ministers, should release the oath by which the Bishops In which the Princes differ in opinion. are bound unto him, that the Protestant divines should have a deciding voice, and that the Decrees already made should be reexamined. The other Catholics demanded that the Council should be continued, and the Protestants have safe conduct to go thither, and speak freely, and be enforced to obey the Decrees. While the Pope was in expectation of the success of the Diet in Germany, The Pope's son is murdered in his own palace, and his city Piacenza possessed by the governor of Milan. the 10. of September, his son, Petras Aloisius, Duke of Piacenza, was slain in his own palace, by conspiracy, and his body ignominiously exposed; and, some few hours after, soldiers came from Milan, sent by the Vice-Duke, Fernandus Gonzaga, who made themselves Lords of the City. This afflicted the Pope above measure, not so much for the death of his son, and the ignominy, as for the loss of the City, and because he saw plainly that all was done with the Emperor's knowledge. But the Legates in Bolonia thought, that in this affliction and business of the Pope, it was not fit to write two letters every week, of what did pass in the Council, as they were wont, and therefore that it was convenient to prorogue the Session for a long time, and to intermit all Acts of the Council; which would be done with honour enough, if the Session, intimated for the fifteenth, were celebrated, and the next deferred. Yet the public grief for the Duke's death, requiring that no solemnity should be made, they deemed it was better to anticipate, and defer it in a Congregation. Therefore the fourteenth, the Prelates being all called into the house, where the Cardinal of Monte was lodged, he spoke unto them, thus in substance. C. Monte maketh a speech to the Fathers in his own lodging for prorogation of the Session. That the morrow was appointed for the Session; but every one saw in what staits the Synod was; that not many Prelates are arrived, who are in their journey, especially the Frenchmen, and those who are lately come, are not well informed, yea, even those who have been present the whole Summer, at the disputation of the lesser Divines, are not well in order: whereunto was to be added the cruel murder of the Duke, which held every one in suspense, and themselves busied in providing for the security of the Cities belonging to the Church: that he was glad he had reserved power to prorogue the Session, that they may be freed from the pains of going to the Church to celebrate it: that his advice was, yea, that it was necessary to make use of that reservation, prolonging the Session now, and not celebrating it to morrow. The prorogation pleased all the Fathers. the Cardinal added, that, having considered much of it, they were not able to set down a certain day whereon to rest: that when they were in Trent, thinking to dispatch the Decree of justification in fifteen days, they were fain to sweat in the business seven months together, oftentimes making two Congregations every day: that where the question is of faith, and confounding the heretics, one ought to go with leaden feet, and often to employ much time in discussing a little word; that one cannot know whether it will be necessary to celebrate the Session within few days, or not within many months; therefore that his opinion was to prorogue it during pleasure of the Council; and that this resolution was undoubtedly the best. And if any say, that, the prefixed time being known, one might better dispose of his business, these may assure themselves, that it will appear within few days, what course and progress the Synod is like to have. All were content it should be prorogued, during the Counsels pleasure, and so they had leave to departed. The Prelates of Germany, assembled in the Diet the very same day, wrote The Prelates assembled in the Diet write to the Pope to restore the Synod to Trent. to the Pope, for so the Emperor's pleasure was, demanding that the Council should be brought back to Trent. In the letter was mixture of prayers and threats. It expounded the bad estate and danger of Germany, against which provision might have been made, if the remedy of the Council had been applied in time, and held in Germany, as was desired. For having ample jurisdictions, they could not long remain in remote places, for which cause none went to Mantua, or Vicenza, and but few to Trent, a City which belongeth also rather to Italy, especially in time of war. Now, all things being in peace, they conceived great hope, that the ship was safe in the haven, when, beyond all expectation, they understood the Council, in which all their hope consisted, was translated to another place, or rather divided. Therefore being deprived of this remedy, there did nothing remain, but to have recourse to the Apostolic Church, praying his Holiness, for the safety of Germany, to restore the Council to Trent; which if he did, there was no service which he might not promise himself from them; and that otherwise they knew not whither to flee for aid, against the mischiefs and dangers that were imminent; that therefore he would vouchsafe to consider of their demand, and think that if he made not provision, it was very possible they should think of other courses, to put an end to these difficulties: Praying his Holiness to take their Letter in good part, being compelled to write thus, by their own duty, and by the condition of the times. Moreover, the Emperor used all diligence that all should submit to the The Emperor obtaineth of the Princes and Granuel of the Cities a conditional submission to the Council. Council, urging, praying, and desiring them to rely upon his credit. His prayers to the Elector Palatine were a kind of threats, in regard of his former offence, lately pardoned. Maurice, Duke of Saxony, was necessarily to yield, because of so great benefits, newly received from his Majesty, and because he desired the enlargement of the Landgrave, his wife's father. Therefore the Emperor, having promised they should have due satisfaction, and desiring them to trust unto him, they finally consented, & were followed by the Ambassadors of the Elector of Brandeburg, and by all the Princes. The Cities refused (because they thought it very dangerous) to submit themselves indifferently to all the Decrees of the Council. Granuel did negotiate very much, and very long, with their Ambassadors, holding them obstinate, in refusing what the Princes had approved, adding some threats, to condemn them in a greater sum than they had already paid. Therefore they were compelled, in fine, to condescend to Caesar's will, yet with caution of observing the promises. Being called before the Emperor, and demanded if they would conform themselves to the resolution of the Princes, they answered, they should be too bold, if they went about to correct their answer, and, withal, gave up a writing, which contained the conditions, with which they would receive the Council. This was taken, but not read, and they were commended, in the Emperor's name, by his Chancellor, for that they had referred all to Caesar, as others had done, and relied upon him: and the Emperor himself made show to be well pleased with it: so the one and the other party was willing to be deceived. The Cardinal Sfondrato failed not of his duty, in proposing many advantages The negotiation of Card. Sfondrato, with the Emperor. to the Emperor, in case he would consent to the Council in Bolonia; he shown him in what confusions England was, being under a King who was a child, whose governors were at variance, and people in distrust one of another, because of religion: he discovered unto him the intelligence which the Pope held in that Kingdom, all which should be to his favour, and that he would assist him in that enterprise with men and ships, and would give him leave to make use of the Ecclesiastical rents of all his States. The Emperor knew the Pope's aim was to entangle him in a new enterprise, and so to trouble him in that which he had already brought to a conclusion. Therefore he answered, that he would be united with the Pope in religion, but, in point of war, was resolute to proceed alone, and not to be his Captain, who would abandon him in the best time of service, as he had done in the war of Germany. And, on the other side, he proposed diverse advantages to the Pope, in case he would consent to the return of the Council to Trent. The Legate having answered, he had no commission herein, the Emperor sent, indiligence, the Cardinal of Trent to the Pope, to negotiate the restitution of the Council, and other particulars, which shall be related. The Pope, having heard him often, and not being able to discover his intention, did finally answer him, that he should speak hereof in the Consistery. The Cardinal having, the ninth of December, in presence of the whole And of the Cardinal of Trent with the Pope. College, declared what pains and dangers, the Emperor had undergone, only to maintain the dignity of the Councelll and how finally, by this diligence and authority, he had induced all the Princes and States of Germany, to adhere, and submit themselves unto it; he prayed his Holiness, in the name of Caesar, Ferdinand, and the whole Empire, that, for the love of God, he would cause the Bishops who were at Bolonia, to return to Trent, to finish the necessary work begin, and would be pleased to send one or two Legates into Germany, with full Pontifical power, not keeping from them any Faculty, that the manner of living, until the Council began, might be set down by their advice, and the Clergy reform, that he would have consideration, and determine, if the Sea were vacant, during the time of the Council, whether the Fathers thereof, or Cardinals, should elect the Pope, that, in case it should happen, no new stirs might arise. This third The Pope is put in mind of his old age. point was added, to put the Pope in mind of his old age, and approaching death, and so to make him condescend more easily, that his posterity might not inherit the displeasure which the Emperor took at 〈…〉. The Pope, in answer of these propositions, commended the Emperor's good will, and his pains, for public service of the Church, concluding he would have such consideration of these propositions, as they deserved, and resolve, as GOD would inspire him. The Cardinal, having in diverse private audiences, assayed in vain to have some good resolution from the Pope, leaving the instruction to Don Diego di Mendoza, whom the Emperor had caused to The Card of Trent retureth, leaving Don Diego in his room. go for that purpose to Rome from Sienna, where he was to accommodate the differences of that Republic, he departed, and returned to Ausburg. Don Diego, in public Consistory, assembled to give the cap to the Cardinal of Guise, where all sorts of men might be present, presented himself before the Pope, and expounded unto him the same things, which the Cardinal had done; adding, that he had commission, in case his Holiness did interpose any delay or excuse, to protest that the Synod of Bolonia was not lawful. The Pope answered, that he would first understand the opinion, and the reasons The pope's answer concerning the return of the Council. of the Fathers of the Council of Bolonia, and impart the proposition to the Kings and Princes of Christendom, that he might resolve maturely, for the service of God, and satisfaction of all. The Cardinal of Guise made a public discourse in the same Consistory, The discourse of the Cardinal of Guise in the consistory. in the name of the French King, and spoke thus in substance. That King Francis had never spared any cost or danger, to maintain the liberty of other Princes. In conformity whereof, Henry, not degenerating from the virtue of his ancestors, so soon as he left to mourn for his Father's death, was willing to declare his observance towards the Sea of Rome. That the merits of the Kings of France towards the Pope, were famous, and exceeded all those of other Nations: but this was above all which the King now doth, promising all his forces to preserve the Papal dignity, now when it is so contemned. He prayed the Pope to receive the King for his son, and to promise to himself all assistance from him, and to take care that the Church should receive no damage or shame, in regard, that from small beginnings, great factions have risen, which have brought the Popes into great calamities. He exemplified in many Popes, afflicted, who were defended, and raised by the Kings of France, concluding that the present King will not yield to his ancestors, in preserving the dignity of the Apostolic Sea. Many did think that the Pope made Guise speak so, to encourage the Cardinals his dependants, and to daunt the lofty spirits of the Imperialists, and to make them see they could not enforce him. And to execute what he had said to Don Diego, he wrote to Bolonia, to the Cardinal of Monte, the proposition made unto him, and his own determination, giving him order, that so soon as might be, invocating the holy Ghost, he should deliver all to the Fathers and when he had understood their opinion, should write back what the Council thought. The Legate, the Father's being assembled, declared The manner how the spirit did work in this Council. the Commissions, and gave his own voice first, which all the others followed. For the spirit which was wont to move the Legates to think as the Pope did, and he Bishops to believe as the Legates, did work as formerly it had done. The voices being collected, the Cardinal, by the consent and is the name of all, answered that the Synod, when the lawful decree was made, to translate it from Trent to Bolonia, having admonished all to put themselves into the journey, and, after that they were arrived in Bolonia, understanding that some remained in Trent, having again lovingly exhorted them to part from thence, and join with the body of the Council, they made none account thereof, continuing still in that City, with contempt of the Council, and scandal of many, as if they pretended to be a lawful Council, or were not bound to obey this; and therefore that the Fathers The answer sent from Bolonia concerning the return of the Council. did not know how the return to Trent could be treated of, with the honour and reputation of the Synod, if those who remain there do not first go to Bolonia, to unite with the rest, and acknowledge the power of the Council. When this is done, the return, in contemplation of Germany, may be handled, if that Nation will give sufficient security to obey the Decrees, as well to be made, as made already. He added that there was a fame spread, that when the Council returned to Trent, the proceeding should be popular, and licentious. Therefore the Fathers thought it necessary to have good security, that the order, continued in the celebration of Counsels from the Apostles time; until this age, should be observed; desiring also caution, to stand secure, and to be able to departed, and translate also the Council, when it shall seem fit to the mayor part, and to end it when they shall judge that they have attained the end for which it was called; desiring his Holiness not to compel them to that which would be against the honour of God, and liberty of the Church. The Pope having received these letters, when the Mass was ended on Which the Pope doth communicito to the Cardinals in Consistory; & to the Emperor's Ambassador. Saint john the Evangelists day, being returned to the Chamber of the robes, with the Cardinals, did communicate the Counsels answer unto them: which being approved by the mayor part, he caused Mendoza to be called, and related unto him the opinion of the Synod, approved also by the Cardinals, adding that there was nothing that he was not willing to do for Germanies' sake: that the Emperor was a good witness hereof; that he was sure that the demand, which he the Ambassador had made, in the name of Caesar, Ferdinand and the Empire had a condition annexed, that is, if it may be with the peace and profit of other Nations, and liberty of the Church: which being assembled in a general Council, seeing it hath judged otherwise, and that the College of Cardinals was of the same opinion, he could not choose but repute it iuridicall, and reasonable, and approve it, as he also did. That, for his fatherly affection, towards the Emperor, and the King, he wished he could give a more acceptable answer; but from a Pope, Head of the Church, nothing could be expected, but what the well governing of the public did compel him to resolve: that he knew the Emperor's wisdom, and his filial love, and was confident he would receive this for good, which was thought necessary by so many Fathers, and would command the Spanish Prelates in Trent, to go presently to Bolonia, and labour to make Germany receive the conditions proposed by the Council, and send, as soon as might be, the Dutch Prelates, and give the Synod caution that the conditions proposed should be observed. Mendoza, understanding the Pope's resolution by his answer, would instantly have protested, that the assembly of Who would have protested, if he had not been dissuaded by the Car. of Trent: Bolonia was not a lawful Council, and that his Holiness, if he brought it not back to Trent, would be cause of all the mischances that should happen to Christendom, & that, he failing, the Emperor, as Protector of the Church, 1548 PAUL 3. CHARLES 5. EDWARD 6. HENRY 2. would make provision. But the Cardinal of Trani, Deane of the College, and some other Cardinals, interposing, he was content to relate the answer to Caesar, and expect order from him. The Pope, considering the action of Mendoza, thought that this business might make some difference between him & the Emperor, in which case he thought it not fit to have the Prelates of Germany ill affected to him. At the receiving of their letter, whereof mention was made before, he was offended with the last particle, that they would think of other course, holding it to be a plain threat, and resolved to give them no answer, and continued three months in that opinion: but now, better advised, he doubted, that, if they held themselves to be contemned, they would take some rash resolution, to which the Emperor would give way, that he might be entangled in greater difficulties. Therefore being resolved to prevent the danger, by honouring The Pope writeth to the Prelates of Germany in answer of their letter. them with an answer, he made it very modest and artificial, yet not without a convenient sense of his own honour. The letter began with commendation of their piety, which appeared in their care to remedy the heresies, and seditions, and that himself was no less solicitous, in regard of his pastoral office, so that he hath not suffered, nor doth suffer any time to pass without thinking of some remedy, and had, from the beginning of his Popedom, recourse unto that which hath been mentioned by them, that is, unto the Council. And here relating what happened in the convocation of it, and the impediments, why it came not presently to execution, he added that, it being assembled, many Decrees have been made as well to condemn a great number of the heresies, as to reform a great part of the Church; that the Council parted from that City without his knowledge, but the Synod having power to do it, he presupposeth the cause was lawful, until the contrary doth appear: and that although some few have dissented, yet it cannot be said that the Council is divided. He added that it is not translated into a City fare remote, and not safe, and that the being of it subject to the Church, doth make it secure for Germany, which hath received Christian religion, and many other benefits from it. That he cared not whether the Council were celebrated there or elsewhere, and would not hinder the Fathers to choose another place, so they were not forced. But what did hold them from returning to Trent, they might see by the letters of Bolonia, whereof he sent them a copy. That he hath deferred to answer their letters, because the Cardinal of Trent coming unto him in Caesar's name, and afterwards Don Diego di Mendoza, he was willing to answer the Emperor first. That, by the letters of the Fathers of Bolonia, they will see what is fit to do before the return be resolved on. Therefore he prayed them to come or send Proctors to Bolonia, and to assist in the Council. His conclusion was, that he was not troubled with that point of their letters, where they intimate that new courses shall be taken, being conscious to himself not to have omitted any part of his duty, and to have embraced Germany with all charity. That he promised himself from them and Caesar, that they would do nothing without maturity; but if courses shall be attempted against the authority of the Sea of Rome, he cannot hinder it, CHRIST having foretold as much, when he founded it, yet he feared not that their attempts would succeed, because it was grounded upon a most sure rock. That others had oftentimes endeavoured the like, but their plots were ever overthrown: and that GOD gave example in those, what others, who would tread in the same steps, might hope for. And if the miseries past, will not move those that are present to desist, yet he is sure they will remain constant in their ancient piety and faith, and in their Congregations will not give place to counsels contrary to the dignity of the Church. The Emperor, being advised by his Ambassador of the conditions The Emperor perceiveth the Popes cunning, and sendeth Ambassadors to Bolonia, Vargas, and Velasco. proposed by those of Bolonia, and the Pope's resolute answer, though he saw plainly that his Holiness covered himself with the name of the Council, and Fathers of Bolonia, who did notoriously depend on him in all matters, and receive all motion from him, to let the world know that he omitted no means to set the Council on foot again, he sent Francis Vargas, and Martino Velasco to Bolonia. These coming into the assembly, the sixteenth of january, where there were no more Fathers with the Legates, the Cardinals of Monte and Santa Croce, then in the last Session, they presented the Emperor's letters, which were thus addressed: Conuentui Patrum Boloniae. Which being read, and Vargas beginning to speak, Monte interrupted him, and said, That though the holy Synod was not bound to hear him, in regard the letters were not addressed to it, because it was not a Convent, Vargas is twice interrupted in his speech. but a Council, yet they refused not to give him audience, with Protestation that it should not prejudice them, or give advantage to others, and that it should remain free to the Fathers, to continue the Council, and to go on, and proceed against the obstinate and rebollious, by inflicting the punishments of the Laws. Vargas required, that an instrument should be made of the Protestation, before the Proposition was understood; then he prayed the Fathers, in the name of all Christendom, to proceed with equity, because, persisting in their opinion, not wisely and maturely embraced, it must needs end with some great public calamity; but yielding to the Emperor, all would succeed well. He went about to show how dangerous an error it would be, not to change their determiination, and how well Caesar was affected to the service of God, and the Church. In these words he was again interrupted by Monte, who said, I am here Precedent of this most holy Council, and Legate of Paul the third, successor of Peter, and Vicar of CHRIST on earth, together with these most holy Fathers, to prosecute, for the glory of GOD, the Council, lawfully transferred from Trent, and we pray Caesar to change opinion, and to assist us herein, and to curb the perturbers of the Council, in regard his Majesty knoweth that he who hindereth holy Counsels, be he of what degree soever, incurreth most grievous punishments of the Laws; and we are resolved, that, whatsoever happeneth, we will not care for any threats, nor will be wanting to the honour and liberty of the Church, of the Council, and our own. Then Valasco read the Protestation, which he had written in his hand; The Emperor's protestation against the Counced in Bolonia. the sum whereof was. That Religion being shaken, manners corrupted, and Germany separated from the Church, the Emperor had demanded a Council of Leo, Adrian, Clement, and at last of Paul the third, and showing the impediments and difficulties in calling it, he touched the things handled in it, and added, that while his Majesty made war, principally for Religion, and put Germany in quiet with his virtue, having great hope to make them go to the Council, who until then had 〈…〉 sed, they, most reverend Legates, against the expectation of all, without the Pope's knowledge, making a light feigned cause to arise, proposed to the Fathers the translation of the Council, without giving them time to think on it; whereunto some godly Bishops opposing, protesting they would remain in Trent, they, with the consent of a few Italians, decreed the said Translation, and parted the next day, and went to Bolonia. That the Emperor being victorious, solicited the Pope many ways, praying him to make them to return to Trent, showing the scandals and imminent dangers, if the Synod did not end in that City, and, in the mean space, endeavoured, in the Diet of Ausburg, to make all the Dutchmen submit themselves unto it. Finally, that he sent the Cardinal of Trent to his Holiness, to signify this unto him, and to pray him to make the Council return to Trent. That he caused also Mendoza to go to Rome to negotiate the same thing: and that the Pope hath taken time to treat with them in their assembly; who have given a vain answer, captious, full of deceit, worthy to be condemned by the Pope, who notwithstanding hath approved it, calling the unlawful Congregation of Bolonia by the name of a general Council, giving them so great authority, that he knoweth not how to arrogate so much to himself. That it was certain, that the Council could not be translated, but by urgent necessity, diligent discussion, and consent of all; that, for all this, they, who call themselves Legates, and others, did rashly run out of Trent, feigning certain Fevers, and infections of the air, and testimonies of Doctors, which the event hath showed to be causes not so much as of any vain fear. That in case of any such necessity, it was fit to treat first with the Pope, and the Emperor, who is Guardian of Counsels. But their haste was so great that they did not so much as consult with themselves. That it was meet to hear and examine the contradictions and opinions of those Fathers who did speak for conscience sake; who, though not so many in number, aught to be preferred, as more wise. That, in case it were fit to departed, they ought not to quit the Country, but, according to the Decrees of the holy Counsels to choose another place in Germany. That the choice of Bolonia, subject to the Church, could no way be defended, because it was certain that the Germans would not go thither; and that every one might refuse it, for many reasons: which was to dissolve the Council, without warning. Therefore the Emperor, to whom it belongeth to defend the Church, and protect general Counsels, to compose the dissensions of Germany, and also to reduce Spain, and his other Kingdoms and States, to a true Christian life, seeing that the unreasonable departure from Trent doth disturb his whole purpose, he desireth them, who call themselves Legates, with the other Bishops, to return to Trent, from whence they parted. That they cannot refuse this, because they promised to do it when the suspicions of the pestilence did cease: which if they will do, it will be most acceptable to all Christendom. But if not, they, the Emperor's Proctors, by special mandate, do protest that the Translation or recess is unlawful, and void, together with all the things that do, or will follow, and that the authority of them, pretended Legates, and of the Bishops there present, is not sufficient to give a law to all Christendom, in matter of Religion, and reformation of manners, especially to those Provinces whose manners and laws are not known unto them. Likewise they protest that the answer of his Holiness is not good, but unlawful, full of deceit, illuforie, and that all the damages, tumults, ruins, wastings of Countries which have happened, do, or may happen, ought not to be imputed to Caesar, but to that Congregation which calleth themselves a Council, it being able most easily and canonically to give remedy thereto. Protesting also that the Emperor, in the defect, fault, or negligence of them, and the Pope, will make provision with all his forces, not leaving the protection and care of the Church, which belongeth unto him as Emperor, and King, according to the laws, consent of the holy Fathers, and of the whole world. In fine, they demanded a public instrument of whatsoever was handled by them, and to have the Emperor's mandate, and their protestation inserted in the acts of the pretended Congregation. Valasco, after the protestation, presented the same writing which he had Card. Monte answereth with great resolution. in his hand, and required again that the instance should be registered. The Cardinal of Monte with consent of the Synod, did most gravely protest, that they would rather die, then suffer such an example to be brought into the Church, that the Secular power should call a Council. That Caesar is son of the Church, not Lord, or Master. That himself, and his Colleague, are Legates of the holy Apostolic Sea, and refuse not to render an account to God and the Pope, of their Legation, and that they would answer, within few days, the Protestation read unto them. Mendoza in Rome, having received the Emperor's answer, that he should The Emperor's Ambassador in Rome protesteth also. go on, and protest to the Pope, in presence of the Cardinals, and Ambassadors of Princes, and understanding what was done in Bolonia, by Vargas, and Velasco, appeared in Consistory, and kneeling before the Pope, read the Protestation, which he held written in his hand. He began with the Emperor's vigilancy and diligence, to reunite Christendom, divided into diverse opinions of religion. He shown what requests he had made to Adrian, Clement, and Paul himself, to persuade them to call the Council; unto which the rebels of Germany refusing to submit, he had compelled them to obedience, by force of arms; wherein, though the Pope (to show he would not be wanting to the public cause) did contribute some small assistance of men, yet it may be said, that the war is finished only by the Emperor's forces. In which, while he was busied, behold the good work begun in Trent, was interrupted by a pernicious attempt of transferring the Council, upon pretences, neither true nor probable, to this purpose only, that public quiet might be hindered, notwithstanding the more godly and sound part of the Fathers did oppose, and remain in the place. That the name of the Council should be given to those, not to those, who are retired to Bolonia, honoured by his Holiness, with the name of his adherents, whose will he prefer 〈◊〉 before the prayers of the Emperor; and Ferdinand, and Princes of the Empire, not regarding the good of Germany, nor the conversion of those 〈…〉, to reduce who●● seeing they are content to submit to the Council of Trent, 〈…〉 remaineth nothing but to reduce it to that City▪ For which being requested, in the foresaid names, by him the Ambassador, he hath given an answerefull of channing; but void of reason. Wherefore seeing that the Evangelicall requisitions, made by him, the Emperor's Ambassador, to his Holiness, the 14. and 27. of December, and, the 16. of januarie, by other Proctors of his Majesty in Bolonia, have been neglected in both places▪ he did then protest, that the departure from Trent, and Translation of the Council to Bolonia, were void and unlawful, will bring contention into the Church, and put the Catholic faith and religion in danger, and do for the present give ●eandall to the Church, and deform the state thereof. That all the ruins, scandals; and dissensions, which will arise▪ ought to be imputed to his Holiness, who, though he is bound to provide against them, even with the loss of his blood, yet doth favour and cherish the authors of them. That the Emperor, in defect and fault of his Holiness, will employ all his forces, to make provision herein, according to the form set down by the holy Fathers, and observed by consent of the whole world. Then turning to the Cardinals, he said, that, the Pope refusing to take care for the peach of religion, uniting of Germany, and reformation of manners if they also will be negligent, he made the same protestation unto them; and leaving the writing, which he had in his hand, he departed. The Pope considering the Protestation of Mendoza, and advising of the business with the Cardinals, saw he was in a straight, and that to be taken for The Pope 〈◊〉 ●●te to make himself Neutral and judge in the cause. a party, and to have the contention turned against him, was much against his reputation; neither was there any remedy, but by finding a way to make himself Neutral, and judge between them who approve, and who oppugn the Translation. To do this, it was necessary to decline the Protestation, that it might seem not to be made against him but, before him, against those of Bolonia, in which not being able to dissemble sufficiently, he resolved to lay to the Ambassador's charge, the transgressing of his Masters Manda 〈…〉, thinking that the Emperor, seeing his dexterity in blaming his Minister, that he might not break with his Majesty, would imitate him, and proceed as if he had protested against those of Bolonia, acknowledging the Pope for judge. Therefore, on Wednesday, the first of February, calling Mendoza into the Consistory, he made a very long answer, and said in substance. That to protest, was a thing of bad example, used by those who have shaken off obedience, or are not constant in it: That himself and the College of Cardinals, are sorry for that unexpected action, in regard of the fatherly love he hath always borne the Emperor, and because it was done when it was least looked for, having made war, and gained The answer of his Holiness to the Protestation. the victory against his own and the Church's enemies, and been assisted by the Pope's men, maintained with his immense charge: which succours were great, and came in fit time, and deserved not such a reward after victory; that is, that the end of the war, should be the beginning of protesting against him. But he did ●itigate his grief, because the Ambassador had exceeded the bounds of the Emperor's Commission, in which he ha●● commanded his Proctors at Bolonia, to protest to the Legates; and to him, to protest against the Council of Bolonia, in presence of the Pope and Cardinals▪ but not against the Pope, That the Emperor had done the office of a modest Prince, knowing the Pope to be the only lawful judge in the cause of Translation, which if he should refuse to determine, than the Protestation against him should take place; and therefore that it was more fit, that if the Fathers, remaining in Trent, had cause of complaint against those of Bolonia, they should make the process before him. But the Ambassador had perverted the order, leaving the petition which ought to be made, and requiring an undue proiudi●e against the Council, so that, the act of the Protestation falling of itself, there was no need of an answer, Yet to clear all men's minds, he would make one. And first, for that he taxeth him as negligent, and commends the Emperor as industrious, he said he would not detract from the good meaning and actions of his Maiostie but yet, that he did precede him, as in age, so in diligence. He said, he had ever desired the Council, and shown it by effects. And here he discoursed of all his actions, done to this end, and how others did cross him and sometimes the Emperor himself, with diverse wars. He added, that to judge whether the causes of the Translation be lawful or no, was reserved to himself. That to praise those of Trent, was to praise those who were separated from the Church. That he refused not, nor ever did, that they should return to Trent, so that it might be done lawfully, and without offence of other Nations. That to think only Trent fit to celebrate the Council was to wrong the holy Ghost, which is worshipped, and present in all places▪ Neither ought regard to be had, that Germany hath need of a medicine fo● by that reason, there should be a general Council held in England, and also where. That a commodious place is not sought for those, for whom the laws are make, but for those who make them, which are the Bishops. That often times Counsels have been made, out of the Provinces where the heresies have reigned. That he knoweth why he was displeased with the answer given him, that is, that the Decrees made, and to be made, are received, and that the manner, used ever since the Apostles time, is observed▪ That he will avoid all negligence in providing for the Church, and if Caesar will be diligent, let him keep himself within the limits, prescribed to him by the laws and Fathers▪ The functions of them both being distinct; will be profitable to the Church. And concerning the Translation, whether it were lawful or no, he called the cause to him, and deputed 4. Cardinals; 〈◊〉, Burg●is, Poole, and Crescentius, to hear it commanding every one that; until it was ended, they should attempt no novity, giving the term of a more 〈…〉 to the Fathers of Bolonia and Trent to produce their reasons. And he 〈…〉ed this decree to be Written by the Secretary of the Consistory, in the accustomed judicial form of the Court▪ inhibiting the Prelates of Bolonia and Trent▪ to innovate any thing, while the cause depended. The Imperialists did laugh extremely at the Pope's distinction, of protesting against the Pope, and before him. But Diego made a new Protestation, saying he had a special mandate from the Emperor, to protest as he had done. The Pope's inhibition being received in Bolonia, and no more assemblies of Bishops, or Congregations of Divines being made, all departed by little and little, except the Pope's stipendaries, who could not do it with their honour. Those of Trent moved not, according to the Emperor's will, that Don Dieg● makes a new protestation. they might keep there some sign of the Council, and hold the Catholics of Germany in hope, and the Protestants in their duty and that their promise to obey the Council of Trent, might not be void, there being none at al. The Pope caused his answer given to Mendoza, to come to the knowledge of the Fathers of Trent, and expected fifteen days that some overture would be made by him of them, that he should be judge, as he had desseigned. But seeing nothing succeeded, he wrote a Brief to the Cardinal Pacceco, The Pope wri●eth to the Fathers in Trent by way of c●●ation. and to the Arch bishops and Bishops of Trent, in manner of a citation: in which having delivered the causes, which moved him to intimate the Council, and the impediments and delays, which happened in calling it, and the joy he had to see it begun, which was increased by the happy proceeding, hoping that in a short time provision would be made against the evils of the Church, he added, that he received as much sorrow from the contrary encounters; so that understanding the departure of his Legates, and mayor part of the Bishops from Trent, some remaining still there, he was grieved, for that it might hinder the progress of the Council, and give fcandall to the Church. This being as well known to them as to him, he marvelled why, if the Translation of the Council seemed just unto them, they went not in company with the others; if unjust, why they made not their complaint to him. That it was a clear case, whereof they could not be ignorant, that they were bound to do the one or the other; either of which, if it had been embraced, would have taken away all occasion of scandal. That he could not choose but write to them with grief; that they were defectuous in the one or the other, and that he was sooner advised by the Emperor of their complaints, then by any of them, so much as by letter, or messenger: and that, for this negligence, he had more cause to complain of the Cardinal, who was more obliged, by reason of his Cardinalitie. But because that which they should have done, was prevented by Caesar, who hath complained by his Ambassador, that the Translation is void and unlawful, he doth readily offer unto them, that which should not have been denied, if they had made the case kowen, that is, to hear their complaints, and take knowledge of the cause, And though he ought to presuppose that the Translation is lawful, yet to do the part of a just judge, he willingly offereth to hear them and their reasons, which they shall bring to the contrary: that herein he would hold and esteem of the Spanish Nation, and of their persons, not suffering the great presumtions to prevail, which ought to be had against them. Therefore having by advice of the Cardinals, called the cause of the Translation of the Council unto him, and given commission to some of them to relate it in Consistory, all that pretend interest being cited, and the Prelates of Bolonia and Trent inhibited to attempt any thing, while the cause dependeth, as was contained in the writing, whereof he sent them a copy, desiring to conclude the cause as soon as may be he commandeth them, that pretending the Translation to be of no force, they send three at the least; well instructed, to assist in judgement, and to allege their pretensions, and to render their presence, as soon as may be; concluding, that the presentation of the Brief to the Cardinal, or to two or three of them, affixed at the Church door of Trent, shall bind them all, as if it had been personally Who answer thus. intimated to every one. The Pope sent also to those of Bolonia to intimate the same Decree, who sent immediately to Rome. But the Cardinal Pacceco, and the other Spaniards in Trent, who were in number thirteen, having first sent to know the Emperor's mind●, answered the Pope's letter the three and twentieth of March, thus in substance. That they trusted in his benignity and wisdom, which will easily know that, in contracting the Translation, in being silent, in remaining in that City, they thought of nothing less, then of offending his Holiness; yea, that the principal cause, why they dissented, was, because a matter of so great weight was handled, without his knowledge: wherein also they desired, that so small account should not be made of the Emperor. That it seemed clear to them, that the Translation would not be well expounded, nor easily approved by his Holiness, whom they prayed not to believe that the Emperor had prevented their complaint, exacted by his Beatitude, because they had complained first to him, but that he did it of his own motion, who thought the protection of the Church belonged to him: that they should never have thought that his Holiness would have desired to have been assisted by them, to whom they believed an absolute account was given by his Legates, in regard what they spoke was in public, and written by Notaries; that it seemed enough for them to deliver their opinion, and then to be silent. Therefore they did not believe their presence was necessary in aught else. That if there be any defect, yet their plain meaning is clear. That they thought it enough to descent from the Translation, and for modesty and humility, not to trouble his Holiness, whom they supposed would not be wanting, to perform what he thought fit, for the good of the Church. That they saw not why they should departed with the Legates, who promised, in the general Congregation, and in the public Session, to return to Trent, so soon as the suspicion of the sickness did cease, especially if Germany would submit to the Council. That they remained there, believing they would return, especially when they understood, that, by the grace of God, and virtue of the Emperor, Germany did submit itself. And that some have received scandal by their abiding in Trent, as his holiness saith, it is sufficient for them that they have not given it; and on the other side, the departure of others hath troubled many. That the successor of Saint Peter hath ever been very venerable to their nation; wherein themselves have not been defectuous. They pray his Holiness, that they may not be blamed for what they have done to a good end▪ and do humbly beseech him not to consent they should be put into a suit, in regard the cause is not theirs, but Gods; saying▪ that if it were theirs, they would be content to endure any wrong; but being Gods, and CHRIST'S, as it is, it belongeth more to none then to his Vicar. In fine, they prayed his holiness to set the interrupted Council on its feet again, and cause the Legates and Fathers to return to the same place, and to do this by a Brief, without treating of Translation. They prayed him to take their words in good part, not spoken to signify what the duty of his Holiness was, but what they hoped from him. The Spaniards answer being received by the Pope, it was sent to the The reply of the Proctors of the Fathers of Bolonia the Spaniards answer. Cardinals, to whom the cause was committed; by whom it was communicated to the Proctors of those of Bolonia, that they might proceed. These answered, that they were glad that the Spaniards do acknowledge the judgement and the judge, and that they will not be a party. Yet it was necessary to retort some things delivered in their answer, to make the Truth appear. In that they say his Holiness should first have been advised with, it was superfluous, in regard a special Bull was then read. That the Emperor had been neglected, it cannot be said, because so great esteem hath been held of his Majesty, as of the Pope, the cause itself not comporting any delay, seeing it was necessary to dissolve, or translate the Council, in regard of the progress which the pestilent sickness made in the City, and borders, of the actual and eminent departure of many Fathers, of the Doctor's oath, especially of Fracastorius, who had a public stipend, and of the fear that the commerce of the neighbour Cities would be taken away. All which appeareth in the acts transported to Rome, by his Holiness commandment. That the Legates, after the Decree, exhorted them to go to Bolonia, and being arrived there, did admonish them by letters, so that they cannot say they ought not to follow the Legates, because they confented not to the Translation, for the suffrages of all in the Council being free, they might descent with a safe conscience: but the mayor part having made a Decree, it was meet the lesser part should yield, or else, never any thing would be determined. That the return hath been promised is true; but it may be seen in the Decree, in what form the promise was made. If they tarried, believing that the others would return, why did they not answer the Legates letters, who admonished them to go to Bolonia. But when they say the suspicion of the Pestilence was pretended, it is probable they spoke it by chance; otherwise having nothing to say against the Translation, and not sending, according to the Pope's Decree, they should incur the Censures. Neither is that division ought worth, if the cause be theirs, or of God. For as it belongeth to them, no man will do them wrong, as unto CHRIST, seeing the question is of the fact, it is necessary to clear that which is not manifest in the fact. Whereupon the Emperor having calling the Legates pretended, and the Fathers of Bolonia not a Council, but a private assembly, and uttered many opprobrious terms against the Translation, it was reasonable the Pope should assume the cause, not to cherish, but to appease contentions. Whether scandals have risen by the Translation, or by their remaining in Trent, may be seen by this only, that their remaining is the cause why the return cannot be. And when they pray his Holiness to cause the interrupted Council to return, if they understand it of the usual Congregations, they have never been intermitted; if of the publication of the Decrees, this hath been referred for their sake: and so many things are already discussed in Bolonia, as well of faith as reformation, that a long Session may be made thereof. Therefore they pray his Holiness, to give sentence, considering that no Council, but in time of schism, hath lasted so long as this, so that the Bishops are desired by their Churches, unto which it is fit they should be restored. This writing was presented in the end of April. After which there was no further proceeding in the cause, for that the deputed Cardinals knew not how to conclude. To pronounce the Translation The Cardinals deputed in this cause, knew not how to proceed. lawful, in the absence of the contradictors, was to make a schism, having no means to enforce them to receive the sentence; and they saw less means to force them to assist in the cause. The Pope was much troubled, seeing no way to compose the difficulty, without form of judgement. While these things were in question, after the death of the Duke his son, the Pope did continually demand the restitution of Piacenza, and of other places, usurped in the District of Parma, making use of the interests of the Emperor's daughter, wife to Duke Octavius; son of him that was dead. But the Emperor, purposing to join that City to the Dukedom of Milan, and to recompense his son in Law in something else, delayed the time with diverse answers and offers, hoping that the Pope, being eighty years of age; and grieved for his son's death, and having many other distastes, would end all the controversies by his death. But the Pope seeing he Differences between the Pope & Emperor, about the restitution of Piacenza. was deluded with delays, molested with requests for the return of the Council to Trent, and offended by the remaining of the Spaniards in the City, to make a diversion at the least, he let the Emperor know, that the usurpers of Piacenza, a Town belonging to the Church, had incurred the Censures; to the declaration of which he would proceed: fulminating also more of them, if within a certain time prefixed, it were not restored to him. The Emperor wrote back a sharp letter, advising the Pope not to cherish the fugitives of Naples; showing that all the practices were known unto him, and that he did understand the calumnies raised against him, that he procured a schism, when he demanded a Council in Trent, to unite Christendom; and for Piacenza, that it was a member of the Duchy of Milan, many years unjustly usurped by the Popes: and if they have title to it, let it be showed, and he will not fail to do justice. The Pope seeing his spiritual weapons would do no good, without the temporal, changed his opinion, and sought to make a strong League against the Emperor: wherein he found many difficulties, not being able to persuade the Venetians to enter into it, and the Frenchmen requiring the consent of the Consistory, in regard of the Pope's decrepit age, and a pawn of money; which the Pope was not willing to lay down, in regard of the great charge he was at, fearing it would be greater, for which cause, he had laid as great burdens His Holiness endeavoureth to make a strong league against the Emperor, but finding difficulties in it, knoweth not what to do. on his subjects as they were able to bear, and sold and pawned as much as he could, and given order for granting of all sorts of dispensations, and favours, to whomsoever would give money, to supply the wants of the Apostolic Sea. For the Council, he was most resolute not to let it be out of his own Territories, and besides other urgent reasons, that of his own and the Popedomes' reputation was added, that the Emperor should not compel him. But he knew not how to induce him and Germany, to give consent. To let it vanish, sometimes seemed good unto him, and sometimes not, and he often discoursed thereof with the Cardinals, both in Consistory, and privately. But finally, he resolved to put to hazard the determination, for which he knew he was insufficient, not only for the reasons before alleged, but for other weighty respects, which passed in Germany. For Caesar, at the return of the Cardinal of Trent to Ausburg, understanding the Pope's mind, and the answer he gave to Mendoza, at the end of December, (which caused him to give over for the Protestation, as hath been said) and thinking that the Pope, by requiring the restitution of Piaconza, sought to divert all speech of the Council, was assured, that, so long as he lived, either the return would not be, or the resolution would be protracted, and therefore thought fit, before he disarmed, to set Germany at peace, in matters of religion. Hereof a proposition was made in the Diet, and order taken, The Emperor resolveth to settle a peace of religion in the Diet. that choice should be made of persons, fit for this good work. Those were chosen who were esteemed the best; who not agreeing, all was referred to Caesar. He elected three, julius Flugius, Michael Sidonius, and johannes Islebius. These after long consultation, composed a form of Religion, which was often examined, reviewed, and changed, first by themselves, and then by diverse persons, unto whom the Emperor caused it to be showed; Therefore a form is composed, called the Interim. and some of the principal Ministers of the Protestants were also called, that they might approve it. But it had so many alterations, additions, and diminutions, that it appeared to be the work of many men, who had contrary ends. Finally, it was reduced into that form in which it now is; & the Legate sent a copy thereof unto Rome, by the Emperor's consent, who was willing to understand the Pope's opinion, and by the counsel of the mayor part of the Prelates, who seeing the controversies between the Pope and the Emperor, feared that the Emperor would obey him no longer; a thing much abhorred by them, for the inbred, and inveterate opinion of the Dutchmen, to maintain the dignity of the Pope, which is the only counterpoise of the Emperor's authority, whom without his assistance, they were not able to resist; if, according to the use of ancient Christian Princes, they would keep them within their bounds, and remove the abuses of the renowned liberty of the Clergy. The Book contained twenty five heads. Of the state of man in innocence. Of the state of man after sin. Of the redemption by CHRIST. Which contemeth 25. heads. Of justification. Of the fruits thereof. Of the manner how it is received. Of charity and good works. Of belief of the remission of sins. Of the Church. Of the signs of the true Church. Of the authority thereof. Of the Ministers of the Church. Of the Pope and Bishops. Of the Sacraments. Of Baptism. Of Confirmation. Of Penance. Of the Eucharist. Of extreme Unction. Of Order. Of Marriage. Of the Sacrifice of the Mass. Of the memory, intercession, and invocation of Saints. Of the Communion. Of the Ceremonies, and use of the Sacraments. To recite here the substance of them would be too long, tedious and unprofitable, because the consequences which began from that Doth not continue long book, lasted not long. It had the name of the Interim, prescribing what to believe, until all was established by a general Conncell. When the copy came to Rome, every one was amazed; first in general, that a temporal Prince, in a secular assembly, should meddle with religion, and not in one Article only, but in all. The learned called to mind the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of Zeno, the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of Heraclius, and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of Constance, and what divisions these Imperial constitutions in matter of religion made in Christendom, And is censured in Rome. and said, that, until then, there were three names, unlucky to the Church, bringing into it many divisions, under pretence of unity: to which might be added this fourth, the Interim of Charles the fifth. They doubted that this beginning of the Emperor would end, where Henry the eight, King of England did arrive, to declare himself Head of the Church: which would have so much more compass, as Spain, Italy, Germany, and other adjacent Countries were greater than one Island, which, in appearance, did make show to contain one Catholic doctrine, but was very fare from it. Descending to particulars, they reprehended that, in the points of original sin, justification, the Sacraments, Baptism, and confirmation, the doctrine determined by the Council was not set down: and that collection being made to be observed until the Council, in regard the Council, concerning those points, was made already, what else could be said, but that it was precisely to be observed? But to have published another doctrine, was to annihilate the Counsel, and that the Emperor's cunning was more to be suspected then ever, seeing that he made so earnest a request, that the Council should return to Trent, and did at the same time, take away all authority from whatsoever was constituted by it. They condemned the whole body of that doctrine, for that it contained ambiguous speeches, which superficially considered, did receive a good sense, but, inwardly, were full of poison, that, in some parts, it did purposely stand only upon the general, that the Lutherans might expound it for themselves: but in the Article of concupiscence, it spoke just as the Lutherans did; as also of justification, placing it in the belief of the promises, and attributing too much, yea, all, to faith. In the Article of good works, nothing was said of the merit of condignity, which is the principal point in that matter. In the Article of the Church that it hath not derived unity from the visible Head, which is essential; and, which is worse, hath made a Church invisible by charity, and then made the same visible. That it is a secret Artifice to destroy the Hierarchy, and establish the Lutheran opinion. That to have made notes of the Church, soundness of doctrine, and the lawful use of the Sacraments, hath given a way to all sects to hold, obstinately, themselves to be the Church; concealing the true mark, which is the obedience to the Pope of Rome. That the saying, that the Pope was appointed for remedy of Schism, and Bishops by the Law of God, was not to be endured. That the Sacrament of Penance was made most Lutheran-like, in that it was said, that believing to receive with this Sacrament that which CHRIST hath promised, it happeneth to every one as he believeth. That the principal point of Sacrifice, is concealed, that it is expiatory, and propitiatory for the living and the dead. That having granted wives to Priests, and the Cup in the Communion of the Laity, every one might see, that with those two abuses the whole Catholic faith was overthrown. All the Court laid with one voice, that the principal point was in question; that the foundations of the Church were shaken; that it was necessary to employ all their forces, to excite all Princes, to send to the Bishops of all nations, and; by all means, to resist this beginning, from whence would undoubtedly follow, not the ruin of the Church of Rome (for that was impossible) but a greater deformation, and dishonour, than ever. But the old Pope, being most sensible, who, with the acuteness of Where the Pope differeth in opinion from all others. his judgement, saw more than them all, did immediately penetrate to the bottom, and judged that the enterprise would be good for him, and pernicious for the Emperor. He marvelled much at the wisdom and counsel of so great a Prince; that, by one victory, he should think he was made judge of all mankind, and presuppose he was able to contest with both parties. That a Prince, adhering to one might oppress another, but to contend with both, was too much boldness of vanity. He foresaw that the doctrine would generally more displease the Catholics, than the Court and the Protestants most of all, and that it would be impugned by all, and defended by none: wherein there was no need of his pains, because his enemies would work for him, more than himself could do; and that it was better to permit the publication of it, then to hinder it; and rather being in this state in which it is, then when it is reform, that it may more easily fall. Only there was need of three things. That the Emperor should not know this. That he should be put upon the business as soon as might be. And that the first blow should be against the Protestants. To effect the first, it was fit to make a light opposition, in some things: for the second, to set on foot the interests of the German Prelates: and for the third to make it cunningly appear, that this doctrine was collected, not to unite both parties, but only to curb the Protestants; by which means a great point was gained, that is, that a secular Prince did not make Articles of faith for the faithful, but for those that erred. Therefore he sent instructions to Cardinal Sfondrato, to make some His instructions to his Legate in Germany. opposition, and, when the doctrine should be published (that he might not be present) to take leave and be gone. The Cardinal, according to his Commission, declared, in the Pope's name, that the permission to continue the receiving of the Cup in the holy Communion, though he that receiveth it is not to be reprehended, (the custom of receiving the Sacrament under both kinds being abrogated long since) was a thing reserved to the Pope; as also the granting of marriage to Priests: and the rather, because, it hath never been used in the Church: and the Greeks' and Eastern people, who do not bind them to a single life, do grant that married men may receive Orders, and keeping their wives, may exercise the ministry, but do not, nor ever did, permit them to marry, who were in Orders before. He added, that, without doubt, if his Majesty would grant these things to be lawful, he should grievously offend the Majesty of God: but holding them unlawful, he might permit them to the heretics, as a lesser evil. It is tolerable, and belongeth to the wisdom of a Prince, when all evils cannot be removed, to suffer the least, that the greater may be rooted out. That his holiness perusing the book, saw it was only a permission to the Lutherans, that they may not without end, pass from one error to another: and that it is not granted to the Catholics to believe or do any thing, but according to the prescript of the holy Apostolic Sea, which only, as Mistress of the faithful, may make Decrees in point of Religion. And being assured that this was his Majesty's purpose, he told him it would be necessary to make an express declaration thereof, and not to give the raines so much to the Lutherans, especially in the power of changing ceremonies, considering that, in the last point, he seemed to give them too much liberty, where he granteth, that the Ceremonies, which may give cause of Superstition; should be taken away. He added, that the Lutherans would hold it lawful to retain the Ecclesiastical goods, and jurisdiction usurped, if they were not commanded to make restitution: wherein a Council was not to be expected, but execution presently made, and that, the spoils being notoriously known, he need not observe the nice points of Law, but proceed summarily, and with his Princely power. This censure was imparted by Caesar to the Ecclesiastical Electors, who The Ecclesiastical Electors approve the Pope's censure of the Interim, especially concerning restitution of goods usurped by the Protestants. did approve it; but, particularly, for the point of restitution of Ecclesiastical goods, they affirmed it was necessary, without which the worship of God could not be restored, nor Religion preserved, nor peace well assured. And that because the spoil was manifest, justice did require a short proceeding. All the Bishops were of the same opinion. The Secular Princes were silent for fear of offending the Emperor; and, by their example, the Ambassadors of the Cities spoke but little, and of that little, little account Wherefore the Emperor maketh a proheme to the Interim. was made. In regard of the Legates remonstrance, the Emperor caused a Proheme to be made to the book, to this purpose. That, aiming at the peace of Germany, he found it was impossible to make it, until the differences of Religion were composed, from whence all the dissensions and heart-burnings have risen; and perceiving that a general Council in Germany, was the only remedy herein, he had caused it to begin in Trent, and persuaded all the States of the Empire to adhere, and submit unto it: but thinking not to leave things in suspense, and confusion, until the Council be celebrated, a form was presented to him by some great, and zealous persons, which, some learned having examined, by his appointment they have found it not abhorring from the Catholic Religion, it being understood in a good sense, except two Articles, the Communion of the Cup, and marriage of Priests. Therefore he requireth the States, who until then have observed the Laws of the universal Church, to persevere in them, and, as they have promised, not to change any thing; and those that have innovated, either to return to antiquity, or to conform themselves to that confession, if, in any thing, they have exceeded it, and to be contented with it, not teaching, writing, or printing to the contrary, but expecting only the declaration of the Council. And because, in the last point, leave is given to take away superstitious Ceremonies, he reserveth the declaration thereof to himself, and of all other difficulties that should arise. The fifteenth of With which the Protestant's are distasted, though they accept it for fear. May the Book was read in the public assembly. The voices were not taken according to the use; but only the Elector did rise, and thanked the Emperor in the name of them all; who took the thankes for a general approbation and assent. No man spoke then a word: but the Princes, who did long since follow the confession of Ausburg, when they whereby themselves, did say they could not accept it: and some of the Cities spoke words which signified the same, though not openly, for fear of the Emperor. The book was printed in Latin and Dutch, by order from Caesar, and afterwards translated, and printed in Italian and French. Besides this, the Emperor published, the fourteenth of june, a reformation The Emperor publisheth a reformation of the Clegie containing 23 heads. of the Clergy, which had been maturely digested and collected by learned and religious men. It contained 23. points. Of ordination and election of Ministers. Of the office of the Ecclesiastical Orders. Of the office of Deans and Canons. Of canonical hours. Of Monasteries. Of Schools and Universities. Of Hospitals. Of the office of a Preacher. Of the administration of the Sacraments. Of the administration of Baptism. Of the administration of Confirmation. Of Ceremonies. Of the Mass. Of the administration of Penance. Of the administration of Extreme Unction. Of the administration of Matrimony. Of Ecclesiastical Ceremonies. Of the discipline of the Clergy and people. Of plurality of Benefices. Of the discipline of the people. Of Visitations. Of Counsels. Of Excommunication. In these points were contained about an hundred and thirty precepts, so just, and full of equity, that if one should say, never any reformation before was made more exact, and less partial, without cavils and traps to ensnare the unadvised, he could not easily be reproved, and if it had been made by the Prelates only, it would not have displeased at Rome, except in two points, where it giveth authority to the Council of Basil, and in some other places, where it meddleth with dispensations, and exemptions, and other things reserved to the Pope. But being made by the Emperor's authority, it seemed more unsupportable than the Interim. For it is a fundamental Which being made by secular authority, is judged in Rome more unsupportable than the Interim. maxim of the Court of Rome, that the Seculars, of what degree or honesty soever, cannot give a Law to the Clergy, though to a good end. But, because they could not choose, they supported the tyranny (for so they said) which they were not then able to resist. A little after the Emperor gave order, that the Diocesan Synods should The Emperor giveth order for Diocesan Synods. be held at Saint Martin's day, and the Provincial before Lent. And because the prelate's desired that the Pope should consent, at the least to those points, which seemed not to diminish hisauthority, the Emperor offered them, by his hand-writing, dated the eighteenth of july, to use all diligence to persuade his Holiness not to be wanting in his duty. This reformation was printed in many Catholic places of Germany, and also in Milan, the same year, by Innocentius Ciconiaria. The Diet of Ausburg ended the last Concludeth the Diet. of june, and the Recess was published; in which the Emperor promised that the Council should be continued in Trent, and that he would take order And promiseth the resumption of the Council in Trent. that it should be reassumed quickly; in which case he commanded all the ecclesiastics to be present, and those of the Augustan confession to go thither with his safe conduct, where all should be handled according to the word of God, and doctrine of the Fathers, and themselves should be heard. The Cardinal of 〈◊〉 and other Prelates, jealous 〈…〉 beginnings of confessions and reformations, made and 〈…〉, the Pope's authority, would be 〈◊〉 out of Germany, 〈…〉 Emp 〈…〉 〈◊〉 ●he Po 〈…〉 to 〈…〉, 〈…〉 the Decrees; 〈…〉 it would be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to fa●ili 〈…〉 who still 〈…〉 Pope, will 〈…〉 willingly▪ when they see ●i▪ au 〈…〉 ti● 〈…〉 The 〈◊〉 ●eeing 〈◊〉 swaded that, when the stirs of religion 〈◊〉 〈◊〉▪ Germany 〈…〉 〈…〉 ●is obedience▪ did 〈…〉, thinking th● 〈…〉 should be 〈◊〉 plea●ed high 〈…〉 He 〈…〉 ●ee 〈◊〉 to the Pope▪ of what's 〈…〉 was done foe 〈…〉 invited 〈…〉 ●●nd 〈…〉 the Bishop The Pope sendeth the Bishop of Fan● for his Nuncio into Germany. of to 〈…〉 will 〈…〉; 〈…〉 propose the restitution of Pia 〈…〉, and to 〈…〉 Spaniards froth● Trent. But having received the first answer from 〈…〉, and cons 〈…〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cardinals, he soon resolved that it was not 〈◊〉 for him to send a Minister, to execute the Emperor's 〈◊〉▪ Yet, for the reason, which moved the Cardinal of Ausburg, he took a middle way, to send Nuncij, nor for that and, which the Emperor deseigned; but to grant absolutions and graces, thinking it would, do miracles, for maintenance of his authority, without prejudice of consenting that another should assume the power, which he pretendeth to belong only to himself. Therefore after 〈◊〉▪ he sent the Bishops of Verona; and Ferentino, for his And afterwards two Bishops more to whom he giveth ample Faculties by his Bull. Nuncij into Germany▪ to whom, by advice of the Cardinals, he directed a Bull, dated the last of August, giving them commission, to declare to all that will return to the Catholic truth, that he is ready to embrace them, and will not be hard in pardoning them, so that they will not give, but receive laws referring to the conscience of his Nuncij, to remit something of the old discipline, if they think it may be done without public scandal, giving them Faculty to absolve fully in both 〈…〉 persons, though Kings and Princes, Ecclesiastical, and Regular, Colleges, and Communities, from all excommunications 〈…〉, and even from temporal punishments incurred for 〈…〉, though they be relapsed it and to dispense 〈…〉, for 〈◊〉, and 〈…〉, absolving the● 〈…〉, and homag●● made▪ 〈…〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈…〉 s 〈…〉▪ and to absolve 〈◊〉 the Re 〈…〉 from▪ 〈…〉 giving 〈◊〉 to 〈…〉 by 〈…〉, 〈…〉 fasting days; by the counsel 〈◊〉 the corporal Physician; or spiritual only, or without any, if it 〈…〉 and to moderate the number of feasts, and for those 〈…〉 the communion of the Chalica, if they will humbly de 〈…〉 is, 〈…〉 that the Church doth not err in denying it to the Laity, to grant it unto them for life, or for so long as they shall think fit, so that it be done neither in the same time nor place with that which is done by decree of the Church. He granted them power also, to unite Ecclesiastical Benefices to Studies, Schools, or Hospitals; and to absolve the usurpers of Ecclesiastical movable goods, after the restitution of the immooveables, compounding also for the fruits usurped and movables consumed, with authority to communicate these Faculties, to other persons of note. This Bull passed in all places, being printed upon the occasion which Which is censured in Germany. shall be related, and afforded matter of discourse. First for the proheme; where the Pope said, that, in the troubles of the Church, he was comforted by the remedy left by CHRIST, that the Corn of the Church winnowed by Satan, should be preserved by the faith of Peter, especially after he had applied the remedy of the general Council, as if the Church had no foundation but upon him, and sixty persons of Trent. Then they thought it a great presumption to restore Kings and Princes to honours, fame, and dignity. There was also observed a contradiction, to absolve from unlawful oaths, which need no absolution, and from true oaths no man can absolve. And it was thought another contradiction, to grant the Chalice only to him, who believeth the Church doth not err, in forbidding it to the Laiety. For how is it possible to believe so, and to desire not to be comprehended in the prohibition? But they could not forbear laughing, when they read the condition, to absolve the Friars who forsook their cloisters, to wear the habit covered, as if the kingdom of GOD did consist in a colour, or vestment, which being not worn in show, yet it was necessary to have it in secret. But though the Nuncij were soon deputed, yet their dispatch was deferred until the next year, because the Emperor was not pleased with the manner of it, in which no mention was made to assist, or authorise the provisions Why the dispatch of the two Nuncij was deferred. made by him; neither would the Pope ever be persuaded that any minister of his should be present. The Emperor being parted from Ausburg, used all diligence, that the The Emperor's Interim doth please neither the Protestants nor the Catholics. Interim might be received, by the Protestant Cities; but found resistance and difficulty every where, because they did detest it more than the Catholics. They said it was a total establishment of the Papacy. Above all, they found fault with the doctrine of justification, and that the communion of the Cup, and marriage of Priests was questioned. john Frederick Duke of Saxony, though prisoner, said freely, that GOD and his conscience, unto which he was bound above all, did not permit him to receive it. Where it was admitted, diverse accidents, varieties, and confusions did succeed, so that it was brought into some places diversely, with so many limitations, and conditions, that one may say, it was rather rejected by all, then accepted by any. Neither did the Catholics care to help forward the business, because they did not approve it themselves. That which did hinder the emperor most, was the modest liberty of a little weak City, which desired him, that, being Lord of their goods and life, he would suffer that their conscience might belong to GOD: that if the doctrine proposed to them, were received by himself, they should have a great example to follow. But if his Majesty would compel them to accept of, and believe that which himself thought not true, they knew not how it could be done. In September the Emperor went into low Germany, where he found greater difficulties. For the Cities of Saxony used many excuses, and 〈◊〉 did oppose with a kind of scorn. Wherefore it was 〈◊〉 by the Emperor, and sustained a long war, that maintained the fire alive in Germanic, which burned his Trophies; as in its place shall be said. By reason of this confusion, and to give order that the flemings should swear 〈◊〉 to his son, the Emperor, quitting Germany, went into Flanders; and though he severely forbade, that the doctrine And 〈…〉 〈◊〉 against by both. of the Interim should be impugned by any, or written, taught, or preached against, yet many Protestants did write against it. And the Pope, thinking it fit for his affairs to do it, gave order to 〈…〉, General of the Dominicans, that assembling the most learned men of his order, by their opinion and paints, he should make a strong, and sound confutation. Many in France wrote against it also: and in a short time there was, as it were a whole quodron of Writers against it, Catholics, and Protestants, especially of the Hanse-townes. And that did follow which doth ordinarily happen to him that will reconcile contrary opinions, that he maketh them both agree to impugn his, and every one more obstinate in defending his own. There was also some cause of division among the Protestants. For those A division among the Protestants. who had in part yielded to Caesar against their wills, and restored the old ceremonies, excused themselves, and said, that the things done by them were indifferent, and by consequence, that did not concern their salvation to reprove or receive them, and that it was lawful, yea, necessary, to tolerate some servitude, when no impiety was joined with it; and therefore that, in these, the Emperor was to be obeyed. Others, whom necessity had not compelled, said it was true that indifferent things concern not salvation yet, by means of them, pernicious things are brought in; and, going on, they framed a general conclusion, that Ceremonies and Rites, though by nature indifferent; do become then bad, when he that useth them hath an opinion Which was never well reconciled. that they are good, 〈…〉 And hence arose two Sects, and afterwards more differences amongst them which were 〈◊〉 well reconciled. And in England there were no less 〈◊〉 for Religion. For Edward Earl of Harford, 〈◊〉, by the 〈◊〉▪ of 〈◊〉 〈…〉 King, having Troubles in England about religion. gained authority 〈…〉 gether with Thomas 〈◊〉, Archbishop of Canterbury, did 〈◊〉 the Protestants, and brought in some of their own Doctors▪ and having laid some foundation of doctrine, especially amongst the Nobility, they assembled the States of the Kingdom, which they call a Parliament, and by public decree of the King, and of that, banished the Mass: For which a 〈…〉 popular sedition being made by those who required the restitution of the Edicts of Henrys 〈…〉 of the old Religion 〈…〉 and 〈…〉 arise in the Kingdom. Saint Martin's day being come, 〈…〉 were great, the 〈◊〉 Council were held in many Cities▪ and the 〈…〉 reformation of the Emperor was received, changing th' 〈…〉 only, as it 〈◊〉 m to agree best to the manner of decreeing in every 〈◊〉, yet without provision made for the execution; and all 〈…〉 for 1549 1549 The Diocesan Counsels are held, and the Emperor's reformation is received. The 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Council of Collen. only the 〈…〉 〈…〉 of 〈…〉 The The Decrees where of the the Low Countries, as being subject to that Sea. 〈…〉 of should 〈…〉 charging the Magis 〈◊〉 to 〈…〉. 〈…〉 same style, who, the third The Provincial Council of Mentz. w●●ke 〈…〉 of▪ his Pr 〈…〉, made 48. Decrees in doctrine of 〈…〉 In the points decided by 〈…〉 doctrine; in others, the more 〈…〉 points are remarkable, where In 〈…〉 point● 〈…〉 〈…〉 to be 〈◊〉, or have D 〈…〉 me 〈◊〉 〈…〉 be do show how much the opinions of 〈…〉 〈…〉 the 〈…〉 after which 〈…〉 may 〈…〉 that Religion cannot be handled in a Nationall Council. And though one may ground himself more upon diverse Provincial Counsels of Africa, Egypt, of Syria, and other parts of the East, yet this, being modern, though not of such consequence, will perhaps more provoke the Reader to mark it. The Elector of Triers did celebrate also his Synod: and other metropolitans, not departing from the Communion of the Pope, did all publish the Imperial Edicts of Ausburg, as well for the Interim of Religion, as for the Other provincial Council are held. Ecclesiastical reformation. The Nuncij, destinated by the Pope the year before, and deferred, for the The Nuncij go into Germany, and are despised in all places. causes aforesaid, began their journey for Germany; who, in every place where they passed, were despised, even by the Catholics themselves: so odious was the Pope's name, and the very habit of his Ministers, in regard of his differences with the Emperor, and of the courses he took. And finally, in the end of May, they went to Caesar into the Low Countries, where, after long discussion how to execute the Pope's commandments, there being difficulty in every proposition for one part or other, in fine the Emperor resolved, that, having faculty from the Pope to substitute, they should substitute the Bishops, every one in his own Diocese, referring all to their consciences. This match was not readily made by the Nuncij; yet condescending at the last, a substitution was printed, in the name of the three Nuncij, leaving a place for the name of the Prelate, unto whom it was to be directed; and inserting first the tenor of the Pope's Bull, and, alleging for cause of the substitution, their not being able to be in every place, they did communicate their authority, with advice not to grant the Communion of the Cup, and use of eating flesh, but with great maturity and evident profit, prohibiting that aught should be paid for those Graces. Caesar undertook to send them to whom, and where it was fit, and to what place soever he addressed them, he gave them to understand, that the proceeding should be with gentleness, and dexterity. There was very little use of these faculties; for those Their Faculties did but little good. that continued in the Pope's obedience, had no need of them, and those who were aliened, did not only not care for them, but refused them also. A few days after, Ferentino departed, Fano, and Verona remained with Caesar, until the Archbishop of Siponto was sent by julius the third, as shall be said in its place. At the same time the French King, making his first entry into Paris, the The French King maketh his first entry into Paris, & publisheth an Edict in favour of the Roman religion. fourth of july, caused a solemn procession to be made, and published an Edict, rendering a reason thereof, that he did it to signify unto all, that he received the protection of the Catholic religion, and of the Apostolic Sea, and the care of the Ecclesiastical order: and that he abhorred the novity of religion, and testified to all his will to persevere in the doctrine of the Church of Rome, and to banish the new heretics out of all his dominions; and he caused this Edict to be printed in French, and sent it into all parts of his kingdom. He gave leave also to his Prelates to make a provincial assembly to reform the Churches; which being known at Rome was thought to be a bad example, and might be a beginning to make the French Church independent And useth much severity against the Lutherans. of the Church of Rome. He caused also many Lutherans to be put to death in Paris, himself being present at the spectacle: and in the beginning of the next year he renewed the Edict against them, laying grievous punishments upon the judges, who were not diligent in detecting and punishing them. But the Council in Bolonia having slept two years, the seventh of November, the Pope, seeing a letter of Duke Octavius, his nephew, that he would make an agreement with Ferrandus Gonzaga, to enter into Parma, which City the Pope caused to be held in the name of the Apostolic Sea, he was so assaulted with perturbation of mind and anger, that he swooned, The Pope dieth with passion. and, after some few hours, coming to himself, he fell into a Fever, whereof he died within three days. This made Monte part from Bolonia, The election of the new Pope. to be at the Election of the new Pope, and all the other Prelates to retire to their houses. The custom is, that the Cardinals do solemnize the Obsequies of the defunct Pope nine days, and enter into the Conclave the tenth. Then, by reason of the absence of many, they entered not until the 28. of the month. The Cardinal Pacceco left not Trent until the Emperor, understanding of the Pope's death, gave him order to go to Rome, where he arrived many days after the Conclave was shut up. The Cardinals being assembled to create the Pope, and making capitulations, according to the custom, which every one sweareth to observe, in case he shall be elected, the first was to prosecute the Council, Every one thought the new Pope would have been elected before Christmas. For the holy gate, for the jubilee of the next year 1550. being to be opened on the Eve of the Feast, at which the Pope's presence was necessary, and there being that year a great concourse of people to that devotion, every one believed that this would move the Cardinals to proceed quickly to the election. These were divided into three factions; Imperialists, French, and dependants on the dead Pope, and by consequence, on his nephews. The Imperialists would have created Cardinal Card Poole was named to be Pope. Poole; and the French, Salviati: But neither of these parties was able to make the election of itself, nor to agree, in regard of the contrary ends of their Princes. The Dependants of the Farnesis were able to conclude the election, to which part soever they adhered: and they were contented to choose Cardinal Poole, for the goodness of his disposition, and his continual observance of the Pope and the Cardinal Farnese. But Cardinal Theatino opposing him, and saying he was blemished with Lutheranisme, made But not elected for suspicion of Lutheranisme. many retire. Farnese did not adhere to Salviati, & was resolved not to consent, but upon some creature of his uncle. The interests of the factious were so great, that the respect of the holy year, and the expectation of so much people, who were assembled all that day until night, could not prevalle. At the last, the party of Farnese, assisted by the Frenchmen, did overcome Card Monte is created Pope. and john Maria di Monte, Legate of the Council in Trent and Bolonia, was created, upon whom Farnese did concur, thinking him a faithful servant to him; and his grandfather, and the Frenchmen thinking he would favour their King, and cross the Emperor, in regard of the Translation of the Council to Bolonia. Neither were the Imperialists against him, because Cosmo, Duke of Florence, made them believe that he favoured the French no more than his thankfulness to the Pope had constrained him, whose interests he thought he was bound to maintain; so that this cause being removed, he would carry himself uprightly. Many did love in him his 1550 IVLIV● 3. CHARLES 5.— EDWARD 6. HENRY 2. natural liberty, free from hypocrisy and dissimulation, and open to all. Immediately after the election, in conformity to that which was capitulated, he did swear to prosecute the Council. He was elected the eight of February, and crowned the 23. and the 25. he opened the holy gate. The Emperor, perceiving that the affairs of religion in Germany, did not go as he would have them, hoping to remove the difficulty by his presence, 1550 did intimate a Diet for that year in Ausburg, and sent Lewis d Aulla The Emperor sendeth an Ambassador to the Pope to congratulate, and to desire a restitution of the Council. to congratulate with the Pope for his assumption, and to desire him to set the Council on foot again. The Pope answering with as much courtesy, made great offers of his good will. For the Council, his answer was in general terms only, being not as yet resolved in himself: and spoke hereof with the same irresolution to the Cardinal of Guise, who was to return into France, but affirmed that he would not do it, before he had communicated every thing to the French King. And to Cardinal Pacceco, and other Imperialists, who often spoke thereof with him, he said, he would easily accord with the Emperor in this particular, so that the proceeding were sincere, to confound heretics, to favour the Emperor's designs, and not to disfavour the Apostolic Sea: whereof he had many considerations, which, in fit time, he would make known to his Majesty. He presently gave a taste what his government would be, spending whole days in gardens, plotting out delicious buildings, and showing himself more inclined to pleasure then business; especially when any difficulty was annexed. The Emperor's Ambassador, Don Diego, having curiously observed these things, The new Pope is more Inclined to pleasure then business. wrote to the Emperor, that all the negotiations of his Majesty with the Pope, would easily succeed; for that, being carried away with delights, one might make him do what he would, by making him afraid. And the opinion was more confirmed, that he would be more addicted to his private affection, then to the public good, by the promotion of a Cardinal, which he made the last of May, to whom he gave the Cap, according to the custom. john Maria di Monte, when he was Bishop of Siponto, being governor of He createth a strange Cardinal. Bolonia, received into his house a boy of Piacenza, of unknown parents, and loved him as if he had been his own son. It is recorded, that, being sick in Trent, of a great and long sickness, whereof the Physicians thought he would die, he sent him, by their counsel, to Verona, to change the Air; where having recovered his health, and returning to Trent, the day of his arrival, the Legate went out of the City for recreation, accompanied with many Prelates, and met him near the gate, showing many signs of joy. This gave matter of discourse, whether it were by chance, or whether the Cardinal, going forth under another colour, had a secret purpose to mere him. He was wont to say, that he loved and favoured him, as author of his own fortune, because the Astrologers had foretold, he should have great dignity and riches, which he could not have, if he did not ascend▪ to the Papacy. So soon as he was created Pope, his will was, that Innocen 〈…〉 s (for so the young man was called) should be adopted the son of Bold win di Monte, his brother, by which adoption, he was called Innocenti 〈…〉 di Monte. Having given him many benefices, on the day aforesaid, he created him Cardinal, giving subject of discourse, and Pasquins, to the Courtiers, who did strive to show the true cause of such an unusual action, by conjectures of diverse accidents past. Charles, before he parted out of the Low Countries, established the Inquisition there: whereat the Dutch and English Merchants, of whom there were many in those parts, being much moved, had recourse to Queen The Emperor establisheth the Inquisition in the low Countries. Mary, and the Magistrates, desiring a mitigation of the Edict, or, otherwise, protesting they would departed. Those who were to execute the Edict, and institute the Inquisition, found difficulty every where; so that the Queen was enforced to go to Caesar, who was in Ausburg, to celebrate the Diet, to persuade him that the populous Country might not be made desolate, and some notable sedition arise. Caesar yielded very hardly; yet, in the end, he was content to take away the name of Inquisition, and to revoke whatsoever And revoketh it as faare as concerneth strangers. in the Edict did concern strangers, all standing firm which belonged to the Naturals of the place. The Emperor dealt with the Pope by his letters and Ambassador, to reassume the Council of Trent, desiring a precise answer, The Emperor requireth from the Pope a precise answer concerning the Council. not such as he gave to D' Auila, nor with such ambiguity as he used to treat with Cardinal Pacceco, but that he would let him know the Capitulations which he required, that he might resolve whether that medicine would cure the maladies of Germany, or should think of other remedies, it being impossible to continue longer in that State. The Pope, considering with his inward friends, that this was the most important deliberation which could happen in all his Papacy, did balance And the Pope doth seriously deliberate what answer to make. the reasons which might persuade or dissuade it. First he considered, that, remitting the Council to Trent, he condemned the Translation to Bolonia, which was principally his deed, and so should plainly confess he had done amiss, either willingly, or at the instance of another. And if there had been nothing but the Translation, it had not been a matter of so great weight. But having made himself a party to defend it, and so earnestly, he could not excuse himself of malice, if he did so easily retract it. And, which imported most, he should put himself into all those dangers, from which Paul, a most wise Prince, thought fit to secure himself, & persevered in that opinion until his death: and that it was a manifest error to reenter into them. And though many were not ill affected to him, being a new Pope, yet it is certain that the mayor part do not pretend to be grieved at the Pope, but at the Popedom: and, for this particular, no man can be sure, that something may not happen in the progress, which may raise him greater hatred, though without his fault. Besides, all men are not moved with hatred, but those that hurt most, desire to advantage themselves by depressing others, Therefore it may be concluded that the same reasons, which moved Paul, would constrain julius also to the same resolution. He considered the great troubles that Paul sustained 26. months, for this cause, and the indignities which he did necessarily suffer, and the diminution of the Papal authority, not only in Germany, but in Italy also. And if this did derogate from Paul, confirmed so many years in the Papacy, and esteemed by all, it would do it from him much more, being a new Pope, not having as yet made intelligences, and adherences, necessary for the enterprise of contesting, and if a protestation should he laid on his back, or a Decree, as the Interim, his authority would be scorned by all. He was not to reckon of the pains in translating the Council, and his constancy in defending it, because with the change of fortune, whatsoever dependeth on it is changed, and the actions of john Maria di Monte, do not appertain to Pope julius, and those things which gave reputation unto that man, do not give it unto this. Then it was fit to do as he did, to show himself a faithful servant of his Lord; but now, being Lord himself, the respect of constancy in serving well doth quite cease, and another doth succeed, which requireth wisdom, in applying himself to the times. He considered how popular the Emperor's request was, in regard the reducing of Germany was in question, and how scandalous it would be not to hearken unto it. The causes which moved to make the Council were plain and manifest to all; those which dissuaded were secret, & known to few. Finally the Oath made, and iterated, aught to be regarded, which though it did bind to prosecute the Council, without prescribing the place, yet it was certain, that, without the Emperor's consent, being king of Spain, and Naples, Prince of the low Countries, and having other adherences in Italy, it was impossible to make a general Council; so that, to refuse to bring it back to Trent, and not to prosecute it, was all one. He inclined to this part most, as most agreeable to his disposition, desirous rather to fly present incommodities, then avoid future dangers. For choosing to celebrate the Council, he was delivered from the trouble which the Emperor would give him; and for the dangers which it brought, he began to esteem them less. He thought the Emperor's fortune was not then the same as it was two years before. For at that time the expectation of the victory, which he after obtained, gave him reputation; which now seemeth rather to be burdensome to him, than any ease. He holdeth two Prince's prisoners, as wolves by the ears. The Cities of Germany do openly inchne to rebellion. The Eccleisastics have a satiety of that domination. There are also domestical crosses, in regard of his son, brother, and nephew, who aspire to the Empire; a business, which perhaps may give him trouble, beyond his forces. In fine, he concluded, according to his disposition, Let us get out of the present difficulty, with hope that our good fortune will not abandon us. And concealing his resolution, he deputed a Congregation of Cardinals, He concealeth his resolution until it be confirmed by a congregation of Cardinals and Prelates. and other Prelates, for the most part Imperialists, that they might fall upon the resolution which he had taken, mingling some few of his trusty friends amongst them, to govern the business according to his purpose. To these he proposed the Emperor's request; giving order that without all respect, every one should speak what he thought convenient for the service of GOD, and the Apostolic Sea. And in case they thought fit to condescend, they should think how to do it with honour, security, and fruit. The Congregation, having often consulted, related to the Pope, that they were of opinion the Council should be prosecuted, because such an Oath was taken in the Conclave, and by his Holiness, after his assumption, and to take away scandal from the world, which without doubt would be very great, incase i● were not done. And it might be prosecuted two ways; one by continuing it in Bolonid, another by remitting it to Trent. It could not be continued in Bolonia, because Paul had called to him the cause of the Translation, and inhibited to proceed any further. If his Holiness did not first give sentence that the Translation was good, it was not lawful to go on in that City: and if he did, he would give a lawful pretence to be suspected, it being known that the Translation was made by him, as being the prime Legate, and Precedent. Therefore only the other way remained, to remit it to Trent, and all occasion was so taken away from Germany to spurn against it, and the Emperor was satisfied, which was a very essential point. This advice, being brought to the Pope, was approved by him: and so they passed to that which remained. And first it was concluded, that the consent and assistance of the French The difficulties 〈…〉 ting the council to Trent are debated. King was necessary, and the presence of the Prelates of his Kingdom, otherwise the reputation of the Council would be very weak, and they should be in danger to lose France, only to endeavour to regain Germany, which is lost: which were, according to the fable, to let the body fall, to get the shadow. It seemed hard to persuade that King, and to take from him all suspicion, if the Council were celebrated in a place subject unto the Emperor, and near unto his army. But examining what those suspicions might be, they could find none, but that the Council might determine something, in prejudice of the government of that Kingdom, or against the privileges of that Crown, or against the liberty of the French Church: in which, if he were secure, it could not be doubted but that, for the hereditary obligation to protect and favour the Apostolic Sea, he would assist, and send his Prelates. The second difficulty was, that the Italian Prelates, being poor, could not bear the charge of that place, and the Apostolic Chamber, being exhausted, could ill supply as much as was needful, besides the charge of maintaining the Legates, and Officers of the Council, and other extraordinaries. Whereof thinking often, they could find no way to hold the Council without expense, and that it was necessary to drink of this Cup: but superfluities might well be cut off, by dispatching the Council quickly, and not tarrying there longer than was necessary. The third difficulty was, that the Protestants would call into question the things determined; wherein all the Congregation resolved readily, that they should make their meaning plain, that they ought to be esteemed as infallible, and not suffer them to be disputed on: and to declare this before the Council, not deferring to make themselves understood until then. The fourth and most important difficulty of all, was the authority of the Of which the greatest is the danger of the Pope's authority. Apostolic Sea, as well in the Council, as out of it, and over it; which not the Protestants only do impugn, but many Princes also would restrain, and many Bishops did think to moderate. This was the chief cause why the former Popes would not be persuaded to call a Council; and Paul who was brought to it, did perceive it in the end, and provided against it, by the Translation. This danger was seen by all; but none could set down a way to escape it, but by saying, that God who had founded the Roman Church, and placed it above others, would dissipate all counsel taken against it. This, some believing for simplicity, some for their interest, some because they knew not what else to say, seemed not sufficient. But Cardinal Crescentius, grounding himself much upon this confidence, said, that there was no humane action in which there was not some danger; that the war did show as much, which is the chiefest, which is never enterprised, though with never so much assurance of victory, but there is danger of loss and total destruction; neither is there any business The fear whereof Cardinal Crescentius removeth undertaken, with so much certainty of a good issue, which may not suddenly fall into great inconveniences, for unknown, or lightly esteemed, causes. But he that is forced, for avoiding other evils, to yield to some resolution, must not care for it. Things are in such a state, that, if the Council be not held, there is more danger that the world, and the Princes, being scandalised, will alien themselves from the Pope, and do more de facto, then, in the Council, by disputations and Decrees. Danger is to be incurred either way, and it is best to take the most honourable, and least dangerous part. But many provisions may be made to divert it; as to keep the Fathers of the Council busied, as much as may be, in other matters, and so to hold them in exercise, that they may not have time to think of this; to keep many in amity, especially the Italians, with persuasions and hopes, and by other means used heretofore, to hold the Princes counterpoised, nourishing some differences of interests between them, that they may not jointly undertake such an enterprise; and, if one do it alone, the others will oppose it: and a wise man will find other remedies in the very fact, by which he will be able to carry matters along, and make them vanish. This opinion was approved, and a resolution taken, that no demonstration of fear should be made, but only that it should be intimated to the Emperor, that this is foreseen, but that no man careth for it, because there is a remedy prepared. This consultation being maturely made, and a resolution taken to restore The Pope sendeth Nuncij to the Emperor, and French King, to give an account of his resolution. the Council in Trent, the Pope gave an account thereof to the Cardinal of Ferrara, and the French Ambassador, and dispatched an express currier to the French King, to signify his purpose unto him, saying he would send a Nuncio unto him, to relate more particularly the reasons which moved him. And, in the end of june, he dispatched two Nuncij at once, Sebastianus Pighinus, Archbishop of Siponto, to the Emperor, and Triulcius, Bishop of Tolone, to the French King. To the first he gave instructions, to speak in conformity of the resolutions taken in the Congregation. He gave order to Triulcius to go by post, that he might The instructions of the French Nuncio. advice what the King's mind was, which he desired to know before he proceeded any further. He gave him instruction to give a particular account of the causes why he resolved to bring back the Council to Trent, because Germany did submit to it; because the Emperor did desire it; because it could not continue in Bolonia, for the cause before related; and that the Protestant affairs might not be accommodated in some prejudicial manner, laying the blame on the Pope, But that his first and principal ground was the assistance of his most Christian Majesty, and the presence of the Prelates of his Kingdom: which he hoped to obtain, because his Majesty was protector of the faith, and an imitator of his ancestors, who never departed from the opinion and counsels of Popes. That in the Council they would apply themselves to the declaration and purifying of the points of doctrine, and reformation of manners: neither should any thing concerning the States, Dominions, and particular privileges of the Crown of France be handled. That to the Emperor's request, to understand, whether the Pope would prosecute the Council in Trent, or not, the Pope had answered he would, with the conditions discussed in the Congregation, all which he gave order to his Nuncio to communicate to the King; whose mind he desired to know, as soon as might be, hoping to find it conformable to the piety of his Majesty, to the love which he beareth to him the Pope, and to the confidence which he hath in him. He also charged the Nuncio to communicate all his instructions to the Cardinal of Guise, and, with him, or otherwise, as he thought best, to declare it to the King, and to whom else he thought fit. He gave the like instruction to the other Nuncio, in particular, to tell ●he instru 〈…〉 ns of the 〈◊〉 who was sent to the Emperor. the Emperor, that the Pope did really show the observation of whatsoever he had promised to Don Pedro di Toledo; that is, to proceed with his Majesty simply, plainly, and without artifice, and to represent unto him his willing mind to prosecute the Council, for the glory of God, discharge of his own conscience, and for the good which thereby might redound to his Majesty and the Empire. And, to answer the Emperor's motion, to make known the capitulations which he required, he should tell him, that he never dreamt to make any bargains or capitulations, for prosecuting the Council, but only some necessary considerations, which he charged his Nuncio to expound to his Majesty. And they were four. The first, that the assistance of the most Christian King, and the intervention of the Prelates of his Kingdom, was necessary, without which the Council would have but small reputation, and it might be feared that a Nationall Council would arise, or France be lost. That they ought ●oure considerations proposed by the Pope to the Emperor. not to deceive themselves. For as Trent was a secure place for his Imperial Majesty, so it was too unsecure for the most Christian King: and therefore that it was fit to find a way to secure him. That he should communicate to the Emperor the way which he had found out, which if it were not sufficient, it would be necessary that his Majesty should add some thing else. The second consideration was, the expenses which the Apostolic Chamber, exhausted, and charged with debts, was to make, for the Legates, and other extraordinaries, which the Council bringeth with it, and like wise for the expenses which the poor Italian Prelates cannot bear in that place. Therefore that it will be fit to calculate the time well, aswell for the proceeding, as the beginning, that an hour may not be spent in vain, otherwise the Apostolic Sea will not be able to bear the charge, nor to keep the Italian Prelates from being impatient, as former experience hath taught. Besides, it is not honourable for the Apostolic Sea to keep the Legates idle, and at anchor, without doing any good. That it was necessary, that, before they come to the act, his Majesty should be secure of the intention and obedience, as well of the Catholics in Germany, as of the Protestants, establishing things again in the Diet, causing authentical mandates of the Countries and Princes to be dispatched, his Majesty and the whole Diet together, binding themselves to execute the Decrees of the Council, that the pains and cost prove not vain and ridiculous, and hereby to take all hope from whomsoever did think to disturb the Synod. That, in the third place, his Majesty should consider, that it was necessary to declare, that the Decrees already made in Trent, in matter of faith, and those of other former Counsels, may not, by any means, be questioned, nor that the Protestants may demand to be heard concerning them. Lastly, that he should tell the Emperor, that the Pope did believe, that his Majesty's good will towards him, was reciprocal, and that, as he did readily condescend to favour the affairs of his Majesty, and of the Empire, by holding the Council in a place so fit for his purpose, so he desireth that his sincerity and reality, may not bring a burden upon him. That he hopeth, if any one shall attempt aught against it, by cavillations or calumnies, that his Majesty will not marvel, if he use the remedies which shall occur, for defence of the authority given immediately by God to him, and the Apostolic Sea, as well in Council as out. The Pope thought it profitable for his affairs, that his resolution should be fully known in Italy and Germany; and bade julius Cananus his Secretary, making show to favour some Courtiers, his friends, to communicate the foresaid instructions unto them, with obligation of secrecy: by which means they were spread every where. The Pope had a speedy answer from his new Nuncio in France. For that King, understanding the causes, why the The French King maketh large offers to the Pope. Pope could have but little confidence in the Emperor, in regard of some things past, thinking he was much inclined to France, made great demonstration to be well pleased with the Nuncio, and his message, offered to the Pope whatsoever he was able to do for him, promised to assist the Council, and to send the Prelates of his Kingdom, and all favour and protection, for maintenance of the Papal authority. The Emperor, hearing the proposition of the Archbishop of Siponto, The Emperor's answers to the Pope. and consulting maturely of it, did commend the ingenuity and wisdom of the Pope, that, knowing the publiquenecessity, of holding the Council in Trent, had found a convenient way to remit it, without further proceeding in the cause of the Translation; a thing distasteful, of much difficulty, and of no profit. He added, that the four considerations were all important, and reasonably proposed by his Holiness. That, for France, he did not only commend what he had consulted, but offered to join with him, to give all possible security to that King. That it was reasonable to cut off superfluous charges, and not to suffer the Council to be open, and idle. That a Decree was made in Ausburg, a year since, that all Germany, even the Protestants also, should submit themselves, a copy whereof he would give to the Nuncio, and cause it to be confirmed in the present Diet. That he thought it not a fit time now to treat, that the things already decided in Trent, should not be questioned, because it would be done more opportunely in that City, when the Council was assembled. And for the authority of his Holiness and the Apostolic Sea, as he hath formerly been a protector of it, so he will be hereafter, defending it with all his forces, and even with his own life, if there were occasion. That he could not promise his Holiness that no unquiet spirit should speak or treat in the Council, but he gave his word, that, in case it did happen, he would so oppose, that he should commend him for his pains. The Emperor, as hath been said, was in Ausburg, to hold the Diet; He proposeth the prosecution of the Council in the Diet of Ausburg, and other things. which, though it was not so compassed with arms as the former, yet it was always armed. He proposed the prosecution of the Council of Trent, the observation of the Interim, made in the last Diet, and the finding a way for restoring of Ecclesiastical goods, and the renewing of jurisdiction. It pleased the Catholic Princes, that the Council should be prosecuted; but the Conditions required by the Protestants, concerning the Council. Ambassadors of some Protestant Princes did not consent, but with these conditions. That the things already determined in Trent should be reexamined; that the Divines of the Augustane confession, should not only be heard, but have a deciding voice; that the Pope should not preside, but should submit himself also to the Council, and release the Bishops of their oath, that they may speak freely. The Emperor complained of the Protestants, that his Decree of the Interim, was not obeyed by them; and of the Catholics, that the reformation of the Clergy was not executed. These excused themselves, some by saying, that they were to proceed slowly avoiding dissensions; others, that the exempt, pretending privileges, would not obey. The Protestants laid the cause upon the people, who, in regard the matter concerned their conscience, did mutin, and could not be forced. The Emperor, gave an account to the Nuncio of all these particulars, showing not only the consent of the Catholics, and of the greater number of the Protestants, but the limitation also proposed by the others, lest, if he had heard of it by some other means, it might have produced some bad effect. But he added, that he would not have this limitation put into the acts, because those Princes had given him their word, that they would do nothing against his will; and therefore he might affirm to the Pope, that all Germany was contented with the Council. Afterwards, he treated more strictly with the principal Ecclesiastiques, proposing that the beginning should be before Easter, and that they would go thither in person. Which being promised by the Electors, he solicited the Pope to make the convocation for Easter, or immediately after, because he was assured of the consent of all The Emperor hasteneth the convocation of the Council, and desireth to see the Bull before it be published. Germany. Which the better to confirm, he prayed his Holiness, that when the Bull was made, he would send him the draught, before it was published, that (showing it to all in the Diet) he might, by that occasion, make a Decree, and cause it to be received by all. The Pope thought that nothing was concluded of what was proposed by him, so long as it was not decided, that the Decrees already made should be received. He would not, that, in the very beginning of the Council, this should be disputed of; because the issue was plain, that is, that much time would be spent, and nothing done, and in fine, all would be dissolved without conclusion. It was plain to be seen, that the general dispute, whether they ought to be received, did draw after it a particular of every one, and that himself should not be able to interpose, because it would be alleged that he was to be suspected, as having been precedent, and the principal author. To insist more with the Emperor that this point might be decided would give him more distaste, & cast all into insuperable difficulties. He was counselled, that, without saying any more, he should take the point for decided, The Pope's resolution concerning the Decrees already made, & presuppose in his Bull, that the Decrees already made should be accepted by all. For the Bull going to the Diet with this tenor, either the Dutchmen will be contented with it, and so he shall obtain his purpose, or will not accept it, and so the dispute will begin in the Diet, and himself will be free from care of it. The Council seemed unto him good, in conformity whereof he made the Bull. And to satisfy the Emperor in part, he sent it to him, not in a draught, because he thought it was against his honour, but framed, dated, and sealed, yet not published. The date was the fifteenth of The Bull of the Conocation was dated the 15. 8 November. November. In that Bull he said. That for the taking away of all differences of Religion in Germany, it being expedient and fit (which the Emperor had also signified unto him) to reduce the general Council into Trent, called by Paul the third, begun, ordered, and prosecuted by himself, than Cardinal, and Precedent and many decrees of faith, and discipline, being constituted and published therein, he unto whom it belongeth to call and direct general Counsels, for the increase of the orthodox religion; and to restore peace to Germany, which formerly hath not yielded to any Province in obedience and reverence of the Popes, the Vicars of CHRIST, hoping also that the Kings and Princes will favour and assist it, exhorteth and admonisheth the Patriarques, Arch bishops, Bishops, Abbats and others, who, by Law, The Council is to beguine the first of Ma 〈…〉 custom, or privilege, aught to assist in Counsels, to be in Trent, the first of May● in which day he hath ordained, by his Apostolic authority, and consent of the Cardinals, that the Council shall be reassumed in the state in which it was, and prosecuted; whether he will send his Legates; by whom he will preside in the Synod, in case he cannot be personally present, notwithstanding any translation, suspension, or any thing else, especially those things which Paul the third in his Bull of the Convocation, and others, belonging to the Council, did ordain that they should not hinder; which Bulls his will is that they shall remain in force, with all their clauses, and decrees, confirming and renewing them, as much as is needful. The Emperor's Ministers, and other zealous Catholics, to whom the Emperor did impart it, thought it would exasperate the Protestants, and give them occasion not to accept of the Council, in which the Pope declared that he would not only preside, but direct also. Besides, to talk of reassuming and prosecuting it, was to put too many suspicions into their heads; and to speak so magnificently of his authority was nothing but to provoke them. They counselled the Emperor to enduour that the Pope should moderate the Bull, and reduce it into such a form, as might not more alcinate the Protestants. The Emperor treated thereof with the Nuncio, The Emperor desireth an alteration of the Bull. and wrote to his Ambassador to do the like with the Pope, praying his Holiness affectionately, and effectually, and for Christian charity, to make those words more mild, which might diverse Germany from accepting the Council. The Ambassador in Rome treated with a Spanish dexterity, and said, That as wild beasts, taken in a snare, must be drawn gently, making show to yield unto them, nor must be showed the fire, or arms, for fear of provoking them, and putting them in despair, which will increase their forces, so the Protestants must be used, who with Gentleness, and by instructing and hearing them, must be brought to the Council, where being arrived, it will be a fit time to show them the truth. That to condemn them before they were heard, was to exasperate and provoke them more. The Pope answered, according to his usual liberty, that he would not be taught to fight with a Cat shut up, but would have it at liberty, that it might fly; that to The Pope's answer. bring the Protestants with fair words to the Council, where the deeds would not be answerable, was to put them in despair, and make them take some rash resolution; and therefore what was to be done, was to be told them plainly, The Ambassador answered, that it was true in things necessary, or fit to be spoken: but he saw not how it was then fit to say, that it belongeth to him to direct Counsels. That these things are most true; but truth hath not this privilege to be spoken at all times, and in all places; and that it is good to conceal it, when the uttering of it doth produce a bad effect. That he should remember, that, by the hot speeches of Leo the tenth, and his Legate, Cardinal Caietan, the fire was kindled that now burneth, which, with a gentle word, might have been put out. That the Pope's following, especially Clement and Paul, wise Princes did often complain of it. If Germany may now begained with dextrous usage; why should it be more separated with bitterness? The Pope, as it were disdaining, said, That it was to be preached openly, and inculcated, which CHRIST hath taught, that his divine Majesty hath made his Vicar Head of the Church and the principal light of the world: that this is one of the truths that must be spoken in all times, & places, and (as Saint Paul saith) in season and out of season, that to do otherwise would be against the commandment of CHRIST, Hiding the Candle under a bushel, which should be set on a Candlestick. That it was not honourable for the Apostolic Sea to use artifice, and dissimulation, but that he ought to speak plainly. The Ambassador, by way of a pleasant discourse, said; That to hide the rod, and to make show of benignity, and to yield unto all, seemed unto him the true Apostolic office, that he had heard it read in S. Paul, that being free, he made himself servant of all, to gain all; with the jews, a jew, with the Gentiles, a Gentile; with the weak, weak; to win them also: and that this was the way to plant the Gospel. In fine the Pope, not to enter into dispute, said, that the Bull was made according to the style of the Chancery, which could not be altered; that he was adverse from novities, and must follow the steps of his Predecessors; that observing the usual form, whatsoever should happen could not be attributed to him, but if he had invented a new, all the mischief would be laid to his Charge. The Ambassador, to give him time to bethink himself better, concludeth that he would not take the answer for a Negative, but hoping that his Holiness would take compassion on Germany, with a fatherly affection, purposing to 〈◊〉 Christmas be p●st; for the● it was the midst of December, and then to make a new assault upon him. But the Pope resolute not to change 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; said often; I will prevent, and not be prevented; and to take away all trouble of 〈◊〉 ●orse 〈◊〉 Saint Io●as day he made a Brief, in which having 〈◊〉 declared the 〈◊〉 〈…〉 of his foresaid Bull, pretending that some, 〈…〉 published, The Pope maketh a Brief, and cause th' 〈…〉 th' it, and the Bull to be published. might allege ignorance, he ordained that 〈◊〉 the Brief, and the Bull should be bread, published, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of Saint Peter and Saint john of 〈◊〉, with intention to send a Copy thereof printed to the Arch bishops, that by them it might be intimated to the Bishops, and other Prelates. All means was taken from the Ambassador 〈◊〉 speak any more thereof with the Pope; and therefore he presently dispatched in express Currier, to signify all to the Emperor. Who seeing the Pope's resolution, Which ●illeth distaste both to Papist and Protestant a Germany. and thinking on a remedy, caused the Bull to be be read in the public assembly, which produced just the same effect which he foresaw, that is, that the Protestants would recall their word to submit themselves, and the Catholics refuse to go to the Council It pleased it the Catholics by reason of the harsh and intractable style; the Protestants, for the causes aforesaith which were, that it belongeth to the Pope, not only to call, but also to direct, and govern the Counsels; that he was resolved to continue and prosecute the things begun, which took away the reexamination of what was already handled; that unseasonably, and without occasion, he had said, that Germany had acknowledged the Pope's 〈◊〉 Vicar of CHRIST; that he had declared himself precedent of the Council, and had called 〈◊〉 but Eccleisastics, and with many affected words, had confirmed the Bull of the Convocation of Paul. They said that the Council, with these grounds, would be in vain, whereunto to submit one's self, was to 〈◊〉 against GOD and his conscience. The Catholics said, that if there were no hope to reduce the Protestants, the labour, and charge would be 〈…〉 The Emperor gave a temper to both parties, saying, that the Council was general of all Christian Nations, all which obeying the Pope but Germany, he had framed the Convocation as it did agree unto them; that for 〈◊〉 Who are pacified by the Emperor. 〈◊〉, they should leave all to his care, who knew how to handle the business; that they should suffer other Nations to meet, and that himself would go in person, if not thither, yet to some near place, and would take order, not by words, but deeds, that all should pass with good terms, that they should not regard what the Pope said, but what himself did promise upon the word of an Emperor and a King, So he pacified their minds; and the 13. of February a resolution was made, and a Decree published, the tenor whereof, was: That it being proposed in the former Diet, that there is ●o means to compose the discards of Germany, in cause of religion, but by 〈◊〉 and general Council, all the States of the Empire have confirmed the propo 〈…〉 and resolved to accept and approve the same Synod, & submit themselves ●o it; which having not been executed as yet; the same proposition and determination And therefore a Decree in the Diet is made to this effect. hath been made, in the present Diet. For the Emperor having lafoy 〈…〉 red, & finally obtained of the Pope, that the Council should be remitted to Trent, the first of May; the next year, and his Holiness having done it 1551 JULIUS. 3. CHARLES 5. EDWARD 6. HENRY. 2. and the Corporation having been read, and proposed in the Diet, it is fit they should continue in the same resolution to expect the Council, with the obedience, and to go to it, in which all Christian Princes will assist, and the Emperor himself as advocate to the holy Church, and defender of the Counsels, will do what belongeth to his charge, as he hath promised Who therefore giveth not be into all, that his will is, that every one who goeth to the Council, shall be secured by the Imperial authority and power, to go, remain return, and propose freely what he shall think in his conscience to be necessary. And therefore that he will lodge in the Confines of the Empire 〈…〉 he can. And he admonisheth the Electors Princes, and States of the Empire, especially the ecclesiastics, and those who have made innovation in Religion, that they prepare to be there, well instructed, that they may be inexcusable, himself taking care that all shall pass lawfully, and in order, and that every thing be handled piously and Christianly, according to the holy Scripture, and doctrine of the Fathers. And for the transgression of the Decrees of the Inter-religion, and Reformation, being assured, that it was impossible to overcome the difficulties, and that as o 〈…〉 o things grew worse, to the end that greater confusion may not arise, he calleth unto him the cognition of the transgressions post, yet enjoining the Princes, and orders of the Empire, to observance hereafter. The world seeing this Decree, thought it, as it was, a just counterpoise Which seemeth to be a counterpoise to the Popes Bull. of the Pope's Bull; in all parts. The one will direct Counsels, the other will take care that all be done in order, and iuridically; the one will preside, and the other will have the decision according to the Scripture, and the Fathers; the one will continuate, and the other will have power given to every one to propose, according to his conscience. In sum, the Court could not digest this affront, and complained that it was another Convocation of the Council. But the Pope according to his usual pleasanthesse's, said, the Emperor hath been even with me, for the publication of the Bull, made without him. The year 1551. being begun, the Pope, applying himself to the Council intimated, had two principal ayes; to send trusty persons to preside, 1551 and to be at as little charge as was possible. To avoid charge, he The Precedents of the Council are named. thought to send but one Legate, but that was too great a burden for one, because there would be none who had the same interests, on whom he might safely rely, and because he should be esteemed the only author of whatsoever was done. For which respects it was necessary to lay the burden on more men's shoulders. The Pope found a middle way, to send one Legate, and two Nuncij, with equal authority, thinking that so he should be better served, because hope maketh men more diligent. Casting his eye on all the Cardinals, he found none more trusty, and withal more worthy, than Marcellus Crescentius, Cardinal of S. Marcellus; to whom he joined for Nuncij, Sebastianus Pigbinus, Archbishop of Siponto, and Aloisius Lipomannus Bishop of Verona of the former he made choice, for the great confidence he had in him before his Papacy; of the other, for the foam of his great piety, goodness, and loyalty. Having had many secret parleys with these three, and opened veto them the sincerity of his heart, and instructed them fully, he gave them an ample Mandate, to be present in the Council, in his name; the tenor whereof was, It belongeth to the father of a family, to substitute others, to do that The tenor of their Mandate. which he cannot commodiously do himself. Therefore, having reduced to Trent the General Council, intimated by Paul, hoping that the Kings and Princes, would afford their favour and assistance, he cited the Prelates, who usually have voice therein, to be there the first of May, to resume the Council in the state it was. But not being able to be personally present, according to his desire, in respect of his old age, and other impediments, that his absence might not be an hindrance, he appointeth Marcellus, a zealous, wise, and learned Cardinal, for Legate, and the Bishops of Siponto, and Verona, famous for knowledge and experience, as Nuncij, with special Mandate, and fit clauses. Sending them as Angels of peace, giving them authority to resume, direct and prosecute the Council, and to do all things meet and necessary, according to the tenor of his, and his predecessors letters of the Convocation. The Emperor, whom the Council did more The Emperor giveth a safe conduct to the Protestants. concern, holding it to be the only means, to make himself absolute Master of Germany, send a safe conduct in an ample form, to all the Protestant Orders of that Empire, for themselves, their Ambassadors, and Divines. But while these foundations, were laid in Rome and Ausburg, to build the Council of Trent upon them, webs were spun in other places, which obscured The Pope restoreth Parma to Octavius Farnese. the dignity and authority of that Synod, and Engines were framed which did shake and dissolve it. The Pope immediately after his assumption, to preforme what he had promised in the Conclave, restored Parma to Octavius Farnese, which the Pope had taken into his hands, in the name of the Church, and assigned to him two thousand crowns a month, to defend it. Octavius in regard of the enmity of Ferrante Conzaga, Vice-Duke of Milan, and of many arguments which he had, that the Emperor meant to be Lord of that City, the Pope also having taken from him the provision of two thousand crowns, doubting that he was not able to defend it with his own forces, treated with the Pope, by his brother the Cardinal, either to assist him, or give him leave to provide for himself, by the protection of some other Prince, able to maintain him against the Emperor. The Pope, without thinking more of it, answered, that he should do for himself the best he could. wherefore Octavius by means of Horatius, Who receiveth a French Garrison 〈◊〉 the City. his brother, son in law to the French King, put himself under the protection of France, and received a French Garrison into the City. This displeased the Emperor his uncle, who persuaded the Pope, that it was against his honour, who was supreme Lord of that City and Duke. Therefore the Pope published a severe edict against him, citing him to Rome, and declaring him traitor, if he did not appear, and demanding the Emperor's Which occasioneth a war between the Emperor & the French 〈◊〉. assistance against him; who declared that he did approve the Pope's cause, and would defend it with his arms. This was a beginning of a manifest war between the Emperor and the French King, and of great distastes of this King against the Pope. And in Saxony, upon the River Albi, discourses began, between the Saxons and those of Brandeburg, to make a league against the Emperor, that he might not wholly subdue Germany, as shall be said in its place. Notwithstanding these seeds of war, which in Italy, in the beginning of April, began to spring, the Pope would have the Legate A confederation is made in Germany against the Emperor. and Nuncij go to Trent, and gave them commission to open the Council, on the first of May, the day appointed, with those who were there, yea though there were none at all; by the example of the Nuncij of Martinus the fifth, who opened the Council of Pavia alone, without the presence of any Prelate. THE FOURTH BOOK OF THE HISTORY OF THE COUNCIL OF TRENT. THe Legate and Nuncij being come to Trent, accompanied The Presidenes of the Council, and some Prelates strive in Trent. with some Prelates, who followed them from Rome, and some other being arrived, who, having been 〈…〉 llcited by the Pope, came thither a little after; they assembled, the foresaid day, with the wanted Ceremonies, in the usual place played, within the Cathedral Church, which was not pulled down, where the Archbishop of Torre sang Mass, and the Secretary read the Pope's Bull of the Convocation, and the 〈◊〉 of the Precedents; and he that said Mass, read the Decree interrogatorily. Pleaseth the Fathers, that, according to the Pope's letters, the Council of Trent should be resumed, and prosecuted? And all having given their voices, he said again; Please it you, that the next Session The next Session is appointed for the first of September. be held the first of September next? Whereunto all agreed. And the Cardinal, Prime Precedent, concluded, by the consent, and in the name of all the Synod, that the Council is begun, and shall be prosecuted. Nothing else was done that day, nor the next, though the Prelates were often assembled in the Legates house, because the Congregations had no form, there being no Divines. Only the thing despaired in 〈◊〉 were read, to make the deliberation of that winch was to be handled more 〈◊〉,, especially in matter of reformation, which was esteemed to be of the greatest moment. In the end of the month the Pope sent 〈…〉 to the The Pope sendeth a Nunci● to the Swisses. Swisses, who before had been the Nuncio of Pope Paul to that nation, principally to provide that the French King might not have Soldiers from them, and to obtain of them a leule, the affairs of Parma. And, upon that occasion, he wrote unto them the seven and twentieth of May, that as he had taken the name of julius the second, so affectionate to them, so he would follow his example in loving them, and using 〈◊〉 assistance: which he had begun to do by taking a guard of their Nation, for the safety of his own person, and another for Bolonia. Now the Council being intimated; and begun in Trent, the first of May, he prayed them to send their Prelates against the first of September when the second Session shall be held. The French King sought to persuade the Pope, by Terms, his Ambassador, that he had, upon good reasons, taken upon him the defence of The French King excuseth to the Pope his protection of Parma. Parma, praying him to be contented with it; and to show him, that, doing otherwise, and preferring war before peace, he should not only damnify Italie●, but hinder the prosecution of the Council, ●or cause it to dissolve. And that though 〈◊〉 did not fall out ye●, in regard no French Bishop could go thither, it could not with reason be called a general Council. The Pope offered to do any thing el●e which the King should desire▪ and after many discourses, it being represented to him that the King could by no means retire, and that, in case his Holiness would not be neutral, but make himself the Emperor's minister, by whom the King was certain that he was guided, his Majesty would be forced to use those remedies of reason and fact, which his ancestors have used against partial Popes; the Pope grew angry or feigned to be so, and answered, that if the King took Parma, His Holiness is angry. from him, he would take France from the King; and if the King did take from him his obedience, he would take from the King the commerce of all Christendom; and ●he spoke of force, let him do the worst he could; if of Edicts, and prohibitions, and such things, he let him know, that his pen, paper, and ink were not inferior. But though the Pope spoke so high; yet he was afraid; and therefore, to excite the Emperor, he signified unto him, by his Nuncio, the Bishop of Imola, whom he had sent in place of the Archbishop of Siponto, all these discourses with the French, and afterwards told him, that in Rome▪ there was doubt of another sack, in regard of so many rumours of the Turks, and Frenchmen, and fear of Nationall Counsels. Therefore there was need of Arms, to prevent these attempts, and to defend themselves, when need required. The King seeing it was impossible to persuade the Pope, wrote a public The French King maketh preparation for a Nationall Council: from which, and from the protection of Parma, he is dissuaded by the Pope. letter to all the Bishops of his Kingdom, as well in France, as elsewhere, commanding them to be at their Churches within six months, and to put themselves in order there for a Nationall Council; and the letter was presented to those also who were in Rome; neither durst the Pope hinder them, for fear of doing them, and his own reputation more hurt. But he sent Ascanius della C●rna, his nephew, into France, to dissuade the King from the protection of Parma: to make him understand that Octavius Farnese, being his Vassal, he should by no means endure to be contemned by him, in regard it would be an eternal infamy, and an example to others not to acknowledge him for Pope. That his inclination to France and his Majesty was great, and his mind averse from those who were emulous of him, and that this is known to the whole world. Yet the foresaid respect is so potent that, if his M tie would not give a remedy, it were enough to make him cast himself into the arms of him that he would not. His instruction also was, that if the King would not be persuaded to this, he should pray him to consider well how great inconveniences a Nationall Council would draw after it, and that it would be a beginning to give his Subject's licence, whereof he would repent him, and would presently cause this bad effect to hinder the general Council, which would be the greatest offence could be done to God, and the greatest damage to faith, and the Church. He prayed him to send an Ambassador to Trent, assuring him he should receive all honour and respect from the Precedents, and all the Prelates who were his Holiness friends. Whereunto if he did not condescend, but persevere in maintaining the Edict, he should, for taking away all scandal, propose to him a temper, to declare, that his meaning was not to hinder the general Council by that Edict. The King, hearing the Ambassage, shown also that his honour did constrain But he continueth firm in his resolution. him to continue the protection of the Duke, and to maintain the Edict, but with such words, as made it plain he was displeased with the distastes given him, and that he had a desire to right himself. And to answer the Pope, he sent the Lord of Monluc, the Elect of Bourdeaux, to him, not without some hope to pacify the Pope's mind. But do he what he could, he continued in the same rigidness concerning the affairs of Parma, and sent the same Monluc back, with commission to complain of the King, that he had sent the Edict of the Nationall Council, and letters, to the Prelates who were subjects to his Holiness, even in temporalities (understanding the Bishop of Auignion) as fare as to Rome, which all the world did interpret to be done only to hinder the general Council. And, in conclusion, he prayed the King, that seeing they were both resolute, himself to correct Octavius, and his Majesty to protect him, at the least their differences might be contained within Parma, though his Majesty had already proceeded further, by taking the Cardinals and Prelates from Rome; whose departure he would not hinder, hoping that his Majesty, having exhaled his anger, should be illuminated by God, to change his manner of proceeding. Neither these mutual offices, nor the respect of the Council, could make either of these Princes remit any thing of their rigour. The general consent was favourable to the King. For the Emperor having seized on Piacenza, to leave Parma to him also, was to give all Italy into his hands; and it seemed an indignity, that the postetity of Paul, who had so laboured for the liberty of Italy, should be abandoned by all: and if the Pope did not complain that Piacenza was usurped, nor made any instance for the restitution, why should he complain that the Duke should secure himself of Parma. And this reason prevailed so much with some, that they assured themselves it was well understood by julius; but that, to make some thing arise which might hinder the Council, which not proceeding from him, might be ascribed to another, he desired a war between the King and the Emperor. It is certain that he laboured more with the Emperor to move arms against Parma, or Mirandula, then with the King to accommodate the business. The King having tried all means to pacify the Pope's mind, passed to the extreme, which was to protest by his And protesteth against the Council, then assembled in Trent▪ Ambassador Terms, and particularly against the Council which was assembled, hoping that respect would remove the Pope: the contents of which protestation, because it was reiterated in Trent, shall be related upon that occasion. But in Germany there was more speech of the Council then ever. For Maurice, Duke of Saxony, seeing the Emperor's resolution, to give him a sure argument that he would obey him, in sending to Trent, commanded Philip Melancthon, and some others of his Divines, to put together the points of The Protestant Princes resolve to send to Trent. doctrine, to be proposed in the Council, and to assemble in Lipsia all the Doctors and Ministers of his State to examine them. And Christopher, Duke of Wittenberg, who, a little before, succeeded his father, caused another composition to be made by his people, which was the same thing in substance; and the one part did approve that of the other; yet did choose not to proceed jointly, that the Emperor might not suspect. Afterwards Duke Maurice wrote to the Emperor, giving him an account of his being in order with his Divines, and of the writing which he had prepared; but added that his Safe Conduct seemed not sufficient. For in the Council of Constance it was determined, that they might proceed against those that came to the Council, though they had Safe Conduct from the Emperor; and the And require a Safe Conduct from the Council. Decree was approved by the death of john Husse, who went to the Council under the public faith of Sigismond. That therefore he could not send any to Trent, if those of the Council did not give Safe Conduct, as was done in that of Basil, whither the Bohemians, for the example of Constance, would not go; but under the public faith of the whole Council. Therefore he prayed the Emperor to procure for them a Safe Conduct from the ecclesiastics of Trent, in that form as those of Basil did grant it to the Which the Emperor promiseth to procure. Bohemians, because they were just in the same condition now, as the Bohemians were then. Caesar promised to do it, and gave order to his Ambassadors, whom he then dispatched to the Council, to procure it. The Ambassage consisted of three persons, to honour the Council, and to have many ministers to treat; and this colour was for the number, that one was for the Empire, another for Spain, and the third for his other States, Who sendeth three Ambassadors to the Council. and yet all in solidum for all. The Mandate was signed the sixth of july: and contained that Pope julius, to appease the controversies of Religion in Germany, having recalled to Trent, the first of May past, the Council called by The contents of their Mandate. Paul, began, and intermitted, himself, by reason of his indisposition, not being able to be there in person, he hath sent (not to fail of his duty) his Proctors thither. Therefore trusting upon the faith, honesty, experience, and zeal of Hugh, Count of Mountfort, Don Pedro di Toledo, and William, Archdeacon of Campagnia he maketh them his Orators, and Mandataries for his Imperial dignity, Kingdoms, and hereditary States, giving them, and each of them faculty, to appear in the Council, to hold his place, consult; treat, give counsel and voice, to decree in his name, and do every thing else which himself could do if he were present: putting them in place of▪ his person, and promising to ratify whatsoever shall be done by them▪ three, or by any one of them. The Pope, though he much desired the Council should be opened, yet after it began, he took no thought that the Prelates should go thither; either because he was intent upon the war, which was on fire at Mirandula, or because he cared but little for it. All the pains was taken by the Emperor, who thrust forward, first, the Electours of Mentzs, and Triers, and afterwards of Cullen, together with five other principal Bishops, and the Proctors of many who were hindered. He caused also some Prelates to come out of Spain, besides those who had entertained themselves in Trent, and Italy, until then, and out of his States in Italy besides which there were but few: so that, for eight months that the Council The Ecclesiastical Electors go to Trent. The number of the Prelates in the Council. lasted, the Precedents and Princes being reckoned, the number did not exceed sixty four. The first of September, the day appointed for the Session, being come, they went to the Church with the usual ceremonies. The order of precedence was thus. First the Cardinal Legate, than the Cardinal Madruccio, the The second Session is held. two Nuncij, the two Electours, (that of Collen being not come) two of the Emperor's Ambassadors (the archdeacon being not yet arrived) the Ambassador In which the Legates make a long exhortation to the Fathers. of the King of the Romans, and then the Archbishops. The Mass being sung, and the Ecclesiastical ceremonies ended, the Secretary read an exhortation, to the Fathers of the Council, in the name of the Precedents: to this purpose. That, by the presence of the two Electours, being entered into hope, that many Bishops, of that and other Nations, will assist in the Council, they thought fit, in the mean time, in regard of the place they bore, to give a little admonition to themselves, and them, (though they saw all were ready to do the office of good Pastors) because the matters to be handled were of great moment; that is, to extirpate heresies, to reform Ecclesiastical discipline, from the corruption whereof heresies have risen, and finally, to pacify the discords of Princes. That the beginning of the exhortation, aught to be taken from the knowledge of their own insufficiency, flying to the assistance of GOD, who will not fail them: whereof they see many arguments already, but especially the coming of the two Princes. That the authority of General Counsels, was always very great, the holy Ghost presiding in them, and their Decrees esteemed not humane, but divine. That an example hereof hath been left by the Apostles, and the Father's following, seeing that, by Counsels, all heretics have been condemned, the life and manners of Priests and people reform, and the discords of the Church appeased. Therefore being now assembled to do as much, they must awaken themselves, that they may regain the sheep that leapt out of the Lords fold, and keep those which have not gone astray as yet. Wherein the salvation of those only is not in question, but their own too, in regard they must give an account to GOD, by whom, if they perform their duty, they shall be rewarded, and all posterity will attribute great praise to that Council; but they should not aim at that, but only at their own duty, and charity towards the Church, which being afflicted, wounded, and deprived of so many dear children, lifteth up her hands to GOD, and them, to restore them to her. That therefore they would handle the matters of the Council with all gentleness, and without contention, as becometh so great an assembly, using perfect charity, and consent of minds, knowing that GOD doth behold and judge them. The exhortation being ended, the Decree was read by the Bishop that The Decree of the Session is read. said Mass; the substance whereof was; That the holy Synod, which, in the Session past, did determine to proceed in this, having deferred to do it until now, by reason of the absence of the German Nation, and the small number of the Fathers, rejoicing for the arrival of the two Prince Electors, hoping that many more of that and other Nations, will, by their example, hasten their coming, doth defer the Session for forty days, that is, until the eleventh of October, and prosecuting the Council in the state in which it is, having treated already of the seven Sacraments, of Baptism, and Confirmation, doth ordain to treat of the Eucharist; and, for reformation, to handle those things which do facilitate residency. Then the Emperor's Proxy being read, the Earl of Mountfort said, that the Emperor, after he had obtained the reduction of the Council to Trent, never ceased to labour that the Prelates of his states should go thither, which the presence of the Electours, and the frequency of the Fathers, doth demonstrate. And to testify his mind the more, he hath sent Don Pedro of the Kingdom of Spain, another of his patrimonial States, and himself of Germany, though unworthy, Praying to be received for such. john Baptista Castello, the Speaker, answered, in the name of the Council, that they were glad to hear the Emperor's Mandate, having by it, and the quality of the Proctors, conceived how much they may promise themselves; therefore that it hopeth for assistance from them, and doth, as much as it can, admit the Emperor's Mandate. Likewise the Proxy of the King of the Romans, in the person of Paulus Gregorianus, Bishop of Zagabria, and of Frederick Nausea, Bishop of Vienna, was read, and this second did speak, and was answered as those of the Emperor. After this jacobus Amiotus, Abbot of Bellosana, appeared in the name of the French King, with letters of his Majesty, which he presented to the Legate, The Abbot of Ballosana presenteth the French Kings letters, the inscription whereof giveth distaste to the Synod. desiring they might be read, and his credency heard. The Legate receiving them, gave them to the Secretary, to be read. The superscription was, Sanctissimis in Christo Patribus Conuentus Tridentini. The Bishop of Orange, and after him, the other Spaniards said aloud, that those letters were not sent unto them, who were a general Council, and not a Convent; and therefore that they ought neither to be read, nor opened in public Session, but, if the Messenger had aught to say, he should go home. Much was spoken concerning the signification of the word, Conuentus, the Spaniards persisting that it was injurious. So that the Bishop of Mentz was forced to say, that if they would not receive a letter from the King of France, who called them Sanctissimus Conuentus, how would they hearken to the Protestants, who called them Conuentus Malignantium? But the Spanish Prelates continuing still to be more tumultuous than the rest, the Legate, with the Nuncij, and the Emperor's Ambassadors, retired into the vestry, and had a long disputation hereof. At the last, returning to their place, they made it be told to the Speaker, that the Synod doth resolve to read the letters without prejudice, thinking that the word Conuentus, is not meant in an ill sense; and, if it be, doth protest of the Nullity. Then the King's letter was opened, and read, which was dated the 13. of August, and said in substance; That it seemed agreeable to the observance which his ancestors have always used towards the Church, to signify to them the causes why he hath been forced not to send any B. to the convent, called by julius by the name of a public Council, being assured that they the fathers will not condemn any man's fact before they know it, and that when they shall understand what he hath done, they will commend it. That he was compelled, for preservation of his honour, to continue in his resolution to protect the Duke of Parma; from which he would not refuse to departed, if justice and Equity did permit. That he writeth to them as to Honourable judges, praying them to receive the letters, not as from an addersary, The contents of them. or a person unknown, but as from the Prince and principal son of the Church by inheritance of his Ancestors, whom he promiseth always to imitate, and, while he defendeth himself from wrongs, not to lay aside his charity towards the Church, but ever to receive whatsoever shall be constituted by her, so that due order be observed in making the Decrees. The letters The Abbot readeth a protestation. being recited, the Abbot read a Protestation, containing a narration of a Protestation, made by Terms, in Rome, saying, That the King, after he had taken upon him the defence of Parma, seeing that those laudable things which he had done were reprehended, used great care that Paul Terms, his Ambassador, should give an account of all to the Pope, & College of Cardinals, to take from them all sinister opinion, showing that the taking of the Duke into his protection, was the effect of a pious, humane, and kingly mind, wherein there was no cunning or private gain, but respect only of the Church; as appeared by the propositions of accord, which aimed at nothing but that the Church might not be rob, and Italy preserved in peace and liberty. And if the Pope thought this a cause to put all Europe into war, he was sorry; but it could not be imputed to him, having not only accepted, but offered also all honest and fit conditions. Neither could the dissolution of the Council assembled be prescribed to him, praying the Pope to consider what mischiefs would accompany the war, and to prevent them with peace. Which if his Holiness will not regard, but desire rather to set Europe on fire, and hinder the Council, giving suspicion that it was called not for the good of the Church, but for private interests, excluding from it a most Christian King, he could not choose but to protest to him and the College, that he could not send his Bishops to Trent, where the access is not free and secure, and that he could not esteem that a general Council, but private from which he was excluded, neither could the people or Prelates of France be obliged to the decrees of it. Afterwards he protested that he would come to the remedies used by his ancestors in like occurrences; not to take away his due observance from the Apostolic Sea, but to reserve it for better times, when arms shall be laid down, which are dishonestly taken up against him, desiring of his Holiness, that this Protestation might be registered, and giving him a copy of it to peruse. These things having been already protested in Rome, he desired should be likewise protested in Trent, with the same instance, that they might be registered in the acts of that assembly, and that there being a public instrument made of it, he might use it in time and place. When the Protestation was read, the Speaker, having talked with the Precedent, answered in substance; That the King's modesty in his letters was grateful to the Synod; that it doth not accept the person of the Abbot, but as it is lawful, that warneth him to be in the same place the eleventh of October, to receive the answer which shall be made to the King's letters; and forbiddeth the Nuncij to make an instrument of the present action, but jointly with the Secretary of the Council. And nothing else being to be done, the Session was ended. Then the Abbot demanded an instrument of the action, but could not obtain it. When Termes had protested in Rome, though many did not know of the The censure of this Protestation. act, yet it was believed that the Pope would defer the Council, because it must needs bring forth new divisions, if such a principal Nation did resist. But he deceived the world, not for any desire he had to celebrate it, but for that he would not seem to be cause of the dissolution; being resolved, that if it were separated without him, he would answer, with an open mouth, to whosoever should desire it again, that he had done his part, and would do no more. But the Protestation made in Trent, a place so conspicuous, was presently published every where, and gave matter of discourse. The Imperialists esteemed it a vainity, saying, That the act of the mayor part of the universality, is ever esteemed lawful, when the lesser, being called, either cannot or will not be present: that all are called to the Council, and the Frenchmen also might have come without passing by the Pope's territories; but in case they could not, yet their absence doth not derogate from the Council, because they are not neglected, but invited. It was said to the contrary, that to call in words, and to exclude in deeds, was not to invite, and, for the Pope's territories, one might go from France to Trent without passing by them, but not without passing by those of the Emperor, and the mayor part hath full authority, when the lesser cannot appear, and is silent, because it is presupposed to consent, and when it will not appear, because it is accounted contumacious, but when it doth protest, it bathe its place, and especially, if the impediment proceed from him that calleth the action, in absence, cannot be of force. And the Counsellors of the Parliament of Paris, said some thing more; The Decrees of Counsels do not bind the Churches absent. That it is true, that the authority of the whole universality is transferred into the mayor part, when the cause is common to all, and nothing belongeth to particular men: but when the whole belongeth to all, and every one hath his part, the assent of every one is necessary, Et prohibentis conditio potior; and the absent, not giving their voices, are not bound. Of this sort are Ecclesiastical assemblies, and be the Council as populous as it will, the absent Churches are not bound if they think fit not to receive it. This hath always been used in ancient times, that the Counsels being ended, the Decrees should be sent, to be confirmed, to the Churches that were absent, in which otherwise they had no force; which every one that readeth Hilarius, Athanasius, Theodoretus, and Victorinus, who handle this particular, may see plainly. And i● happened sometimes, that some part of the Canons were received by some Church, and some left out, as every one thought fit, for their necessities, manners and uses. And S. Gregory himself doth witness, that the Church of Rome did not receive the Canons of the second Council of Constantinople, nor of the first of Ephesus. Wisemen, not considering the subtleties, said, that the King had given that Council an uncurable wound. For it having no other ground than Christian charity, and the assistance of the holy Ghost, it would never be believed that these were present in an assembly, against which a most Christian King, persecutor of all Sects, with the adherence of a kingdom, not blemished in Religion, did protest in that form. And they brought an experience for proof. For they said, that the Precedents retiring to consult with the Emperor's Ambassadors, did show who guided the Council. And which was of more importance, when these five had consulted, and imparted nothing to any body else, the Speaker said, The holy Synod doth receive the letters. And what was that holy Synod? And likewise the Abbats exposition The Precedents take upon them the authority of the Council. being read, the answer, resolved on by the Precedents only, was given in the same name. Neither can the difficulty be removed, by saying that the matter was of no great importance; first, because it will be hard to maintain, that it is not a most important matter, where the danger of division in the Church is in question; then, be it as it will, no man can arrogate to himself power, to declare what is of importance, and what not: and this is a demonstration that things are carried just as the Pope saith in the Bull, and the Precedents in the Sermon read, that they were to direct the Council; for they did so indeed. The adulse that the King had dismissed the Pope's Nuncio, and published a Manifest, did reiterate the same discourses; The French King dismisseth the Pope's Nuncio, and publis●●th a Manifest. which Manifest was then printed and diuulged throughout. Where he showeth at large the causes why he took upon him the protection of Parma, blameth the Pope for the war begun, saying that he used this Artifice, that the Council might not be held; Concluding in the end, that it is not meet that he should have money out of his kingdom, to make war against him, whence a great sum is ordinarily taken for vacancies, Bulls, Graces, Dispensations, and Expeditions: and therefore, by the counsel of his Princes, he did for bid to dispatch Curriers to Rome, and to answer money, or gold or silver not coined, by way of bank, for Benefices or other Graces and Dispensations, upon pain of Confiscation, as well for Ecclesiastiques as seculars, and these to be punished corporally beside, giving the Promoters a third of the confiscation. This Manifest was enrolled in Parliament, with a proposition of the Attorney general of the King▪ in which he said, that it was no new thing, but used by Charles the sixth, Lewis the eleventh, and Lewis the twelfth, and was conformable to the common Law, that money should not be carried to the enemy, and that it would be a hard case, if with the money of France, war should be made against the King, and that it was better for the subjects of the kingdom to keep their money, and not care for dispensations, which were not able to secure the conscience, and are nothing but a shadow cast before the eyes of men, which cannot hide the truth from GOD. It could not be endured, neither at Rome, nor in Trent; that the King should What the Apostolic Sea is. solemnly protest, and make war against the Pope, and still say, that he bore the same reverence toward the Apostolic Sea, which is nothing but the Pope. Whereunto the Frenchmen answered, that antiquity had not this opinion; yea, Victor the third, who was one of the Popes that assumed much, said that the Apostolic Sea was his mistress. The same was said before him by Stephen the fourth, and by Vitalianus, and Constantinus, who were more ancient, it plainly appeareth, that by the Apostolic Sea is understood the Church of Rome; for if the Pope were the same thing, his errors and defects, would be of the Apostolic Sea. The French King, fearing that, by his dissension with the Pope, those that desired change of religion, would make some innovation, which might The French King waxeth more severe against the Protestants. prooveseditious, or that himself might come into the bad opinion of his people as if his mind were averse from the Catholic faith, and perhaps to open a way for reconciliation with Rome, he made a most severe Edict against the Lutherans, confirming all the others which he had published before, adding greater punishments, more ways to discover the guilty, and greater rewards to the Promoters. The Emperor, considering that the French King, in regard of the number of the French Cardinals, and other dependants of that Crown, had no less power in the College than himself, and being combined with the Farnesis, did fare exceed him, though he had the Pope of his side, sent to Rome Don john Manriques, to persuade his Holiness to create new Cardinals, to exceed, or equalise the number of the French. The Pope was inclined hereunto; yet he saw what difficulty there was, his Papacy being new, and exhausted, and in time of stirs, when it is hard to have the consent of all the Cardinals; and to create them without consent was dangerous. He was doubtful whether to make many at once, or by little and little. He thought he should sooner obtain consent for this second course, and that his trusty friends would remain in hope, and that the Cardinals would more oppose a numerous promotion, and those that were excluded would despair. He doubted whether it were fit to create any of the Prelates of the Conucell; because there were many that deserved well, and the three Electors were not to be passed over, especially the Elector of Mentz who thought of it. On the other side, to send red Caps to the Council, he thought would move envy. He resolved not to expect Christmas, when all come forth with their pretensions, and the places of common meetings are full of wagers, but to execute this business some day before upon the sudden; though afterwards he found no fit time to create them, but Christmas. But to return to Trent, the second of September, the day following the Session, a general Congregation was made, and, in it, Fathers deputed to frame the Articles of the Eucharist, to be given to the Divines, and to collect the abuses in that matter. Afterwards they discoursed of the Reformation; which because it was to take away the cause why Bishops do not reside, many were repeated, some proposed before in Trent and Bolonia, and some then first spoken of. Finally, they insisted upon jurisdiction; saying that the Bishops were wholly deprived of it, partly by avocation of causes, and partly by appeals, but especially by exemptions: yea, that more often jurisdiction was exercised over and against them by their Subjects, either by special commission from Rome, or by virtue of Conseruatories, then by them over their subjects. And Fathers were elected to frame the Articles concerning this matter. The Precedents, considering the Pope's instruction to avoid dangerous contentions among the Divines, & their unintelligible disputes, in which they grow bitter, and also their confusion in speaking they gave out the Articles framed, which they were to begin to handle on Tuesday after dinner, and there added the manner and order to be held in the Congregations, much limited, which did compel them to speak soberly. The Articles were tonne; drawn from the doctrine of the Zuingliani, and 〈…〉. That in the Eucharist the Body, Blood Ten Articles concerning the Eucharist are proposed to be discussed by the Divines. and Divinity of CHRIST is not truly, but as in a sign 2. That CHRIST is not given to be eaten Sadramentally, but spiritually and by faith 〈◊〉. That in the Eucharist there is the Blood and Body of CHRIST, but together with the substance of the Bread and Wine, so that there is no T 〈…〉tion, but an hypostatical union of the humanity, and of the substances of the Bread and Wine; so that it may be truly said this Bread is the Body of CHRIST and this wine is the Blood of CHRIST. 4. That the Eucharist is only for remission of sins. 5. That CHRIST ought not to be worshipped in the Eucharist, nor honoured in feasts, not carried in procession, nor to the sick, and that the worshippers are truly Idolaters 6. That the Eucharist ought not to be saved, but spent, and distributed immediately and that he that doth not so doth abuse this Sacrament and that it is not lawful for any to give the Communion to himself. 7. That in the particles which remain after the Communion, the Body of our LORD doth not remain, but only while it is received, and neither before nor after. 8. That it is de iure divino, to give both kinds to the people and children, and that they sin who force them to use one only. 9 That so much is not contained under one, as under both, neither doth he receive so much, who communicateth with one, as he that doth communicate with both 10. That only faith is a sufficient preparation to receive the Eucharist, neither is confession necessary, but free, especially to the learned, neither are men bound to Communicate at Easter. After these Articles a precept was added, in this form. That the Divines Who are prescribed an order how they shall proceed. ought to confirm their opinions with the holy Scripture, Traditions of the Apostles sacred and approved Counsels, and by the constitutions and authorities of the holy Fathers; that they ought to use brevity, and avoid superfluolis and unprofitable questions, and perverse contentions. That this shall be the order of speaking amongst them; first, those that are sent by the Pope are to speak then those that are sent by the Emperor and, in the third place, the Secular Diviries, according to the order of their promotions; and lastly the Regulars, according to the precedency of their orders. And the Legate and Precedents by the Apostolic authority granted them, gave faculty and authority to the Divines, who are to speak, to have and read all prohibited books, that they may find out the truth, and confute and impugn false opinions. This order did not please the Italian Which doth displease the Italian Divines. Divines; who said it was a novity, and a condemning of School divinity, which in all difficulties, useth reason, and because it was not lawful to treat as Saint Thomas Saint Bonaventure, and other famous men did. The other doctrine which is called positive, and consisteth in collecting the sayings of the Scriptures and Fathers, was only a faculty of the memory and a painet in writing and was old but known to be unsufficient, and unprofitable by those Doctors who for these three hundred and fifty years, that de●●d the Church, and that this was to yield the victory to the Lutherans. For when the point shall stand upon variety of reading, and memory, they will ever overcome, in regard they know many congues, and read 〈◊〉 Authors, where unto he that will be a good Divine can not apply 〈◊〉, who must exercise his wit, and make himself able to weigh things, and not to number them. They complained, that this was to shame themselves before the Dutch Divines, who? being accustomed to contend with the Lutherans, are exercised in this kind of Learning, which is not used in Italy who, if they were to speak according to true Theology, it would appear they knew nothing: But the Precedents being willing to please them have done this shame to the Italians. Though many complained hereof, yet it prevailed but little because generally the Fathers desired to hear men speak with intelligible terms not abstrustly in the matter of justification, and others already handled. And it is certain, that this order did 〈…〉 the expedition. In diverse Congregations all the voices, were comfortable. For the first Article that it should becondemned for heretical, as formerly it had been Opinions are delivered concerning the articles. In the second there were three opinions. Some said it was to be omitted, for that no heretic doth deny the Sacramental Communion. Others held it only for suspected and some would have delivered it in clearer terms. The common opinion was, that the third was heretical; but that it was not fit to condemn, or speak of it, because it was an opinion invented by Robertus Tutciensis, more than four hundred years since, and never followed by any, therefore to speak of it, would (contrary to the precept of the wise man) move the evil, which being quiet hurted not. They added, that the Council was assembled against the modern heresies, and therefore that they were not to take pains in the old. Concerning the fourth Article, there were diverse opinions. Some said, that the word, only, being taken away, the opinion was Catholic, to say that the Eucharist is for the remission of sins, and that word was not put by any of the heretics, and therefore they thought this Article might to omitted. Some said it was heretical, though the word only were removed, because the Sacrament of the Eucharist as not instituted for the remission of sins. In the fift, all agreed, and many amplifications were used to persuade the worship, and many new ways proposed to enlarge it, as the devotion of every one had found out. Likewise they allagreed in the sixth, except in the last part, that is, that it is not lawful to give the Communion to himself. Some said, that it being understood of the Laiques, it was Catholic; and therefore it must be expressed, that it is to be condemned only in regard of the Priest. Others said, that neither in regard of these it was to be condemned for heretical because in the sixth Council, the hundred and one chapter, it was not condemned. Others would, that, for the Laiques also, the case of necessity should be excluded. In the seventh, all poured themselves out into 〈…〉 ctives against the modern Protestants, as inventors of a wicked opinion, never heard of before in the Church. Upon the eight all made long discourses, though all to the same purpose. Their principal reasons to condemn it were, because our Saviour in the four and twentieth of Saint Luke, did bless the bread only to the two Disciples: and because, in the Lord's Prayer, we ask our daily bread; and because, in the Acts of the Apostles, in the second, and twentieth Chapters, Bread only is spoken of, and Saint Paul in the ship, in the seven and twentieth, blessed nothing but the Bread. Authorities of the ancient Doctors, and some examples of the Fathers were brought, but they grounded themselves principally upon the Council of Constance, and the custom of the Church, as also upon diverse figures of the Old Testament, and drew many prophecies also to this sense. And, concerning the children, all agreed that perhaps it might formerly be done by some particular man, but was, by all others, known to be an error. In the ninth Article, the first part, that as much is not contained under one Species as under both, was thought to be heretical, by the Dutch Divines; but the Italians said it must be distinguished, before it could be condemned. For if it were understood in respect of the virtue of the consecration, it is clear that under the bread there is the body only, and under the wine, the blood only; but by consequence, which the Divines call concomitancy, under the bread there is the blood, soul, and divinity, and under the wine, there is the body, and the other things; and therefore it is not to be condemned in so general terms. But for the second, that as much is received by one as by both, there was a difference; for many did think, that although no more of the Sacrament, yet more grace was received; so that they did desire a declaration herein. In the tenth some would have the first part expounded of dead faith, because there is no doubt but that a lively faith is sufficient. For the necessity of Confession, the Dominicans considered, that many learned and holy Catholics held that opinion, so that to condemn that would be to condemn them. Others proposed, for a temper, that it should not be condemned as heretical, but as pernicious. Some would have this condition added, if there were commodity for a Confessor. The last part, for communicating at Easter, it not being commanded by the Law of GOD, but by the Church only, the common opinion was, that it ought not to be condemned for heretical, it being a thing not heard of, that one should be condemned of heresy, for not approving a particular humane precept. Many Divines did propose another Article also, taken out of the writings of Luther, which was necessary to condemn. And it was this: that although there was a necessity to recite the words of CHRIST, yet they are not the cause of the presence of CHRIST in the Sacrament, but the cause is, the faith of him who receiveth it. After all the divines had spoken, the deputed Fathers did collect seven Out of which 7. Anathematisms are composed. Anathematisms, out of their opinions, which being proposed in the general Congregation, it was first of all considered, that it was not fit to pass over the matter with Anathematisms only; that this was not to teach, but only to confirm; that the ancient Counsels had not done so, which always had expounded the Catholic opinion, and then condemned the contrary; that the same succeeded well to this Council, in the matter of justification; and although it was forced, in the Session of the Sacraments, to change this course, for urgent respects, yet that was rather to be imitated which was then done by reason, then that which was after changed by necessity. This opinion was cherished by the Italian Divines, who saw there was but one way to regain their reputation lost. For as the Dutch and Flemish Divines were of ability to prove the conclusions by authorities, so to expound them, and find their causes, there was need of School Divinity, in which themselves were well seen. This opinion did prevail; and order was given, that the Heads of doctrine should be framed, and Fathers deputed to see it done. The Heads were reduced to the number of eight. Of the Real presence. Of the Institution. Of the excellency. Eight heads of doctrine are proposed to be discussed. Of Transubstantiation. Of worship. Of preparation to receive the Sacrament. Of the use of the Cup, in the Communion of the Laity. Of the Communion of Children. It was proposed also to make a collection of the abuses which did occur, and to add the remedies. Then, in that Congregation, and some of those that followed, the Fathers began to speak their opinion concerning the seven Anathematisms: wherein nothing remarkable was said, but that, in condemning those who confessed not the real presence of the Lords body, many desired that the Canon should be more fat and pregnant (for so their words were) that, in the Eucharist, there is the body of JESUS CHRIST, the same which was borne of the Virgin, did suffer on the Cross, was buried, raised, and ascended into heaven, sitteth on the right hand of GOD, and shall come to judgement. And some of them called to mind, that there wanted one very important point, that is, to declare, that the Minister of this Sacrament is the Priest, lawfully ordained. Which they did, because Luther and his followers do often say, that every Christian may do it, even a woman. But the Earl of Montfort, perceiving that they treated of a matter much controversed, especially of the Communion of the Cup, which was the most palpable, popular, and best understood by all, he thought that, if The Ambassadors of the Emperor and Ferdinand dissuade the discussion of the Communion under one kind. that were determined, the Protestants would never be induced to come to the Council, and all the labour would be in vain. And having imparted this to his Colleagues, and the Ambassadors of Ferdinand, they went all together to the Precedents, to whom, when they had showed what pains Caesar had taken, both in war, and in the negotiation to make the Protestants submit to the Council, which they would never do if they went not thither, they shown that they ought to apply themselves principally to this; and, to that end, the Emperor had given them a Safe conduct. But they were not contented with it, alleging that it was decreed in the Council of Constance, and really executed, that the Council is not bound by the Safe conduct of any, whatsoever he be; and therefore they required one from the Synod, which was promised to them by Caesar, who gave charge to them his Ambassadors to obtain it of the Council. Whereunto the Legate making a very complemental answer, and referring himself to the Session which should be held, to gain time, that he might give an account thereof to Rome, the earl added, that for the same cause, he thought it not fit, that, before their coming, the controversed points of the Eucharist should be handled; that there wanted not matters of reformation to be treated on, or others, in which there was no difference. The Legate answered, that it was resolved long ago to handle the Eucharist, neither could it be altered, because it was concluded before, that the Decrees of faith and reformation should go hand in hand, and that the matter of the Eucharist did follow that of reformation, which was handled last, before they went to Bolonia. But he said, that this was more controversed with the Zinglian Swisses, then with the Protestants, who are not Sacramentaries; as those. The Count spoke of the Communion of the Cup, and said, that if that point were decided against them, which is understood by all the people, and a thing whereon they stand most, it was impossible to reduce them. That, Caesar also in the Decree of the Inter-religion, was forced to yield in this, and therefore desired that they would be pleased to defer it until the coming of the Protestants. The Legate did not refuse, but passed it over with general and vnconcluding words, that he might first understand the Pope's mind, unto whom he gave an account of whatsoever was handled by the Divines, and of the Anathematisms framed, and of that which was discoursed The Legate giveth the Pope an account of all. in matter of reformation (whereof we will speak hereafter) and then he gave advice of the two requests of the Emperor's Ambassadors, desiring an answer. The Pope put these things in consultation; and, for the lafe conduct, found variety of opinions. Some would not have it given, alleging that Who causeth a consultation to be held. it was never done but by the Council of Basill, which was not to be imitated in any thing; and that it was a great prejudice to bind themselves to rebels, though any thing might be endured if there were hope to gain them; but there was none at all; yea rather, in stead of that, there was reason to fear that some would be perverted, as Vergerius was, though not wholly, yet in some part; from which contagion the most principal Prelates, and the most obliged to the holy Sea, have not been exempted. On the other side it was said, that, not out of hope to convert, but to leave them without excuse, it was fit to give them all satisfaction; but the rather, because the Emperor for his own interests, had made greater instance, whom it was necessary to please now, because, France being aliened, they were wholly to depend on him: and it was better to prevent, and do that willingly, which of necessity was to be done. And, concerning the preiudices, it might be made in such a form, that it should not bind at all, or very little. First, by not descending to name the Protestants, but in general, the Eccleisastics and Seculars of the Germane Nation, of every condition. For so, under the general words, it may be said they are comprehended, or, that it is understood of the Catholics only, and not of them, alleging that for them, a special and express mention was necessary. Then the Synod may grant a safe Conduct for itself, and the Pope's authority will be reserved. Then judges, concerning faults committed, may be deputed, and the election And answereth thus. left to them, to avoid suspicion. So that vigour of discipline, and authority of punishing would be retained, and no show made of yielding or remitting any thing. This opinion prevailed with the Pope, who, according to that form, made a draught of the safe Conduct, and answered the Legate, commending his wisdom in the answers he had given, resolving that the safe Conduct should be granted in the form he sent him, and that the matter of the Cup should be deferred, and the Protestants expected, but not above three months, or little more, not being idle in the mean while, but making a Session between, to treat of Penance, which he would not have deferred above forty days, or little more. He advertised them also, that the Canons, in matter of the Eucharist, were too full, and that it were better to divide them. While they consulted in Rome, in Trent they went on to handle the points of doctrine; wherein they proceeded as easily, as before, in discussing the Articles. But when they came to express the manner of existence, how CHRIST is in the Sacrament, and the Transubstantiation, how the Body of CHRIST is made of the Bread, and the Blood of the Wine, it could not be A contention a●s 〈…〉 between the Franciscans and Dominicans concer 〈…〉 the real presence treated on without contention between the two Schools, Dominican, and Franciscan; which did much trouble the Fathers, by the subtlety and small fruit thereof, themselves not knowing how to explicate their own meaning. In sum, the Dominicans would not have it said that Christ was in the Eucharist, because he went thither from another place where he was before, but, because the substance of the Bread is turned into his Body, the Body being in the place where the bread was, without going thither; and because all the substance of the bread is turned into all the substance of the Body, that is, the matter of the Bread into the matter of the Body, and the form into the form, it is properly called Transubstantiation. And therefore there are two sorts of the existence of CHRIST our Lord, both of them real, true, and substantial, one, as he is in heaven, whither he ascended, when he parted from the earth, where he first conversed; the other, as he is in the Sacrament, in which he is, because he is where the substances of the bread and wine, converted into him, were first. The first existence is called natural, because it agreeth to all bodies; the second, as it is singular, so it cannot be expressed with any name agreeing to others, nor can be called Sacramental, which were as much as to say, that it was not there really, but as in a sign, the Sacrament being nothing but an holy sign, except by Sacramental one would understand a real manner, proper to this Sacrament only. The Franciscans would have it said, that one body may, by God's omnipotency, be truly and substantially in many places, and when it doth get a new place, it is in it, because it goeth thither, not by a successive mutation, as when it leaveth the first place to get the second, but in an instant, in which it gaineth the second, without losing the first; and that God hath so ordained, that where the body of CHRIST is, there should remain no other substance, not by annihilation, because the substance of CHRIST succeedeth in place of it, and therefore it is truly called Transubstantiation, not because the one substance is made of the other, as the Dominicans say, but for that the one doth succeed the other. The manner of CHRIST'S being in heaven and in the Sacrament differeth not in substance, but in quantity only: because in heaven the magnitude of the body possesseth as much space as is proportionable to it, and it is substantially in the Sacrament without possessing any place. Therefore both sorts are true, real, and substantial, and, in regard of the substance, natural also: in respect of the quantity the existence in heaven is natural, and in the Sacrament miraculous, differing in this only, that in heaven the quantity is truly a quantity, and in the Sacrament, hath the condition of a substance. Either party was so wedded to their own opinion, that they affirmed it to be plain, clear, and intelligible to all, and opposed infinite absurdities against the other. The Elector of Cullen, who, with johannes Groperus, was assiduous at the disputations, to understand this matter, in that which one party opposed against the other, he gave a reason to them both, in that which either of them affirmed, he said, he desired some probability, and that they should speak as understanding the matter, not, as they seemed to do, by custom and habit of the Schools. divers draughts were made by both sides, to express these mysteries, and some were composed by taking some thing from either party. But none gave satisfaction, especially to the Nuncio Verona, who was the principal Superintendent in this matter. It was determined in the general Congregation, to use as few words as was possible, and to make an expression so universal, as might be accommodated to the meaning of both parties: and the care hereof was committed to some Fathers and Pheologues, with the superintendency of the foresaid Nuncio. In the end of this Congregation, it was proposed that a collection should The abuses occurring therein rre noted. be made, of the abuses occurring in this matter, with remedies against them, and, in the Congregations following, many were recounted. That in some particular Churches, the Sacrament is not kept, and in others, is kept very undecently. That, when it is carried in the street, many do not kneel to it, and some scarce vouchsafe to put off their caps. That, in some Churches, it is kept so long, that it becometh putrified. That, in administering the holy Communion, great indecency is used, by some parish Priests, who have not so much as a cloth, for him that communicateth, to hold in his hand. That, (which is of most importance) the communicants do not know what they receive, nor are instructed of the dignity, and fruit of this Sacrament. That Concubinaries, Concubines, and other enormous sinners, and many who know not the Pater noster, and A●●e Maria are admitted to the Communion. That money is demanded at the Communion in the name of alms, and, which is worse, there is an use in Rome, that he who is to communicate, doth hold a burning candle in his hand, with money sticking in it, which, together with the candle, after the Communion, remaineth to the Priest, and he that beareth not a candle, is not admitted to the Communion. To remedy part of these, and other abuses, slew Canons were made, And five Canons made to redress them. which had a fair proheme. In which it was constituted, that the Sacrament being lifted up on the Altar, or carried by the way, every one should kneel, and uncover his head. That the Sacrament should be kept in every Parish Church, and renewed every fifteen days, and have a lamp burning before it night and day. That it be carried to the sick, by the Priest, in an honourable habit, and always with light. That the Curates teach the people, what grace is received in this Sacrament, and execute against them, the penalties of the Chapt. Omnis Vtriusque sexus. That the Ordinaries should have care of the execution, chastising the transgressors with arbitrary punishments, besides those which are set down by Innocentius the third, in the Chapt. Statuimus, and by Honorius the third, in the Chapt. Sane. The reformation was handled, at the same time, when there was disputation in matter of faith, but by other Congregations, in which the Canonists did assist; which discussions, not to interrupt the matter, I have brought all together to this place. And because the purpose was to reform the Episcopal jurisdiction, this place requireth (for the understanding of what will be said upon this, and many other occasions hereafter) that the original should be declared, and how, being mounted to so great power it became suspected to Princes, and terrible to the people. CHRIST having commanded his Apostles to preach the Gospel, and administer the Sacraments, he left also to them, in person of all the faithful, this principal precept, To love one another, charging them to make peace, between those that dissented, and, for the last remedy, giving the care thereof to the body of the Church, promising it should be bound and loosed in heaven, whatsoever they did bind and lose on earth, and whatsoever two did ask with a common consent, should be granted by the Father. In this charitable office to give satisfaction to the offended, and pardon to the offender, the Primitive Church was always exercised. And, in conformity of this, Saint Paul ordained, that brothers, having civil suits one against another, should not go to the Tribunals of the Infidels, but that wise men should be apppointed to judge the differences; and this was a kind of civil judgement, as the other had a similitude of a criminal; but were both so different from the judgements of the world, that as these are executed by power of the judge, who enforceth submission, so those only by the will of the guilty, to receive them, who refusing them, the Ecclesiastical judge remaineth without execution, and hath no power, but to foreshow the judgement of GOD, which, according to his omnipotent good pleasure, will follow, in this life, or the next. And indeed, the Ecclesiastical judgement did deserve the name of charity, The Reformation is handled at the same time with the Doctrine, but in diverse Congregations. in regard that it only did induce the guilty to submit, and the Church to judge with such sincerity, that neither in the one any bad effect could have place, nor just complaint in the other; and the excess of charity in correcting, did make the corrector to feel greater pain than the corrected; so that, in the Church, no punishment was imposed, without great lamentation of the multitude, and greater of the better sort. And this was the cause A discourse of the Author concerning 〈…〉 opal jurisdiction. why to correct, was called to lament. So Saint Paul, rebuking the Corinthians, for not chastising the incestuous, said, You have not lamented to separate such a transgressor from you. And in another Epistle, I fear that when I come unto you, I shall not find you such as I desire, but in contentions and tumults, and that at my coming, I shall lament many of those who have sinned before. The judgement of the Church (as is necessary in every multitude) was fit that it should be conducted by one, who should preside and guide the action, propose the matters, and collect the points to be consulted on. This care, due to the most principal, and worthy person, was always committed to the Bishop. And where the Churches were many, the propositions and deliberations were made by the Bishop, first in the College of the Priests and Deacons, which they called the Presbytery, and there were ripened, to receive afterwards the last resolution in the general Congregation of the Church. This form was still on foot in the year two hundred and fifty, and is plainly seen by the Epistles of Cyprian, who in the matter concerning those who did eat of meats offered to Idols, and subscribe to the Religion of the Gentiles, writeth to the Presbytery, that he doth not think to do any thing without their counsel, and consent of the people; and writeth to the people, that, at his return, he will examine the causes, and merits thereof, in their presence, and under their judgement; and he wrote to those Priests, who, of their own brain, had reconciled some, that they should give an account to the people. The goodness and charity of the Bishops, made their opinion for the most part to be followed, and by little and little, was cause that the Church, charity waxing cold, not regarding the charge laid upon them by CHRIST, did leave the care to the Bishop; and ambition, a witty passion, which doth insinuate itself in the show of virtue, did cause it to be readily embraced. But the principal cause of the change was the ceasing of persecutions. For then the Bishops did e●ect as it were a tribunal, which was much frequented; because as temporal commodities, so suits did increase. The judgement, though it were not as the former, in regard of the form, to determine all by the opinion of the Church, yet it was of the same sincerity. Whereupon Constantine, seeing how profitable it was to determine causes, and that, by the authority of Religion, captious actions were discovered, which the judges could not penetrate, made a Law that there should lie no appeal from the sentences of Bishops, which should be executed by the secular judges: and if in a cause depending before a secular tribunal, in any state thereof, either of the parties, though the other contradict, shall demand the Episcopal judgement, the cause shall be immediately remitted unto him. Here the tribunal of the Bishop, began to be a common pleading place, having execution by the Ministry of the Magistrate, and to gain the name of Episcopal jurisdiction, Episcopal audience, and such like. The Emperor Valence did enlarge it, who, in the year 365. gave the Bishops the care over all the prizes of vendible things. This judicial negotiation pleased not the good Bishops. Possidonius, doth recount that Austin, being employed herein, sometimes until dinner time, sometimes longer, was wont to say, that it was a trouble, & did divert him from the things proper unto him; and himself writeth, that it was to leave things profitable, and to attend things tumultuous and perplexed. And Saint Paul did not take it to himself, as being not fit for a Preacher, but would have it given to others. Afterwards some Bishops, beginning to abuse the authority given them by the law of Constantine, that law was seventy years after, revoked by Arcadius and Honorius, and an ordination made that they should judge causes of religion, and not civil, except both parties did consent, and declared that they should not be thought to have a Court. Which law being not much observed in Rome, in regard of the great power of the Bishop, Valentinian being in the City, in that year 452. did renew it, and made it to be put in execution. But a little after, some part of the power taken away was restored by the Princes that followed; so that justinian did establish unto them a Court, and audience, and assigned to them the causes of Religion, the Ecclesiastical faults of the Clergy, & diverse, voluntary jurisdictions also over the Laity. By these degrees the charitable correction, instituted by CHRIST, did degenerate into domination, and made Christians lose their ancient reverence and obedience. It is denied in words, that Ecclesiastical jurisdiction is dominion, as is the secular, yet one knoweth not how to put a difference between them. But S. Paul did put it, when he wrote to Timothy, and repeated it to Titus, that a Bishop should not be greedy of gain, nor a striker. Now on the contrary, they make men pay for processes, and imprison the parties, as is done in the secular Court. But the Western Countries being separated, and an Empire made of Italy, France, and Germany, and a kingdom of Spain, in these four Provinces the Bishops, for the most part, were made Counsellors of the Prince, which, by the mixture of spiritual and temporal charges, caused their jurisdiction to increase exceedingly. Before 200. years were passed, they pretended absolutely all judicature, criminal and civil, over the Clergy, and, in some things, over the Laity also, pretending that the cause was Ecclesiastical. Besides this kind of judicature, they invented another, which they called mixed, in which the Magistrate or the Bishop might proceed against the secular, which of them took the cause in hand first; whereby in regard of their exquisite diligence, never leaving place to the secular, they appropriated all unto themselves; and those which remained out of so great a number, were comprehended in the end by a general rule, established by them, as a ground of faith, that every cause is devolved to the Ecclesiastical Court, if the Magistrate will not, or neglect to do justice. But if the pretensions of the Clergy were contained within these bounds, the state of Christian Common wealths were tolerable. The people and Princes, when they saw it mount to these unsupportable terms, might with Laws and statutes have brought the judgements to a sufferable form, as formerly upon occasion hath been done. But that which put Christendom under the yoke, took from it, in the end all means to shake it from the neck. For after the year 1050. all the causes of the Clergy being appropriated to the Bishops, and very many of the Laity, under title of spirituality, and almost all the rest under the name of a mixed judicature, and placing themselves above secular Magistrates, upon pretence of justice denied, they came to say, that the Bishop had that power to judge, not by the grant or connivency of Princes, or by the will of the People, or by custom, but that it was essential to the Episcopal dignity, and given to it by CHRIST. And though the Laws of the Emperors remain in the Codes of Theodosius and justinian, in the Capitulars of Charles the great, and Lewis the Debonaire, and others of later Princes of the East and West, which do all show plainly, how, when and by whom this power hath been granted, and all Stories, as well Ecclesiastical as profane, do agree in declaring the same grants and customs, adding the reasons and causes, yet so notorious a truth hath not had such power, but that a contrary affirmation only, without any proof, hath been able to overcome it; which the Canonists have so fare maintained, as to publish those for heretics who do not suffer themselves to be hoodwinked. And not staying here they add, that neither the Magistrate, nor the Prince himself, can meddle in any of those causes which the Clergy hath appropriated, because they are spiritual, and of spiritual things the Laiques are uncapable. Yet the light of truth was not so put out but that learned and godly men, in those first times, did oppose that doctrine, showing that both the Premises of that discourse were false, & that the Mayor, that is, that the Laiques are uncapable of spiritual things, was absurd, and impious. For they are adopted by the heavenly Father, called the sons of God, brothers of CHRIST, partakers of the Kingdom of heaven, made worthy of Divine grace. Of Baptism, and of the Communion of the flesh of CHRIST. What other spiritual things are there beside these? And if there were, how can he, who is partaker of these which are the chiefest, be said absolutely in general terms to be uncapable of spiritual things? But they said that the Minor was false also, that causes appropriated to the Episcopal judicature are spiritual. For all either delicts or contracts: which, considering the qualities, given by the holy Scripture to spiritual things, are as fare from being such, as earth is from heaven. But the opposition of the better part could not overcome the greater, and so; upon the spiritual power, given by CHRIST to the Church, to bind and lose, and upon the institution of Saint Paul, to compose contentions between Christians, without going to the tribunal of Infidels, in much time, and by many degrees, a temporal tribunal hath been built, more remarkable than ever was any in the world, and in the midst of every Civil government another instituted, not depending on the Public, which is such a kind of Commonwealth, as not one of as many as have written of governments would have imagined could subsist. I will omit to speak how the pains of so many, besides the obtaining of the wished end. To make themselves independent of the public, have, before they were ware, raised an Empire, there being a more difficult opinion sprung up, taking root with admirable progress, which giveth to the Pope of Rome, as much at once, as hath, in 1300. years, been gained by so many Bishops, by such extraordinary means, not making the power to bind and lose the foundation of jurisdiction, but the power of feeding, and so affirming, that all jurisdiction was given the Pope by CHRIST, in the person of Peter, when he said to him, Feed my sheep. For so it will be said in the third reduction of the Council, when great tumults were raised by this opinion, which shall then be recounted. But by that which hath been now declared, every one may of himself, conceive what remedies were necessary, to give a tolerable form to a matter, broken out into so great corruptions, and compare them with these that were proposed. In Trent there were two defects considered; that is, that the charity of the superiors was turned into domination, and the obedience of the inferiors into complaints, subterfuges, and lamentations; and they first thought of providing, in some sort, against them both. But in prosecuting the first, which is the fountain from whence the second is derived, they used only an exhortatory remedy to the Prelates to take away domination, and restore charity. And for the inferiors, many subterfuges, being mentioned to delude justice, three heads only were taken, Appeals, absolutorie graces, and complaints against the judges. johannes Groperus, who assisted in that Council as a Divine and a Lawyer, spoke honourably of Appeals, and said, that while the heat of faith remained in the breasts of Christians, Appeals were not heard of. But charity in the judge's waxing cold, and place being given to passion, they entered into the Church, for A discourse of johannes Groperus concerning Appeals. the same reasons which brought them into the secular Courts, that is, for the ease of the oppressed. And as the first judicatures belonged not to the Bishop only, but to him with the council of his Priests, so the Appeal was not devolved unto one man, but unto another Congregation. But the Bishops, taking away the Synods, did institute Courts and officers, like the seculars. Neither did the mischief stop there, but passed to greater abuses then in the Secular court. For there the first Appeal is only to be immediate superior, neither is it lawful to leap to the highest, nor permitted, in the articles of the cause to appeal from the Decrees of the judge which they call interlocutories, but it is necessary to expect the end. But in the Ecclesiastical Courts one may appeal from every act, which maketh the causes infinite, and immediately to the highest judge, which carrieth them out of the Countries, with great charges, and other intolerable mischiefs. This he said he did declare, to conclude, that if they would reform this matter, which is wholly corrupted, and doth not only hinder residency, as in the Congregations of so many worthy Doctors and Fathers was considered, but corrupteth the whole discipline, and is a grievance, charge, and scandal to the people, it was fit to reduce it to its beginning, or as near to it as might be, setting a perfect Idea before their eyes, and aiming at that, to come as nigh to it, as the corruption of the matter doth comport. That the well instituted monastical religions have forbidden all appeal; that this is the true remedy. He that hath not been able to go so high, hath moderated them, granting them within their order, and forbidding them without; which succeeding well, as appeareth, to keep those governments in order, it would work the same effect in the public governments of the Church, if the Appeals were confined within the same Province. And to effect this, and to bridle the malice of the litigants, it is sufficient to reduce them to the form of the Common laws, forbidding the Leap, that is, to go to the highest without passing by the intermediate superiors, and by forbidding Appeals from the Articles, or the interlocutory Decrees: with which provisions, the causes will not go fare, will not be drawn in length, will not cause excessive charges, and other innumerable grievances, and, that the sentences may pass with sincerity, to restore the Synodals, which are not subject to so great corruptions, removing those officers by whom the world is so much scandalised, because it is not possible that Germany should endure them. This opinion was not willingly heard, except by the Spaniards & Dutchmen. But the Cardinal & the Nuncio of Siponto, were displeased that he went so fare. For this was to take away, not only the profit of the Court, but the honour also, no cause would go to Rome, and by degrees, every one would forget the superiority of the Pope, it being an ordinary thing with men, not to esteem that Superior, whose authority is not feared, or cannot be used. Therefore they caused john Baptista Castellus, of Bolonia, to speak in the next Congregation, in the same matter, in such sort, as that without contradicting Groperus, the appearance, which the reasons alleged by him did make should be darkened. He began with the praises of the ancient ●n opposition whereof, johannes Baptista Castellus maketh another discourse by direction of the Precedents. Church, yet dexterously touching, that in those same times, there were imperfections, in some part greater, then in the present. He thanked GOD that the Church was not oppressed, as when the Arians did scarce suffer it to appear: and said, that antiquity ought not so to be commended, as that something in the latter age, may not be reputed better. Those who praise the Synodall judicature, have not seen their defects, the infinite length in the dispatches, the impediments in the diligent examination, the difficulty to inform so many, the seditions made by the factious: it is to be believed that they have been intermitted, because they did notsucceed well, and that the Courts and Officers have been brought in, to remedy those disorders. It cannot be denied, that these have some that deserve to be provided against; which is fit to do, without restoring that which was abolished, because it was intolerable. In Appeals, the custom was to pass by the intermediate Superiors, and not, at the first, to leap to the highest; which was taken away, because the Governors of Provinces and Countries, were become Tyrants over the Church, and for a remedy, all businesses were carried to Rome. This hath its inconueniencies, the great distance of place, and charge; but they are more tolerable than oppression, He that would reduce the first custom, should find that in stead of redressing one evil he should cause many and every one greater. But above all it must be considered, that the same public thing must not always be ordered in one manner, but as time hath mutations, so it is fit to change the government. The ancient manner of governing will not be profitable, except the ancient state of the Church do return. He that, seeing how children are governed, and how the liberty of eating and drinking any thing, at any time, is cause of health and strength, should think an old man might do so, would find himself much deceived. The Churches were little, compassed with Pagans, united amongst themselves, as being near the enemy; now they are great, without any opposite to keep them in their duty; whereupon the common things are neglected, and it is necessary they should be cared for by one. If the causes did continue in every Province, within a few years there would be such diversity, that one would be contrary to another, and they would not seem to be of the same faith and religion. The Popes of Rome took not upon them in ancient times many parts of government, when they saw it was good, but reserved it to themselves when it was abused by others. Many succeeding Popes were of holy life, and good intention, who would have restored it, but that they saw, that, in a corrupt matter, it could not be well used. His conclusion was, that to preserve the unity of the Church, it was necessary to leave things as they are. Neither did this please the Italian Prelates, who would have the Pope's authority preserved, yet withal, some thing restored to themselves, especially being to reside; therefore they came to moderate the business. To restore Synodall judicatures was rejected by almost all, because it did diminish the Episcopal and was too popular. To appeal by degrees, though it was maintained by many; yet it was excluded by plurality of voices. To appeal from the definitives alone, was accommodated with a limitation, that it should be only in criminal causes, others being left in the same state, though perhaps they had more need to be reform. For proceeding against the persons of the Bishops, no man desiring to facilitate the judicature against himself, the restoring of it to Parochial Synods, unto which it did formerly belong, was not spoken of, but they desired to provide that, it remaining in the Pope's hands, it should pass with greater dignity of that order, moderating the commissions which came from Rome, by which they were forced to appear, and submit themselves to persons of an inferior rank. And this was so earnestly desired by all, that it was necessary for the Legate to yield unto it, though he was not pleased with any exaltation of the Bishops, because all was taken from the Pope which was given to them. The Dutch Prelates did propose, that the laws of the Degradations might be moderated, as being intolerable, and giving much occasion of complaint in Germany. For it being a pure ceremony which hindereth justice, and The Dutch Prelates complain of the laws of Degradation. they having desired a moderation, ever since the year 1522. in the one and thirtieth of the hundred grievances, to see that the abuse is continued, giveth matter of scandal to some, and of detraction to others, The ancient use of the Church was, that if any Ecclesiastical person would return to the secular state, to the end it might not appear that those who were deputed to the A discourse about Degradation. ministry of the Church, should serve the world, the Bishops did use to take from him the Ecclesiastical degree; as in war, to hold themselves in more reputation, it was not granted to a Soldier to return to civil functions, and be subject to the civil judge, if he were not first bereft of his military degree, which therefore was called Degradation, taking from him his girdle, and arms, as with those he was created a Soldier. Therefore when any Clergy man, either willingly, or by the laws was to return to secular functions, or, for some faults, was made subject to that Court, the Bishops did take from him the degree, with the same ceremonies with the which he was invested, spoilng him of the habits, and taking out of his hand the instruments, by the assignation of which he was deputed to the ministry. Being apparelled just as if he were to minister in his charge, he was to be stripped first of that, which was last in the ordination, and with contrary words to those that were used in the promotion. And this was very usual in those first times after Constantine, for three hundred years. But about the year six hundred, a custom was brought in, not to permit Cleargie-men of holy Order to return to the world, and to others it was granted to do it at their pleasure; whereupon, by little and little, the Degradation of the lesser was wholly disused, and that of the greater was restrained only to this case, when they were to be made subject to the secular Court. And justinian, regulating the judicature of the Clergy, after he had ordained that, in Ecclesiastical delicts, they should be chastised by the Bishops, and in secular delicts, which he called Civil, by the public judge, added that the punishment should not be executed before the party guilty, were despoiled of 〈◊〉 Priesthood by the Bishop. And after that criminal judicature over the Clergy was granted to the Bishops, the Degradation remained only when the punishment was death, which, in regard of the dignity of their order, the Ecclesiastiques would not have inflicted upon a Clergy man. But, in cases of exorbitant wickedness, it seemed that it could not be denied, without scandal; therefore they found a way to do that indirectly, which directly they could not, saying, it was just that the offences of the Clergy should be punished with deserved death, but the Degradation was first necessary: which they made so difficult, by circumstances of solemnity, that very seldom it could be done. And this procured a greater reverence of the clerical Order, with whose blood justice had nothing to do, if so much solemnity did not precede. It was justly ordered that the Bishops should not do it but in public, apparelled with the holy vestments, and, which more imported, with the assistance of twelve Bishops, in the Degradation of a Bishop, of six, in the Degradation of a Priest, of three, in the Degradation of a Deacon, who were to be present in their Pontifical ornaments. And it seeming strange, that a Bishop, who might give a degree without company, could not take it away alone, Pope Innocentius the third removed the marvel, with a maxim, which hath not much probability, saying, that temporal buildings are hardly erected, and easily pulled down, but spiritual contrarily, are easily built, and hardly destroyed. The vulgar held the Degradation for a necessary thing, and, when it happened, ran to it, with unspeakable frequency. But learned men do know the bottom of it. For having determined, that, in the collation of the Order, a sign is imprinted in the soul, called a Character, which is impossible to blot out, or remove by Degradation, this remaineth a pure Ceremony, performed for reputation only. In Germany, there being but few Bishops, it could not be done without immense charge, to bring so many into one place. And those Dutch Prelates, who were in the Council, for the most part Princes, did know more than others, how necessary it is, for example's sake, to punish, with death, the wickedness of Priests: wherefore they desired that provision should be made therein. This particular was much discussed, and, in the end, it was resolved not to change the Ceremony by any means, but to find a temper, that the difficulty and the cost might be moderated. The Legate, though every week he had given an account to the Pope of all occurrences, yet he was willing to establish in Congregation the draughts of the Decrees, that he might send a copy of them, and receive an answer before the Session. Wherefore, the general Congregation being assembled, not making mention of what was written to him from Rome, he made a relation of that which the Earl of Mountfort had represented, adding that the request for a Safe Conduct seemed reasonable, and also the deferring of whatsoever could be deferred with honour. For having appointed already to speak of the Eucharist, the first day of September, they could not choose but do it, but to omit some point more important, and more controversed, was a thing which might be granted. And the voices being collected, all were of opinion, that the Safe Conduct should be given, but concerning the matter to be handled, some thought that it was not for their honour to defer it, if the Protestants did not give security that they would come to handle it, and submit themselves to the determination of the Council. Others said, that their honour was saved, if it were done at their A dispute what points of doctrine are to be handled, until the coming of the Protestants. request; and this was the more common opinion. Then the Legate added that they might reserve the matter of ministering the Cup to the Laity: and, to show that they did not come for one Article only, they might join also with it the Communion of Children. And order was taken to compose the Decree in this particular. Which being read, some thought it was too little to reserve two Articles, and therefore that it was better to divide the first into three, and so reserve four, and to add the Sacrifice of the Mass; the controversies whereof are great. For so it will appear, that many things are reserved, and the most principal; and in this opinion all did agree. And when it was said that the Protestants desire to be heard concerning these, a Prelate of Germany stood up, and asked, by whom, and to whom this request was made; because it did much import that this should appear; otherwise when they should say it was not true, the honour of the Council would be much blemished. But there being nothing but what Count Mountfort had said as of himself, and that also not restrained to those four heads, nor to the matter of the Eucharist, but in general of all the Controversies, they were much troubled how to resolve. To show that this reservation was made by their own motion, besides that it was an indignity, it did draw an objection upon them, that they ought to reserve all. This way was found to be least ill, not to say that the Protestants make request, but that they desire to be heard; whereof there can be no doubt made, because they have said it upon diverse occasions; and though they meant concerning all the controversies, yet it is no falsity to speak that of a part, which is spoken of the whole number, not excluding the rest. Some thought that this was to hide themselves behind a thread; but yet it did pass, because they knew not how to do better. For this cause, the matters reserved being to be taken out of the Heads of doctrine, and the Anathematisms, these which remained were, for more perspicuity, divided, and reduced to eleven, When they were to make the Decrees against the abuses, they knew not where to put them. Amongst those of faith they were not to be placed, being of Ceremonies and uses. With those of Reformation they did not agree, in regard of the diversity of the matter. To rank them by themselves was a novity, and did alter the order set down. After a long dispute it was concluded to omit them now, and after to place them with the Decrees of the Mass. The points of the Reformation were accepted without difficulty, having been already established by themselves. There remained the form of the Safe Conduct, which was referred to the Precedents to compose, by the help of those who had experience in such things; which assisted the Legate to make that form pass which was sent him from Rome. The eleventh of October being come, they went to the Church, as they were wont. The Bishop of Maiorica sang Mass, and the Archbishop of Torre made the Sermon, which was all in the praise of the Sacrament of the Eucharist. And other usual Ceremonies being performed, the Decree of the doctrine was read by the Bishops that did celebrate the Mass. The substance whereof was: That the Synod assembled to declare the ancient faith, A Session is held. and to remedy the inconveniences caused by the Sects, did desire, from the beginning, to root cut the cockle, sowed in the field of the Eucharist. Therefore, The Decree of doctrine concerning the Eucharist. teaching the Catholic doctrine, ever believed by the Church, it doth prohibit all the faithful hereafter to believe, teach or preach, otherwise then is declared. First, it teacheth that in the Eucharist, after the Consecration, CHRIST is contained, truly, really, and substantially, under the appearances of the sensible things, notwithstanding he is in heaven, by a natural existence, because he is present in his substance in many other places, Sacramentally, in a manner of existence, which is believed by faith, and can hardly be expressed by words. For all the ancients have professed, that CHRIST did institute this Sacrament in the last Supper, when, after the benediction of the Bread and Wine, he said, in clear and manifest words, that he gave his Body and Blood, which having a most plain signification, it is great wickedness to wrest them to imaginary figures, denying the truth of the Flesh and Blood of CHRIST. Afterwards it teacheth, that CHRIST hath instituted this Sacrament in memory of himself, ordaining it should be received as a Spiritual food of the soul, as a medicine for our daily faults, a preservative from mortal sin, a pledge of eternal glory, and a sign of the Body whereof himself is the Head. And though it be common to this Sacrament with others, to be a sign of a sacred thing, yet it hath this proper to itself, that other having virtue to sanctify in the use, this doth contain the author of Sanctity before the use. For the Apostles had not received the Eucharist from the hand of our Lord, when he said that it was his Body: and the Church hath always believed, that the Body of CHRIST is under the bread, and the Blood under the wine, by virtue of the Consecration; but, by concomitancy, as much is under either of the kinds, and every part of them, as under both; declaring that by the Consecration of the Bread and Wine, there is made a conversion of their whole substance into the substance of the Body and Blood of CHRIST, which conversion the Catholic Church hath called Transubstantiation, by a fit and proper term. Therefore the faithful do give the honour of Latria, or divine worship, due unto God, to this Sacrament, and it hath been religiously instituted to make a particular feast for it every year, and to carry it in procession, in pubique places. Likewise the custom to keep it in an holy place is ancient and hath been observed from the time of the Nicen Council, and to carry it to the sick is an old custom, being reasonable beside, and commanded in many Counsels. And if it be not fit that any holy thing should be handled without sanctity, much more none ought to come to this Sacrament without great reverence, and proof made of himself: which proof must be, that none having mortally sinned, though he be contrite, may receive it, without sacramental Confession, which the Priest also, who is to celebrate, aught to observe, so that he can find a Confessor; and if he cannot, he must confess immediately afterward. It doth teach also that there be three kinds of receiving the Eucharist. One Sacramentally only, as sinners do; another spiritually, as those do, who receive it with a lively faith, and desire; the third containeth both kinds, as those do receive it, who, having proved themselves, as aforesaid, do go to the Table. And there is an Apostolical Tradition, and so it ought to be observed, that the Liaitie should receive the Communion from the Priests, and the Priests should Communicate Themselves. In the end the Synod prayeth all Christians to agree in this doctrine. When the Decree was ended, the eleven Anathematisms were read. 1. Against him that shall deny that, in the Eucharist, is contained truly, The Anathematisms. really, and substantially the Body and Blood, with the Soul and Divinity of CHRIST, that is, whole CHRIST, and shall say that he is contained only as in a sign, or figure, or virtually. 2. That in the Eucharist there doth remain the substance of the bread and wine with the Body and Blood of CHRIST, or shall deny that admirable conversion of all the substance of the bread into the body, and of the wine into the blood, there remaining only the form, which conversion the Church most appositely calleth Transubstantiation. 3. That, in the Sacrament of the Eucharist, under every kind, and under every part being separated, all CHRIST is not contained. 4. That, the Conseoration being made, he is not there, but in the use, and neither before nor after, and that he is not in the particles, which remain after the Communion. 5. That, the principal fruit of the Eucharist is the remission of sins, or that it hath no other effect. 6. That CHRIST in the Eucharist ought not to be worshipped with the honour of Latria, nor honoured with a particular feast, nor carried in procession, nor put in a public place, to be worshipped, or that the worshippers are Idolaters. 7. That it is not lawful to keep it in an holy place, but that it should be distributed to the standers by, or that it is not lawful to carry it honourably to the sick. 8. That CHRIST in the Eucharist is eaten only spiritually, and not Saoramentally, and really. 9 That the faithful being of age, are not bound to communicate every year at Easter. 10. That it is not lawful to the Priest, who celebrateth, to communicate himself. 11. That faith only is a sufficient preparation to receive it: Declaring in the end, that the preparation ought to be by the means of Sacramental Confession, holding him to be excommunicate who shall teach, preach, affirm pertinaciously, or defend in public disputation, the contrary. The Decree of the Reformation containeth first a long admonition to The Decree of Reformation. the Bishops, to use their jurisdiction moderately, and charitably; then determineth, that in causes of visitation, correction, and inability, and in the criminal, none may appeal from the Bishop or his Vicar general, before the definitive, or from an irreparable grievance; and when there shall be place of Appeal, and a Commission shall be granted in partibus, by Apostolic authority, it shall not be granted to any but the Metropolitan, or his Vicar; or, in case he be suspected, or fare distant, or the Appeal be from him, it shall not be granted but to a Bishop dwelling near, or a Bishop's Vicar. That the defendant appealing, shall be bound to produce in the second instance the acts of the first, which shall beegiven him, within thirty days, without paying for them. That the Bishop, or his Vicar general may proceed against any to condemnation, and verbal deposition, and may also degrade solemnly, with the assistance of so many Abbats of Mitre and postorals, if he can have them, or of so many other Ecclesiastical dignities, as there are Bishops required by the Canons. That the Bishop as delegate, may summarily take knowledge of the absolution of every one of whom inquisition is made, and of the remission of the punishment of every one that is condemned by him; and if it shall appear unto him, that sentence hath been obtained, by telling that which is false, or concealing the truth, he may cause it not to be executed. That a Bishop may not be cited to appear personally, but for such a cause for which he may be deposed or deprived, by what form of judgement soever the proceeding be. That testimonies, in a criminal cause, against a Bishop, may not be received by information, but by witnesses, and those of good fame, chastizing them grievously if they shall depose upon Passion: and the criminal causes of the Bishops may not be determined but by the Pope. After this another Decree was published; in which the Synod said, The Decree concerning matters to be deferred until the coming of the Protestants. That, desiring to extirpate all errors, it had handled four Articles exactly. 1. Whether it were necessary and commanded by GOD, that all the faithful should receive the Sacrament under both kinds. 2. Whether he that receiveth but one, receiveth less than he that receiveth both. 3. Whether the holy Church hath erred in communicating the Laiques with the bread only, and the Priests who do not celebrate. 4. Whether children ought to be communicated. But because the Protestants of Germany, do desire to be heard concerning these Articles, before the definition, and therefore have demanded a Safe Conduct to come, remain, speak freely, propose and departed, the Synod, hoping to reduce them into the concord of one faith, hope, and charity, by yielding to them, hath given them public faith, that is, Safe Conduct, as fare as it can, according to the tenor under-written, and hath deferred to define these Articles, until the twenty five of january the next year; ordaining withal, that the Sacrifice of the Mass be handled in that Session, as a thing annexed, and that in the next, the Sacraments of Penance, and extreme Unction, be discussed. The tenor of the Safe Conduct was; That the holy Synod doth, as The tenor of the Safe Conduct. much as it can, grant public faith, full security, that is, Safe Conduct, with all necessary and fit clauses, though they require a special expression, to all Ecclesiastical and Secular persons of Germany, of what degree, state, or quality soever, who will come to this general Council, that they may with all liberty, confer, propose, treat, come, remain, present Articles, by writing or by word, confer with the Father's deputed by the Synod, and dispute without injury and ill words, and departed when they please. And the Synod is further pleased to grant, that if, for their greater liberty and security, they shall desire, that judges be deputed for the offences which they have committed, or shall commit, though they be enormous, and savour of heresy, The Ambassage of the Elector of Brandeburg. they may name those that they shall esteem favourable. After this, the Mandate of I●achim, Elector of Brandeburg, was read, in the persons of Christopher Strassen, a Lawyer, and john Osman, his Ambassadors, sent to the Council. The former made a long Oration, showing the good affection and reverence of his Prince, toward the Fathers, without declaring what his opinion was in point of Religion. The Synod answered, (that is, the Speaker in its name) that it heard with great content, the Ambassador's discourse, especially in that part, where that Prince doth submit himself to the Council, and promiseth to observe the Decrees, hoping that his deeds will be answerable to his words. But the Proposition of those of Brandeburg was noted by many, because the elector was of the Augustane confession, and it was openly known, that his interests did move him to make such a fair show, that his son Frederick, elected Archbishop of Magdeburg by the Canons, a Benefice, unto which a very great and rich principality is annexed, might not be hindered at Rome, and by the Catholics in Germany. The answer which the Council gave, was much matueiled at, in regard An artifice used by the Council, often practised by the Church of Rome. of the fair and advantageous manner of contracting, pretending ten thousand by virtue of the promise, when the bargain was but of ten. For there is no more proportion between these two numbers, than was between the reverence promised by the elector, and the obedience received by the Synod. It was replied for defence, that the Council did not regard what was, but what should have been said, and that this is an usual and pious allurement of the holy Church of Rome, which yielding to the infirmity of her children, maketh show to believe, that they have performed their duty. So the Fathers of the Council of Carthage, writing to Innocentius the first, to give him an account, that they had condemned Celestinus and Pelagius, desiring him to conform himself to their declaration; he commended them in his answer, that, remembering the old Tradition, and Ecclesiastical discipline, they had referred all to his judgement, whence all aught to learn, whom to absolve, and whom to condemn. And indeed, this is a fair gentle means, to make men speak that in silence, which they will not in words. Afterwards, according to the intimation, made to the Abbot of Bellosana, to give him then an answer to the Letters, and Protestation of his Master, they made the Apparitors demand, by proclamation; at the Church door, whether any were there for the most Christian King. But no man appearing, because it was so concluded by the King's Counsel, not to enter into the contestation of the cause, especially for that they could expect no answer, but made at Rome, by the Pope and the Spaniards, the speaker did desire, that the answer decreed, might be read publicly; and so it was, by consent of the Precedents. The substance of it was; That the Father's conceiving great hope of the favours of the King, were exceedingly grieved for the The answer of the Council made to the Abbot of Bellosans. words of his Minister, which did much abate it; yet they had not quite lost it, in regard they were not conscious of having given him any cause of offence: and, for that he said, the Council was assembled for the profit of some few, and for private ends, it had no place in them, who were assembled, not by the present Pope only, but by Paulus the third, to extirpate heresies, and reform discipline, than which causes none can be more common and pious: praying him to let his Bishops go to assist this holy work, where they shall have all liberty. And if his Minister, a private person, who brought unto them things distasteful, was heard, with patience and attention, how much more welcome shall persons be of so great dignity. Adding withal, that though they come not, the Council will not want reputation or authority, having been lawfully called, and for just causes, restored. And, for that his Majesty did protest, to use the wont remedies of his Ancestors, the Synod had good hope, that he would not restore the things long since abrogated, to the great benefit of that Crown, but looking back upon his Ancestors, on the name of the most Christian King, and on his father Francis, who did honour that Synod, following that example, he will not be unthankful to GOD, and the Church his mother, but will rather pardon private offences, for public causes. The Decrees of the Session were immediately printed; which, being curiously The Decrees are censured in Germany. read in Germany, and elsewhere, raised much speech in many things concerning the Eucharist. First, because treating of the manner of the existence, it said, that it could hardly be expressed in words, and yet affirmeth after, that it is properly called Transubstantiation; and, in another place, that it is a most fit term: which being so, one cannot doubt but that it may be properly expressed. It was further noted, that having declared that CHRIST, after the benediction of Bread and Wine, said, that that which he gave, was his Body and Blood, it came to determine, against the opinion of all the Divines, and of the whole Church of Rome, that the words of consecration were not those; that is, this is my body, because it doth affirm that they were spoken after the consecration. But to prove that the body of our LORD is in the Eucharist before the use because CHRIST, in giving of it, said, before it was received by his Disciples, it was his Body, did show that they did presuppose, that the giving of it did not belong to the use; the contrary whereof was apparently true. The manner of speech used in the fifth point of doctrine, saying that divine worship was due to the Sacrament, was noted also for improper, seeing it is certain, that the thing signified or contained, is not meant by the Sacrament, but the thing signifying and containing: and therefore it was well corrected in the sixth Canon, which said, that the Son of GOD ought to be worshipped in the Sacrament. That also in the third Anathematisme was noted, that all CHRIST was in every part, after the separation, because it seemeth one may necessarily infer from hence, that it was not in every part before the division. The Priest complained of the reformation, and said, that the Bishop's authority The Priests complain of the reformation. was made too great, and the Clergy brought into servitude. But the Protestants seeing the point where it was said, that they desired to be heard in four Articles only, did much wonder who should make that request in their name, seeing they had said, and repeated so often, in public Diets, and by public writings, that they desired a discussion of all the controversies, nor would receive any of those things which were already determined in The Protestants dislike the reservation of the points of doctrine. And the form of the Safe Conduct. Trent, but would have all to be reexamined. They thought also that the form of the Safe Conduct was very captious, because as well in the Decree to grant it, as in the tenor thereof, there was this clause of reservation, as fare as belogneth to the Synod: for no man demandeth of another, but that which belongeth to him to grant. But this affected diligence to express and repeat it, was a sign that they had invented a means to go against it, and to excuse themselves upon others. And they doubted not but that the aim of the Synod was to leave a gate open for the Pope, that he might do with his own and the Counsels honour, what he thought serviceable for them both. Besides, the treating to depute judges for things heretical committed, or to be committed, seemed to them a kind of net, to catch those that were unwary; and even the very Pedants did laugh at it, that the principal verb was more than an hundred and fifty words distant from the beginning. The Protestants did uniformly agree not to be content with it, or trust upon it, but to desire another; just like that which was given by the Council of Basill, to the Bohemians; which if it were granted, they did obtain one great point, that is, that the controversies should be decided by the holy Scripture, and if it were not granted, they might excuse themselves with the Emperor. The day following the Session, there was a general Congregation, to set down how to treat of Penance and extreme Unction, and to continue the reformation. It was considered, that the manner of discussion prescribed, was exceeded by the Divines, whence contentions did arise, for which they could not be united against the Lutherans: and therefore it was thought necessary to renew the decree, & not ●uffer any to use the reasons of the schools, but to cause them to speak positively, and also to observe the order, which they thought fit to establish again, as well because the not observing of it had bred confusion, as because the Flemings did complain that none account was made of them, as did also the Divines which came with the Prelates of Germany. To handle Penance, and extreme Unction, was decided already, and something was said in matter of reformation, and Prelates were deputed, who, with the Nuncio of Verona, were to make the Articles in matter of faith, and, with the Nuncio of Siponto, in matter of reformation. In matter of faith twelve Articles were framed upon the Sacrament of Penance, drawn Verbatim out of the book of Martin, and of his Scholars, to be disputed by the Divines, whether they were to be held for heretical, and condemned for such; which, in framing the Anathematisms, after the Divines had given their voices, were so changed, that no jot of them remaining, it is superfluous to recite them. To these Articles were added 4. more of extreme Unction, answerable, in all points, to the sour Anathematisms established. In Three Decrees are made concerning the manner of proceeding in Council. the same page where the Articles were set down, three Decrees were added. That the Divines ought to give their opinions out of the holy Scripture, Traditions of the Apostles, holy Counsels, Constitutions, and authorities of Popes, and holy Fathers, and out of the consent of the Catholic Church. That the order of speaking should be thus: that first they should speak who were sent by the Pope: secondly, those who were sent by the Emperor: thirdly, those of Louvain, sent by the Queen: fourthly, those Divines who came with the Electors: fifthly, the Secular Clergy men, according to their promotions: sixthly, the Regulars, according to their orders. That there should be two congregations every day, one in the morning from the foureteenth hour, until the seventeenth, another in the afternoon from the twentieth hour until the three and twentieth. The Articles of Reformation were in number fifteen, all which answered the points which were after established, except the last; in which a propose was made, to constitute, that Benefices should not be given in Commenda, but to persons of the same age, which the law required in those who might have them in title: which Article when it was spoken of, was easily buried in silence, because it hindered many Prelates to renounce their Benefices to their Nephews. The Pope, who (as hath been said) wrote letters to the Catholic Swisses, inviting them to the Council, did still make the same instance unto them, by his Nuncio, jeronymus Francus, wherein also he was assisted by the Emperor. The French King did oppose, by his Ambassador, Marleus M 〈…〉 assisted by Vergerius, who, knowing the searets and ends of the Romans, told Vergerius discovereth the secret ends of the Romanists to the Swisses and Grisons. him how he should persuade that nation, and wrote also a Book in this subject; so that in the Diet of Bada, which then was held, not only the Evangelicall, but the Catholic Swisses also were persuaded not to send any; and the Crisons entering into suspicion upon the advertisements of Vergerius, that the Pope did plot something to their prejudice, did recall Thomas Planta Bishop of Coira, who was already in the Council. In Trent the Congregations of the Divines were diligently hastened: who though they spoke according to the order of the twelve Articles, yet all the matter of Penance was handled, not as the Schoolmen only, but also as the Canonists do handle it, following Gratian, who maketh a question thereof, divided, for the length of it, into six distinctions: and the manner prescribed by the Precedents, to deduce and prove the conclusions from the The manner of discussing the points of doctrine is censured. five places aforesaid, caused not prolixity, superfluity, and unprofitable and vain questions to be avoided, but gave occasion of greater abuses. For when they spoke Scholastically, they kept themselves within the matter at the least, and the discourse was all serious and severe. But in this new manner, which they call positive (an Italian word, drawn from plain apparel, without superfluous ornaments) they ran into fooleries. For, alleging the Divine Scripture, they brought all the places of the Prophets, and Psalms, especially where the word, Confiteor, and, its verbal, Confessia, are found; which doth signify in the Hebrew, praise, or rather, religious profession; and haled them to the Sacrament of Confession: and, which was less to the purpose, figures were drawn from the Old Testament, to show that it was prefigured, without any regard whether it might be applied to it with similitude; and he was held most learned who brought most of them. All the rites signifying humility, grief, and repentance, used by those who confessed, were boldy called Apostolical Traditions. Innumerable miracles were related, ancient and modern, concerning things which sueceeded well to those who were devoted to Confession, and ill, to those who were negligent, and despisers of it. All the authorities alleged by Gratian were often recited, but various and diverse senses given them, according to the matter; and others also were added. And he that should have heard those Doctors speak, could not but conclude, that the Apostles, and ancient Bishops did never any thing but kneel at Confession, or sit to confess others. In sum, that, to which all did come, and which was most to the purpose, was the Council of Florence. Among the memorial, there doth nothing appear worthy of particular mention, except that which is to be spoken of when the substance of the doctrine must be recited. But thus much was necessary to be delivered. Out of these sheaves of diverse sorts of corn, carried into the barn, it is no marvel if a mingled grist were threshed. The points of doctrine, by reason of the mixture, did absolutely please but few; neither was it observed in this subject, as in others, not to condemn any opinion of the Catholics, but, where the opinions of the divines were various, to make the expression with such a temper, that all parties might be satisfied. Which causeth me not to observe my former order, but first to expound the substance of the Decree, as it was established to be read in the Session, and then to add that which the same persons of the Council did not approve. The Decree was this. That although, in handling justification, much The Decree concerning Penance. was spoken of the Sacrament of Penance, yet, to root out diverse heresies of this age, it was fit to illustrate the Catholic truth, which the holy Synod doth propose to be perpetually observed, by all Christians; adding that Penance was always necessary, in every age of the world, and, after CHRIST, to those also who were to be baptised; which Penance is not a Sacrament. There is another instituted by CHRIST, when, breathing upon his Disciples, he gave them the holy Ghost, to remit and retain sins, that is, to reconcile the faithful, fallen into sin after Baptism. For so the Church hath always understood it; and the holy Synod doth approve this sense of the words of our Lord, condemning those who understand them of the power to preach the Gospel. And this Sacrament differeth from Baptism, not only in the matter and form, but also because the minister of Baptism is not judge, whereas, after Baptism, the sinner doth present himself before the tribunal of the Priest, as guilty, to be set at liberty, by his Sentence. And, by Baptism, a full remission of sins is received, which is not received by Penance, without sighs and pains. And this Sacrament is an necessary for sinners after Baptism, as Baptism itself is to him that hath not received it. But the form thereof consisteth in these words of the minister; I do absolve thee: unto which other prayers are laudably added, though they be not necessary. And Contrition, Confession, and Satisfaction, are, as it were, the matter of the Sacrament, which are therefore called parts of Penance. The thing signified, and the effect of the Sacrament, is, reconciliation with God, whence peace and clearness of conscience do sometimes arise. And therefore the Synod doth condemn those who make horror of conscience and faith to be parts of Penance. Contrition is grief of mind for sin committed, with purpose to sin no more, and was ever necessary in all times; but in sinners, after Baptism, it is a preparation to remission of sins, being joined with a purpose to do whatsoever else is required, for the lawful receiving of this Sacrament. And it is not only a ceasing from sin, or a purposing and a beginning of a new life, but also an hate of the life past. And though Contrition be sometimes joined with charity, and reconcileth a man to GOD, before the receiving of the Sacrament, yet this virtue cannot be ascribed to it, without purpose to receive the said Sacrament of Penance. But the action which ariseth, either by reason of the filthiness of sin, or of the fear of punishment, with hope of pardon, is not hypocrisy, but the gift of GOD, by which the penitent being assisted, doth go on to receive justice; which although it cannot bring us to justification without the Sacrament, yet it doth dispose us to obtain grace from GOD, in the Sacrament of Penance. By this, the Church hath ever understood that CHRIST hath instituted the entire confession of sins as necessary, by the Law of GOD, to those that fall after Baptism. For having instituted the Priests, his Vicars, for judges of all mortal sins, it is certain that they cannot exercise this judgement, without knowledge of the cause, nor observe equity in imposing punishment, if the sins be not particularly made known unto them, and not in general only. Therefore the penitent aught in Confession, to declare all his mortal sins, even the most secret, but the venial, though they may be confessed, yet they may be concealed also without offence. And hence it cometh, that, in Confession, it is necessary to explicate the circumstances, which altar the nature of the sin, because otherwise, one cannot judge of the weight of the excesses, and impose a condign punishment. So that it is wickedesse to say, that this kind of Confession is impossible, or that it is the murdering of the conscience, because nothing is required but that the sinner, having diligently examined himself, should confess what he remembreth, and the sins forgotten are supposed to be included in the same Confession. And though CHRIST hath not forbid public Confession, yet he hath not commanded it; neither would it be good to command that sins, especially secret, should be confessed in public. Wherefore the Fathers, having ever praised the Sacramental secret Confession, the calumny of those is vain, who call it an humane invention, excogitated by the Laterane Council; which did not ordain Confession, but only that it should be made at the least once every year. Concerning the Minister, the Synod doth declare those doctrines to be false, which extend to all the faithful, the ministry of the keys, and the authority given by CHRIST to bind and lose, remit and retain public sins by correction, and secret by voluntary Confession, and teacheth that the Priests, though sinners, have authority to remit sins; which is not a naked ministry, to declare that sins are remitted, but a judicial act. Therefore let no man ground himself upon faith, thinking that, without contrition, and a Priest, who is willing to absolve him, he can have remission. But because there is a nullity in the sentence, pronounced against him who is not subject, there is also a nullity in the absolution of the Priest, who hath not authority, delegate, or ordinary, over the penitent: and the greater Priests do, with reason, reserve to themselves some faults more grievous, and so doth the Pope very justly; and there is no doubt, but that every Bishop may do it in his Diocese. And this reservation is not only for external policy, but is also of force before GOD. Therefore it was always observed in the Church, that, in the hour of death, any Priest may absolve any penitent, from any sin. Of satisfaction the Synod doth declare, that the sin being remitted, the punishment is not pardoned, it being not convenient, that he should be so easily received into Grace, who hath sinned before Baptism and after, and be left without a bridle, which may draw him from other sins: yea it is convenient he should be like to CHRIST, who suffering punishments did satisfy for us, from whom our satisfactions also receive force, as offered by him to the Father, and received, by his intercession. Therefore the Priests ought to impose convenient satisfactions, not only to keep the penitent from new sins, but also to chastise him for the old: declaring likewise that Satisfaction is made, not only by punishments, willingly received, or imposed by the Priest, but by enduring also, with patience, the scourges sent from God. In conformity of this doctrine, fifteen Anathematisms were made. 1. 15. Anathetismes. Against him that shall say, that Penance is not truly and properly a Sacrament, instituted by CHRIST, to reconcile sinners after Baptism. 2. That Baptism is Penance, or that is not the second table or board after shipwreck. 3. That the words of CHRIST, Quorum remiseritis peccata, are not understood of the Sacrament of Penance, but of the authority to preach the Gospel. 4. That Contrition, Confession, and Satisfaction, are not required for, as it were, the matter, and as parts of Penance, or shall say that the terrors of conscience and faith are parts. 5. That Contrition is not profitable, but causeth hypocrisy, and is a forced, and not a free sorrow. 6. That Sacramental Confession is not instituted, and necessary by the law of GOD, or that the manner of confessing to the Priests in secret, is an humane invention. 7. That it is not necessary to confess all mortal sins, even those that are hidden, and the circumstances which do change the nature of them. 8. That this is impossible, or that all are not bound to confess once a year, according to the precept of the Laterane Council. 9 That the Sacramental absolution is not a judicial act, but a ministry, to declare the remission of sins to the believer, or that an absolution given in jest doth help, or that the confession of the penitent is not requisite. 10. That Priests in mortal sin, have not power to bind and lose, or that all the faithful have it. 11. That Bishops have not authority to reserve cases, but for external policy. 12. That all punishment is remitted together with the fault, and that no other satisfaction is required but faith, that CHRIST hath satisfied. 13. That Satisfaction is not made by suffering afflictions sent by GOD, by punishments imposed by the Priest, and willingly taken, and that the best Penance is only a new life. 14. That Satisfactions are not divine worship, but humane traditions. 15. That the keys of the Church are only to lose, and not to bind. The Divines of Louvain opposed the reservation of cases, saying it was not Some of which are opposed by the Dutines of Louvain and Collen. so clear, because it cannot be found that any Father did ever speak of it; and that Durand, who was a Penitentiary, and Gerson and Caietan do all affirm, that not sins, but censures are reserved to the Pope: and therefore that it was too rigid, to esteem him an heretic who thought otherwise. The Divines of Collen joined with them, and said plainly, that it could not be found that any Ancient did speak of any reservations, but of public sins, and that it was not fit to condemn the Chancellor of Paris, so pious and Catholic an Author, who wrote against them. That the heretics were wont to say, that these reservations were invented for gain; as also Card. Campeggio said, in his reformation, and that it gave him occasion to write against it; unto which the Divines would not have answered, nor been able to answer. And therefore as well the doctrine as the Canon, aught to be moderated, that it may not give scandal, nor offend any Catholic. The same men of Collen said, that the meaning of the words, Quorum ligaveritis, condemned in the tenth Canon, is expressly, and formally so understood by Theophilact, and that to condemn it were to make the enemies rejoice. And that which was said in the last, that the power to bind, is understood to impose Penance, they observed that the ancient Fathers did not so understand it, but that to bind was to make one abstain from receiving the Sacraments, until a complete satisfaction. They demanded also that mention should be made of public Penance, so much commended by the Fathers, especially by Cyprian, and Saint Gregory the Pope; who, in many Epistles, showeth it to be necessary by the Law of God; which if it be not brought again into use concerning heretics and public sinners, German will never be free: and yet the Decree, as well in the doctrine, as the Canons, doth not only not speak in favour of it, but rather doth weaken it, and detract from it. They desired also that some certain external sign should be declared for the matter of the Sacrament, for otherwise the objection of the adversaries will never be answered. Two things did exceedingly displease the Franciscan Divines: the one And others by the Francascans and by ●r●ar Ambrose Pelargus. for having declared Contrition, Confession, and Satisfaction to be the matter of the Sacrament, holding them to be necessary requisites, but not essential parts of Penance. They said it was plain, that the matter should be a thing applied to the receiver, by the Minister; and not an operation of the receiver himself. That this appeareth in all Sacraments; and therefore that it is a great inconvenience to put the acts of the Penitent for part of the Sacrament. That it is certain that Contrition is no less required to Baptism, than it is to Penance; and yet it is not put for part of Baptism. That the ancients did require confession of sins before Baptism, as also Saint john did of those whom he baptised, and they made those that were Catechised to stand in Penance; and yet never any said, that these were parts or matters of Baptism▪ Therefore to condemn this opinion, held by the ancient Divines of the Franciscan religion, and now by the whole School of Paris, was to pass their limits. They complained also that it was made heresy to say, that sacramental Absolution is declarative, because Saint jerom, the Master of the Sentences, S. Bonaventure, and almost all the School Divines have clearly said, that the Absolution in the Sacrament of Penance, is a declaration that one is absolved. To this last, answer was made, that he was not absolutely condemned for an heretic, who said that Absolution is a declaration that sins are remitted but that sins are remitted to him that doth certainly believe that they are remitted to him▪ therefore only the opinion of Luther was comprehended. But they were not so satisfied, saying, that, in handling of heresy, one should speak plainly and that no man would make such an exposition of it: and they demanded, that, as well in the point of doctrine, as in the Anathematisme, this particular should be well declared. But Friar Ambrose Pelargus, a Divine of the Elector of Triers, considered, that the words of our Lord, Quorum remiseritis, were perhaps not expounded by any Father, for an institution of the Sacrament of Penance, and that by some they were understood of Baptism, by others, of any other thing, by which pardon of sins is received. Therefore to restrain them only to the Sacrament of Penance, and to declare them heretics who understand them otherwise, would give a great advantage to the adversaries, and cause them to say, that the ancient doctrine of the Church was condemned in the Council. Therefore he exhorted them, before they made such a great stride, to look upon the expositions of the Fathers, and, when those were examined, to determine what should be said. Many of the Fathers thought the remonstrances to be very considerable, & desired that the Deputies would consultagaine, as they had done before, upon other occasions, to remove whatsoever gave offence to any, and so to frame the Decree, as that every one might approve it. But Cardinal Crescentius opposed with a continuate speech, showing that But all of th● are crossed by Card. Crescentius. to take the sinews and soul from the Decrees, to satisfy the humours of particular men, was not honourable for the Synod. That they were maturely established, and therefore it was fit to observe them. Yet, if his opinion did not please all, he was content, that, before any thing else were done, this general should be handled in a Congregation, whether it were good to make a change or not, and then to descend to the particulars. But in this he did not fully discover what his aim was, which afterwards he did manifest to his Colleagues, and trusty friends: that they should not suffer the use of contending and speaking so freely; which would be dangerous when the Protestants came, because they would do as much, in favour of their own opinions. That, for the honest and reasonable liberty of the Council, it sufficeth that one may deliver his opinion, while the matter is disputed; but after, when all men have been heard, the Decrees framed by the Doputies, allowed by the Precedents, seen, examined, and approved at Rome, to call them into question, and to require an alteration, for particular interests, was too much licence. The Cardinal overcame, at the last, the mayor part of the Fathers, being persuaded that the doctrine established was according to the opinion of the most intelligent Divines, and most opposite to the Lutheran novities. But because almost all is spoken that concerneth matter of faith, in that Session, it will not be amiss to add that little which remaineth, touching the Sacrament of extreme Unction. Of which the Divines spoke with the ●ame prolixity, but without any difference amongst themselves. And out of their opinions three points of doctrine, and four Anathematisms were framed. The doctrine contained in substance. That the Unction of the The Doctrine co 〈…〉ng 〈◊〉 Unction. sick, is truly and properly a Sacrament, insinuated, by CHRIST our Lord, in S. Mark, and published by the Apostle S. james: from whose words the Church did learn, by an Apostolical tradition, that the oil, blessed by the Bishop, is the matter, and the words used by the Minister, is the form of the Sacrament; but the thing contained and the effect, is the grace of the holy Ghost, which purifieth the relics of sin, and raiseth up the mind of the sick, and sometimes, when it is profitable for the soul, giveth health of body. The ministers of the Sacramentare the Priests of the Church, the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 being not understood for ancients, but for Priests. And this Unction ought principally to be given to those who are at the point of death, who, being recovered, and returned to the state of sickness, may receive it again. And therefore an Anathema is pronounced. 1. Against him that shall say that extreme Unction is not truly and properly a Sacrament, instituted by CHRIST. 2. That it doth not give grace, nor remit sins, nor case the sick, but is ceased, as that which did formerly belong to the grace of health. 3. That the rite used by the Church of Rome, is contrary to the saying of Saint james, and may be neglected without sin. 4. That the Priest only is not the minister, and that Saint james did understand the ancients for age, and not the Priests, ordained by the Bishop. But if any marvel why it is said in the first head of the doctrine, that 14. Articles of reformation are handled, in which the Precedents of the Synod & the Bishops have diverse ends. this Sacrament is insinuated by CHRIST our Lord in Saint Mark, and published in Saint james, whereas the antecedence, and consequence of the words did require, that it should not be said, insinuated, but instituted, he may know that it was first so written; but a Divine having observed, that the Apostles, who anointed the sick, of whom Saint Mark speaketh, were not Priests, because the Church of Rome holdeth, that Priesthood was conferred upon them only in the last Supper, it seemed a contradiction, to affirm, that the Unction which they gave, was a Sacrament, and that Priests only are ministers of it. Whereunto some, who held it to be a Sacrament, and at that time instituted by CHRIST, did answer, that CHRIST commanding them to minister the Unction, made them Priests concerning that act only. As if the Pope should command a simple Priest to give the Sacrament of Chrism, he made him a Bishop for that act. Yet it was thought too dangerous to affirm it absolutely. Therefore, in stead of the word Institutum, they put Insinuatum. Which word what it may signify in such a matter, every one may judge who understandeth what Insinuare is, and doth apply it to that which the Apostles than did, and to that which was commanded by Saint james, and to the determination made by this Council. But in matter of reformation, as hath been said, fourteen Articles were proposed, all belonging to Episcopal jurisdiction: whereof when they had understood the opinion of the Canonists in the particular Congregations, and read all in the general, they came to frame the Decree. Herein the aim of the B B▪ was to increase their authority, & to recover that which the Pope had usurped from them, and of the Precedents, to grant as little as they could. But both parties did proceed cunningly, and made show to regard only the service of God, and the restitution of the ancient Ecclesiastical discipline. The Bishops thought they were hindered in executing their office. For when they did suspend any from exercise of their orders, or Ecclesiastical degrees, and dignities, for causes known to themselves, or did refuse to let them pass to higher degrees, all was retracted, by a Licence or Dispensation gotten at Rome: which caused a disreputation of the Bishops, damnation of souls, and a total ruin of discipline. Concerning this, the first head was made, that such Licences and Restitutions should not be offorce. But the Precedent for the honour of the Apostolic Sea, would not have the Pope named, nor the chief Penitentiary, nor any ministers of the Court, from whom such Licences were wont to be obtained. The titular Bishops did also hinder them; who being deprived, by a Decree published in the sixth Session, of power to exercise the pontifical office in the Dioceses without leave of the proper Bishop, did retire themselves, into a place exempt from all Bishopriques, admitting those to holy orders who were before rejected, as unfit, by their own Bishops; which they did, by virtue of a privilege to ordain any that offered himself unto them. This was prohibited in the second head, but with this moderation, that, for reverence of the Apostolic Sea, mention should not be made, who granted the privilege. And consequently in the third head, power was given to the Bishops to suspend, for what time they pleased, any one ordained without their examination, or with licence, by faculty given by whomsoever. These things the wiser sort of Bishops knew to be of small weight, because the Canonists do hold that 344 Licences, Privileges, and Faculties granted by the Pope, are never comprehended in general words, without special mention be made of them. But not being able to obtain more, they were content with this, hoping that time might open them a way to proceed further. It was also decreed in the same sixth Session, that no secular Clerk, by virtue of personal Privilege, nor Regular, dwelling out of the Monastery, by vigour of the Privilege of his order, should be exempt from the correction of the Bishop, as Delegate of the Apostolic Sea. Which some thinking not to contain the Canons of Cathedral Churches, and other Collegiate dignities, who, not by privilege, but by ancient custom, or by sentences put in execution, or by Concordates with the Bishops established and sworn, were in possession of not being subject to Bishops, and others also restraining it only to visitation, it was ordained in the fourth head, that, concerning secular Clerks, it should be extended to all times, and all sorts of excesses, and declared that none of the things aforesaid should withstand. Another disorder as great did arise, because the Pope did grant a judge, at the election of the supplicant, to whosoever did seek it by the ordinary means used in Court, with authority to defend, protect, and maintain him in possession of his rights, and to remove the molestation given him, extending also this favour to all his domestics. And this sort of judges were called conservators; who did stretch their authority, in place of defending the supplicant from molestations, to withdraw him from just corrections, and also, at their instance, to molest and trouble the Bishops, and other ordinary Ecclesiastical superiors, with censures. The fifth point made provision against this disorder, ordaining that Conseruatorie graces should not help any body, nor free him from inquisition, accusation, and convention, before the Ordinary, in criminal and mixed causes, and in civil also, in which he is plaintiff: and, in other causes, if the Conseruator be suspected, or difficulty arise between him and the Ordinary, who is competent judge, that arbitrators shall be chosen, according to the form of the Law, and that Conseruatory letters which comprehend domestics, shall be extended but unto two, who do live at the charge of the Master of the family, and that these and the like graces shall not continue above five years, and that the conservators shall not have Tribunals. But the Synod did not mean to contain in this Decree Universities, Colleges of Doctors, and Scholars, places of Regulars, and Hospitals. Concerning which exception, when this point was handled, there was very great contention, it seeming to the Bishops, that, against all right, the exception was larger than the rule, because the number of Doctors, Scholars, Regulars, and Hospitalaries, is greater than of all others, who can have Conseruatorie letters, and that the provision against any particular man was easy, but the disorders of Universities and Colleges, were of the greatest importance. The Legate gave an account hereof to Rome: where it being decided, by that which was consulted under Paul the third, that it was necessary, for maintenance of the Apostolic Sea, that the Friars, and Universities, should totally depend on Rome, there was no need of a new determination: and immediately answer was made, that the Conseruatories of these, should, by no means, be touched. Whereupon the Fathers of the Synod, who were adherents of Rome, being entered into this opinion, the others, who were fewer, were forced to be content with the exception, and there was some hope, and some means used to pacify them. The sixth point was concerning the Priest's apparel: wherein it was easily concluded to ordain, that all the ecclesiastics of holy Order, or Beneficed men, should be bound to wear an habit fit for their degree, according to the appointment of the Bishop, giving him power to suspend the transgressors, if, after admonition, they shall not obey, and to deprive them of their Benefices, if, after correction, they shall not amend; renewing herein the constitution of the Council of Vienna; which notwithstanding was not much fitted to those times, prohibiting upper garments laced, and of diverse colours, and frockes shorter than the vestment, and red and green breeches checkered, things disused, which have no need of prohibition. The use of all Christian Nations was most ancient, that, to imitate the mildness of CHRIST our LORD, all the Ministers of the Church should be neat and clean from man's blood, never receiving to any Ecclesiastical order, any person defiled with homicide, whether voluntary or casual: and, if any Clerk committed any such excess, either willingly or by chance, all Ecclesiastical function was immediately taken from him. This hath been, and is now, inviolably observed by other Christian Nations, unto whom dispensations against the Canons are unknown; but in the Latin, where rich men may easily make use of them, it is observed only by the poorer sort. It being proposed in the fourth and fifth Article to moderate the abuse, it was ordained in the seventh head, that a voluntary homicide should for ever remain deprived of all Order, Benefice, and Ecclesiastical office; and when there shall be cause to dispense with the casual homicide, the commission of the dispensation, shall be directed to the Bishop only, or, if there be cause to the contrary, to the Metropolitan, or next Bishop. They saw that this Decree, did not serve to moderate the abuses, but to make the dispensations dearer. For the Pope's hands, were not tied concerning voluntary homicide; and for casual, the decree was observed, in not committing the cause to any but the Bishop, but to dispense directly, without committing it to another, was not taken away, first making the proofs in Rome, or dispatching the dispensations under the name of Motu proprio, or with other clauses, with which the Chancery doth abound, when it hath cause to use them. A certain sort of Prelates seemed to hinder much the authority of Bishops, who, for their reputation, in the place where they dwelled, obtained power of the Pope, to punish the faults of the ecclesiastics of that place; and some Bishops also, pretending that their Priests received scandal and bad example from those of the next Dioceses, obtained authority to chastise them. Some desiring that this disorder should be remedied, by revoking wholly such authorities, and perceiving that it would distaste many Cardinals, and great Prelates, who abused them, they found a moderation, that they should use them, yet without prejudice of the Bishop, ordaining in the eighth point, that they might not proceed but in presence of the Bishop, or his deputy. There was another way to subject the Churches and people of one Diocese, to the Bishop of another, by uniting the Churches of one, to the Churches or Benefices of the other: which though it were prohibited in general terms, in the seventh Session, yet it being not so plainly done as some desired, an express declaration was demanded. Whereupon it was resolved in the ninth point, that all perpetual unions of the Churches of one Diocese, to the Churches of another, should be prohibited, under what pretence soever. The Regulars made great instance to keep their Benefices, and to regain those which they had already lost, by the invention of perpetual Commendaes'; and many Bishops, for sundry respects, were willing to assist them. They were desirous to propose, that these perpetual Commendaes' should be quite taken away; but, fearing to be contradicted, they were content only to desire they should be moderated. The Precedents, on the other side, seeing the hazard, that this matter, dangerous for the Court, should be set on foot, themselves proposed a light remedy, to hinder all treaty of a better. And this was, that Regular Benefices, usually given in title to religious men, when they shall be vacant hereafter, shall not be conferred but upon men professed of that Order, or to some person who is to receive the habit, and take upon him the profession. This was the tenth point, which did not much import the Court of Rome, in regard as many Commendaes' were already made as could be; and the Prelates had no great desire to obtain more, though it would have been an honour for the Churches, if the regular Abbats had resided. But, in regard of the favour extended to the Monks, not to take more from them then was taken already, a counterpoise was added in the next point, ordaining that they could not have secular Benefices, though with cure. Which howsoever it speaketh only of those who are translated from one order to another, ordaining that none should be received, but with condition to remain in the Cloister, yet by parity of the reason, or by an argument of greater reason, it hath been understood generally of all. And because the patronage of Churches, was granted in Court by grace, and to make the grace the greater, power given to depute an Ecclesiastical person, with faculty to institute him that is presented; this disorder was remedied in the twelfth head, ordaining that none should have right of Patronage, but the founded of the Church, or he that hath competenly endowed, with his patrimonial goods, one already founded. And for remedy of the second disorder, it was forbid in the 13. head, that the Patron, though he had a privilege to do it, should not make the presentation to any but the Bishop. While these things were handled, johannes Theodoricus Pleniagorus, and The Ambassadors of the Duke of Wittenberg arrive in Trent, with commission to present the confession of their faith. johannes Eclinus, Ambassadors, sent by the Duke of Wittenberg to the Council, arrived in Trent, with order to present publicly the confession of their doctrine, whereof mention hath been made, and to say withal, that Divines would come to expound it more at large, and defend it, if security and safe conduct were given them, according to the form of the Council of Basil. They went to the Count Montfort, the Emperor's Ambassador, shown him their Mandate, and told him they had commission to propose some things in the Council. This being related by the Count to the Legate, he answered, that as others Ambassadors did first present themselves to the Precedents in the name of the Pope, and did signify to them the sum of their Ambassage, so those of Wittenberg ought to do: he therefore wished they Whereof the Legate giveth an account to Rome. should come, and promised to receive them with all humanity. The Count related the answer; wherewith the Ambassadors were not contented, saying, That it was one of the points required in Germany, that the Pope should not preside; which not being willing to contradict, without order from their Prince, they would write; and expect an answer. The Count did cunningly assay to learn the whole secret of their instructions, to advertise the Legate of it. But they stood upon general terms, and would not specify any particular. The Legate sent immediately advice hereof to Rome, desiring to know what he should do, and the rather, because he understood that others would come also. In the beginning of November, the Emperor, to be near the Council, The Emperor goeth to Ispruc, distant from the Council but three days journey. and the war of Parma, went to Ispruc, distant but three days journey from Trent, the way being so commodious, that if there were occasion, he might hear from his Ambassadors in one day. The Pope had news at once of the arrival of the Emperor, and of those of Wittenberg. And although he trusted upon the Emperor's promises made to him before the convocation of the Council, and often reiterated, and saw the effects, because his Ambassadors kerbed the Spaniards, when they were too bold in maintaining the Episcopal authority, and was persuaded he would persevere, in regard of their common interests against the French King, yet having heard of Which maketh the Pope somewhat jealous of him, some things handled in Germany, he was a little jealous, that, either for necessity, or for some great opportunity, which occurrences might bring, he would change his opinion. Yet he took courage; considering, that if there were war in Germany, no account would be held of the Council, and during peace, all the Germane ecclesiastics would be on his side, as also the Italian Prelates; whose number he could easily increase by sending thither all those of the Court: that the Legate being resolute, and hoping to be Pope, would labour as for himself, and that the Nuncio of Siponto was most affectionate to his person: that he might at any time be reconciled with France, because it was desired by that King, by means of whom, and with the Prelates of his kingdom, he might withstand all attempts made against his authority. He answered the Legate, that he could give him but little instruction more; that he was not only acquainted with, but principal Author of the The answer of his Holiness made to the Legate. Treaties made in framing the Bull of the Convocation, that he should remember that the things decreed under Paul, were studiously approved therein; that it was said that it did belong to the Pope, not only to call, but also to direct Counsels, and to preside by his ministers, and that he should not leave open so much as a little chink, in prejudice of any of these. For the rest he should govern himself according to occasions, putting him in mind to fly, as the Plague, all middle counsels, and moderations, when any of these were handled, but so soon as the difficulty did arise, to break it off suddenly, that the adversaries might not have time to look fare into it. That he would not lay on his shoulders the Translation, or dissolution of the Council, but only that he should speedily advertise when he saw cause. Furthermore, that he should set on foot as much matter of doctrine as he could, which would work many good effects. For it would make the Lutherans despair of concord without their total submission, would interest the Prelates more against them, would not give time to these to think on the point of reformation, and make a sudden dispatch of the Council, a matter of the greatest importance, because there is danger of some inconvenience so long as it lasteth. And when he saw himself forced to give them some satisfaction, in amplifying the Episcopal authority, he should condescend, and yet hold back as much as might be. For in case some thing should be granted prejudicial to the Court, as formerly hath been done, yet so long as the Pope's authority remaineth entire, there will be means to reduce them easily to their first state. Things standing thus, the 25. of November, the day appointed for the The Session of the 25 of November. Session, came. The Fathers met, and went to Church in the usual order: where the ceremonies being finished, the doctrine of faith, the Anathematisms, & decree of the Reformation were read by the Bishop that said Mass. The tenor whereof being already recited, there remaineth nothing else to be spoken. And finally, the last decree was read, to give order for the future Session; in which it was said, that it being already appointed for the 25. of january, the Sacrament of Order ought then to be handled, together with the Sacrifice of the Mass. So the Legate would have it pronounced, that, according to the Pope's opinion, they might have matter of doctrine enough whereon to treat. The Session being ended, the Legate used all diligence that the Decrees might not be printed. And his order was observed at Ripa, The decrees are forbid to be published, but are printed in Germany. where the Press was, and where the other Decrees were printed. But no man could hinder the sending of many copies out of Trent, whereupon they were printed in Germany, and the difficulty and delay to let them see light, made the Critics curious, and diligent to examine them more exactly, to find the cause of this secrecy. That which was decided in the first point of doctrine, and the sixth Canon, caused much speech: that is, that CHRIST, when he breathed on his Disciples; and gave them the holy Ghost, saying, Whose sins you remit they are remitted, and whose sins you retain, they are retained, did institute the Sacrament of penance. It was considered, that Baptism was first used by the jews, for legal cleanliness, afterwards applied by Saint john for a preparation to go to the Mess 〈…〉 which was to come, and finally by CHRIST, in express and And there censured. plain words, instituted a Sacrament, for remission of sins, and an entrance into the Church: ordaining it should be ministered in the name of the Father, Son, and holy Ghost. Likewise in the captivity of Babylon a Postcenium was instituted by the jews, with bread and wine, for a thankes giving and a memorial of their going out of Egypt, while being out of the land of promise, they could not eat the Paschal Lamb: in imitation of which rite CHRIST instiruted the Eucharist, to give thankes to GOD, for the general deliverance of mankind, and in memory of himself, who was the Author thereof, by the sprinkling of his blood. And howsoever like rites have been formerly used, though for other ends, as hath been said, yet the Scripture doth express all the singularities of them. Now that CHRIST would introduce a rite to confess our sins in particular so exactly, as that no use was ever the like, it seemed strange that he would be understood by words, from which it must be drawn by a very unjointed consequence, yea by many consequences, very fare fetched, as was done by the Council. And they wondered, why the institution being made by the word remitto, the form was not, I remit thy sins, rather than jabsolue thee. Others added, that if, by those words, a Sacrament of absolution is instituted, with this form; Absoluo te: by which one is absolved, one must say, by an unresistable necessity, that another, or the same, is instituted, in which, this form should likewise be, Ligo te: because it cannot be understood how the same authority to lose and bind, founded upon the words of CHRIST absolutely alike, doth require in absolution the pronouncing of the words, Absoluo te, and that other of binding doth not require the pronouncing of the words, Ligo te: Nor by what reason, to execute that which CHRIST hath said, Quorum retinueritis, etc. & quaecunqne ligaveritis etc. it is not necessary to say, Ligo te, but to execute Quorum remiseritis, & quaecunque solueritis, it is necessary to say, Absoluo te. Likewise the doctrine, inferred in the fifteeneth point, was censured by critics: where it is said, that CHRIST by the same words, did constitute the Priests, judges of sins, and therefore that it is necessary to confess them all absolutely, and in particular, together with the circumstances which altar the kind, seeing that it doth appear by the words of our Lord, that he hath not distinguished two sorts of sins, one to be remitted, and the other to be retained, whereby it would be necessary to know of which the delinquent is guilty, but one only which doth comprehend all, and therefore the word Peccata in general is only used. But he hath distinguished two sorts of sinners, saying, Quorum, & Quorum: one of the Penitent, unto whom remission is granted, another of the obstinate; unto whom it is denied. Therefore they are rather to know the state of the delinquent, than the nature and number of the sins. But concerning the circumstances which altar the kind it was said, that every honest man may swear, with a good conscience, that the holy Apostles, and their disciples, most skilful in things celestial, not regarding humane subtleties, did never know what were the circumstances which altar the kind, and perhaps if Aristotle had not made this speculation, the world would not have known it until now, and yet there is made of it an Article of Faith, necessary to salvation. But as it was approved, that Absoluo, was a judicial word, and reputed a good consequence▪ that if the Priests do absolve, they are judges, so it appeared to be an inconstancy, to condemn those who say, it is a naked ministry to pronounce; it being plain, that the office of a judge is nothing but to pronounce him innocent who is so, and the transgressor guilty, and that this metaphor of the judge doth not bear, that the Priest can make a just man of a delinquent, as is ascribed to him. The Prince may pard on offenders, and restore them to their good name; to whom, he that maketh a wicked man just, is more like, then to a judge, who doth ever transgress his office, when he pronounceth any thing but that which he first findeth to be true. But they were amazed most of all, when they read the point where the specifical and singular confession of sins, with the circumstances, is proved; because the judicature cannot be executed without knowledge of the cause, nor equity observed in imposing punishment, if the faults be known only in general, and afterwards that CHRIST hath commanded this confession, that they may impose the condign punishment. They said that this was plainly to mock the world, and think all men fools, & to persuade themselves that all their absurdities should be believed, without more to do. For who knoweth not, and seethe not daily, that the Confessors enjoin Penance, not only without weighing the merit of the faults, but without having the least consideration of them. It would seem considering the words of the Council, that the Confessors should have a balance, to make difference of every grain; and yet oftentimes to recite five Pater nosters, shall be a Penance, for many murders, adulteries, and thefts: and the most learned Confessors and generally all in giving Penance, do say to every man, that they do impose only part of the Penance. Therefore it is not necessary to impose that exact Penance which the faults do deserve, nor to have a particular enumeration made of the sins and circumstances. But what need one go so fare, when the same Council, in the ninth point of the doctrine, and the thirteenth Anathematisme, doth ordain, that satisfaction is made by voluntary Penance, and suffering of adversities. Therefore it is not needful, yea not just, to impose in Confession the punishment that is correspondent, and, by consequence, not to make a specifical enumeration, which is said to be ordained for this end. And they added, that, not considering any thing spoken before the Confessor, though most learned, attentive, and wise, having heard the Confession of an ordinary man, for one year, much more of a great sinner, for many years, it is impossible he should judge aright, though he had Canons of the punishment due to any sin whatsoever, without danger to err more than half, to speak the least. For a Confessor seeing all in writing, and considering many days of it, could not make a balance to decide justly, much less hearing, and resolving presently, as the custom is. They said it was not fit they should be so contemned, & held so insensible, as to believe such absurdities. Of the reservation of Cases enough was said by the Divines of Lovine, and Collen, which was attributed to a desire of dominion and to avarice. The next day there was a general Congregation, to give order for the The Sacrifice of the Mass, the Communion of the Cup, and of children are handled. discussion of the Sacrifice of the Mass, and the Communion of the Cup, and of Children. And although the Decrees were already made, for the Session of the eleventh of October, and deferred, yet they discoursed again, as if nothing had been said, and did choose Fathers to collect the Articles to be disputed on, and others to make the Decree. And because they made haste, seven Articles were suddenly framed, whereon they disputed, twice every day in which number was the Ambassador of Ferdinand, and julius Plugius, Bishop of Namburg, and for greater reputation, the elector of Collen, that all that doctrine might seem to come from Germany, and not from Rome. They made also thirteen Anathematisms, condemning those for heretics, who do not hold the Mass, for a true and proper Sacrament, or do say it doth not help the Living and the dead, or do not receive the Canon of the Mass, or do condemned private Masses, or the ceremonies which the Church of Rome useth. And then four Heads of doctrine were made. That in the Mass, is offered a true and proper Sacrifice, instituted by CHRIST; of the necessity of the Sacrifice of the Mass, and how it agreeth with that of the Cross; of the fruits of that Sacrifice, and the application thereof; of the 〈◊〉 and ceremonies of the Mass. All which were to be handled against Christmas, and are not related here particularly, because they were not published in the next Session. While the Fathers do entertain themselves in the business of the Council, The Ambassadors of Wittenberg receive letters from their Princes, with order to proceed in their negotiation. the Ambassadors of Wittenberg, did receive letters from their Princes, to proceed, and to present their doctrine, in the best manner they could. There, fore in the absence of the Earl of Montfort, they entreated the Cardinal of Trent, to be a means, that the Precedents would receive their letters, assemble the Fathers, and give them audience. The Cardinal promised all good office, but said it was necessary to tell the Legate what they Would treat on; it being so constituted by the Fathers, moved thereunto by the proposition made by the Abbot of Bellosana. Therefore they imparted to him their instruction, saying, they were sent to obtain a safe Conduct for their Theologue, as it was given in Basill to the Bohomians, and to propose their doctrine; that, it being examined by the Father's▪ they might be ready to confer with their Divines, when they came. The Legate, receiving this reletion from the Cardinal, imparted to him what the Pope had written, and The answer of the Legate to their propositions. told him, that it was not to be suffered, that either they or any other Protestants, should present their Doctrine, much less be admitted to defend it, inregard there would be no end of contentions that it was the office of the Fathers, which was observed until then, and aught to be continued▪ to examine their doctrine, taken out of their Books, and condemn that which did deserve it. If the Protestants had any difficulty, and did propose it humbly, and show themselves willing to receive instruction, it should be given by advice of the Council. Therefore he denied absolutely to assemble the Fathers, to receive their doctrine, and said, he could not change this opinion, though it should cost him his life. For altering the safe conduct, he said it was an exorbitant indignity to the Council, that they should mistrust that which was granted, and that to treat thereof was an unsupportable injury, and deserved that all the faithful should spend their lives in opposing it. The Cardinal of Trent would not give the answer so sharp to the Ambassodors, but said: That the Legate was angry, that they would begin with I● favourably related to the Ambsssadors by the Cardinal of Trent. the presentation of their doctrine, in regard they were to receive from their Superiors, with reverence and obedience, the rule of Faith, and not prescribe it to others, with such an unseemliness, and absurdity. Therefore he advised them to let that day pass, that the wrath of the Legate might be remitted, and then to begin with some other point, that afterwards they might fall upon those two: that is, to present their doctrine, and desire a safe conduct. They followed this counsel, and a few days after, the Cardinal being parted from Trent, they desired the Emperor's Ambassador to persuade the Legate to receive their mandate, and hear their proposition, that understanding his mind they might resolve, as they should have instruction from their Prince. The Ambassador treated with the Legate, and had the same answer which was given to the Cardinal of Trent; which did not proceed from disdain, but from a resolved will. The Ambassador understanding the Legates mind, was of opinion that the business could not then take place, and knowing that to relate the answer was dishonourable for the Emperor, who had so largely promised, that every one should be heard, propose freely, and confer, in stead of giving a direct answer to those of Wittenberg, he found diverse excuses, to gain time, which he did not so artificially, though he were a Spaniard, but that they were discovered to be pretences not to give a plain Negative. At this time Ambassadors went to Trent, from Argentina, and five Cities more, with instruction to present their doctrine. They employed Gulielmus Pictavius, the Emperor's third Ambassador; who not to fall upon the same difficulties which his colleague did, took their Mandate and persuaded them to expect a few days, until he had sent to Caesar and received an answer: because in so doing, they should proceed upon a good ground. This made quiet those of Wittenberg also. The Ambassador wrote to Caesar, telling him of the Ambassador's resolution, showing what an indignity it was to his Majesty, that no account should be made of so honest, and so just a promise made by him. The Emperor, to provide against this disgrace, and couningly to make use of the Council, expecting the Ambassadors of the Elector of Saxony, wrote that the others should be entertained until their arrival, assuring them they should then be heard, and with all charity, conferred with. The thirteenth of December▪ Maximilian, the Son of Ferdinand, passed Maximilian pasteth by Trent. by Trent, with his wife and children, and was met by the Legate, and the Italian and Spanish Prelates, and some Germans also. The Prince Electors did not meet him, but visited him in his lodging. The Protestant Ambassadors complained to him, that, notwithstanding so many promises made by Caesar, they could not have audience, and prayed him to have pity on Germany, because those Priests, being strangers, did not care, for some small respects of their own, to see it on fire, yea, by precipitating the determinations, and Anathematisms, did make the controversies every day more hard. Maximilian persuaded them to be patiented, and promised to treat with his uncle, that the actions of the Council might pass as he had promised, in the Diet, And promiseth the Protestant Ambassadors to treat with the Emperor his uncle in their behalf. they should. At Christmas the Pope created fourteen Italian Cardinals, and immediately published thirteen of them, reserving one to be published when he thought fit. And to honour so great a creation in the beginning of his Papacy, especially there being eight and forty Cardinals in the College, The Pope createth 14. Cardinals; & giveth a reason of it. which was then thought a great number, he pretended occasion to do it for the enmity with the French King. Of whom he complained as well for the war he made against the Apostolic Sea, as for the Edicts published, adding a report which then came from Lions, and Genua, that he threatened to make a Patriarch in France, which if it were true, he said it would be necessary to proceed judicially against him. Wherein he should meet with many difficulties, in regard of the great number of the French Cardinals, to whom it was needful to make a counterpoise, by creating new, men of worth, of whom the Apostolic Sea might make use, in occasions of importance. The College was contented, and the new Cardinals were received. The Bishop of Monte-Fiascone cometh to the Council with letters of credit. After this he dispatched to Trent the Bishop of Monte-Fiascone, with letters of credit to Cardinal Crescentius and the three Electors, whose coming he did congratulate, and thanked them for their zeal and reverence towards the Apostolic Sea, exhorting them to persevere. He gave him order to tell them that he had created Cardinals, that he might have Ministers depending on himself, in regard all the old did depend upon some other Prince, to excuse him for the war of Parma, saying that he did not make it but that it was made against him, and was forced to defend himself. To Cardinal Crescentius he gave an account of the Cardinals made, promising to make them all understand his mind, how they should demean themselves towards his friend, unto whom he was so much obliged: And he made the Nuncio of Siponto be told that he had disposed of him as the friendship between them did require, and that he should not care to know wherein, but should continue to perform his duty, as formerly he had done. Christmas being ended, a general Congregation was made, to give form A general congregation is held to set down a rule for the discussion of the Sacrament of Order. to the handling of the Sacrament of Order. They discoursed of the abuses which, in this, were entered into the Church, and the Nuncio of Verona said, that there was in all some abuse, worthy of amendment, but in this an ocean of them. And, after many tragical exclamations were made, they resolved, accordingly to their custom, first to propose the Articles drawn out of the Lutheran doctrine, and then discuss which should be condemned for heretical, and frame the Anathematisms and Heads of doctrine and in the end, speak of the abuses. Twelve Articles were given to the Divines, whereon they discoursed, morning and evening. Out of the opinions of the Divines, the Deputy Fathers framed first eight Anathematisms, condemning for heretical to say, that Order is not a true and proper Sacrament; or that it is 1552 JULIUS 3. CHARLES 5. EDWARD 6. HENRY 2. one only, which tendeth to Priesthood, by many means; to deny the Hierarchy, to say that the consent of the people is necessary; to say that there is not one visible Priesthood; that Unction is not necessary; that the holy Ghost is not given in it; that Bishops are not De iure Divino, and superior to Priests. Upon these, four points of Doctrine were made; of the necessity and institution of the Sacrament of Order; of the visible and external Priesthood of the Church; of the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy; of the difference of a Priest from a Bishop. This doctrine and Canons, being approved by the general Congregation, were all put into one Decree, under the same context: with that of the Sacrifice, to be published in a Session. Yet it was not Why no mention is made of what was handled in the Congregations of December and january. done for the reasons which shall be declared. Therefore there is no particular mention made of what did pass in the Congregations of December and january, because the same things were discussed again under Pius 4: in the third reduction of the Council: unto which when we shall come, the differences shall be showed between the Decrees framed now, and those which were after established under Pius. But news coming to Trent that there were levies made of Soldiers, The Electors crave leave to departed. throughout all Germany, and that there was fear of war, the three Electors seeing their States were in danger, craved leave of the Emperor, by Letters and Messengers, to return, that they might preserve them. Caesar, desiring the Council should continue, answered them, in the beginning of the year 1552. that the troubles were not so great as the fame; that he had sent 1552. to know the truth, and that a few men only were in Arms; but that the cities continued in their obedience, and Maurice, of whom the report was, that he had raised some stirs, would shortly come unto him, and had sent Ambassadors, who were already in Ispruc, and would shortly be in Trent; that those few Soldiers, lodged in Thuringia, who made some excursions upon the territory of the Bishop of Mentz, did mutin for want of pay only; that he had sent one exppresly to pay them, and give them their passport; that he knew whatsoever was spoken and feared, and did not neglect any thing; that he had some in every place to advertise him, and did spare no cost; therefore he exhorted them not to abandon the Council, which would be in danger to be dissolved with their departure, which would give a great blow to Religion: and if their States want any provision, let them command their Ministers, and give him notice, and he will give them all assistance. Wolfius Colerus, and Leonardus Badebornus, Ambassadors for Maurice, Elector The Ambassadors of Saxony come to Trent. of Saxony, arrived in Trent the 7 of january; which gave great joy to the Electors and Germane Prelates, being assured hereby, that Maurice did not attempt any thing. They first treated with the Emperor's Ambassadors, saying, that their Prince, desirous of concord, determined to send to the Council some godly Divines, men loving peace, which the other Protestant Princes would do also; but that a safe Conduct was first necessary, in the Their negotiation. form of that of Basill, and that, in the mean while, all treaty in the Council should cease, and that, after their arrival, the things already handled should be reexamined, it not being a general Council without the presence of all Nations; that the Pope should have no power to preside, but should submit himself to the Council, and release the oath to the Bishops, that their voices may be free. They added, that, in the Congregation, they would expound all more at large, which they desired should be assembled quickly, because their Divines were within the distance of forty miles, and did expect only to be called. The Emperor's Ambassadors gave good words, because the Emperor to entertain Maurice, commanded they should be well used. These Ambassadors treated in the same manner with the Prince Electors, and Cardinal of Trent, but refused to treat with Cardinal Crescentius, and his Colleagues, that they might not seem to acknowledge them for Precedents. They desired to be admitted in public, to present their Mandate, and to be received as those of the Elector of Brandeburg had been; whereof the Emperor's Ambassadors gave them hope, and promise, that they might entertain them. But, on the other side, the Legate and Nuncij did plainly refuse to alter the form of the Safe Conduct, The answer of the Legate and Nuncij. saying, it was too much dishonourable for the Synod, which representeth the Catholic Church, that four Sectaries should make difficulty to believe it; neither would they stop the course of the Decrees, already put in order with maturity. And what hope can there be of the conversion of Germany, when they come with these demands. And, for hearing them in public, it was just, because it was promised; but being sent to the Council, of which they see and know that the Legate and Nuncij are Presidents, they must acknowledge them for such, or else they cannot be admitted; for so they had special Commission from the Pope, when those of Wittenberg came; that to release oaths, and such like impieties, they would rather die, than cause to be done: and that they would sooner departed, dissolve the Council, and command the Prelates not to assist at any act. The Emperor, informed Offendeth the Emperor. hereof, who took the business to the heart, was offended with the obstinacy of the Papalins, who, upon a nice point of honour, would disturb a business of that consequence, and raise a war, which, in the end, might be their own ruin. And he sent back order to his Ambassadors, and the Cardinal Madruccio, to use all means, and his own authority also, to pacific the Legate, first with entreaties, then with high words, if they could not find a temper, which might satisfy both parties, and to force the Precedents, in a civil manner, to yield to that which was just. The Emperor's Ambassadors, and Madruccio, advising together, resolved not to demand of the Precedents all at once, but first, only to receive the Ambassadors; wherein they used long persuasions, which did all tend to show, that when they were brought into the assembly, where themselves are Precedents, it might be said, that their presidency was acknowledged though before no particular compliment had been used with them. To the persuasions, they added entreaties in the Emperor's name; mixed with some words, signifying that it was not fit to abuse his clemency, nor to force him to use other remedies; that necessity was a potent incitation, to him that had power in his hand. In the end Crescentius suffered himself to be persuaded to receive them, not in Session, but in a public general Congregation in his house, thinking that thereby he should be acknowledged as Head. His edge being thus abated, they came to speak of ceasing to treat of the points of doctrine. Toledo said, that he had heard it often preached, that the saving of one soul was so dear to CHRIST, that he would descend again, and suffer on the Cross to gain it; and now that they refused to save all Germany, where was the imitation of CHRIST? The Legate excused himself upon the absolute commands of the Pope, which he must needs obey. But the Ambassador replying, that, to a Minister instruction is given, in writing, At the instance of whose Ministers they change their opinion. and matters of discretion are referred to judgement, the Legate said, that he saw well, that this was a degree to demand a retractation of the things already decided. The Ambassador gave his word that he would never speak of that, yea, would deal effectually with the Saxons, to make them desist from that request. In the end, the Legate, persuaded by the Nuncio of Verona, who suffered himself to be overcome first, not to lay (he said) on the Pope's back, and the Counsels, so great a burden, that so important a business should be precipitated, and so small a delay denied, condescended to say, that he was content, so that the Prelates, in the general Congregation, did approve it; to whom also he referred himself for the Safe Conduct, which they required. The Congregation was called, to consult upon these particulars; and the delay was easily granted, upon the persuasions of the Imperialists. For the Safe conduct, the consultation was more hard, not only for the reason alleged by the Legate, but because the name of the Council of Basill, and the referring themselves to it, was abhorred; and, which did more import, they thought that some things might fit those times, and not these, because the doctrine of the Bohemians was not so contrary to the Church of Rome. Notwithstanding all these oppositions, the authority of the three Electors, and of the Cardinal Madruccio, and the negotiation of the Emperor's Ambassadors prevailed. But Petrus Tagliavia, Archbishop of Palermo, said, that one very principal point was omitted, whether it should be allowed, that they should sit A consultation about the manner of receruing the Protestants in Council. in the Council or not, and what terms of honour should be given them, and their Prince. For, to use them meanly would break off the business, and to honour manifest heretics, would be a great prejudice. The same, and greater consideration must be had, how to behave themselves towards the Divines which are to come, who pretend to have a voice, and will be a party in disputations and Consultations, nor will be esteemed, as the Church must esteem them, that is, as heretics, excommunicated, and condemned, with whom it is not lawful to treat, but only to instruct them, if they humbly crave it, and pardon them by favour. Concerning this proposition, much was said of the variety of times, unto which all laws must be accommodated; that the same Popes which did constitute those Decretals, would not observe them in these occasions; that nothing is more easily broken, then that which is most hard. Which reasons, though they persuaded the mayor part, yet they knew not what to resolve. It seemed, that to determine what rigour of the law was to be retained, and what to be mitigated, was a matter of much and long consultation, not to be resolved on without the Pope and College of Cardinals, which the straightness of time could not suffer. When all were doubtful, the Bishop of Namberg opportunely said, that necessity did excuse every transgression, and that in the Colloquies and Diets of Germany, these things were naturely considered on, and so decided. But, for more assurance, it was good to make a Protestation before, that all was done for charity, and piety, which are above all law, and to reduce those that wander, and that it is understood to be done without prejudice; with those clauses which the Lawyers know how to find. This opinion was readily embraced, first by the Dutch, then by the Spanish Prelates, and at last, somewhat coldly by the Italians, the Legate remaining immovable, and showing plainly that he stood quiet, being forced by necessity. These resolutions being settled; it was resolved, that, the 24. of the month, there should be a general Congregation, to receive and hear the Saxon Ambassadors, that the 25. day the Session should be held, wherein the dilation, made until the coming of the Protestant Divines, should be published, and Fathers elected, who, together with the Nuncio of Sponto, should make the Decree, the Protestation, and Safe Conduct. The Emperor's Ambassadors desired to have the draught of the Safe Conduct, before it was published, to show it the Protestants, that if it did not give them satisfaction, it might be so amended, that they might not have occasion to refuse it as they did the other. The days following were spent in the things aforesaid; which being An exhortation of the Emperor's Ambassador Pictavius to the Protestants. finished, the Emperor's Ambassadors called the Protestants to them; and the Ambassador Pictavius, having made an eloquent encomiastique oration, of the goodness and charity of the Fathers, and exhorted them to give some little part of satisfaction to the Council, as they received much from it, told them that it was concluded to receive their Mandates and persons and to hear their propositions, and to defer the conclusion of the points of doctrine, though already discussed and digested, to expect the Divines, and hear them first. That they should have a very ample Safe Conduct, as they desired, whereof the draught was made. And he was copious in showing that these were memorable favours and graces, saying, it was necessary to yield something to the time, and not to desire all at once; that when they shall be entered into the business, occasion will make them obtain many things, which before seemed hard; that the Fathers do desire the coming of the Divines; that themselves, the Emperor's Ambassadors, have matters to propose of great moment, and do stand only expecting that the Protestants should begin, that afterwards they may come forth themselves also. For this cause he prayed them to proceed slowly, in their demand, that the Pope should submit himself to the Council. For the Fathers do know, that there is some thing to be amended in the Papal greatness, but withal, that they must go on cunningly; that themselves have daily experience, what dexterity and Art must be used, in treating with the Pope's Ministers. Likewise the reexamination of the things already concluded, was not to be proposed in the very beginning, because it would be too great an infamy and dishonour to the Council. Therefore let their Divine come, who should have a convenient audience in all things, and when they shall see themselves wronged, it shall ever be free for them to departed. The Protestants, retiring themselves, and considering, the draught of the safe Conduct, were not content, because it was not like to that of Basill, in which four things more were granted to the Bohemians. 1. That they should have a decisive voice. 2. That the holy Scripture, the practice of ancient Church the Counsels, and Interpreters conformable to the Scripture, should be judges. 3. That they might exercise their religion in their houses. 4. That nothing should be done in contempt and disdain of their doctrine. Of Who are not content with the form of the Safe Conduct. these four, the second was different from that which was granted in this draught, and the three others were totally left out. They suspected also, because the Council did not promise them security in the name of the Pope and College of Cardinals as did that of Basil. Yet they resolved not to make mention of this but to demand the inserting of the other 4. clauses: and told the Emperor's Ambassadors plainly, that they could not receive it in this form because they had this express commission in their instructions. Toledo shown some disdain, that they should not content themselves, with that which he, and his Colleagues, had obtained, with so much pains; that the chief importance was in the security of coming and departing, and that the residue appertained to the manner of their negotiation, which might more easily be concluded by the presence of the Divines; that it was too much obstinacy to yield in nothing, and to desire to give laws alone to the whole For which cause Toledo the Emperor's Ambassador is offended. Church. But it not being impossible to remove them with these reasons, from their resolution, they said, in the end, that they would refer it to the Fathers, to whom they restored the draught of the safe Conduct, with the additions which were required. The Legate and precedents, understanding the request and resolution of the Protestants, shown the Emperor's Ambassadors how unjust and unmeet their demands were. For in the form or that of Basil they never found that it was granted to have a decisive voice in the Council; but, that the Scripture, practise of the Church, Counsels, and Doctors, who ground themselves on it, should be judges, is said, because the practice of the Church is called by the name of Apostolical Tradition: and when it is said, the holy Fathers, it is understood that they ground themselves on the Scripture, because they have no other gounds. The third, to exercise their Religion in their own houses, is understood, with condition that it be not known, and done without scandal. The prohibition, that nothing shall be done in contempt of them, is express when it is promised, that, by no means, they shall be offended. Therefore that it did appear that they complained without cause, only to cavil, and in regard there is no hope to content them, there doth remain nothing but to give them the Safe Conduct, as it is made, and to leave them to their liberty, to make use of it or not, The Earl of Mountfort replied, that nothing could be more serviceable to the public cause, then to take from them all pretences and cavils, and to make them unexcusable to the world: therefore, in regard there was no real difference between the Safe Conduct of Basil and this, to stop their mouths, that might be copied out Verbatim, changing only the names of the persons, places, and times. The Precedents moved with that subtle and strict answer, looked one upon another, and the Legate, taking the matter upon him, answered, that it should be referred to the Fathers, in the Congregation, and resolved according to their determination. The Precedents did recommend the cause of GOD and the Church, every one to his familiar friends. To the Italians and Spaniards they said, that it was great injury to be compelled to follow a company of Schismatics, who have spoken unadvisedly, and contrary to Christian doctrine, and bound themselves to follow the Scripture only. But unto all in general, they said, it would be a great indignity, if the Council should so speak, as that an inextricable dispute should presently arise. For in setting down what Doctors do ground themselves upon the Scripture, they should never agree: that it was honourable for the Council to speak plainly, and that the expression made was just the declaration of the Council of Basil. And such persuasions they used, as that almost all were resolved not to change the draught, hoping that though the Protestants desired it should be better, yet they would be content when they saw all was done. All being in order, the four and twentieth day the general Congregation The Protestation of the Council concerning the admission of the Protestants. was made; in which the Electors and all the Fathers met in the Legates house, as also the Ambassadors of the Emperor, and of Ferdinand, who were not wont to be present in such kinds of Congregation. The Legate began briefly, and said, they were assembled to begin an action, the most doubtful that ever happened to the holy Church: therefore they were to pray GOD for good success, with more than usual devotion; and, having, invocated the name of the holy Ghost, as the custom is in the Congregations, the Protestation was read by the Secretary; whereunto all the Father's having given consent, the Speaker desired it should be registered in the acts, and a public instrument made of it. The tenor whereof was thus in substance. That the holy Synod, not to hinder the progress of the Council, by the disputes which would arise, when it should be duly examined, what sort of persons should appear in the Synod, and what sort of Mandates and Writings be presented, and in what places men should sit, doth declare, that, if any be admitted for himself, or as a deputy, which ought not to be received by the disposition of the law, or use of the Counsels, or set not in his right place, or if Mandates, Instruments, Protestations, or other writings, which do, or may, offend the honour, authority, or power of the Council be presented, it shall be understood, that the present or future general Counsels shall not be prejudiced, it being the Synods meaning to restore peace and concord unto the Church, by any means, so that it be lawful and convenient. Afterwards the Saxon Ambassadors were brought in; where being entered, Badehornus one of the Saxon Ambassadors maketh an oration in the general congregation. and having made their obeisance to the assembly, Badehornus spoke, using these titles, Most reverend, and most worthy Fathers and Lords. The substance of his speech was this. That Maurice, elector of Saxony wishing them the assistance of the holy Spirit, and a happy issue of the action, did let them know, that he had long since resolved, that if ever a general, free, and Christian Council were celebrated, where the controversies of Religion might be decided according to the holy Scripture, and all might speak securely, and a Reformation be made in the Head and the members, to send his Divines thither. That now thinking they are assembled to this end, he hath called his Theologues together, commanding them to choose some, to carry their Confession to that Synod; which was not yet done, in regard of a certain constitution of the Council of Constance, that faith or safe Conduct, given by the Emperor, Kings, or others, to heretics, or persons suspected, ought not to be observed; and of the example of the Bohemians, who would not go to Basill, without security from the Council. Therefore that the Elector desired that such a safe Conduct should be given to his Divines, Counsellors, and their families; that not long since a certain form of safe Conduct was presented to him, much different from that of Basil, so that the Divines thought it dangerous to come hither with it, because, by some Decrees made in Trent, and already printed, it did appear, that they are accounted heretics and schismatics, though they never have been either called or heard. Therefore the Prince demandeth, (he said) that his men may be excused and a safe Conduct granted, in the form of that of Basil, and that, understanding that they would proceed to the conclusion of the controversed Articles, it seemed unto him a thing prejudicial, and contrary to all law of GOD and Man, in regard his men were lawfully hindered, for want of a safe Conduct. Who therefore prayeth them that all may be deferred until his Divines be heard, who be but sixty Dutch miles distant. That afterwards it being related to him, that the Protestants may not be heard concerning the controversed Articles, defined the years past, the greater part of which contain grievous errors, the Prince desireth that they may be reexamined, and his Divines suffered to speak, and that determined which shall be conformable to the word of GOD, and believed by all Nations of the Christian world. For the things determined have been handled by very few of those who ought to assist in the general Council, as doth appear by the printed Catalogue; it being essential to a general Council, that all Nations should be admitted, and freely heard. That the Prince also doth remember, that many controversed Articles do concern the Pope; and the Counsels of Constance and Basil having determined, that the Pope, in points of faith, and which concern himself, is subject to the Council, it is fit the same should be done in this place, as also, which was constituted in the third Session of the Council of Basil, that all persons of the Council should be absolved from the oaths of Obligation to the Pope, as fare as concerneth the causes of the Council. Yea, that the Prince is of opinion, that, without any further declaration, by virtue of the constitutions of those Counsels, all are free from those bonds. Therefore prayeth the assembly, that they would first repeat, approve, and ratify the Article of the superiority of the Council above the Pope, especially in regard the Clergy hath need of reformation, which hath been hindered by the Popes. For the abuses cannot be amended, if the persons of the Council depend on the Pope's nod, and be bound, by virtue of oath, to preserve his honour, state, and power: and if it might be obtained of the Pope to remit the oath willingly, it would be praiseworthy, and gain great favour, credit, and authority to the Council, because the Decrees would be made by free men, who might lawfully treat, and judge according to the word of CHRIST. That in conclusion the Prince desireth that his propositions may be taken in good part, being moved to tender them, for the zeal of his own salvation, charity towards his Country, and peace of all Christendom. Having this discourse in writing, he presented it, and it was received by the Secretary, and the Speaker said in the common name, that the Synod would consider of it, and make answer in due time. After these, those of Wittenberg were heard, who presented the Mandate of And so do the Ambassadors of the Duke of Wittenberg. their Ambassage. Which being read, they briefly said; that they were to tender the Confession of their doctrine, and that Divines would come to defend it, and handle the same things more at large, so that judges might be indifferently chosen by both sides, to take knowledge of the controversies. For their doctrine being repugnant to that of the Pope and the Bishops his adherents, it was unjust that either the Plaintiff, or the defendant should be judge: desiring therefore, that what was done in the Council the years past, might not have the strength of a law, but that the discussion of every thing already handled should begin again, it being not just, that when two contend in law, what is done by one, the other being lawfully absent, should be of forces and the rather, because it may be clearly demonstrated, that aswell in the last actions, as in those of the years before, Decrees have been published contrary to the word of GOD. And they presented their doctrine, and discourse in writing: all which was received by the Secretary, but the doctrine was not read. The Speaker answered in the name of the Fathers, that answer should be given in time convenient. When this was done, the Electours and Ambassadors departed, the The Fathers resolve not to alter the Safe Conduct. Prelates remaining with the Precedents, to give order for the Session. First, the Decree was established, and then the Safe Conduct proposed, adding the causes why the Protestants were not content. And consulting, whether that which they desired should be added to the form, they did easily agree all in one opinion, that nothing should be added, to avoid inextricable disputes, and inevitable preiudices. The next day, the 25. of january, deputed for the Session, they went to the The Session. Church with the usual Ceremonies, but with more Soldiers, called by the Precedents, to make ostentation of the greatness of the Council, and with many strangers, who came thither, thinking the Protestants should be received publicly, and with singular ceremonies. The B. of Catanea sang Mass, and john Baptista Campeggio, B. of Maiorica, preached, and, the usual Ri●es being observed, the Decree was read by the Mass Bishop; the substance whereof was: That the Synod, to perform the things already decreed having exactly handled The Decree. whatsoever belongeth to the Sacrifice of the Mass, & Sacrament of Order, to publish in the Session the Decrees concerning them, and the 4. Articles of the Sacrament of the Eucharist deferred, thinking that the Protestants, unto whom they had given safe Conduct, would have been arrived by this time, in regard they are not come, but have made supplication that all should be deferred until another Session, giving, hope that they will come long before the celebration thereof, having received a safe Conduct in a more ample form, the Synod desirous of quiet & peace, believing that they will come, not to contradict the Catholic faith, but to understand the truth, & that they will be satisfied with the Decrees of the holy mother the Church, hath put off the next Session, until the nineteenth of March, to give light to, and publish the things aforesaid, granting them (to remove all cause of greater delay) a safe Conduct, of the tenor as shall be recited, determining to handle, in the mean while, the Sacrament of Matrimony, and to prosecute the reformation, that they may publish the definitions of this, together with the definitions of the things aforesaid. The substance of the safe Conduct was; That the Synod, adhering The Safe Conduct. to the safe Conduct already given, and amplifying it, doth make faith to all Priests, Princes, Nobles, and persons, of what condition soever, of the Germane nation, which shall, or are already come to the Council, Safe Conduct to come, remain, propose, and speak in the Synod, to handle and examine what they think fit, give articles, and confirm them, answer the objections of the Council, and dispute with those whom it doth elect, declaring that the controversies in this Council shall be handled according to the holy Scripture, Traditions of the Apostles, approved Counsels, consent of the Catholic Church, and authority of the holy Fathers, adding, that they shall not be punished upon pretence of Religion, or offences committed, or which will be committed, so that there need not be any cessation from Divine Service, by reason of their presence, either in the journey, or in the City of Trent, or in any place else, and shall return when it shall seem good unto them, without let, with safety of their robe, honour, and persons, but with the knowledge of the deputies of the Synod, that provision may be made for their security: granting that, in this safe Conduct, all those clauses be held to be included, which are necessary for real and full assurance: adding, that if any of them, either in coming, or in Trent, or in returning, shall commit any enormity, which shall nullify the benefit of this public faith, he shall be punished by their own judges, so that the Synod may be satisfied: and, on the other side, if any other in coming hither, remaining here, or returning shall commit any thing which may violate this Safe Conduct, he shall be punished by the Synod, with the approbation of the Germans themselves, who shall be present in Trent, the form of the assicuration remaining still in force, giving leave to their Ambassadors to go out of Trent, to take the air, and return, to send and receive advices, and messengers, as often as they shall think fit, yet accompanied with the Deputies, for their scecurity: which Safe Conduct shall remain in force, so long as they be under the care of the Synod, in coming to Trent, in their abiding there, and twenty days after they shall ask leave to departed, or after it shall be granted to them, that they may be rendered in a secure place, at their election: which things it promiseth faithfully, in the name of all faithful Christians, of all the Princes, Ecclesiastical and Secular, and likewise of all other persons Ecclesiastical and Secular, of all conditions: faithfully promising withal, that the Synod shall not seek occasion, publicly or secretly, that any thing be attempted in prejudice of this Safe Conduct, nor to violate the same, will use, or suffer any to use any authority, power, right, statute, or privilege of Laws, Canons, or Counsels, especially that of Constance, and of Sienna: which things in this behalf, and for this time, it doth disallow. And if the Synod, or any person in it, or any that belong to them shall violate the form of this Safe Conduct in any point or clause whatsoever, and punishment be not inflicted to their approbation, let them think that the Synod hath incurred all the punishments which the violaters of such Safe Conducts may incur by the law of GOD, or man, or custom, without admitting excuse, or contradiction. These things being read, the Session was ended. It is certain that the Precedents, doubtful what might ensue, were willing to be prepared, if the wind were prosperous, to decide the matter of the Sacraments, all in one Session: and therefore having in a readiness all that belonged to the Communion, the Mass, and Sacrament of Order, they were desirous to digest also and put in order all that concerned Matrimony, that they might put all into one bundle, and to handle succinctly, in another Session, Purgatory, Indulgences, Images, Relics, and such small matters, (for so they called them) and then to end the Council. And if any thing were opposed to this design, they might show that the fault was not in them. Many, who read these occurrences, will marvel that the Pope, from whom all consultations of fare less moment were wont to proceed, is not named. Which they will cease to do, when they shall know, that he was advised from point to point, of all the accidents and deseignes, and that, when those of Wittenberg were arrived, and news came that more were expected, he answered his Legate, and Nuncij, that the Protestants should be entertained with as much courtesy as was possible, knowing it was necessary in such cases, to suffer some indignity; willing them to use discretion, because patience winneth honour in the end. That they should abstain from all public Colloquy in matter of religion, either by writing, or by word of mouth. That they should endeavour, by persuasions and hopes, to gain some of the Protestant Doctors, and should spare no cost. The Pope was advised of every thing that was done, yet nothing happened that might make him alter his purpose. But when he understood that the Emperor's Ambassadors had given the Protestants hope to moderate the Papal authority and said that they expected to see a gate laid open by their negotiation, that afterwards they might second it, and bring in those things which they had deseigned, and that the Fathers did hold it necessary to restrain it, Why the Pope is aliened from the Emperor. having other intelligence that all the Spaniards were of that mind, and that the Emperor did design to advance himself by debasing the Papacy, and did cherish the Protestants, to show that it did not proceed from him, his mind was aliened from him, and turned to the French King. He therefore harkened to the treaty of the Cardinal Tornon, in the King's name, which being executed, the dissolution of the Council would follow, without his pains, or without showing that he did desire it. The Session being made, the Protestants, though they perceived that the Safe Conduct was not enlarged, as they desired, dissembling the knowledge of it, did demand it, and an authentical copy was consigned by the Emperor's Ambassadors, to the Ambassadors of each Prince. Who, having read it, did complain that promises were not kept, and required the Synods answer to their expositions, and to their requests, made concerning the manner of proceeding in the Council. The Imperialists persuaded them to go on with dexterity, saying, as before, that with time they should obtain all, but seeking things distasteful, and before there was opportunity, every thing would be more hard. That it was not necessary to express in the Safe Conduct, that they might exercise their religion in their houses, in regard it was understood to be granted, because it was not forbid. That nothing should be done to their disgrace was plainly expressed, in that good and real usage was promised, and, besides that, public prohibitions will be made to all, which will be of greater force. For the reasons to be alleged in Council, the same was said in substance, that the Scripture shall be the ground, but when there is controversy of the meaning of it, it will be necessary that the Council should be judge. For it is dumb of itself, without soul, and, as civil Laws, hath need of a judge to give it life; which, in matter of religion is the Council, as hath been observed ever since the Apostles time. The Protestants received the Safe Conduct, but with Protestation, that they did it only to send it to their Princes. The Protestants receive the safe conduct with protestation. 33. Articles concerning Matrimony a●e given to be discussed. The Precedents, to examine the Sacrament of Matrimony, as was decreed, making a general Congregation, and choosing Deputies, gave forth 33. Articles, in that matter, to be discussed by the Divines. They ordained also, that the Deputies should make the Canons, as the particulars were examined. Some Congregations were held, and six Canons framed. Whereupon the Protestants complained to the Emperor's Ambassadors, that the hope that with time they should obtain a review of the things decided, was quite taken away, because they proceeded to new decisions, while their Divines were expected. The Emperor's Ambassadors could not obtain of the Whereof the Protestant Ambassadors do complain Precedents to stop their proceeding, which they hastened with all diligence, that either the Protestants might not come to Trent, or, if they came, might find all decided. For the reexamination, the Pope, the Court, and all the The Papaline do desire to proceed the faster. Prelates, were resolved to deny it constantly. And they thought that they might with better ground deny the revision of many things, then of a few. But the Emperor, whom it did much concern, to bring the Protestants to Trent, but nothing at all to have the matters reexamined, advised by his Ambassadors, of what the Protestants complained, and how they were hindered But are stopped by the Emperor. to go to the Council, sent a man to Trent, with commission to go to Rome also to negotiate, that all action might be deferred for some few days, showing that that haste did precipitate the business, gave suspicion to the Protestants, and made them more unwilling to go to the Council. He gave order also, that his men should be commanded not to proceed, and should Protest against the Papalins, if persuasions would not serve. This resolution of the Emperor, signified in Trent, caused a general Congregation to be called, where it was resolved, to desist from all Conciliary act, during pleasure of the Synod. But the Pope was displeased with that which was done, and disdaining Wherewith the Pope is displeased. at the Emperor for other causes also, wrote to Trent, that suspending the actions as few days as was possible, they should, for reputation of the As also with the attempt of Ferdinand, against the Bishop of Veradine. Council, resume them without respect. Another cause, which, besides this, had provoked the Pope and Cardinals, was, that Ferdinand desiring to possess Transiluania, which was assaulted by the Turks on the other side; upon pretence to keep it for the young son of john Vaivode, George Martinaccio, Bishop of Veradino, a man of excellent wisdom, and great reputation in that Country, was willing to keep it in liberty, and, to avoid greater danger, not being able to contest with the Turks and the house of Austria at once, made choice to join himself with these, by whom counterpoising the Turks, he held all in an even balance. Those of Austria knowing that by gaining of this Prelate, they should wholly obtain their purpose, Ferdinand, besides other things which he did to oblige him more unto them, promised him a pension of eighty thousand Crowns, and the Emperor obtained of the Pope with great instance, to create him Cardinal, and (which was seldom used) to send the Cap, and to give him leave to wear the scarlet habit, which was not lawful, because he was a Monk of Saint Basil: all which was done in the midst of October. But this vain show of honour being not esteemed by the Bishop, was not willing to prefer the interests of the house of Austria, before his Country, he was traitorously, and cruelly slain, by Ferdinand's ministers, the eighteenth of December, upon pretence that he held intelligence with the Turks. This accident did exceedingly move the Cardinals, who thought themselves most sacred and inviolable. They considered of what importance the example was, that a Cardinal should be slain upon feigned calumnies, or for suspicion. And they incited the Pope, who was forward of himself, showing him that the Cardinal was possessor of a great treasure, to the value of a million, which belonged to the Chamber, being the goods of a Cardinal, dead without a Will. For all these respects the Pope deputed Cardinals to take knowledge of the crime, and Ferdinand, and all his Ministers of Transiluania, were thought to have incurred the censures. Commissioners were sent to Vienna to make Ferdinand & his Ministers were thought to have incurred the censures. inquisition. And, not to return to speak of this again, I will say here, by way of anticipation, that the heat being abated, as the custom is, because that which was done could not be undone, not to raise any greater stirs, the proceeding was with much connivency; and though the process was made as Ferdinand would, yet nothing was proved against the dead man, and the purpose to draw the inheritance to the Chamber died, because little was found, in comparison of that which was thought, Martinuccio, a man bountiful, having spent all in the public service, and that which was found being divided amongst the Soldiers. The Pope declared Ferdinand, and all those who Ferdinand is absolved, first, conditionally, and then absolutely. were not present at his death, to be absolved, with this addition, if the things deduced in the Process were true. Whereof the Emperor's ministers complaining, as if the integrity of Ferdinand were questioned, the Pope made the sentence absolute, and those only, who were Authors of the murder, went to Rome to be absolved; but so, as if they had done a good work. And in Hungary and Rome it was held, that it was done by command from him who had interest, according to the usual saying, that of every secret counsel he is Author, who receiveth profit by it. Yet this did Ferdinand no good, who shortly after for this and other causes, was chased out of Transiluania. But because to speak thereof, belongeth not to my purpose, I return to the matter which I left. The seventh day of February, the next Sunday before Septuagesima, the Gospel of the Cockle being read, Ambrose Cigogna, or Stork, (for so his Dutch name Pelargo is expounded) a Dominican Divine of the Archbishop of Triers, preached; who, applying the name of Cockle to the heretics, said it was fit to tolerate them, when, without danger of greater mischief, they could not be nooted our. This was told to the Protestants, as if he had said, that it was lawful not to observe the faith given: which raised a great tumult. He defended himself that he spoke of heretics in general, and said no more than what the Gospel itself doth propose: but if he had said that it was fit to extirpate them with fire, bonds, and halters, or any other way, he should have done that which the Council in the second Session did command: that he had spoken modestly, nor could a Sermon be made upon that Gospel without saying as much. The Cardinal of Trent, and the Emperor's Ambassadors did pacify the commotion, but with difficulty, though it was manifest that the Friar spoke not of keeping faith, not of the Protestants particularly, but of heretics in general. The Elector made this his pretence to departed, which he was resolved to do before, by reason of some secret intelligence, which he held with the French King, as also to recover his health; and so he departed in the midst of February, leaving The Elector of Triers departeth from Trent. an opinion, that it was with the good liking of the Emperor, and with promise to return quickly. Yet he passed not by Ispruc, nor spoke with the Emperor. The first day of Lent the Stations were, by affixion, published in Trent, in the same manner as in Rome, by the Pope's grant, to him that visited the Churches; which gave entertainment to the Fathers and Divines, who, in regard of the intermission of the Congregations, wanted business. And before, being almost idle, they entertained themselves in private meetings, discoursing variously, sometimes, of dissolving, sometimes of continuing the Council, according to the news which was brought. In the beginning of March, letters came from the elector of Saxony, to his Ambassadors, giving them commission to prosecute their instances in the Council, and advising that he was ready to go to the Emperor in person; which put all men out of fear. But not long after, a general rumour was spread, that the French King was confederate with the Protestant Princes, to make war against the Emperor. The Electours of Mentz, and Collen departed The Electors of Collen and Mentz departed from Trent. the eleventh of March, and passing by Ispruc, had very secret conference with Caesar; and the Ambassadors of Maurice, fearing some danger, went secretly out of Trent, and returned home by diverse ways. Notwithstanding all this, four Divines of Wittenberg, and two of Argentina came to Trent afterwards, who, with the Ambassadors of that Duke The Divines of Wittenberg & Argentina come to the Synod. did immediately desire the Emperor's Ambassadors, that the Synod might answer the proposition already made, and begin the conference. The Legate answered, that the nineteenth of March, a day appointed for the Session, approaching, it was necessary to give order for it, and to handle many other things, of which one should be, to find a form how to treat. Therefore that day a Congregation was made in the Legates house, and a The Ambassador of Portugal is received in congregation. resolution taken to prolong the Session until the first of May. In this Congregation the Ambassador of Portugal was received, who presented his Mandate, and made a speech, and was answered in the usual form, with praise and thankes to the King, and words of Compliment to the Ambassador. But those of Wittenberg, seeing no answer was made to their propositions, and that the Legate concealed the Confession, presented by them, which many desired to have, and could not, having brought many printed copies, distributed them unto diverse; which raised much noise, and some said the deserved The Ambassadors of Wittenberg spread copies of their Confession. served punishment. For he, unto whom Safe Conduct is granted, is bound to give none offence unto him that granteth it. And this was esteemed a public offence. Yet in the end all was quieted. The Protestants, together with the Emperor's Ambassadors, desired often, that the action should begin, which not withstanding was deferred, sometimes under pretence, that the Legate was not well in health, sometimes under diverse others. The Emperor's Ambassadors used all means to make them begin, and persuaded the Protestants not to desire an answer to the demands presented by them, and afterwards not to desire that the doctrine exhibited by them should be examined. But as one difficulty was removed by the Protestants, so another was still raised by the Precedents, sometimes about the manner of treating, sometimes about the matter with which to begin. But in the end, the Protestants, persuaded by Pictavius, were content to begin where the others would. Yet, for all this, nothing was done. For the Legate, though very sick of great passions of mind, was thought to feign, that he might find a pretence not to begin. The Nuncij were irresolute, and the Bishops did not agree among themselves. For the adherents of Caesar, Spaniards and others, moved by the Emperor's Ambassadors, desired to proceed: but the Papalins, suspecting that the end of the Imperialists was to come to the reformation of the Court of Rome, embraced all occasions of delay. And because the Dutch Bishops were already departed, by reason of the rumours of war, they expected the like occasion also, especially because the advices of the Arms of the French King, and confederates of Germany against the Emperor, did continue, Protests, and Manifests being published, which alleged, for a cause, the defence of Religion, and liberty of Germany. The first of April, the Elector of Saxony besieged Ausburg, which did render itself the third day, and the sixth news there of came The Fathers of the Council, and the Protestants depart from Trent, by reason of the rumours of war. to Trent, and that all Tirol did arm, and meant to go to Ispruc, there being an opinion, that the army of the confederates did purpose to possess themselves of the passages of the Alps, to hinder strangers from coming into Germany. Therefore in many of the Italian Bishops embarked, and went down the River Adice, to go to Verona, and the Protestants determined to departed. There remaining but few Prelates, and the Legate often doting, by reason The Legate doteth, and the Nuncij send to Rome to know what to do. of his great infirmity, nor being able constantly to resolve, the Nuncij fearing they should be alone in Trent if they expected the first of May, according to the order, wrote to Rome, desiring to know what they should do in these great straits. The Pope, who already had concluded with France, nor esteemed any more what the Emperor could do, having over come the difficulties by which he was compassed, assembled the Cardinals, and proposed to them the advice of the Nuncy, the mayor part of whom did concur, without difficulty, that the Council should be suspended. The Bull was made, and sent to Trent, and letters addressed to the Nuncij, giving them authority for the suspension. Therefore, when they saw urgent necessity, they were commanded to yield unto it, not putting the dignity of the Council in danger, which should be restored, at another, more peaceable time, nor dissolving it absolutely, that they might keep it in their power, and use it upon occasions, but suspending it, for some years. The Nuncij concealed From whence they receive order to suspend the Council. this answer, and consulted with the Emperor's Ambassadors, and the principal prelate's, who desired that order should be expected from Caesar, and extenuated the fear as much as they could. Notwithstanding the Prelates, though the mayor part were Spaniards, fearing their own persons, and hating the Protestants, and not hoping, that in so great straits, the Emperor could have time to think of the Council, gave consent to a suspension. Therefore the Nuncij did intimate the public Session for the 28. of April, so great was their fear that they could not expect two days, the time appointed for it. Those few that remained did assemble; and, after the Ecclesiastical ceremonies were ended, (for the pomps were omitted for that time) the Nuncio of Siponto caused the Decree so be read; by the Secretary. The substance Which is executed in Session the 2. of April. whereof was: That the Synod (the two Nuncij presiding in their own name, and in the name of Cardinal Crescentius the Legate, grievously sick) is assured, that all Christians do know, that the Council of Trent was first The Bull of the suspension for two years. assembled by Paulus, and after restored by julius, at the request of Charles the Emperor, to restore Religion, especially in Germany, and to correct manners, and that many Fathers of diverse Countries did meet without sparing any pains, or fearing any dangers, and that the proceeding was prosperous, with hope that the innovators of Germany would come to the Council, and yield to the reasons of the Church: but that, by the subtlety of the enemy, tumults are suddenly raised, which have interrupted the course, taken away all hope of proceeding, and given cause of fear, that the Synod would rather irritate the minds of many, then pacify them. Therefore perceiving that every place, Germany especially, is on fire with discords, and that the Dutch Bishops, especially the Electors, were departed to make provision for their Churches, it hath determined not to contend with necessity, but to be silent until better times. And therefore they do suspend the Progress for two years, with condition, that if all be quiet before that time be ended, the Council shall be understood to be restored; but if the impediments shall not cease at the end of two years, it shall be understood that the suspension is taken away so soon as the impediments are removed, without a new Convocation of the Council, his Holiness, and the holy Apostolic Sea, having given consent and authority to this Decree. And, in the mean time, the Synod doth exhort all Christian Princes and Prelates, as fare as concerneth every one, to cause all the Decrees of the Council, made until then, to be observed in their Dominions, and Churches. This Decree being read, was approved by the Italians. The Spaniards, who were twelve, said, that the dangers were not so great as they were made. That five years Is opposed by the Spanish Prelates. since Chiusa was taken by the Protestants, when no commander, but Castel-alto, was in Tiral to defend it, and yet the Council did not disso 〈…〉. Now the Emperor was in 〈◊〉, by whose virtue those stirs would quickly ceased; that the 〈…〉 should have leave to departed, as than they had, and those remain that would; until the Emperor were advised; 〈…〉 being but three days 〈…〉 might returness speedy answer. But the others opposing popularly▪ the Spaniards protested against so absolute suspension▪ Who protest against the suspension. notwithstanding▪ the Nuncio of Siponto, giving his benediction to the Fathers gave them leave to begin their journey. The Nuncij and Italian Prelates being departed, in the end, the Spaniard departed also, and so did the Emperor's Ambassadors, and the Cardinal Crescentius was carried The Legate dieth in Verona. to Verona, where he died. For the last part of the Decree, the Nuncij were much blamed in Rome, The Nuncij are blamed for the last part of the Decree. that the Synod had determined the observation of the Constitutio 〈…〉 without ask first the confirmation of the Apostolic Sea, alleging that this, having been exquisitely observed by all former Counsels, was a great usurpation and offence against the Papal authority. Some also made a scruple that all that assisted in that Session, had incurred the censure of the Canon, Omnes, dist. 22. having done a prejudice to a privilege of the Pope's authority pretending that the Decrees of the Council, were of force before the confirmation. They said for themselves, that they had not commanded, but persuaded the observation. But the answer did not satisfy, because to And their defence is not esteemed good. observe as a law, doth presuppose an obligation, and in the Decree, the exhortation is referred only to Princes and Prelates, who are exhorted to cause the Decrees to be observed. And for the observers, a former obligation is presupposed, and for matter of faith, they said the answer could have no place. They might have excused themselves, and said, that everything was approved by the Pope, before it was published in the Sessions. Neither would this have satisfied, because, thought it was true, yet it did not appear. This gave occasion to wonder, that there should be such a contention, between the Synod and the Protestants, concerning the things decreed, which the Protestants would have reexamined, and the Synod would have to be held as concluded. For if they were not perfectly established, they might be reexamined. And they discoursed, that the Pope, who was to confirm them; was to do it, either with taking knowledge of the cause, or without; if without, the confirmation was a vanity, and according to the proverb, that none should take a potion, and another be purged; if with it, than the Pope ought to examine them, and so might every one, and refer himself to his Holiness. In sum, if the force of the Decrees of the Council dependeth on the Pope's Confirmation, before that, they are in suspense, and may be questioned, and discussed better, which was always denied to the Protestants. Some did conclude, that the Decree was a declaration that the confirmation was not needful. The Protestants thought not of these reasons, which the stronger they are in the Doctrine of the Sea of Rome, so much the more the use of them would endamage their pretensions. But because there was more speech of the validity of this Decree in the year 156 when the Council ended, that which remaineth shall be deferred until then. Though the Protestants had the better in managing the war, yet Manrice treated friendly with Ferdinand, yea, went to him into his own Territeries, desiring nothing of him but the freedom of the Landgrave, his father in law, the liberty of Germany, and peace of Religion. The Protestants Annos did still proceed; and the Emperor, though he were not ready to make resistance, yet thinking he had Germany under his yoke; he would not leave any part of the domination which he had assumed: and Ferdinand, after he had treated with Maurice, went to Ispruc, to persuade him. But the The Emperor flieth from Isprut. enemy's Army approaching that City, the simperour was forced to fly by night, with all his Court, and after he had wandered in the Mountains of Trent, he came to Vdlaco a City of Carinthia, at the confines of the Venetians; where he was much afraid, because the Senate, to secure the frontiers, sent Soldiers to that place, though the Venetian Ambassador did assure him that they were at his service, if there were occasion to employ them. Before he departed from Ispruc, he set john Frederick, Duke of Saxony, at liberty, to And setteth Frederick, Duke of Saxony at liberty. take the glory of his delivery from Maurice: which pleased that Prince very much, whom it concerned more to be favoured by an enemy his Superior, then by an enemy his equal, and emulous. A few hours after the departure from Ispruc, Maurice arrived there the same night; where not touching any thing that belonged to Ferdinand, or the Maurice taketh Isprue. Citizens, he made himself Lord of the Emperor's baggage, and of the baggage of his Court. The Protestants seeing their advantage by this flight, published another Manifest, signifying in substance; that having taken arms The Protestants set forth a Manifest. for Religion, and the liberty of Germany, as the enemies of the truth had no other aim, but that the holy Doctors being first oppressed, the Popish errors, might be restored, and the youth brought up in them, having imprisoned some, and made others swear to departed, and not return again, which oath doth not bind, because it is wicked, they did recall them all, and command them to resume their office of teaching, according to the Augustan Confession, and, to remove all calumnies, did absolve them from the oath taken. The treaty of peace still continuing, it was at last concluded in A Peace is concluded. Passau, in the beginning of August, concerning all differences; and, for Religion, it was thus ordered: that, within six months, a Diet should be called, to consult how the discords in Religion might most easily, and commodiously be composed, either by a general or Nationall Council, or by a Colloquy, or universal Diet of the Empire. That in that Diet, an equal number of godly, humble and wise men of either Religion should be taken, charging them to consider of and propose the most convenient means: and, that in the mean space, neither the Emperor, nor any other may force any in matter of Religion, against his conscience, or will, neither De facto, nor by form of reason, nor do any thing in contempt, or to grieve any for that cause, but to let every man live in quiet, and in peace: and likewise that the Princes of the Augustan Confession may not molest the ecclesiastics or seculars of the old Religion, but let them enjoy their goods, Lordships, Superiorities, jurisdictions, and ceremonies; that in the Chamber justice be administered to every one, without regard of what Religion he is, not excluding the Confessionists from the places they are to have amongst the assessors, and that it be free for the assessors, and for the litigants to swear by God and the Saints, or by God and the Gospel. And though there be no means of composition in Religion, yet this peace shall remain in force for ever. And so the Interim was abrogated, which had been really executed but in few places. The Landgrave of Hassia was delivered by virtue of this agreement, so that all difficulties with the Emperor did cease; yet the war continued a whole The Interim is abrogated, The Landgrave is set at liberty, and the Protestant Preachers are recalled. The Diet is deserted. year, in many parts, between diverse Princes and Cities of the Empire. But the Cities recalled their Preachers, and Doctors of the Augustan Confession, and restored the Churches, Schools, and exercise of Religion, and though, in regard of the banishments and persecutions against the Doctors and Preachers, there remained but few of them, and those concealed under the protection of the Princes, yet, as if they had risen again, there wanted not to furnish all places. The war hindered the assembling of the Diet disseigned, and deferred it from one year to another, until February 1555. whereof we will speak in the fit place. THE FIFT BOOK OF THE HISTORY OF THE COUNCIL OF TRENT. THe Pope, now freed from many cares, by the dissolution of the Council, thought fit to prevent all occasions of relapse, and proposed in Consistory the necessity to reform the The Pope maketh a great show that he will reform the Church. Church. He said he had reduced the Council to Trent for this end, which having not succeeded according to his desire, in regard of diverse accidents of war, first in Italy, then in Germany, it was meet to do that in Rome, which in Trent could not be done. He appointed therefore a great congregation of Cardinals and Prelates, to consider of the business. He said, he elected many, that resolutions might be more mature, and have greater reputation; though his end was thought to be, that, by reason of the multitude, more impediments might arise, and so all might come to nothing. And the event was judge. For the Reformation was handled in the beginning with great heat; afterwards it went on, for the space of many months, very coldly; and, at the last, was buried in silence. And the suspension of the Council, in The suspension of the council, made for two years lasteth ten. stead of two years, did continue ten; verifying the maxim of the Philosophers, that the causes ceasing, the effects do cease also. The causes of the Council were first the great instances of Germany, and the hope, conceived by the world, that it would cure all the diseases of Christendom. But the effects that were seen under Paul the third did extinguish The causes of the two Convocations of the Council. the hope, and show to Germany that it was impossible to have such a Council as they desired. Of the second reduction of the Synod there was another cause; which was the great desire of Charles the Emperor to put Germany under his yoke, by means of Religion, and to make the Empire hereditary, by causing his son to succeed him, and so to erect a Monarchy, greater than any since the Roman, even then that of Charles the great. For this, the victories he had obtained was not sufficient, 1553▪ I 〈…〉 3. 〈…〉 CHARLES▪ 〈…〉 EDWARD▪ 〈…〉 HENRY 〈…〉 neither did he think he could supply what was wanting by new forces only: but supecting the people unto him by Religion, and the Princes by treaties, he had conceived a vast hope to immortallize his name. This was the cause why he was so earnest with Iul 〈…〉 for the second Convocation of the Council, and of his effectual persuasions (not to call them violent) Charles useth means to make the Empire hereditary▪ to the three Electors to go thither, and to the Protestents, with whom he had power, to send their Druines. But while the Council was celebrated, Charles, having put all Christian Princes in jealousy, found the first encounters in his own house. For Ferdinand, though he seemed formerly to have consented to make the Empire common to them both (as it was to Marcus and Lucius, with equal authority, an example followed by Dioclesian, and many others afterwards) and then to labour that Philip should be chosen King of the Romans to succeed them, (wherein Charles had employed But cannot effect it. his sister, the Queen of Hungary, to persuade him to it, for the advancement of their house) yet, better advised by his son Maximilian, he began to change his opinion. To effect this business, already set on foot, Philip was called by his father, that he might be known to the Electors, in the Diet of Ausburg in the year 1551. which made Ferdinand retire himself, & the foresaid Queen to go thither, to make peace between the brothers. But Maximilian, fearing that his father out of his good nature, would yield, leaving the government of the Kingdoms of Spain, which the Emperor had given him, in the hands of his wife, the Emperor's daughter, returned suddenly into Germany by whose persuasions Ferdinand remained constant in his purpose, and Charles had nothing from the Electors but good words. By this opposition the Emperor's edge was abated, who sent his son back into Spain, without hope ever to obtain the consent of Maximilian. And afterwards being compelled, by the foresaid war, to make an agreement, despairing of his son's succession, he laid aside all thought of restoring the ancient Religion in Germany, and, by consequence, all care of the Council, though he continued many years after in the Empire. And the Court did care for it as little, because none did desire it. But diverse accidents then happened, Which causeth him to lay aside all care of Religion and of the Council. which though they seemed to make the suspension perpetual, yet, in the secret providence of God, did minister causes for the third Convocation, which the continuation of the story requireth should not be passed over in silence, in regard the knowledge of the causes doth help much to penetrate the effects, which happened after that the Council was resumed. The Pope, seeing that the people of his obedience did not so much esteem him, by reason of the alienation of Germany, did imitate Eugenius the fourth, 1553. who maintained the reputation which the Council of Basill took from How the Pope maintained his reputation him, by a show of Grecians, and a shadow of Armenians; and the late example of his predecessor Paulus 3. who, when the contentions were ho●e, between him and the Emperor, for the translation of the Council to Bolonia, for which the people also did distaste him, received, with many ceremonies, on Steven, by the name of Patriarch of Armenia the greater, with one Archbishop, and 2. Bishops, who came to knowledge him for the Vicar of CHRIST, and general commander of the Church, and to render him obedience. According to these examples, julius did receive with much public solemnity one Simon Sul●akam, elect Patriarch of all the people which are between Euphrates and India sent from those Churches to be confirmed by the Pope, successor of Peter, and Vicar of CHRIST. He ordained him Bishop, and gave him the patriarchal Robe with his own hands, in the Consistory; and sent him back to his home, that the Churches might not suffer in his absence, accompanied with some religious men, who understood the Syriaque tongue. All the discourse was, not only in Rome, but throughout all Italy, of the immense number of the Christians in those parts; and how much the lists of the Apostolic Sea were enlarged. And particularly they spoke of the great number of Churches in the City Muzal, which, they said, was the old Assur, upon the river Tigris, from which Ninive, renowned for the preaching of jonas, was not fare distant, situated beyond the river. Under this jurisdiction they put Babylon, Tauris, and Arbela, famous for the battle between Darius and Alexander, with many Countries of Assyria and Persia. They found also the ancient Cities named in the Scripture, and Ecbatan, which the stories do call Seleucia and Nisibi. They said that this man, elected by all the Bishops, was sent to the Pope for confirmation, accompanied with seventy persons, as fare as jerusalem, and from thence by three, of whom one died, and another remained sick in the journey, and the third, called Calefi, came with him to Rome. All these things were printed, and very curiously read. The Pope received another also, named Marderius, a jacobite of Assyria, sent by the Patriarch of Antioch, to acknowledge the Apostolic Sea, and give it obedience, and make profession of the Roman faith. But the world being satiated with the former, did not care for this second. After these shadows of obedience, which the Sea of Rome gained, there succeeded one real, and of great importance, which did abundantly recompense The King of, England dieth whatsoever was lost in Germany. The sixth of july 1553, Edward King of England died, of the age of sixteen years. Fifteen days before, he made a Will, with approbation of his Council, wherein having declared that it did belong to him to name the Successor, according to the laws of the Kingdom, he excluded his sisters, Mary and Elizabeth, because their legitimation was doubted of, and all the posterity of Margaret, his father's elder sister, as strangers, not borne in the kingdom, and named her Queen who followed in order, that is, jane of Suffolk, grandchild to Mary, formerly Q. of France, and younger sister to his father Henry 8. by her daughter, notwithstanding that the said Henry had, in his last Will, substituted Mary and Elizabeth, which substitution he said was pupillary, and did not bind him now he was of age. jane was proclaimed Queen in London, and Mary, retiring herself into jane is proclaimed Queen. Norfolk, that she might commodiously pass into France, if there were occasion, named herself Queen also, and was finally accepted by all the kingdom, alleging in her favour the Testament of Henry, and that of a Matrimony contracted bona fide, though there be a nullity in it, the issue is legitimate. jane and her adherents were imprisoned, and Mary entered into But Mary obtaineth the Crown. London, and was received with a general applause, and proclaimed Queen of England and France, and had the title of Head of the Church. She presently set the prisoners at liberty, which her father had put into the Tower, 1553 JULIUS 3. CHARLES 5. Q. MARY. HENRY 2. A sedition in London about Religion. partly for Religion, and partly for other causes. A little after her entry there arose a sedition in London, by occasion of one who took the boldness to preach Popery, and of another who did celebrate the Mass. To appease this trouble, which was very considerable, the Queen caused an Edict to be published, that she would live in the Religion of her Ancestors, and therefore would not permit that any thing should be preached to the people, but that which formerly had been. Afterwards, the eleventh of October she was crowned with the usual ceremonies. The Pope advertized hereof, considering that she was brought up in the Catholic Religion, interested in the respects of her mother, and cousin by blood unto the Emperor, hoped he might make some entry into the Kingdom, and therefore did make Cardinal Poole his Legate, thinking, because he was of the blood royal, and The Pope maketh Cardinal Poole his Legate for England. of an exemplary life, he was the only instrument to reduce that Kingdom to the Church of Rome. The Cardinal, who had been banished by public Decree, and deprived of his honour, thought it not fit to begin the enterprise, before he fully understood the state of things, being assured that the mayor part was still devoted to the memory of Henry. He therefore sent into England secretly, Giovanni Francisco Comendone, to inform him, and wrote a Letter to the Queen: in which, commending her perseverance in Religion in the times of her troubles, he exhorted her to continue in the times of her happiness, recommended unto her the salvation of the souls of those people, and the restitution of the true worship of GOD. Comendone having observed every particular, and found means to speak with the Queen though compassed and guarded on every side, perceived she had never been averse from the Roman faith, and had promise from her that she would labour to restore it into the whole Kingdom, which the Cardinal understanding, put himself into the voyage. In England, after the Coronation, a Parliament was held, in which the A Parliament is held, & the divorce of Henry the 8. declared to be unlawful. divorce of the Queen's mother, Katherine of Arragon, was declared to be unlawful, the marriage good, and the issue legitimate; which was obliquely to restore the Pope's supremacy, in regard it could not be good, without the validity of the dispensation of julius the second, and by consequence, not without the supremacy of the Sea of Rome. It was ordained also, that all the constitutions in matter of religion made by Edward should be abrogated, and Pope●y is established. that religion observed which was in use at the death of Henry. In this Parliament, they treated of marrying the Queen, though she were above forty years of age: and three were named: Poole, who had not taken holy Orders, And the marriage of the Queen is treated on. though he was a Cardinal; and Courtney, both of the blood Royal, and first Cousins of Henry the eight, in an equal degree, this of the white Rose, grand child of Edward the fourth, by his daughter, and that of the red Rose, Nephew to Henry the seventh by his sister; both acceptable to the Nobility of England; Poole for wisdom, and sanctify of life, and Courtney for his loving behaviour, and carriage. But the Queen preferred Philip Prince of Spain before these, aswell for the treaties made by her cousin Charles the Emperor, (her affection also inclining much more to the mother's side then to the fathers) as because she thought she might better secure her own and the Kingdom's peace with that marriage. The Emperor, who did much 1554 JULIUS 3. CHARLES 5. MARY. HENRY 2. Until the conclusion whereof the Emperor hindereth Pool in going into England. desire to effect it, fearing that Pool might disturb it, by his presence in England, knowing he was departed Legate, made means by Cardinal Dandinus, the Pope's Minister with himself, that he should not part out of Italy so soon, saying, that as yet an Apostolic Legate could not go into England with honour. But the Letter of Dandinus not taking effect, and Poole being in his journey as fare as the Palatinate, he sent Diego Mendoza to stop him by authority. It seemed strange to the Cardinal, and he complained that the Pope's Legation was hindered with the damage of Christianity, and of the Kingdom of England, and joy of Germany. Therefore the Emperor, not to give so much matter of talk, made him go to Brussels, and entertained him in Brabant, until the marriage was ended, and all things accommodated as he would; and, for colour, employed him to treat a peace between himself and the French King. In the beginning of the year 1554. the Emperor sent Ambassadors 1554. into England to make the conclusion: and the Queen proceeding to favour the old Religion, did the fourth of March publish other Laws, restoring the Latin tongue into the Churches, forbidding married men to exercise holy Functions, and giving order to the Bishops not to make them swear, who were to be received into the Clergy, as Henry had appointed, that the King was supreme Head of the Church of England, and that the Pope had no superiority there, but was Bishop only of the City of Rome. She ordained also that the form of Prayer, instituted by Henry, where, amongst other things, God is prayed to deliver that Kingdom from sedition, conspiracy, and tyranny of the Pope, should be razed out of all the Books of Rites, and forbidden to be printed. In April another Parliament was held, in which consent was given to the contract of marriage: where the Queen proposed the restitution of the Pope's supremacy; which she could not obtain, because the Nobility did resist, who considered not that they did vainly deny this demand, which was virtually contained in their assent to the marriage. Philip, Prince of Spain, arrived The celebration of the marriage. in England the eighteenth of july, and on Saint james day the Nuptials were celebrated, and he received the title of the King of Naples, and did consummate the Matrimony. In November there was a new Parliament, in which Cardinal Poole was restored to his Honour and Country, and two were sent to invite and accompany him; with whom he passed into the Island, and arrived at London the three and twentieth of Cardinal Poole cometh to London, with the cross carried before him. And maketh an Oration in the Parliament. November, with a silver Cross carried before him. At his first entry into the Parliament, he made a discourse in English before the King, Queen, and Orders of the Kingdom. He thanked them very much that he was restored to his Country, saying, that in exchange, he was come to restore them to the Country and Court of Heaven▪ of which they were deprived, by departing from the Church. He exh 〈…〉 them to acknowledge the error, and receive the benefit which God, by his Vicar, had sent them. The discourse was very long and artificial▪ and the conclusion was, that he had the Keys to bring them into the Church, which they had shut, by making Laws against the Apostolic Sea: which when they did revoke, he would open the doors unto them. The Cardinal's person was well accepted, and an apparent assent was given to his Proposition, though the Mayor part did secretly abhor the quality of a Pope's Minister, and were grieved to come under, the yoke again. But they had suffered themselves to be carried so fare, that they knew not how to return. The next day the reunion with the Church of Rome was decreed in The manner of the reunion with the Church of Rome. Parliament; and the manner was thus set down. That a Supplication should be made in the Parliaments name, wherein it should be declared that they were very sorry for having denied obedience to the Apostolic Sea, and for having consented to the Decrees made against it, promising to endeavour hereafter that all those Laws and Decrees should be abolished, and beseeching the King and Queen to intercede for them, that they may be absolved from the crimes and censures, and received, as penitent children, into the bosom of the Church, to serve God, in obedience of the Pope and Sea of Rome. The last of November, Saint Andrew's day, their majestics, the Cardinal, and whole Parliament being assembled, the Chancellor asked the generality whether they were pleased that pardon should be demanded of the Legate, and whether they would return to the unity of the Church, and obedience of the Pope, supreme Head thereof; and some saying yea, and the others holding their peace, a Supplication was presented to their Majesties in the name of the Parliament; which being publicly read, they rose to desire the Legate, who met them, and shown himself willing to give them satisfaction; and causing the authority given him by the Pope to be read, he discoursed how acceptable to God the repentance of a sinner was, and how the Angels did then rejoice for the conversion of that Kingdom: and all being on their knees, imploring the mercy of God, he absolved them; which being done, he went to the Church with all the multitude, to give thankes to God. The next day an Ambassage was destinated to the Pope, to render him obedience; Ambassadors are appointed to go to the Pope. for which were named Anthony Browne, Viscount Montacute, Thomas Thirlby, Bishop of Ely, and Edward Cerne, who had formerly been Ambassador in Rome for Henry the eight, and was now to be resident there again in that charge. Advice hereof came to Rome For which Processions are made in Rome. quickly, for which many Processions were made; not only in that City, but thorough out all Italic, to give thankes to God. The Pope approved what his Legate had done, and sent a 〈◊〉 the four and twentieth of December, alleging in the ●●ll for a cause, that, like the Father of the family, having recovered his prodigal son, it was mee●e that he should not onely-shew ●othesticall joy, but generally invite all to the same jubilee; and he praised and extolled the action of the King, Queen, and people of England. The Parliament continued until the midst of januarie 〈◊〉. and to the ancient Edicts of the Kings to punish heretics, and of the jurisdiction of Bishops were renewed, the Primacy, and all prehertinences of the Pop restored, all contrary Decrees made within twenty years last passed, 〈◊〉 would Henry as by Edward, abolished, the penal: Laws against heretics revived, and many were burned, especially Bishops, who would persevere in the reformation abolished. It is certain that one hundred seventy and six persons of quality were burned that year, for Religion, besides many of the common sort, which gave but little content to that people, who also were displeased that Martin Bucer, and Paulus Fagius, dead four years before, were cited and condemned, as if Many are burned in England for Religion. they had been living, and their bodies digged up, and burned; an action, commended by some as a revenge of what Henry the eight had done against S. Thomas, by others compared to that which the Popes, Stephanus the sixth, and Sergius the third, did against the Corpse of Pope Formosus. Many also were at the same time burned in France for Religion: not And in France also. without the indignation of honest men, who knew that the diligence used against those poor people, was not for piety, or Religion, but to satiate Which was done to satiate the covetousness of Diana Valentina. the covetousness of Diana Valentina, the King's Mistress, to whom he had given all the confiscations of goods made in the Kingdom for cause of Heresy. It was wondered also that those of the new reformation, should meddle with blood, for cause of Religion. For Michael Seruetus of Tarragona, made a Divine of a Physician, renewing the old opinion of Paulus Samosatenus, and Marcellus Anciranus, that the word of God was not a thing subsisting, and therefore that Christ was a pure man, was put to death for Michael Seruetus is burned in Geneva. it in Geneva, by Counsel of the Ministers of Zuric, Berne, and Schiaffusa: and john Caluin, who was blamed for it by many, wrote a Book, defending that the Magistrate may punish Heretics with loss of life: which Doctrine being drawn to diverse senses, as it is understood more strictly or more largely, or as the name of Heretic is taken diversely, may sometime do hurt to him, whom another time it hath helped. At that time Ferdinand, King of the Romans, published an Edict to all The King of the Romans publisheth an Edict against all innovation in Religion the people subject unto him, that in points of Religion, and Rites, they should not innovate, but follow the ancient customs; and particularly that, in the holy Communion, they should be content to receive the Sacrament of bread only. Wherein though many persons of note, the Nobility, and many of the Cities made Supplication unto him, that, at the least the Cup might be granted them, saying that the institution was of Christ, which might not be altered by men, and that it was the use of the old Church, as was confessed by the Council of Constance, promising all submission and obedience in all other things, praying him not to burden their consciences, but to accommodate his commandment to the orders set down by the Apostles, and of the Primitive Church, yet Ferdinand persevered in his resolution, and answered them, that his commandment was not new, but an ancient institution, used by his Ancestors, Emperors, Kings, and Dukes of Austria: and that the use of the Cup was a novity, brought in by curiosity, or pride, against the Law of the Church, and consent of the Prince. Yet he moderated the rigour of the answer, saying, that the question being of a point that concerneth salvation, he would think of it more diligently, and answer them in fit time, but that, in the mean while, he expected from them obedience, and observation of the Edict. He published also a Catechism the fourteenth of And a Catechism. August, made, by his authority, by some learned and pious Divines, 1555 PAUL 4. CHARLES 5. MARY. 〈◊〉 HENRY 2. Which gave distaste to the Court of Rome. commanding all the Magistrates of those Countries, not to suffer any Schoolmasters to read any but that, either in public or in private, because, by diverse Pamphlets which went about, Religion was much corrupted in those Countries. This constitution distasted the Court of Rome, because it was not sent to the Pope, to be approved by his authority, nor came forth in the name of the Bishop of the Country, the secular Prince assuming the office; to cause to be composed, and to Authorise Books in matter of Religion, especially by name of Catechism, to show that it belonged to the secular power, to determine what Religion the people should follow, and what refuse. The two years of the suspension of the Council being expired, they treated in the Consistory what was fit to be done. For although the condition in the Decree was, that the Council should be of force again when the impediments were removed, which did still continue, by reason of the wars of Sienna, Piedmont, and others, between the Emperor and the French King, yet it seemed that any man of an unquiet Spirit might say that those impediments were not sufficient, and that it was understood that the Council was on foot again; so that, to free themselves from those dangers, it might be good to make a new declaration. But wiser men It is resolved in Rome not to speak of the Council though the two years of suspension were ended. gave counsel not to move the evil while it was quiet, while the world was silent, while neither Prince nor People demanded the Council, lest by showing they were afraid, they might excite others to require it. This advice prevailed, and made the Pope resolve never to speak more of it. In the year 1555. there was a Diet in Ausburg, which the Emperor 1555. A Diet. 〈◊〉 had in Ausburg to compose the differences in Religion. had intimated, principally to compose the controversies of religion, in regard this was the fountain of all the troubles, and calamities of Germany, with the loss not only of the lives of many thousands of men, but of their souls also. Ferdinand began the Diet, in the Emperor's name, the fifth of February; where he shown at large, the lamentable spectacle of Germany, in which men of the same Baptism, Language, In which Ferdinand maketh an Oration. and Empire, were distracted by so various a profession of Faith, there arising new Sects every day: which did show not only small reverence towards God, and great perturbations of men's minds, but was cause also that the multitude knew not what to believe, and that many of the principal Nobility and others were without all faith, and honesty, making no conscience of their actions, which took away all commerce: so that now it could not be said that the Germans were better than the Turks, and other barbarous people; for which causes God hath afflicted it with so great calamities. Therefore it was necessary to take in hand the business of religion. He said a general, free, and pious Council was formerly thought the only remedy. For the cause of Faith being common to all Christians, it ought to be handled by all: and the Emperor employing all his forces herein, did cause it to be assembled, more than once. But there was no need to say why no fruit came by it, it being well known to all that were present. Now if they desired to prove the same remedy again, it was necessary to remove the impediments, which did 1555 MARCDILUS 〈◊〉. CHARLES 5. MARY HENRY 2. hinder them from attaining the wished end. But if, by reason of the accidents that occur, they thought fit to defer this until another time, they might treat of using other means. They knew not how to make use of a Nationall Council, because the manner, form, and name of them were disused. The Colloquies, whereof they had often made proof, did no And proposeth a Colloquy. good, because both parties aimed more at private gain, then public piety and utility. Yet he said they were not to be despised now, if they would lay aside the obstinacy of their private affections; and counselled them to try them once more, if the Diet did not propose a better way. This proposition was made by Ferdinand, with others, concerning the peace and war with the Turks, that it might pass through Germany, and serve to invite men to the Diet, to which very few were come. But it was ill expounded, in regard of his former Edict, published in his States, much contrary to this proposition, and more, in regard of the execution of it, having chased more than two hundred Preachers out of Bohemia. And it went to Rome also; where the Pope, cursing, as he usually did, the Which displeaseth the Pope. Colloquies, and inventors of them, complained that there was no end of these difficulties, and that he was to have a Council, a Colloquy, or a Diet always on his back. He blamed those times for being so full of troubles, praising former ages when the Popes might live quietly, not being in fear of their authority. Yet he was comforted by the perfect subjection of England to his obedience, by the decrees made in his favour, by the Who is consolated with the obedience of England. Letters of thankes which he received, and with the promise that a solemn Ambassage would come ere long, to thank him personally for his fatherly clemency and benignity, and to promise him obedience. Wherewith being well pleased, he could not choose but jest, and said, that he did enjoy some part of happiness, in that he was thanked by those unto whom he owed thankes. But though the Pope had little hope of Germany, yet, not to neglect it, nor any overture that might be made, in proposing means to reduce to the Church those that wandered, he sent Cardinal Morone. for his Legate, He sendeth Cardinal Morone to the Diet. to the Imperial Diet, with instructions ever to lay before them the example of England, and, by that, to exhort Germany to know their disease, and receive the same cure; and, above all, to divert all Colloquies, and treaties of religion. The Cardinal was no sooner arrived in Ausburg, but Pope julius died, whereof he received advice eight days after. He therefore departed And dieth presently after. the last of March, together with the Cardinal of Ausburg, to assist at the election of the new Pope. Before they came, Marcellus Ceruinus, Cardinal de Santa Croce, was Marcellus Ceruinus is created Pope, and retaineth his name. elected Pope in Rome, the ninth of April; a man grave, and severe by nature, and of a constant mind, which he was willing to demonstrate in the first action of his Papacy, by retaining the same name, showing the world that his dignity had not changed him; contrary to that which so many of his predecessors had done. For after the changing of the names began, because Dutch men were made Popes, to whose names Roman ears were not accustomed, all that followed observed the same use, signifying thereby that they had changed their private affections into public and divine cares. But this Pope, to show that in his private estate he had thoughts worthy of the Popedom, would, by retaining the same name, show his immutability. Another action of his also was like to this. For the capitulations made in the Conclave being presented to him, that he might swear to them, he answered it was the same thing which he had sworn a few days before, and that he would observe it by deeds and not by promises. The holy week which then was celebrated, and Easter holy days approaching, put the Pope, by the assiduity of Ecclesiastical ceremonies into an indisposition. Yet his thoughts were still fixed on the things he had disseigned with many Cardinals, before his Popedom, to which he did ever think he should ascend; and particularly he imparted his purpose to the Cardinal of Mantua, to compose the differences of Religion by a Council, which he said did not formerly succeed well, because a good course was not taken. That it was necessary He purposeth to make a reformation. first to make an entire reformation, by which the real differences would be accorded; which being done, the verbal would partly cease of themselves, and partly would be composed with some small pains of the Council. That his Predecessors for five successions, abhorred the name of reformation, not for any bad end, but because they were persuaded that it was set on foot, to pull down the Papal authority. But his opinion was contrary, and that nothing could more preserve it then that; yea, that it would be a means to enlarge it. For observing things past, every one might see, that only those Popes who have made reformations, have advanced and enlarged their authority. That the reformation did not alter any thing but that which was for show and vanity, not only of no moment, but of charge and burden; as riots, pomps, great trains of Prelates, excessive, superfluous, and unprofitable charges, which do not make the Papacy venerable, but rather contemned; which vanities being cut off, the true power, reputation, and credit with the world will increase, together with the revenue and other sinews of government, and above all, the protection of God, which every one may assure himself doth work in conformity of ones proper duty. These designs, published in Court, were, by his wellwillers, adorned And is censured by the Court. with the titles of Piety, love of Peace, and Religion; but some, that were emulous, said the end was not good; that the Pope did ground himself upon Astrological predictions (following his father's steps, who became great by that profession) which, as some times, either by chance or otherwise, they succeed, so, for the most part, they are occasions of the fall of many. Amongst the Pope's particular designs, one was, to He purposed to institute a religion of an hundred persons. institute a Religion of an hundred persons, like unto a Cavalarie: of which himself would be Head, and make the election, taking them out of any other Religion, or state of persons; every one of which should have yearly five hundred crowns out of the Chamber, should take a very solemn and strict Oath of fidelity to the Pope, should not be assumed to any other degree, nor have any more revenue, except, for their deserts, they were created Cardinals, in which case they were not to forsake the compunie. These only he would employ for Nuncij, and ministers of businesses, Governors of Cities, Legates, and in all other occasions of the Apostolic Sea. And many learned men, Inhabitants of Rome, whom himself did know, were named, and others put themselves forward to receive this honour. The Court was full of the expectation But dieth be fore anything was effected, having sat but 22. days. of many novities; which were all buried in silence, because Marcelius, first weakened by the pains he took in the long great ceremonies, as hath been said, afterwards taken with an apoplexy, died the last day of the month, the other astrological predictions of his father and his owhe, which were extended a year after that time, being not verified. The Cardinals being assembled again in the Conclave, he of Ausburg, assisted by Moren, made great instance, that among the capitulations which the Cardinals were to swear unto, one should be, that the future Pope should, by counsel of the College, call an other Synod, within Two cap 〈…〉 lations, one to call another S● council within two years, another not to make above 4. Cardinals within two years. john Peter Caraffa, called Paul the 4 41● created Pope. two years, to finish the reformation begun, to determine the controversies of Religion that remained, and to find a means to cause the Council of Trent to be received in Germany. And the College of the Cardinals being full, it was capitulated that the Pope should not create more than four within two years. The three and twentieth day of the next Month, john Peter Caraffa, who called himself Paulus Quartus, was created, the Imperialists resistng as much as they could. For he was thought not to be the Emperor's friend, in regard of the old distastes which he received in the King of Spain his Court, where he served eight years, in the life time of the Catholic King Ferdinand, and because the possession of the Archbishoprique of Naples was denied him, a few years before, by the common inclination of the Barons of that Kingdom. Whereunto was added the severitio of his manners, which made Of whose severity the Court is afraid. the Court fad, and put it in geater fear of reformation, than it formerly had in the treaties of the Council. The strictness of his life, concerning his person and family, he laid aside immediately after his creation. For being demanded by his Steward what diet he would have provided for him, he answered such as befitteth a Prince: and would be crowned with greater pomp than was usual, affecting, in all his actions, to keep his degree with magnificence, and to appear stately and sumptuous. To his Nephews and kinsmen he was as indulgent as any of his Predecessors. He affected to hide his severity towards others, by showing the greatest humanity, but within a short time he returned to his own natural disposition. He took it for a great glory that the three English. Ambassadors, The English. Ambassadors are received in the first consistory after the coronation. dispatched in the time of julius, entered Rome the firstday of his Papacy: and the first consistory after the Coronation, was public. The Ambassadors, were brought into it, who prostrating themselves at the Pope's feet, did, in the name of the Kingdom, acknowledge the faults committed, relating them all in particular (for so the Pope would have it) confessing they had been ungrateful for so many benefits received from the Church, and humbly craving pardon for it. The Pope did pardon them, took them up from the ground, and embraced them: and, to honour their Majesties who sent them, gave the title of a Kingdom to Ireland, granting them this dignity by the authority which the Pope hath from God, being placed over all Kingdoms, to supplant those that are contumacious, and to build new. Men of judgement, who then knew not the true cause of that action, thought it a vanity, not seeing The Pope giveth to Ireland the title of a kingdom what profit, either of authority or honour, it might bring to a King, to have many titles in the Country which he possesseth, considering that the most Christian King is more honoured by the only title of King of France, then if his State were divided into as many Kingly titles as he hath Provinces. Neither did it then seem a fit time to say, he had power from God to build up, and overthrew Kingdoms. But those that knew the true cause, did not think it vain, but a secret, usually practised a long time. Henry the Eight, after his separation from the Pope, made Ireland a kingdom, and called himself, King of England, France, and Ireland; which title, continued by Edward, was assumed by Marie, and her Husband. The Pope so soon as he was created, entered into a resolution that the title of Ireland should not be used by those Princes, affirming constantly that it belonged only to him, to Which was taken before without the consent of any Pope. give the name of a King. But it seemed hard to induce England to quit that which two Kings had used, and the Queen, not thinking much of it, had continued. Therefore he found a temper; that is, to dissemble the knowledge of what Henry had done, and himself to erect the Island into a Kingdom, that so the world might believe that the Queen Pope's have often given that which they could not take from the possessors. had used the Title as given by the Pope, not as decreed by her Father. And the Popes have often given that which they could not take from the possessors, and to avoid contentions, some have received their own goods as gifts, and some have dissembled the knowledge of the gift, or of the pretence of the giver. In the private discourses between the Pope and the Ambassadors, he found fault that the Church goods were not wholly restored, saying that by no means it was to be tolerated, and that it was necessary to render all, even to afarthing; because the things that belong to God can never be applied to humane uses, and he that withholdeth the least part of them, is in continual state of damnation. That if he had power to grant them, he would do it most readily, The Pope commandeth the restitution of Church goods in England. for his Fatherly affection which he beareth to them, and for the experience he hath of their filial obedience, but his authority was not so large, as that he might profane the things dedicated to GOD, and let England be assured that this would be an Anathema, and an contagion, which, by the just revenge of God, would always hold the Kingdom of England in perpetual infelicity. He charged the Ambassadors to write thereof immediately, and was not content to speak of it once, but repeated it as often as there was occasion. He said also plainly, that the Peterperce aught to be paid, as soon as might be, and that, according to the And the payment of Peter pence. custom he would send a Collector for that purpose; that himself had exercised that charge three years, having been sent into England for that end, wherein he was much edified, by seeing the forwardness of the people to contribute, especially of those of the meaner sort; and told them often that they could not hope that Saint Peter would open heaven unto them, so long as they usurped his goods upon earth. This relation made unto the Queen, with many other treaties, continued succeeslively from Rome, caused her to employ all her spirits herein; but nothing could be done, because many of the Nobility, and of the Grandees had incorporated many of The Queen maketh 〈…〉 tution, which her people ●●suse to do. these revenues into their houses. For herself she restored the tenths, and all other Ecclesiasticalligoods' annexed to the Crown, by her brother, and her Father. The Ambassadors parted from Rome, with much praise, and favour from the Pope, for their submission, a means by which his good will is easily gained. Immediately after the Creation of the new Pope, though Imperialists and French men, did vie who should gain him. But the Cardinal of Lorraine, who well knew his humour, confirmed his affection towards the French, telling him in Consistory, and in many private Treaties beside, that the King did know that the Church of France had need of reformation, and was ready to assist his Holiness, either by sending Prelates to the Council, if he thought fit, or by any other means that should seem good unto him. In the mean space the Diet of Germany was prosecuted, not without Contentions do arise in the Diet of Ausburg. contentions, which would have been greater if Cardinal Morone had remained there, as well for the negotiations he would have made, as for the suspicions conceived by the Protestants, that he was sent only to oppose their commodities. And it was already published every where that Rome was full of hope, that Germany would quickly come under the yoke, as England had done. After the Cardinal's departure, the first difficulty was; whether the points of Religion should be discussed first of all; which though the ecclesiastics did contradict in the beginning, yet it was finally resolved, by common consent to begin there. Wherein there were two contrary Propositions; One to treat of the means to reform it; the other to leave every one to his liberty: about which point there was very great controversy. But in the end, all inclined to the second proposition, not knowing how to root out the evil which did still move, only hoping that when the humours were quiet, and the differences and suspicions removed, many easy and commodious ways might be found out. For this, it was necessary to establish a peace, that for cause of Religion there might be no more war, and that it might be lawful for all the Princes and States of the Empire to follow and cause to be observed in their Dominions what Religion pleased them best. Which resolution, when it came to be established raised greater controversies. For those of the Augustan Confession did pretend, that it was lawful for all to accept their Doctrine, retaining the honours, States, and Degrees which they possessed. On the contrary, the Catholics would not have it permitted to the ecclesiastics to change their Religion, and keep their degree, but that if a Bishop or an Abbot did embrace the other Religion, he should lose his dignity. Neither would they have it permitted to the Cities, which seven years since had received the decree of the Interim made in Ausburg, to return to the Augustan Confession. Writings passed on both sides concerning this, and, at the last, the rigour 1555 PAUL 4. CHARLES 5. MARY. HENRY. 2. But at the last a peace of Religion is established. of either party was abated. The Catholics were content that the Cities should do as they pleased, and the Protestants gave over their pretence concerning the ecclesiastics. And the five and twentieth of September the Recess was made, that a General or Nationall Council (neither of which could be assembled in regard of many difficulties) being necessary to determine lawfully the causes of Religion, until a way might be opened unto a friendly agreement thoughout all Germany, the Emperor Ferdinand, the Catholic Princes and States, should not force the Princes, Orders and States of the Augustan Confession to forsake their Religion and Ceremonies already instituted, orto be instituted in their Dominions, nor should do any thing in contempt thereof, nor hinder them in the free use of that Religion: and those of the Augustan Confession ought to behave themselves in the same sort towards Caesar, Ferdinand, and the other Princes and States of the old Religion, as well Ecclesiastical as Secular, every one having power to establish in his own State what Religion he will, and to forbid the other. And if any Ecclesiastic shall abandon the old Religion, it shall be no infamy unto him but he shall presently lose his Benefices, which shall be conferred upon others by the Patron; and the Benefices, which the Protestants have already annexed to Schools and Ministeries of the Church shall remain in the same state. That Ecclesiastical jurisdiction shall be exercised no more against those of the Augustan Confession; but, otherwise, shall be exercised according to the ancient custom. The Recess being made, another difficulty arose, for the removing of which, Ferdinand, using the absolute Imperial authority of his brother, did declare with consent of the Ecclesiastical Order, that the Titulars, Cities, and Communities, subject to Ecclesiastical Princes, who have adhered many years to the Augustan Confession, and received long since the Rites and Ceremonies thereof, and do observe them still, may not be compelled by their Princes to change them, but may continue in them until a general concord in Religion, which shall be concluded. Pope Paul understanding of this Recess of Ausburg, was exceeding Of which the hope complaineth to the Emperor's Ambassador, and Cardinal of Ausburg. angry; He complained thereof to the Emperor's Ambassador, and to the Cardinal of Ausburg, reprehending Ferdinand for suffering a treaty in matters of Religion, without the knowledge of the Apostolic Sea, and threatening that in due time he would make the Emperor and that King know to their grief, how they had offended him: he exhorted them to prevent it, by revoking and dissallowing the things granted, that he might have no occasion to proceed, as he meant to do, not only, against the Lutherans, but even against them also, as Abettors: offering to assist them, in case they should do it by authority and arms, and to command all Christian Princes, upon pains and censures, to aid them with all their forces. He was not satisfied with the Ambassador's answer, who alleged the strength of the Protestants, the war against Caesar, in which he was like to be prisoner in Ispruc, and the Oaths taken. For the Oaths, he answered that he freed and absolved them, yea, commanded not to observe them. To the rest he said, that in God's cause, one must not proceed according to humane respects. That the Emperor was in danger by God's permission, because he did not what he could and ought to do, to reduce Germany to the obedience of the Apostolical Sea: that this is but a token of God's anger, and that he must expect greater punishment if he take not warning by it: but carrying himself as a Soldier of Christ undauntedly, and without worldly respects, he shall obtain all manner of victory, as the examples of the times past do demonstrate. The fame was that the Pope was moved to say so, not only by his own inclination, but by the persuasion of the Cardinal of Ausburg, who was displeased with the liberty granted to the Confessionists. It is certain that Paul, being of an high spirit and vast thoughts, did assure himself that he could redress all the disorders, by his Papal authority only, nor had need of any Prince herein. Therefore he never spoke with Ambassadors but Paul had vast thoughts, and was exceeding proud. he thundered in their ears, that he was above all Princes, that he would not that any of them should be too domestical with him, that he could change Kingdoms, that he was successor of him who hath deposed Kings and Emperors, and did often repeat, for a beginning of authority exercised by him, that he had made Ireland a Kingdom, and went on so fare, that, in Consistory, and at his Table publicly, in the presence of many, he said, he would not have any Prince for his Companion, but all subjects under his foot (so he said, striking it against the ground) as it is fit, and as it is his will who hath built the Church, and hath placed them in this degree. And sometimes he would say, that, rather than we would do any thing basely, we would die, overthrew all, and set the whole world on fire. Paul the fourth was naturally of a lofty mind and courage, and trusted much in his knowledge and good fortune, which did accompany him in all his actions: whereunto the power and fortune of the Papacy being added, he thought every thing was easy. But two humours did flore in him by turns; one, which by custom to make use of Religion in all his attempts, did induce him to employ his Spiritual Authority: the other was put into him by Charles Caraffa, his Nephew, who being valiant, and exercised in war, made Cardinal of a Soldier, did retain his marrial spirits, and persuaded him to use his temporal power, saying, that the one without the other is despised, but, being joined, are instruments of great matters. The circumspect old man, knew well that the Spiritual is made weaker, when it is manifested that there is need of the Temporal. But being ever intent to make his name great, sometimes he gave ear to his Nephew, and sometimes he believed himself more. In the one lice concluded to use the Temporal secretly, and the Spiritual openly, that proceeding with this, he might add, or omit the other, as he should louse advised by the events. Therefore he treated most secretly, by his Nephew, He trea●ced a League with the French King. with the Cardinal of Lorraine, a league with the French King, 〈…〉ing almost made, Lorraine parted from Rome, to take away ●u●ption and the Cardinal Torrnon went thither, with whom it was concluded, with the same secrecy. The principal captiulation whereof was, the gaining of the Kingdom of Naples for a younger son of the King, with great enlargement of the bounds of the Ecclesiastical state; whose confines were to be S. Germano, Gerigliano, and, on the further side of the Apennine, the River Pescara, beyong Beneventum: and some things beside were yielded unto for the Pope's benefit. The Pope also that he might have a prop to lean on in both courses, thought it necessary to make a promotion of Cardinals, dependants on himself, men of courage, who would not be afraid to prosecute hisdisseignes, and employ themselves in any hard enterprise. He began to speak of this promotion but a few days before he made it; which grieved And createth Cardinals, contrary to his Oath. the Cardinals, for that he would contradict the Capitulation which he had sworn: and the Imperialists, above all, considering the quality of the persons to be promoted, purposed to oppose. The twentieth of December, the Pope being entered into the Consistory, said, so soon as he sat down, that he would not give audience to any that day, because he had greater matters to propose. Every one understanding by this that his meaning was to create new Cardinals, the Cardinal of Saint james went to his seat, to speak with him; and the Pope refusing, and the Cardinal not desisting, he set his hand on his breast, and thrust him from him. All being set, the Pope began to complain of those who reported he could make but four Cardinals, in regard of that which he had sworn in the Conclave, and said, that this was to bind the Pope's authority, which is absolute; that it is an Article of Faith that the Pope cannot be bound, and much less can bind himself; that to say otherwise was a manifest heresy; from the guilt whereof he did absolve those that were faulty, because he thought they did not speak obstinately: but hereafter if any shall say the same, or the like, against the authority given him by God, he will give order that the Inquisition shall proceed. He added, that he would make Cardinals, and would not have any contradiction, because he wanted persons for employment, which he could not put upon them, because every one had his proper faction: that it was fit to promote men of learning, and of exemplary life, to employ them for reformation of the Church, especially in the Council, whereof it was high time to treat seriously, which he would propose with the first occasion. But now he would name unto them the persons to be promoted to the Cardinalitie (a thing not to be deferred any longer) that they having a consultive voice; might put to his consideration what was for the good of the Church; wherein they should be heard; and that they should not believe they had a decisive voice, because that belonged only to him. He proposed seven persons: in which number only one was his kinsman, and another of the Theatine Congregration: the others were men of much fame, either for learning, or for the negotiations of the Court Amongst these was johannes Groperus, of Collen, of whom often mention hath been made; who knowing he would not live long, thinking to honour his memory much more by refusing a dignity, desired even by great Princes, then by keeping it a few days, which would give matter of discourse to those that were emulous of him, he sent the Pope many thankes, together with his excuse, and refusing the ornaments, would neither have the name, nor the title. The Cardinals were created the next Sunday before the league was concluded with France, which was the 15. of that month. At this time Cardinal Poole, who for many respects of succession, and Card Poole, ordained Priest and made Archbishop of Canterbury to show he was not so much obliged to the Papacy, would not receive Ecclesiastical Orders, these causes being ceased, went out of the number of the Deacon Cardinals, and was ordained Priest: and, four months after, the Archbishop of Canterbury being burnt, having been first degraded with many ceremonies, he was put into his place. The people of Austria, in regard of the Recess made in the Diet, and of Ferdinand's declaration in favour of the Cities, and Nobles subject to Ecclesiastical Princes, entered into hope that themselves also might retain liberty The people of Austria disire liberty of 〈…〉 ligion. of religion. Therefore having called a Diet of his Subjects, to have a contribution against the Turks who made war against him, they demanded permission and freedom to live in purity of religion, and to enjoy the benefit which was granted unto the Confessionists; telling the King that the scourges of the Turks, are God's visitations, to invite them to amendment of life; that Arms are in vain taken against the enemy, if the wrath of God be not first appeased, who will be honoured according to his own prescript, and not according to the fancies of men. They beseeched him that they might not be in worse estate than other Germans, and that Ministers of the Church might teach and distribute the Sacraments, according to the Evangelicall and Apostolical doctrine; and that the Schoolmasters should not be banished until their cause were heard, according to justice; offering, upon these conditions, to adventure their lives and goods, to give him contentment. Ferdinand answered, that he could not grant their demand, not for want To whom Ferdinand answereth thus. of will to gratify them, but because he was bound to obey the Church, and that himself and Caesar had ever detested the discords in religion; for remedy whereof they had instituted many Colloquies, and finally procured the Council of Trent; which if it had not a happy success, it was not to be imputed unto them, in regard it is known with what counsels and artifices it hath been hindered by others; that afterwards an Edict was made in favour of the Augustan Confession, in which themselves were partakers, because it was said therein, that every Prince, not Ecclesiastical, might choose which of the two religions he would, and the people follow the religion of the Prince, with which if any be not content, he hath liberty to sell his goods, and to go whither he will; that therefore their duty was to continue in the old Catholic Religion, which himself professeth: but to yield to their desires as much as he could, he was content to suspend that part of the Edict which concerneth the Communion of the Cup, yet with condition that they should change nothing in the rites and ceremonies of the Church, until the Decree of the future diet. And they, desiring nothing else, were content to contribute readily against the Enemy. The Bavarians also desired of their Duke, liberty of religion, demanding a free preaching of the Gospel, marriage of Priests, the Communion Sub utraque, 1556 PAUL 4. CHARLES 5. MARY. HENRY 2. The Bavarians also desire liberty of religion. Which their Duke doth grant unto them in some few points. and to eat flesh every day, protesting that, otherwise, they would not pay the heavy Subsidies, and contributions against the Turks. The Duke, seeing that Ferdinand (his wife's father) had granted his people the Communion of the Cup, to obtain contributions of them, did likewise grant them that Communion, and leave to eat flesh, if there were necessity, on fasting days, until the causes of Religion were composed by public authority, the Edicts made by him in matter of Religion still remaining in force; protesting, in many and copious terms, that he would not departed from the Church, and religion of his ancestors, nor change aught in the ceremonies, without consent of the Pope, and the Emperor, promising to procure that his Metropolitan and Bishops should approve this grant, and not molest any for these things. The whole Palatinate did embrace The whole Palatinate doth embrace the Augustan Confession the Augustan Confession, because, the Elector being dead, his Nephew succeeded, who had declared himself to be of that Confession many years before; for which he had suffered many persecutions. And, now being made Prince, he presently forbade the Masses, and Roman ceremonies throughout all his Principality. But the Pope having laid the foundations before rehearsed, applying himself to spiritual matters, thought it necessary to gain credit with the world; which could not be done, if it did not appear by deeds, not by words only, that the Court of Rome was reform. Therefore, being wholly bend to this, in the end of january 1556. he erected a Congregation, 1556. The Pope erecteth a congregation to discuss all doubts concerning Simony. in which were four and twenty Cardinals, and five and forty Prelates and other persons, the most learned of the Court, to the number of 150. and divide them into three ranks, in each of which were eight Cardinals, fifteen Prelates; and others to the number of fifty. To these he committed the discussion of all the doubts in matter of Simony: which he printed, and sent copies of them to all Princes, and said he had published them, that they might come to the knowledge of the Universities, of general Studies, and of every learned man, that all might have occasion to make known their opinions, which he would not openly desire, because it was not honourable for that Sea, which is mistress of all, to go about and beg them. He said, that, for himself he had no need of the instruction of any, because he knew what CHRIST did command; but that he had erected the Congregation, that, in a matter wherein all are interested, it might not be said that he had proceeded of his own head. He added that, having purged himself and his Court, it could not be said to him, Physician cure thyself, and that he would make Princes know, that there is greater Simony in their Courts, which he would take away, being superior aswell to Princes, as Prelates. In the first Congregation of the first rank, held the 26. of March, before In the first meeting of which 3. opinions are broached. Cardinal Bellai, Deane of the College, twelve persons did speak, and there were three opinions. One of the Bishop of Feltre, who defended that for the use of the Spiritual power it is not inconvenient to take money, when it is not for a price, but for other respects: another of the Bishop of Sessa, that this was by no means lawful, and upon no condition, and that it was absolutely detestable Simony, as well to give as to receive, nor could be excused with any pretence: the third of the Bishop of Sinigaglia, in the middle between these two, that it might be lawful; but in some certain time only, and with certain conditions. The voices of that rank being all given, and brought to the Pope after Easter holy days, he, seeing the diversity of the opinions, did almost resolve to publish a Bull according to his own sense, The Pope intendeth to publish a Bull according to his own opinion. The Bull is hindered. that it was not lawful to take a reward, present, or alms, not only demanded, but voluntarily offered, for any spiritual grace whatsoever, that he would grant no more matrimonial dispensations, and was in a mind to redress those that were already granted, as much as he could without scandal. But there were so many delays and impediments interposed by diverse, that he could not come to a resolution. Some told him that it was necessary to handle such a thing in a general Council, which he heard with great indignation, and said he had no need of a Council, himself being above all. And Cardinal Bellai saying, that a Council was necessary, not to add authority to the Pope, but to find a means for execution, which cannot be uniform in all places, he concluded, that, if a Council were necessary, it should be held in Rome, and that it was not needful to go elsewhere; that he never consented that the Council His opinion concerning the Council of Trent. should be held in Trent; as was known to them all, because it was in the midst of the Lutherans, that the Council is to consist of Bishops only; that other persons might be admitted for counsel, yet only Catholics, otherwise the Turk also ought to be admitted; that it was a great vanity to send into the mountains threescore Bishops, of the least able, and forty Doctors of the most unsufficient, as was twice done already, and to believe that, by those, the world could be better regulated, then by the Vicar of CHRIST, with the College of all the Cardinals, who are the pillars of all Christendom, elected for the most excellent of all Christian Nations, and by the counsel of the Prelates and Doctors which are in Rome, who are the most learned persons in the world, and more in number then, by any diligence, can be brought to Trent. But when news came to Rome of the grant of the Cup, made by the He is much distasted with the grant made by the Duke of Bavaria. Duke of Bavaria to his subjects, he entered into a great rage against him: and he put this amongst other things, for which he desseigned to make provision at once, being full of hope that every thing would be easy unto him, if the Court were reform, and was not troubled though he saw the number of abuses to increase. For a few days after the Ambassador of Polonia, coming expressly to congratulate his Holiness for his assumption to the Popedom, made five demands in the name of the King and the Kingdom. To celebrate the Mass in the Polonian tongue. To use the As also with the five demands made by the Poloman Ambassadors. Communion Sub utraque specie. The marriage of Priests. That the payment of Annates might be taken away. And that they might call a Nationall Council to reform the proper abuses of the Kingdom, and to reconcile the variety of opinions. He heard these demands with unspeakable impatience, and set himself to detest them most bitterly, speaking against them, one after another, with infinite vehemency. And, for conclusion he said, that a general Council in Rome would cause the heresies and bad opinions of many to be known, alluding to what was done in Germany, Austria, and Bavaria. And being for these reasons almost resolute in himself, (or at the least, willing to seem so) that it was necessary to call a Council, he told all the Ambassadors that they should signify to their Princes his purpose to make a Lateran Council, like unto that which is so famous. And he sent Nuncij to the Emperor and the French King, to exhort them to peace, Which maketh him speak of holding a Lateran Council. though in France he had a more secret negotiation. He gave commission also to treat with them of the Council; and said in the Consistory, in a long discourse, (as he was very copious) that it was necessary to celebrate it quickly, seeing that besides Bohemia, Prussia, and Germany, which were much infected (for those were his words) Polonia also was in danger. That in France and Spain they were well affected in Religion, but the Clergy was He is angry with the French King. badly used. That which he principally reprehended in France, was the exaction of the Tenths, which the King made the Clergy ordinarily pay. But he was more incited against Spain. For Paul the third, and julius, having And with the Emperor much more 〈…〉. granted the Emperor Charles the half and quarter fruits, for a Subsidy of the war of Germany, and he having revoked the grant, because he was not satisfied with the Recess of Ausburg, yet they persevered in Spain, and forced the Clergy to pay, by seques●rations and imprisonments. He did not forbear to say, that the Emperor was an heretic; that in the beginning he favoured the innovators of Germany, to depress that holy Sea, and to make himself Lord of Rome, and of all Italy; that he held Paul the third in perpetual trouble, and that he should not do the like to him. He added, that although he might remedy all these inconveniences by his own authority, yet, not to lay so great a burden upon himself alone, he would not do it without a Council; that he had called it in Rome, and named it the Lateran; that he had given Commission to signify it to the Emperor and French King in courtesy, but not to have their consent or counsel, because his will was they should obey; that he was assured it would please neither of them, because it is not for their purpose, living as they do, and that they will say many things against it, to disturb it. But he will call it whether they will or no, and make known what that Sea can do, when it hath a Pope of courage. The 26. of May, the anniversary of his Coronation, all the Cardinals and Ambassadors dining with him, according to custom, he began, after dinner, to discourse of the Council, and that his resolution was to celebrate it by all means in Rome, and that in courtesy, he gave notice thereof to the Princes, and that the high ways may be made secure for the Prelates. But if no Prelates would come thither, yet he would hold it with those only who are in Court, because he well knew what authority he had. While the Pope was busy about the reformation, news came to Rome, that a truce was concluded the fifth of February between the Emperor But most of all for the truce concluded between those two Princes. and French King, by the mediation of Cardinal Poole, who did interpose in the name of the Queen of England: which made the Pope amazed, and the Cardinal Caraffa much more, having been treated, and concluded without them. The Pope was displeased, principally for the loss of reputation, and for the danger which it brought, if those two Princes were joined▪ at 〈…〉 cretion he must needs stand. To the Cardinal, impatient of 〈◊〉, it seemed that five years, in the decrepit age of his Uncle, did quite take from him all occasions to chase the Spaniard out of the Kingdom of Naples, whom he so much hated. Yet the Pope, not losing courage, made show of joy for the truce, but said he was not fully satisfied with it, because a peace was necessary, in regard of the Council, which he purposed to celebrate, which he was resolved to treat, and, for that end, to send Legates to those Princes, being assured to conclude it, because he would employ his authority. For he would not be hindered in the government of the Church, committed to him by CHRIST. To the Emperor he sent Notwithstanding he dissembleth his passion and sendeth Legates to them both, to treat a peace, but intendeth nothing but war. Scipio Rebiba, Cardinal of Pisa, and to the French King, Cardinal Caraffa, his nephew. This went with all speed, and to the other order was given to go slowly. Rebiba had instruction to exhort the Emperor to amend Germany, which was not done until then, because none had proceeded a▪ right in that enterprise. He knew the detects of his predecessors, who, to stop the reformation of the Court, did hinder the good progress of the Council. But contrarily he was resolved to promote the reformation, and to celebrate a Council in his own presence, and to begin with this point; assuring himself that when they should see the abuses taken away, for which they have separated themselves from the Church, and remain contumacious still, they will desire, and run to receive the decrees and constitutions which the Council will make; where shall be reform, not verbally, but really, the Head, members, Clergy, Laity, Princes, and people. To do so good a work, a truce of five years is not sufficient, because there are no less suspicions in truces then in war; and one must ever be ready to provide against the time when they end; that a perpetual peace is necessary▪ to remove all malice and suspicions, that all may bend themselves jointly, without worldly respects, to that which concerneth the union, and reformation of the Church. He gave the like instruction to Caraffa, and was content it should be published, by giving out some copies of it. The Court did generally think that the Pope spoke so often and so earnestly of the Council, that no man else might propose it unto him, and did threaten the Princes, and all the world with it, to make them abhor it. But afterwards it was known that he deseigned to free himself by another way, from the trouble given to his predecessors. For when the reformation only of the Pope, of the Court, of the exempted and privileged persons, dependants of the Popedom, was proposed, every Prince, people and private man, in regard nothing was to be handled that concerned them, was forward to solicit the Council; but he proposing the reformation of the Clergy, Laity, and especially of the Princes, with a most severe Inquisition, which he deseigned to institute, he made them all equal so that himself was not in question only, but other likewise▪ And this was a secret by which he meant to hold all men in fear, and himself in reputation of integrity, and worth. And, concerning the Council, he meant to govern himself according to the coniunctures, yet ever holding this point constantly, to celebrate it in Rome. But, to return to the Legates, he gave his nephew a large instruction, to try the King's mind, and, if he saw him resolute to observe the truce, to thunder into his ears the same lesson of the Council: and to Rebiba he gave order to govern himself as he should receive advice from his nephew. Caraffa carried to the King, the Sword and Hat, which the Pope had blessed on Christmas day at night, according to the custom. Of the Peace he made no mention, but represented to the King, that howsoever the league was not violated by the truce of five years, yet it was made of no force, to the great danger of his Uncle and of his family, and that they had already some taste thereof, by that which the Spaniards had done. He recommended to him, in most effectual terms Religion, and the Papacy, to which his predecessors gave singular protection, and the Pope himself and his family, much devoted to his Majesty. The King was not averse, but remained doubtful, considering the Pope's age, who might die when he should have most need of him. Caraffa perceived this, and found a remedy, The French King breaketh the truce at the Pope's instance. promising that the Pope should create so many Cardinals, partial for France, and enemies to Spain, that he should ever have a Pope on his side. The Cardinal's persuasions, and the promise of the promotion, and the absolution from the oath of the truce, which he gave in the Pope's name, together with the negotiation of the Cardinal of Lorraine and his brother, made the King resolve to move war, though the Princes of the Blood, and all the Grandees of the Court abhorred the infamy of breaking the truce, and receiving absolution from the oath. The conclusion being made, Caraffa recalled the Legate sent to the Emperor, who was arrived at Mastric, and caused him to come into France, though he was but two days journey distant from Caesar: which made the Emperor, and the King his son believe, that in France, some thing was concluded against them. The Pope's distastes, against the Emperor, and his son, did daily increase. The Pope proceedeth severely against the Colonnesi. He made a most severe process against Ascanius Colonna, and Marcus Antonius his son, for many offences, which he pretended to be done against the Apostolic Sea, so long since, as when Clement was besieged, and afterwards against Paul the third, and julius, and by Marcus Antonius against himself, and the State of the Church: and, relating in Consistory all the injuries done of old, by the Colonnesi, against the Apostolic Sea, did excommunicate Ascanius and Marcus Antonius, deprive them of all dignity and fee, with censures against those that gave them assistance, or favour, and did confiscate all their possessions within the State of the Church, and gave them to the Count Montorius, his Nephew, with the title of Duke of Pagliano. Marcus Antonius, retiring into the Kingdom, was received, and sometimes Who retire into the kingdom of Naples, and make excursions upon their lands. made excursions upon his own lands, with some few Soldiers, which much provoked the Pope; who thinking his nods were commandments unto all, able to terrify every one, he could not endure to be so little esteemed at Naples, his Country, where he would have been thought to be omnipotent. He thought in the beginning, by talking lavishly of the Emperor, and of the King, to make them desist from favouring the Colonnesi, and therefore spoke very often disgracefully of them, in the presence of all sorts of persons, but most willingly when any Spanish Cardinal was present, and, at last, commanded it should be written unto them. None of these proofs taking effect, he proceeded further, and the three and twentieth day of july made the Fiscal, and Silvester Aldobrandinus, the consistorial Advocate, appear in the Consistory, who declared that his Holiness having excommunicated, and deprived Marcus Antonius Colonna, and prohibited under the same censures, all sorts of persons to assist or favour him, and it being notorious that the Emperor, and King Philip, his The Pope maketh show that he will proceed against the Emperor, and his son. son, had furnished him with horse, foot, and money, they were fallen into the punishments of the same sentence, and had lost their Territories, which they held in Fee. Therefore they desired that his Holiness would proceed to a declaratory sentence, and give order for execution. The Pope answered that he would advice of it, by the counsel of the Cardinals, and giving them leave to departed, he proposed in Consistory what was fit to be done, in a case of so great importance. The French Cardinals spoke with much honour of the Emperor, and King Philip, but so that the Pope was more provoked. The Imperialists used words of an ambiguous sense, fit to gain time. The Theatini, the Popes own Cardinals, spoke magnificently of the Papal authority, and of the worth and wisdom of his Holiness, who only knew how to find a remedy for that malady, praising all that he had done, and referring themselves unto him for all the rest. The Consistory being dismissed without a resolution, the Pope knew that either he must yield, or come to a war; from which being not averse, in regard of his natural disposition, full of courage and hopes, advice came fitly to him from his Nephew, of what was concluded in France. So that the discourses of reformation and Counsels were turned into parleys of money, Soldiers, and intelligences; of which things, as not pertaining to my purpose, I will only say as much as may show what the Pope's mind was, and how much he was addicted to a true, or, at least to a colourable reformation of the Provideth for war. Church. The Pope armed the Citizens, and inhabitants of Rome, for the most part, artisans, and strangers, to the number of 5000, distributing them under the Heads of the Rioni, for so they were called: he caused many of his Cities to be fortified, and put garrisons in them; and the French King sent Wards or precincts. him, at his instance, 3000. Gascons, by sea, that he might subsist while the royal Army was prepared. In these negotiations, and preparations for war, the Pope imprisoned And imprisoneth many Cardinals & Barons upon suspicion, and King Philip his Ambassador. many Cardinals, Barons, and others, upon suspicion: as also Carsillasso di Vega, Ambassador of Philip King of England, and joannes Antonius Tassis, the Emperor's Postmaster. And to the Duke of Alva, who sent to protest against him, for maintaining in Rome the fugitives of the kingdom of Naples, for laying hands on, and keeping in prison public persons, without reason, for having opened the King's letters (all which things he had done) adding that the King, for preservation of his honour, and of the right of his people, could not choose, in case his Holiness did persevere in such offensive actions, but seek revenge for the injury, he sent back an answer, that The Duke of Alva protesteth of the wrong done to his Master by the Pope, and receiveth a proud answer. he was a free Prince, and superior to all others, not bound to give any account, but to demand it of any whosoever; that he might entertain any persons, and open any letters, which he thought to be written against the Church: that if Carcillasso had done the office of an Ambassador, nothing should have been done against him; but having made treaties, moved seditions, 1557 PAUL 4. CHARLES 5. MARY. HENRY 2. plotted against the Prince, to whom he was sent, he had offended as a private man, and as such should be punished; that no danger should make him be wanting to the dignity of the Church, and defence of that Sea, referring all to GOD, by whom he was made shepherd of the flock of CHRIST. And the Pope still continuing to make provision, the Duke of Alva being resolved that it was better to assault then to be assaulted, sent another protestation against him, that, the King having endured so many injuries, knowing that the intention of his Holiness was to dispossess him of the kingdom of Naples, and being assured, that, to this end, he had, made a league with his enemies, could not continue in those terms: and therefore in regard his Holiness did desire war, he did denounce it against him, and would begin it quickly, protesting that the calamities thereof could not be imputed to him, and laying the blame upon the Pope. But if he desired peace, he did offer it likewise unto him, with all readiness. The Pope making a show to desire peace, but answering only in general terms, to gain time, the Duke began to make war the fourth of September, and in the year 1556. possessed himself of almost all Campania, holding it in the For which cause he moveth war against him. name of the next Pope, and came so near to Rome, that he put all the City in fear, and made them strengthen and fortify it. And the Pope, to teach the Governors of strong places what they ought to do in such cases, compelled all the religious persons, of what state or quality soever, to carry earth with a dosser on their shoulders, to raise the bulwarks. Amongst other places which had need of Rampards, one was near the gate of the people, at the end of the way called Flaminia, where there is a Church of our Lady, The Pope armeth the Regulars, and purposeth to pull down a Church of great devotion. of much devotion; which the Pope purposing to pull down, the Duke sent to pray him to let it stand, giving his word and oath that he would make no use of the opportunity of that place. But the greatness of the City, and other respects and dangers, counselled him, not assailing Rome, to undertake smaller enterprises. It gave much matter of discourse, that, this year, Charles the Emperor The Emperor quitteth the world. parted from Flanders, and passed into Spain, to betake himself to a private life in a solitary place; so that they made a comparison between a Prince, trained up, from his infancy, in the negotiations and affairs of the world, who at the age of little more than fifty years, had resolved to quit the world and only to serve God, changed from a mighty Prince, to a mean religious person, and one, who had formerly abandoned the Eiscopal charge, to retire into a Monastery, and now, being at the age of 80. years, and made Pope, did wholly addict himself to pomp and pride, and endeavoured to set all Europe on fire with war. In the beginning of the year 1557. the Duke of Guise passed into Italy, 1557. The Duke of Guise passeth into Italy with an army. with his army, in favour of the Pope, who, to observe the promise of his nephew made to the French King, made a promotion of 10. Cardinals; which not being according to the meaning, and the end agreed on, neither for the number, nor quality of the persons, his excuse was, that he was so The Pope createth ten Cardinals. nearly conjoined with his Majesty, that his dependants would be as serviceable to the King, as the Frenchmen themselves, and that he might assure himself that they were all for him; and that he could not then make a greater promotion, seeing the number was so great already, arriving to 70. which would quickly be diminished, by removing some rebels, and putting honest men in their rooms; which he meant of those who were already in the Castle, and others against whom he had a design, as well for matter of State, as of Religion. For he was not so intent to the war, as that he did The Inquisition is the principal mystery of the Papacle. Card. Morone and the B of Morlena are imprisoned. And Card. Poole deprived of his Legation. abandon the business of the Inquisition, which he said was the principal secret and mystery of the Papacy. He had some information against Cardinal Morone, that he held intelligence in Germany, and did imprison him in the Castle, deputing four Cardinals to examine him severely, and Egidius Foscararus, Bishop of Modena, as confederate with him. He deprived also Cardinal Poole of his Legation of England, and cited him to appear in the Inquisition at Rome, having already imprisoned his inward friend, as one of his complices, Thomas S. Felice Bishop of Cava. And that he might not pretend to stay in England, under colour of his Legation, and the affairs of those Churches, he created Cardinal at Whitsuntide William Peto, Bishop of Salisbury, and made him Legate in the place of Poole. And although the Queen and King, testifying what service he had done to the Catholic Faith, made earnest intercession for him, yet the Pope would never remit one jot of his rigour. Cardinal Poole obeyed, laying aside the administration and ornaments of a Legate, sending Ormaneto to Rome, to give an account of his Legation; but himself parted not out of England, alleging the Queen's commandment, because neither she, nor the King, thinking the Pope was passionate, would consent that he should go. In England many were scandalised for it, and aliened from the Pope, and many Wherewith many were offended. in Rome thought it a calumny, invented to revenge himself for the truce between the two Kings, treated by him being Cardinal and Legate, without imparting it to him. And the opposition which he made against him in the Conclave, to hinder him from being Pope, was thought to have no better ground. The new Legate, a man of great integrity, had the same conceits, who, though he took upon him the name of Legate, not to anger the Pope, yet in nine months that he lived, after he had the cross of the Legation, he did never exercise the Charge, but bare the same respect towards Poole, as before. The Duke of Guise being come into Italy, made war in Piedmont, with purpose to continue it in Lombardy, and so to divert the arms taken up against the Pope: But the Pope's ardent desire to assail the Kingdom of Naples, did not permit him. The Frenchmen knew the difficulties, and the Duke of Guise, with some principal Commanders, went to Rome by post, to make the Pope understand, what the reasons of war did persuade. In whose presence all being consulted on, and the Pope's resolution not giving place to any other deliberation, it was necessary to yield unto him. Yet they did nothing, but assault Civitella, a place situated at the entry into the Province The Duke of Guise receiveth a repulse, by default of the Caraffis. of Abruzzo, where the army had the repulse; and Guise complained much that the Caraffis had not made the provisions which they had promised, and were necessary. In sum, the Pope's arms, as well his own, as auxiliary, were not much favoured by God. But in the midst of August the army of the Duke of Alva approaching Rome, not afraid of the French, which 1557 PAUL 4. FERDINAND. MARY. HENRY 2. The Pope is terrified by the approaching of the Duke of Alva The battle of S. Quintin. was entertained in Abruzzo, and the Pope understanding the surprise and sack of Signea, the slaughter of many, and the danger in which Pagliano was, he related all in Consistory, with many tears; adding, that he did undauntedly expect martyrdom, the Cardinals marveling that he should paint out the cause to them, who understood the truth, as if it had been of CHRIST, whereas it was profane, and proceeded from ambition, and say it was the principal sinew, and mystery of the Papacy. When the Pope's affairs were in the greatest straits, the French Kings Army had such a great overthrow near to S. Quintin, that he was forced to recall the Duke of Guise, and his forces, for the safety of the Kingdom; letting the Pope know his inevitable necessity, giving him leave to take what counsel seemed best for him, and sending him back the hostages. The Pope refused to let Guise return, whereupon there being a great contestation Maketh the French King recall the D of Guise, and his forces. Whom the Pope disimsseth with bad terms. between them, the Pope not able to keep him, bid him go, seeing he had done little service to the King, less to the Church, and none at all to his own honour. In the end of that month, the Duke of Alva approached Rome, which he had taken but for want of courage. His retreat was ascribed to the baseness of his mind, who publicly said, that he feared, that if Rome had been sacked, the Army would have been scattered, and the Kingdom The Duke of Alva might have taken Rome, and did not. exposed to danger, without forces or defence. But secretly he said, that being in the service of a King, who bore great reverence to that place, he refrained to do it, because he knew not whether the action would have been approved. Finally, a composition was made the fourteenth of September between Alva and the Caraffis, the war having continued a whole But made a base composition with the Pope. year. In the capitulations the Pope would not have Colonna, nor any of his subjects comprehended, nor any word inserted, to show, that he had offended in imprisoning the Emperor's Ministers, but maintained most constantly, that the Duke of Alva ought to come to Rome to ask pardon, and receive absolution; saying plainly, that before he would lose one iore of this due (for so he called it) he would see the whole world ruined: that the question was not of his own, but of Christ's honour, which he could not prejudice, nor renounce. With this condition, and with the restitution of the cities taken, the controversy was ended. It was esteemed a prodigy, that the very day that the Peace was concluded, there was such a great inundation of the river Tiber, that all the plain of Rome was drowned, and a great part of the fortifications of the Castle S. Angelo was overthrown. The Duke of Alva went personally to Rome to submit himself to the Pope, and receive absolution in the King's name, and his own. So it happened, And goeth to Rome to demand absolution. that the conqueror bore the indignity, and he that was overcome triumphed more, then if he had been victorious. And it was no small favour that the Pope received him with humanity, though he forbore not his usual haughty state. The war was no sooner ended, but new troubles came upon the Pope. For advice was sent out of France, that, the fifth of September at night, in Paris, about two hundred persons were assembled in an house to celebrate the Communion; which being discovered by the common people, the house was assaulted, and some fled, but the women and weaker sort were taken, 1557 PAUL 4. FERDINAND PHILIP 2 K. of Spainè. MARY. HENRY 2. of whom seven were burned, and the greater part of the others reserved for the same punishment, to be inflicted when the complices were found out. The Swisses made intercession for these; and the King, in regard of his war with the King of Spain (for so Philip was called after the resignation of his father) having need of their assistance, gave order that the proceeding against them should be moderate. The Pope was infinitely angry, and complained in Consistory, and said it was no marvel if the affairs of the The Pope is angry with the French King for using moderation towards the Protestants. King, did not succeed well, because he more esteemed the assistance of heretics, than the favour of God. The Pope had forgotten that, in the time of his war, the Cardinals of the Inquisition complaining that the Protestant Grisons, brought to his pay, for the defence of Rome, used many scorns against the Churches and Images, his Holiness did reprehend them, saying they were Angels, sent by God, for the custody of the City, and of his person, and that he had a strong hope that God would convert them. So men judge diversely of their own interests, and of the facts of others. The Pope took occasion hence, to call in mind two constitutions, which the King And for making two constitutions in matter of religion. had made the same year, which he said were against the liberty of the Clergy, and therefore was resolute they should be abrogated. The one was published the first of March, that Marriages made by sons before the age of thirty years complete, and of daughters before twenty five, without consent of the father, or of him in whose power they were, should be void. The other the first of May, that all Bishops and Curates should reside, upon pain of loss of the revenues, with an imposition of an extraordinary Subsidy, besides the ordinary Tenths, to pay five thousand foot Soldiers. The Pope thought not of these things when the news came, because he was then in war, and had need of the King. But this reason ceasing, he complained that he had meddled even with the Sacraments, and unsupportably burdened the Clergy. He said it was necessary to provide against these disorders, by a Council, which were greater than could be objected against the Clergy; that it was fit to begin the Reformation from hence; that the French Prelates durst not speak so long as they were in France, but being in a Council in Italy, free from fear of the King, their complaints would soon be heard. Amongst these distastes the Pope received some joy, But is well pleased with the dissolution of the Colloquy in Germany. that the Colloquy, begun in Germany, to compose the differences in religion (which troubled his Holiness and the Court, as all Colloquies had done) was resolved into nothing. The beginning, progress, and end whereof, I think necessary to recount, for the understanding of the things that follow. Ferdinand having, in the Diet of Ratisbon, confirmed peace in Religion A relation of the Colloquy. until a concord were concluded, to find a way to make it, it was resolved in the Diet the thirteenth of March, that a Colloquy should be held in Worms, of twelve Doctors of the old religion, and twelve Protestants, in which the differences should be discussed, to bring the parties to an agreement. Ferdinand appointed for Precedent of the Colloquy, the Bishop of Namburg, who was so famous. The parties being met in the place the fourteenth of August, the twelve Protestants were not absolutely of one opinion. For some of them, desiring a perfect union of the Church, laboured to reconcile 1558 PAUL 4. FERDINAND. PHILIP 2. MARY. HENRY 2. the doctrine of the Heluetians, which was different concerning the Eucharist; and, for this end, the Ministers of Geneva had made a Confession in this point, which did not displease Philip Melancthon, and six more of the Confession of Ausburg, but did not satisfy the other five. This being perceived by the Bishop, a man wise, and factious, whose end was that the Colloquy should be dissolved without fruit, he made the Catholics propose, that the Colloquy being instituted only between them, and the Confessionists, it was necessary to condemn all the sects of the Swinglians, and of others; because the errors being uniformly condemned, the truth would easily appear. The five aforesaid, did consent it should be so. Melancthon, who perceived the cunning, which was to sow division between them, and to make them at variance with the Swisses the Prussians, and others, said that it was fit to agree upon the truth first, and then by that rule, to condemn errors. The Bishop showing to the five that they were contemned by the other seven, persuaded them to departed from the Colloquy, and wrote the success to Ferdinand, concluding that they could not proceed, in regard of the departure of these, and that those which remained would not first condemn the sects. Ferdinand answered, that his desire was they should proceed, and that the Confessionists should recall those five that were departed, and the Catholics be in the mean space content to begin and discuss the controversed Articles. The Bishop seeing that he had lost this point, persuaded the Catholic Collocutors to write to the King, that it was not just to begin the treaty, if all the Protestants were not united, because it would be necessary to treat again with the absent, that which was concluded with the present, and so to take double pains. They all retired, without expecting any answer, and each party blamed the other, excusing itself upon the reasons aforesaid. The Pope perceiving that, by the war past, he was deprived of the credit 1558. The Pope proceedeth severely against his own family. with which he thought to daunt the whole world, thought to regain it by an heroical action, and did, the six and twentieth of january, in Consistory deprive Cardinal Caraffa of the Legation of Bolonia, and of all government, and confined him to Civita Lavinia, and took from john Caraffa, the Cardinal's brother, the command and charge of the Army, exiling him likewise to Galessi. He deprived the other Nephew of the government of Borgo, and banished him to Monte-bello, commanding that their wives, family, and children should departed from Rome, and themselves not departed from the places to which they were banished, upon pain of rebellion. He deprived likewise all those of their offices; to whom he had given them in contemplation of these. He spent more than six hours, in complaining, and enueighing against their offences, with such fury, that he disdained at the Cardinals who spoke any good word to pacific him. To Cardinal S. Angelo, who first commending justice, put him in mind of a saying of Paul the 3. which he often used, that the Pope should never take hope of favour from any, he answered, that his grand father Paul the 3. should have done better to have proceeded against his father, and punished his villainies. He instituted Instituteth a new government in Rome a new government in Rome, and in the State of the Church, giving the charge of all businesses to Camillus Orsinus, unto whom he joined the Cardinals of Trani and Spoleto, affecting a fame of justice in these actions, and laying the blame of all the grievances, which the people suffered, upon the Nephews. Being thus disburdened of the government, he applied himself wholly to the office of the Inquisition, saying it was the true Ram to beat down heresy, and defend the Apostolic Sea. And, not regarding what did befit the time, he published a new Constitution, dated the fifteenth of February, which he made all the Cardinals subscribe. In this he And applieth himself wholly to the office of the Inquisition. Making a new Constitution. renewed every censure and punishment, pronounced by his predecessors, and every Statute of Canons, Counsels, and Fathers, in what time soever, published against heretics; ordaining that those that were disused, should be brought in use again. He declared that all Prelates, and Princes, even Kings and Emperors, fallen into heresy, should be, and should be understood to be deprived of all their Benefices, States, Kingdoms, and Empires, without further declaration, and uncapable to be restored to them, even by the Apostolic Sea: and their goods, States, Kingdoms, and Empire, shall be understood to be common, and to belong to those Catholics who can get them. This did minister much talk, and if it had not presently been Which was disesteemed by the world. disesteemed by the world, it would have kindled a fire in all Christendom. Another accident made the world know that he had not moderated the haughtiness of his mind The Emperor Charles in the year 1556. by his letters written to the Electors and Princes, did absolutely give to Ferdinand all the administration of the Empire, without reserving any thing to himself, commanding that he should be obeyed by all. Afterwards he sent William, Prince of Orange, with two colleagues, to the Diet in Germany, to transfer the name, title, crown, and dignity upon Ferdinand, as if himself had been dead; which, not seeming fit to the Electors, was deferred until the year 1558. in which the fourth of February, the day of the Nativity, Coronation, and other felicities of Charles, the Ceremonies of the resignation being made by his Ambassadors, in presence of the Electors, Ferdinand was installed with the usual rites. The Pope hearing this, fell into an excessive rage. Ferdinand is installed in the Empire. He pretended that as the Pope's confirmation doth make the Emperor, so the resignation cannot be put into the hands of any but himself; in which case it belonged to him to make what Emperor he pleased; alleging that the Electors have power granted them by the Pope's favour, to elect the Emperor in place of him that is dead, but not in case of resignation, in which it remaineth still in the power of the Apostolic Sea; as also to the disposition The Pope refuseth to acknowledge him. thereof are annexed all dignities resigned unto it. Therefore the resignation of Charles is void, and the whole authority to choose an Emperor is devolved to him, and was resolved not to acknowledge the King of the Romans for Emperor. Ferdinand, though he knew this, sent Martin Gusman, his Ambassador, to give him an account of his brother's resignation, and his own assumption, to testify unto him the reverence he bore him, to promise him obedience, and to signify unto him that he would send a solemn Ambassage, to treat of his Coronation. The Pope refused to hear him, and referred the discussion And to hear his Ambassador. of the matter to the Cardinals: who related (for the Pope's will was they should do so) that the Ambassador could not be admitted, before it did appear whether the resignation of Charles were lawful, and the succession of Ferdinand just. For he being elected King of the Romans, and the election confirmed by Clement, to succeed after the death of the Emperor, it was necessary the Empire should be void by death. Besides there was a nullity in all the acts of Francfort, as made by heretics, who have lost all authority and power. Wherefore it was necessary that Ferdinand should send a Proctor, and renounce whatsoever was done in that Diet, and beseech the Pope, that he would graciously be pleased to make good the resignation of Charles, and his assumption to the Empire, by virtue of his plenary power, from whom he might expect all paternal grace and favour. The Pope resolved according to this Counsel, and so declared himself to Gusman, giving him three months to put it in execution, beyond which time he would hear no more speech of it, but himself would create a new Emperor. Neither was it possible to remove him, though King Philip, to favour his uncle, sent Francis Vargas expressly, and after him john Figaroa, to entreat him. Ferdinand, understanding this, gave order to Gusman, that, if within three days after the receipt thereof, he were not admitted by the Pope, he should departed, and protest unto him, that Ferdinand, together with the Electors, would resolve of that which should be for the honour of the Empire: Gusman desired audience again, which the Pope granted in private, not as unto an Ambassador of the Emperor; and, hearing him relate what he had in his instructions, and that which was wrote unto him from the Emperor, he answered, that the things considered by the Cardinals were very important, and that he could not resolve on them so soon; that he would send a Nuncio to the Imperial Majesty of Charles the fifth, and, in the mean while, if he had commission from his Master to departed he might do it, and protest what he thought fit. Therefore the Ambassador, having made his protestation, departed. Who, having made a protestation, departeth from Rome. And although Charles died the same year the 21. of September, yet it was impossible to remove the Pope from this resolution. The number of those who call themselves Reform being now increased in France, their courage did increase also; and there being a custom amongst the people of Paris, in the Summer's evenings, to go out of the Suburbs of S. German in great multitudes, to take the fresco, and to folace themselves with diverse kinds of sports, those of the new Religion, in stead of doing so, began to sing the Psalms of David, in French verses. The multitude first laughed at the novity, then, leaving the sports, joined themselves unto the singers. And the number of those who came to that place began to increase more then usually. The Pope's Nuncio told the King of this novity, as of a thing pernicious and dangerous, because the ministeries of religion, usually celebrated in the Church, in the Latin tongue, by religious men only, were put into the mouth of the common people, in the vulgar language, which was an invention of the Lutherans; telling him that, if he did not resist the beginnings, in a short time all Paris would be Lutheran. The King gave order that the principal authors should be proceeded against; wherein they went not very far, having found Antony, king of Navarre, and his wife, in that number: But for hereafter it was forbid upon pain of death. The Religion in England was also much changed this year. The Queen 1558 PAUL 4. FERDINAND PHILIP 2. ELIZABETH. HENRY 2. Marry Queen of England dieth And Elizabeth is crowned. died the seventeenth day of November, and Cardinal Poole the same day; which stirred up many, who were not satisfied with the former government, to restore the reformation of Edward, and to separate themselves wholly from the Spaniards: which they did the rather, because King Philip, to hold a foot in England, had treated to marry Elizabeth, sister and successor of Mary, to Charles his son: and when there was little hope of the life of Mary, he had also cast forth diverse words, that he would take her for his own wife. But the new Queen being wise, as she shown herself to be in all her government, did first secure the Kingdom by oath, that she would not marry a stranger, and was crowned by the Bishop of Carlisle, an adherent to the Church of Rome, not making any open declaration what doctrine she would follow, disseigning, so soon as she was settled in her government, to establish it, by the counsel of the Parliament, and of learned and godly men, and to make a constant reformation of the state of Religion. Therefore she exhorted the chief of the Nobility, who desired a change, to proceed without tumult, assuring them that she would not enforce any. She caused presently an account to be given to the Pope of her assumption, with letters of credence written to Edward Cerne, who was Ambassador to her sister, and was not departed from Rome. But the Pope, proceeding according to his usual rigour, answered, that that Kingdom was held in Fee of the Apostolic Sea; that she could not succeed being With whom the Pope doth presently contest. illegitimate; that he could not contradict the declarations of Clement the seventh, and Paul the third, that it was a great boldness to assume the name and government without him; that, for this, she deserved not to be heard in any thing; yet being desirous to show a fatherly affection, if she will renounce her pretensions, and refer herself wholly to his free disposition, he will do whatsoever may be done with the honour of the Apostolic Sea. Many did believe that as he spoke thus by his own inclination, so he was incited by the French King, who fearing a marriage between her and the King of Spain might be made by the Pope's dispensation, thought fit to assure himself by cutting off the practices in the very beginning. But the new Queen understanding the Pope's answer, and wondering at the man's hasty disposition, thought it not profitable, either for her, or the Kingdom, to treat any more with him. So that the cause ceasing, she gave the Nobility leave to consult what was fit to be done for the service of God, and quiet of the Kingdom. A disputation was held in Westminster, in presence of all A disputation is held in Westminster in matter of religion. the States, between learned men, chosen on both sides, which began the last of March, and lasted until the thirtieth of April: and, a Parliament being assembled to this end, all the Edicts of Religion made by Mary were abolished, those of her brother Edward restored, obedience taken away from the Pope, the title of the Head of the Church of England given to the Queen, the revenues of the Monasteries confiscated; and assigned some to the Nobility, and some to the Crown, the Images taken out of the Churches by the people, and the Roman Religion banished. Another accident happened also. For in the Diet of Ausburg it appearing, by the acts of the Colloquy the year before, dissolved without fruit, that there was no hope to do any good by that means, Ferdinand told them he would procure the general Council to be restored, exhorting all to submit themselves to the Decrees thereof, as being the way to remove differences. The protestants answered, that they would consent to a Council, called, not by the Pope, but by the Emperor, to be held in Germany, in which the Pope should not preside, but should submit himself to the judgement thereof, and release the Bishops and Divines of their oath; in which also the Protestants Ferdinand promiseth to procure a general Council. should have a deciding voice, and all should be determined according to the holy Scripture, and whatsoever was concluded in Trent, should be reexamined: which, if it cannot be obtained of the Pope, yet the peace of Religion should be confirmed, according to the agreement of Passau, having known, by too manifest experience, that no good can be drawn from any Popish Council. The Emperor knowing the difficulty to obtain of the Pope a grant of the things proposed, and that now he had no means to negotiate with him, in regard of the controversy about the resignation of Charles, and his succession, he confirmed the accord of Passau, and the Recesses of the Diets And confirmeth the accord of Passau. following. The Pope having cut off all means to treat with the Emperor and Germany, knew not what to say to this. Yet he was more displeased with Wherewith the Pope is much displeased. their discourse concerning the Council, then with the liberty granted by the Recess, being resolute not to call any Council but in Rome, whatsoever should happen. In this respect another accident was as grievous as the former; But more with the capitulations of the peace of Cambray. that is, the peace made at Cambray the third of April, between the Kings of France and Spain, which was well confirmed by the marriages of the daughter of Henry to the King of Spain, and of his sister to the Duke of Savoy. In which peace, amongst other capitulations, it was agreed, that both the Kings should make a faithful promise to labour jointly that the Council should be celebrated, the Church reform, and the differences of religion composed. The Pope considered how goodly a show the title of reformation, and the name of a Council did make; that England was lost, and all Germany also, partly by the Protestants, and partly by his difference with Ferdinand; that these two united Kings were much offended by him, the Spaniards by deeds and words, the French by words at the least, there remaining none to whom he might have refuge, that the Cardinals were weary of his government, and his people not well affected, in regard of the incommodities of the war, and the taxes laid upon them. These cogitations did so afflict the old Pope, that he was unfit to rule. He could not hold the Consistories so often as he was wont, and when he did hold So that he became unfit to rule. them he spent the most part of the time in speaking of the Inquisition, and exhorting the Cardinals to favour it, as being the only way to extinguish heresies. But the two Kings did not agree to procure the Council for any ill will, or interests, which either of them had against the Pope, or Papacy, but to provide against the new doctrines, which did exceedingly increase, being willingly heard and received by all men of conscience: and, which was of more The progress of the reformed religion; and the means used to suppress it. importance, the male-contented, and those who were desirous of innovations, put themselves on that side, and did daily, under pretence of religion, make some enterprises, as well in the Low Countries, as in France, in regard those people did love their liberty, and had commerce with Germany, as bordering upon it. In the beginning of the troubles some seeds were sowed, which that they might not take root, the Emperor Charles the fifth, in the Low Countries, and the French King, in his Kingdom, made many Edicts, and commanded diverse executions, whereof we have spoken in their due places. But after that the number of the Protestants did increase in Germany, and the evangelics did multiply amongst the Swisses, and the separation was made in England, by reason of the often wars between the Emperor and French King, either party was forced to call Auxiliaries out of these three Nations, who publicly professing and preaching the Reformed religion in their quarters, by their example, and by other means, diverse of the people became of their opinion. It is certain, that this compelled Charles the Emperor, to attempt the bringing in of the Spanish Inquisition, seeing that other remedies did not prevail, though he was partly forced to desist, for the causes before related. And Henry the French King, gave the Bishop's authority to punish heretics; a thing never used before in that Kingdom. And although in the Low Countries, from the first Edict of Charles, until this time of the peace, there were hanged, beheaded, buried alive, and burned, to the number of fifty thousand, and very many put to death in France, In the Low Countries 50000 were executed for religion in a short time, and very many in France. yet both places were then in worse case than ever. This made the Kings to think jointly of finding a remedy, by the great persuasion of the Cardinal of Lorraine for the French, and of Granuel Bishop of Arras for the Spaniards, who being in Cambray, from October until April, with other Deputies of the two Kings, to treat a peace, did confer particularly amongst themselves, how that doctrine might be rooted out; and were afterwards the chief instruments of whatsoever did happen in both States. The cause they Whereof the Cardinal of Lorraine and Granuel, Bishop of Arras were causes. alleged to be the zeal of religion, and the service of their Princes: but it was universally believed, that it was rather ambition, and a design to enrich themselves by the spoils of those who were to be condemned. The peace being made, the King of Spain, to begin to give some order, not being able to bring in the Inquisition openly, thought to do it obliquely, The King of Spain erecteth Bishoprickes in the Low Countries, that he might more easily bring in the Inquisition. by the Bishops. But there being but two Bishoprics in the Low Countries, Cambray, and utrect, and the residue of the Clergy subject to the Bishops of Germany, and France, and those two Bishoprickes also subject to foreign Archbishops, to whom appeals could not be denied, so that he could not work his will by means of them, he thought fit to free all that Clergy from the subjection of Bishops, who were not his subjects, and to institute three Archbishoprickes in those Countries, Meclin, Cambray, and utrect, and to erect into Bishoprickes, Anwerp, Baldock, Gant, Bridges, Ipre, S. Omar, Namur, Harlem, Middleburgh, Lewarden, Groninghe, Ruremond, and Daventer; annexing unto them, for revenues, some rich Abbeys. He caused the Pope to approve all this by his Bull, dated the ninth of May the same year. The pretence for doing of this was, that formerly those Countries, being not much inhabited, did not need a greater number of Bishops, but now the multitude of people, and dignity of the Cities did require they should be honoured with Ecclesiastical titles. Yet the Nobility and Commonalty did imagine it was an art to bring in the Inquisition; in which opinion they were confirmed when they saw the Pope's Bull. For, according to the use of Rome, to enlarge their power or profit in every bargain, he alleged, for a cause of that new institution, that that Country was compassed, and, as it were, besieged by Schismatics, who did not obey him, the Head of the Church, so that the true faith was in great danger by the frauds and insidiations of the Heretics, if new and good Guardians were not placed over them. This occurrence made the Nobility to adhere together, and to think how to make resistance before there was means to compel them by force of arms. Which maketh the Nobility to combine and refuse to pay tribute. They resolved therefore not to pay tribute, until the Spanish Soldiers were removed out of the Country, and began to incline more to the new opinion, and to favour it: which caused the other troubles which shall be spoken of. But the French King, desirous to make provision that the Lutheran sect The French King entereth into the Mercurial. should not more increase in the Kingdom, understanding that some of the Counsellors of the Parliament were infected with it, in a Mercurial (so they call the judicature, instituted to examine and correct the actions of the Counsellors of Parliament, and judges of the King) held in Paris the 15. of june, where they were to treat of Religion, after the Congregation was assembled, entered in person. He said he had established peace in the whole world, by the marriages of his sister and daughter, that he might provide against the inconveniences bred in his Kingdom about Religion, which ought to be the principal care of Princes. Therefore understanding they were to treat of this subject, he exhorted them to handle God's cause with sincerity. And having commanded them to prosecute the things begun, Claude Viol one of them, spoke much against the manners of the Court of Rome, and the bad customs, grown to be pernicious errors, which have caused the new sects. Therefore it was necessary to mitigate the severe punishments, until the differences of religion were removed, and the Ecclesiastical discipline amended by authority of a General Council, the only remedy for these evils, as the Counsels of Constance and Basil have judged, commanding that one should be celebrated every ten years. His opinion was followed by Ludovicus Faber, and some others. Anne du Bourg did add, that many villainies were commited, condemned by the Laws, for punishment whereof, the rope and fire were not sufficient; as frequent blasphemies against God, perjuries, adulteries, not only secret, but even cherished with impudent licence; making himself to be plainly understood, that he spoke not only of the Grandees of the Court, but of the King himself also; adding that, while men lived thus dissolutely, diverse torments were prepared against those who were guilty of nothing, but of publishing to the world the vices of the Church of Rome, and desiring an amendment of them. In opposition of all this, Egidius Magister, the prime Precedent spoke against the new sects, concluding that there was no other remedy, but that which was formerly used against the Albigenses, of whom Philippus Augustus put to death six hundred in one day, and against the Waldenses, who were choked in the caves, whither they retired to hide themselves. When all the voices were given, the King said, he had now heard with his own ears, that which before was told him, that the contagion of the Kingdom doth hence arise, 1559 PIUS 4. FERDINAND. PHILIP 2. ELIZABETH. HENRY 2. And commandeth some of the Counsellors of Parliament to be imprisoned. that there are in the Parliament who do despise the Pope's authority, and his, that he well knoweth they are but few, but the cause of many evils. Therefore he exhorted those who are good subjects to continue in doing their duty, and immediately gave order that Faber and du Bourg should be imprisoned, and afterward caused four more to be apprehended in their houses: which did much daunt those who embraced the new religion. For the Counsellors of Parliament in France, being reputed most sacred, and inviolable, who notwithstanding were put into prison for delivering their opinion in public Assembly, they concluded that the King would pardon none. But examples of great fears are always joined with others of equal boldness. 15●9 The Reformatists hold a Synod in Paris. For at the same time, as if there had been no danger at all, the ministers of the Reformed (for so the Protestants are called in France) assembled in Paris in the suburbs of Saint German, made a Synod, in which Franciscus Morellus, the chief man amongst them, was Precedent, ordaining diverse constitutions, of the manner of holding Counsels, of removing the domination in the Church, of the election and office of Ministers, of censures, of marriages, of divorces, of degrees of consanguinity, and affinity, that throughout all France they might not only have an uniform faith, but discipline also. And their courage did increase, because the fame of the severity used in France coming into Germany, the three Electors, and And are encouraged by the intercession of the Protestant Princes of Germany. other Protestant Princes sent Ambassadors to the King, praying him to proceed with piety and Christian charity against the professors of their Religion, guilty of nothing but of accusing the corrupted manners, and the discipline perverted by the Church of Rome, which had been done more than an hundred years since by other godly Doctors of France. For that Kingdom being now in quiet, the differences of Religion may easily be composed, by the disputation of able men, desirous of peace, who may examine their confession by the rule of holy Scripture, and of the ancient Fathers, suspending in the mean time the severity of the sentences; which they will receive as a thing most grateful, and remain much obliged to him for it. The King gave a courteous answer in general words, promising Which did them no good. to give them satisfaction, and to send one expressly to signify so much unto them. Yet he remitted nothing of the severity, but, after the Ambassadors were parted, he deputed four judges, of the body of the Parliament, in the causes of the prisoners, with the Bishop of Paris, and the Inquisitor, Antony de Mocares, commanding them to proceed with all expedition. The Pope, unto whom all these things were known, as he was much discontented with the progress of the new doctrine in the States of both the Kings, so he was pleased that those Princes did think of it, and moved them, by his Nuncij, and by their Ambassadors residing with him, to do so still. But he would not have any other means then that of the Inquisition, which he thought the only remedy, as he said upon all occasions, judging that the Council would do as formerly it had done, that is, reduce all into a worse state. While he was possessed with these cogitations, and weak of body, the King of France died the second of july, by a wound in the eye, running at Tilt; for which he seemed very sorrowful, and was so indeed. For although he suspected, and with reason, the intelligence between the 1559. PAUL. 4. FERDINAND ELIZABETH. FRANCIS. 2. Henry the second dyeth, the second of july. two Kings, yet he had still hope to separate them. But the one being dead, he saw he was at the discretion of the other alone, whom he more feared, because he was more offended by him, and was of a more close nature, hard to be sounded. He feared also that in France a gate would be set wide open to let in sects, which might be confirmed before the new King could get so much wisdom and reputation, as was necessary to oppose so great difficulties. He lived some few days, afflicted with these cogitations; but now laying aside all hopes, which had until then kept him alive, he died the eighteenth The Pope jyeth the 18. of August, recommending to the Cardinals nothing but the office of the Inquisition. of August, recommending to the Cardinals nothing but the office of the Inquisition, the only means, as he said, to preserve the Church, exhorting all to employ all their endeavours, to establish it in Italy, and wheresoever else they could. The Pope being newly dead, or rather still breathing, there did arise, by reason of the great hatred conceived by the people against him, and his whole house, such tumults in Rome, that the Cardinals were more troubled with these, as being near and urgent, then with those that were common to all Christendom. The City was all in sedition; the head of the Pope's statue The people show their detestation of him. was beaten off, and drawn through the streets; the prisons broken open, and more than four hundred prisoners set at liberty: and going to Ripeta, where the Inquisition was, they did not only take out the imprisoned, but burned the place, and all the processes and writings kept there; and they had almost burned the Convent of Minerva, where the Friars, employed in that office, do dwell. The College of Cardinals had recalled Caraffa in the life time of the Pope, and, in the first congregation which they held after his death, they delivered the Cardinal Morone out of the Castle, who was ready Card, Morone was set at liberty, who was ready to be sentenced for an heretic. to be censured for an Heretic. A great question was made, whether he could have a voice in the election, being opposed by those who thought him their adversary. But at the last it was resolved on his side. The Cardinals were forced to consent, that all the movable arms and monuments of the house of Caraffa should be torn in pieces, and the immoveable demolished. Being assembled in the Conclave the fift of September, eight days after the just time, because they were hindered by those inconveniences, they made capitulations, which, according to custom, were sworn to by all, that they might give some order for the government, which was wholly confused by the too great severity of Paul 4. Two of them did belong to the Capitulations sworn unto by the Cardinals in the Conclave. matter whereof we treat; one, that the difference with the Emperor, which might hazard the loss of all the residue of Germany, should be composed, and he acknowledged for Emperor; the other, that for the necessity of France and Flanders, the Council; as the only remedy against heresies, should be restored. The Papacy was vacant longer than the necessity of the time did comport, not so much for the discords of the Cardinals, as for the interests of Princes, who did interpose more than they were wont. While they were locked up in the Conclave, King Philip going from the Low Countries into Spain by sea, with resolution never to remove thence, fell into a storm, in which almost all the fleet was wracked, his household stuff, of very 1559 PIUS. 4. FERDINAND. ELIZABETH. FRANCIS 2. King Philip is in great peril at sea, Who, at his arrival in Spain, useth great severity against the Lutherans. great value, lost, and himself hardly escaped. He said he was delivered, by the singular providence of GOD, to root out Lutheranisme, which he presently began to do. For the 24. of September, so soon as he was arrived in Sevil, to give an example in the beginning of his government, and to leave no hope to any, he caused johannes Pontius Count of Bayleno, together with a preacher, and many others of the College of S. Isidore, where the new religion was entered to be burned for Lutherans; as also some Noble women, to the number of thirteen, and last of all the statue of Constantinus Pontius, Confessor to Charles the fifth, who served him in his retired life, and held him in his arms when he died. This man died in prison a few days before, where he was put immediately after the Emperor's death, for imputation of Heresy: which execution, though against an unsensible statue, increased the fear, because every one concluded that no connivency nor mercy could be hoped for from the King, who bore no respect to him, whose infamy did dishonour the memory of the Emperor deceased. Afterwards he went to Validolid, where he caused twenty eight of the prime Nobility of the Country to be burned in his presence and kept Friar Bartholomew Caranza in prison, mentioned often in the first reduction of the Council of Trent, who was Archbishop of Toledo, chief Prelate of Spain, taking from him all the revenues. And it cannot be denied that these executions, with others which daily succeeded, though not so exemplary, kept those Countries in quiet, while all other places were full of sedition. For although the new opinions were sowed in the minds of many, especially of the Nobility, yet they were concealed within their hearts, in regard of the close nature of the Spaniards, who abhor dangers, never adventuring upon hard enterprises, but aiming to proceed securely. The King's death in France, which they reform did ascribe to miracle increased their courage; though they durst not show themselves openly in Paris. For his son Francis, the new king, after he was consecrated at Rheims, The young French King, imirateth the severity of his father. the twentieth of September, gave order to prosecute the process of the Counsellors, who were in prison, and deputed the Precedent of S. Andrea's, and the Inquisitor Antonius de Mocares, to discover the Lutherans. The judges, having gained some of the common sort, formerly professors of that religion, had notice of the places where they did secretly assemble. Therefore many, both men and women, were imprisoned, and many fled, whose goods were confiscated, after a citation by three Edicts. And by the example of Paris, the same was done in Poytou, Tholouse, and Aix of Provence, by the instigation of George Cardinal of Armignac, who, not to abandon that enterprise, would not go to Rome to the election of the pope, using all diligence that those who were discovered might be apprehended. The professors of that religion being stirred up hereby, and emboldened, because they knew they were many, sent about many writings, against the King and Queen, and those of Lorraine (by whom the King was governed) authors of the persecution, intermixing some points of doctrine, which being willingly read by all, as things composed by public liberty, did imprint the new religion in the minds of many. In the end of the process against the Counsellors, after along contestation, all were absolved, except Anne du Burg, who was burnt the eighteenth of December, not so much by the inclination of the judges, as by the resolution of the Queen, provoked against him, because the Lutherans did diuulge in many writings, & libels spread abroad, that the King had been wounded in the eye by the providence of God, for a punishment of his words, used against Anna Borges is burned. du Bourg, that he would see him, burnt. But the death and constancy of a man so conspicuous, did make many curious to know what religion that was, for which he had so courageously endured punishment, & made the number increase: which augmenting also every day for other causes, those whose constancy giveth an increase to the reformed Religion. who were interessed in their overthrow, either for love of the old Religion, or as ecclesiastics, and authors of the former persecutions, thought it necessary to discover them, before they were so many as that they could not be suppressed. To this end they caused the pictures of the blessed Virgin, and of Saints, to be placed in every corner throughout all France, and Means used in France to discover the Reformatists. especially in Paris, burning candles before them, making the porters, and other vulgar persons sing the usual prayers of the Church, and appointing men to stand there with little boxes, to ask alms for the buying of candles: and he that did not honour the images in passing by, or did not stand with reverence at those corners, or did not give the alms that were asked, wree held suspected, & the least evil that did befall them, was to be abused by the people, with boxes and spurnings: But many of them were imprisoned, and put in suit. This provoked the Reformatists, and caused the great conspiracy of Geoffrey Renaut, of whom we will speak hereafter. In Rome, after diverse contentions and practices to create Pope, the Cardinals of Mantua, Ferrara, Carpi, and Putea, finally the 24. of December at john Angelo, Car 〈…〉 Medici, is created Pope. night, john Angelo Cardinal of Medicis was created, and named himself Pius 4 who having appeased the tumults of the city, and secured the minds of all by a general pardon of whatsoever was committed in time of their sedition, applied himself suddenly to the execution of two capitulations, which he had sworn, concerning the most common affairs: and the thirtieth of the same month calling together 13. Cardinals, and consulting with them about the rejection of the Ambassage of Ferdinand, and the determination of Paul not to acknowledge him for Emperor, the common opinion was, that he had received wrong. But after a long consultation how to remedy this inconvenience, many things being proposed and discussed, but no means found how to treat without danger of greater encounters, in case the Electors should interpose (as it was impossible to forbid them) the common opinion was, that they were to avoid all negotiation, because it would conclude with the dishonour of the Pope, and that it was better not to expect any request to be made from the Emperor. This was approved by the Pope, who thought it wisdom to give that, which he could neither He approveth the resignation of Charles, & the succession of Ferdinand. keep nor sell. He therefore presently called for Franciscus della Torre, the Emperor's Minister in Rome, and told him that he approved the resignation of Charles, A succession of Ferdinand to the Empire, promising to write unto him with the usual titles, and bade him send advice hereof. After this, he thought seriously of the Council, being assured he should be importuned for it from diverse parts. Conferring with the Cardinal Morone, whom he trusted for his wisdom and friendship, he much doubted, as himself said, whether the Council were good for the Apostolic Sea, or not; and if not, whether it were better to deny it absolutely, and freely oppose whosoever should desire it, or to make show he was willing, and to cross it with some impediments, besides those which the business itself And consulteth about the Council. would bring: and if it were fit to celebrate it, whether it were better to expect until he were requested, or to prevent and require it himself He called to mind the causes why Paul the 3, did dissolve it under colour of translation, and the hazards which julius did run, if good fortune had not assisted; that now there was no Emperor Charles to be feared, and that the weaker the Princes are, the BB. are the more bold, who were the more to be looked unto, because they cannot advance themselves but upon the ruins of the Papacy. To oppose openly the demand of the Council was scandalous, in regard of the glorious name thereof, and of the vain opinion which the world hath, that it must needs be profitable; as also because every one is persuaded, that the Council is refused for fear of reformation; which maketh the refusal a greater scandal. And if necessity shall enforce to grant that which had been absolutely denied, it will be a total loss of reputation, and incite the world to debase him who hath opposed. In these ambiguities the Pope was assured that the Council could not be profitable for the Church, nor for the Kingdoms divided, and must necessarily endanger the Papal authority; yet he could not openly oppose it, because the world was uncapable of this truth. But he was uncertain, whether, in case the Kings or Kingdoms did require it the coiunctures of the future affairs might be such, as that the secret impediments might take effect. When he had thought of all, he concluded to show himself ready, yea, desirous, and to prevent the desires of others, that he might conceal himself the better in crossing them, and have more credit in representing the contrary difficulties, referring to the superior causes that deliberation, to which humane judgement could not reach. So much he resolved of, and no more. The coronation was made at the Epiphany; and the eleventh of the same month he held a frequent congregation of Cardinals, in which he declared his mind at large, that he would reform the Court, and call a general Council, charging them all to consider what things deserved reformation, and of the place, time & other preparations of the Synod, that it might not bring forth the same fruit that it had done twice before. And afterwards he spoke of this in his private discourses with the Cardinals and Ambassadors, upon all occasions; yet did nothing which might manifest his intention more plainly. News came to the Emperor at Vienna of what the Pope had intimated to his Minister; who immediately deputed an Ambassador, and, before The Emperor sendeth an Ambassador to Rome. his departure, wrote to the Pope to give him joy of his assumption, and thankes that he had wisely, and like a father, ended the difficulty, which Paulus 4 had, against reason and equity, set on foot, giving him an account of the Ambassador which he had appointed to come unto him. This was Scipio, Count of Arco, who came to Rome the tenth of February, and fell into a great difficulty in the very beginning. For the Emperor gave him commission to render to the Pope reverence only, and the Pope was resolute he should render him obedience, showing that the. Ambassadors of other Emperors had done so to his predecessors, and said plainly, that otherwise, he would not admit him. The Ambassador of Spain, and the Cardinal Pacceco advised him not to transgress his commission, but the Cardinals Who, after some contestation, rendereth obedience to the Pope, not reverence only. Morone & Trent persuaded the contrary; whose opinion he followed, because the Emperor had given him charge to consult with those two Cardinals in all matters. After the ceremony was ended in the Consistery, with satisfaction of the Pope, the Ambassador, begin to pray him in the first private audience, in Caesar's name, to call the Council to compose the dissensions of Germany, was prevented by him, with the Ambassadors great contentment; who believing that he was to treat with the Pope, about an And is well pleased that his Holiness beginneth to speak of the Council. unpleasing business, was prepared to deliver in sugared terms, that it might be heard more willingly. The Pope told him, that the Cardinals, being in the Conclave, consulted how they might set the Council on foot again, in which consultation himself was a very principal party; and now being Pope, was more confirmed in the same determination. Yet he would not proceed blindly, but so as that he might avoid the difficulties, which happened before, and would be sure of the necessary preparatories, that the desired fruit might succeed. He said the like to the Ambassadors of France and Spain, and wrote to his Nuncij to impart it to their Kings: he spoke of it also with the Ambassadors of the King of Portugal, and of the Princes of Italy, which were in Rome. The Duke of Savoy demandeth the Popes have to hold a Colloquy. After this the Duke of Savoy sent one expressly to desire the Pope, that by his favour, he might make a colloquy of religion, to instruct his people of the Valleys, who were generally alienated from the old religion. These were a part of the Waldenses, who, 400, years since, forsook the Church of Rome, and in regard of the persecutions, fled into Polonia, Germany, Puglia, Provence, and some of them into the Valleys of Mountsenis, Luserna, Angronia, Perosa, and S. Martin. These having always continued in their separation, with certain ministers of their own, whom they called Pastors, when the doctrine of Zuinglius was planted in Geneva, did presently unite themselves with those, as agreeing with them in points of doctrine, & principal rites: and when Piedmont was under the Frenchmen, though they were forbid upon pain of death to exercise their religion, yet by little and little, they made it public, so that when Country was restored to the Duke of Savoy, the exercise of it was almost free. The Duke resolved to make them receive the Catholic religion, so that many were burned, and put to death by other means, and more condemned to the Galleys, at the instigation of the Inquifitor, Thomaso jacomello, a Dominican Friar. This made them consult whether it were lawful to defend themselves with Arms; wherein their ministers did not agree. Some said they might not oppose their Prince, though it were to defend their own lives, but might carry away their goods and reure into the mountains. Others said they might use force, in so desperate a case as this, especially it being not so much against the Prince, as against the Pope, who abused the authority of the Prince. Many of them did follow the first opinion, and the others stood upon their guard; so that the Duke perceiving they had not rebellious thoughts, and that they might easily be gained by instruction, received the counsel which was given him, to institute a Colloquy to this end. But because he would not displease the Pope, by proceeding without his knowledge, he gave him an account hereof, and asked his consent. The Pope being angry that, in Italy also, even under To instruct the people of his Valleys, whom before he had perseceted. his nose, his authority should be questioned, answered that he would consent by no means; but, if those people had need of instruction, he would send a Legate, with authority to absolute them who would be converted, accompanied with Divines who might give them instruction. But But his Holiness refuseth to grant it. he said he had little hope to convert them, because the heretics are obstinate, and whatsoever is done to exhort them to acknowledge their fault, they expound to be a want of force to compel them. That it cannot be remembered that any good was ever done by this moderation, but that experience is taught, that the sooner justice is used, and force of Arms, when that other is not sufficient, so much the better the success is. If he would proceed thus, he would send him assistance; but if he thought it not fit, all might be deferred until a general Council, which he would suddenly call. And therefore the Duke taketh Arms against them. The Duke did not like the sending of a Legate, because it would have provoked them more, and forced him to proceed according to the interests of others, thinking it better to take Arms, which the Pope commended more, and promised assistance. Therefore there was war in these Valleys all this year, and part of the next, whereof we will speak in the time when it ended. There was a great conspiracy in many parts of France, into which many A great conspiracy in France, & the causes of it. were entered, and the mayor part for cause of Religion, disdaining to see poor people drawn every day to the stake to be burned, guilty of nothing but of zeal to worship GOD, and to save their own souls. To these were joined others, who, thinking the Guisards to be the cause of all the disorders of the Kingdom, judged it an heroic act to deliver it from oppression, by taking the public administration out of their hands. There were also ambitious persons, desirous of change, who could not work their will, but in the midst of troubles. Both these covered themselves with the cloak of Religion, to gain more followers: and the better to confirm their minds, caused the Principal Lawyers of Germany and France, and the most famous Protestant Divines to publish in writing, that, without violating the Majesty of the King and dignity of the lawful Magistrate, they might oppose with Arms, the violent domination of the house of Guise, who offended true Religion, and lawful justice, and kept the King as it were in prison. The Conspirators prepared a great multitude, who should appear before the King, without Arms, to demand that the severity of the judgements might be mitigated, and liberty of conscience granted, designing they should be followed by Gentlemen, who should make supplication against the government of the Guisards. The conspiracy was discovered, and the Court retired from Blois, an open place fit for the execution of such a purpose, unto The Conspirations are discovered, and many of them executed and the rest pardoned. Amboise, a strong fortress. This troubled the Conspirators; who, while they were thinking of a new course, some of them, who took Arms, were beaten and slain, and others taken and sentenced to die; and to appease the tumult, pardon was granted by the King's Edict, dated the eighteenth of March, to all, who simply moved with zeal of Religion, had entered into the conspiracy, so that they disarmed within 24. hours. Afterwards the King, by his Edict, pardoned all the reformatists, until they returned to the Church. He forbade all assemblies for Religion, and committed to the Bishops the hearing of the causes of heresy. This displeased the Chancellor; though he consented, for fear the Spanish Inquisition would be brought in, as the Guisards desired. The humours moved were not quieted by the punishment of the Conspirators, and the pardons published, nor the hopes laid aside, which they had conceived, to have liberty of religion, yea, greater tumults of the people were raised in Provence, Languedoc, and Poitou, whether the Preachers of Geneva The Protestants do increase by means of the Preachers of Geneva. were called, and came willingly: by whose Sermons the number of the Protestants did increase. This general and sudden combination made the governors of the Kingdom resolute, that there was need of an Ecclesiastical remedy, and that very quickly; and a Nationall Synod was proposed by the whole Council. The Cardinal of Armignac said, that nothing was to be done without the Pope; that he alone was able to make provision; that they should write to Rome, and expect an answer. To which opinion some few Prelates did adhere. But the Bishop of Valence said, that a sudden remedy could not be expected from the Pope, because he was fare distant, nor a fit one, because he was not informed of the particular necessity of the Kingdom, nor a charitable one, because he was busied in making his Nephew's great; that GOD had given to all kingdoms, all things necessary to govern them; that France had Prelates of its own to regulate the causes of religion, who better know the wants of the kingdom; that it would be a great absurdity to see Paris burn, having the rivers of Some and Marne full of water, and to believe that water must be brought from Tiber, to quench the fire. The resolution A Nationall Synod is intimated in France. of the Council was, that, there being need of a strong and sudden remedy, the Prelates of the Kingdom should assemble, to find a way to hinder the course of these great mischiefs: and the eleventh of April the Synod was intimated, for the tenth of September. But that the Pope might not take it in ill part, a Curriet was dispatched to Rome, to give him an account of the resolution, and to inform him of the necessity of that remedy, and to pray him not to take it amiss. The Ambassador represented to his Holiness the infection of the kingdom, and the dangers, and the hope which the King had of some good remedy by a general Convocation of the Prelates, without which he saw no means to make an effectual povision. Therefore he was forced not to defer longer, nor to expect remedies from places romote, which were uncertain, and long in coming, and to use that which was in his own power: and he added that no constitution of that Synod should be of force before it were confirmed by his Holiness. The Pope, on the contrary, did grievously complain, that the King had pardoned the errors committed against religion, even of The Pope blameth the French King for pardoning here●●kes. those who did not ask it; wherein none had power but himself. And what King is there (he said) who thinketh he is able to pardon offences against GOD? That it is no marvel if, by the just wrath of GOD, there be so many tumults in that kingdom, where the Sacred Canons are disesteemed and the Pope's authority usurped. He said that the assembling of the Prelates would do no good, yea, would cause a greater division▪ that he had proposed a general Council which was the only remedy that the cause why it was not essembled already proceeded from them who would not have it, that he was resolved to celebrate it, though it were desired by none, but And will not approve the Nationall Synod. would not by any means consent to the assembly of the Prelates, either in France or elsewhere, that this was never tolerated by the Apostolic Sea▪ that if every Prince should celebrate Counsels of himself, a confusion and separation of the Church must needs follow. He complained much that the assembly was first intimated, and then his consent demanded which he must needs think was done with small respect of the head of the Church▪ to whom all Ecclesiastical affairs are to be referred, not to give him an account when they are done, but to receive from him authority to do them; that the Edicts published did infer an Apostasy in that kingdom from the Sea of Rome; for remedy whereof he would send an express Nuncio, to make his will known to the King. He sent the Bishop of Viterbo, with instruction, to show him that a Nationall But sendeth a Nuncio into Spain to dissuade it. Council of that Kingdom, would be a kind of Schism from the universal Church, give a bad example to other nations, and make his Prelates proud, assuming greater authority, which diminution of his own; that it is generally known how earnestly they desire the restitution of the Pragmatique, which they would first of all bring in, by which means the King would lose his whole collation of the regalities, and the presentation of the Bishoprickes and Abbeys: whence it would follow that the Prelates, not acknowledging the power of the King, would refuse to obey him. And yet, with all these inconveniences, the evils which do now press him, would not be provided against. For the heretics do profess already that they esteem not the Prelates, so that whatsoever they should do would be opposed by the Protestant Ministers, if for no other cause, because it was done by them▪ that the true remedy was to make the Prelates, and other Curates reside and keep their flocks, opposing the fury of the wolves, and to proceed in justice against those who are judged to be heretics, by the judges of faith, and where it cannot be done in regard of the multitude, to use force of arms to compel all to the performance of their duty; before the contagion doth increase, that all these things being done now, all differences might be completely endded, by the celebration of the general Council, which he would immediately intimate, that, if the King would resolve to reduce the contumacious to obedience, before they did more increase in number and strength, he promised to assist him with all his power, and to labour that the King of Spain, and Princes of Italy should do the like. But if he would not be persuaded to compel his Subjects by force, the Nuncio had instruction to propose unto him, that all the mischief which troubleth France, and the poison, which infecteth that Kingdom, and the neighbour places, cometh from Geneva; that the extirpation of that root And to persuade the King to make ware against Geneva. would take away a great nourishment of the evil; that making war out of the Kingdom, he should evacuate those bad humours, which did trouble it▪ Therefore he was to exhort the King to join with him in this good work promising that he would ●d●ee the King of Spain, and the Duke of Savoy, to do the like. The Pope gave the bishop Commission also to negotiate the same thing with the Duke of Savoy, as he passed. He wrote to the King of Spain, and ●ealt with him by his Nuncio, that he would labour to divert his cofin from the Nationall Council, which would be hurtful to France, and a bad example for Spain, and worse for the Low Countries. The Duke of Savoy harkened to the proposition of the war of Geneva, promising to employ himself wholly in it, so that those two Kings would be content to assist him, and that the war were to be made by him and for him. For that City belonging to his Dominion, it was not just, in case it were won, that any should possess it but himself. Therefore if his Holiness would come to the effect, it was necessary to make a league with plain capitulations, lest some great inconvenience might arise, if either the Kings should not agree, or himself should be abandoned, after he had provoked the Swisses against him, who would undoubtedly defend the City. For Geneva, the King of Spain considered, that France would not permit it should be in the hands of any but Frenchmen, which was not good for his service, in regard of the vieinity of the Franche County. Therefore he answered that he thought it not a fit time to make attempt. But for the Nationall Council of France, he was persuaded it would be a dangerous example to his States. Therefore he dispatched away Antonio di Toledo, Prior of Lions, to signify to the French King, that the celebration of that Council would be very hurtful, in regard of the division which might arise, the kingdom being infected. He prayed him not to go on herein, The King of Spain dissuadeth the French King from the Nationall Synod. and said, that nothing moved him to make this request, but only his love to him, and his zeal to the glory of God. He left to his consideration, besides the contentions which it might cause within his kingdom, the pernicious example which other Provinces would take, and the prejudice it would bring to the General Council, which was to be held, and was the only remedy for all the evils and divisions of Christendom; that it would show there was not so good intelligence between the Emperor and them as should be, and would make the Protestants wax proud, in prejudice of the public cause. He added, that he wanted not force to repress the insolences of his Subjects, and, if he would make use of the forces of him the King of Spain, he would very willingly employ them in this case, and his own person also, if there were need, that his Subjects might not boast they had brought him to any indignity: whereof he was to consider much now, in this beginning of his reign. He gave commission also to his Ambassador, that, if he could not obtain this, he should, for the same and other reasons, negotiate a suspension of it, for as long a time as he could, and should treat with the Cardinal of Lorraine, who, as he understood, had a great hand in this Council, that, as a Prince of the Church, and as having a great part in the government of that Kingdom, he was bound to consider the damage which might redound to it, and all Christendom. He caused also the same request to be made to the Duke of Guise, the Constable, the Queen mother, and to the Marshal Saint Andrew. He gave him commission also to advice the Duchess of Parma, and Vargas his Ambassador at Rome, of whatsoever he did. Likewise he gave the Pope advice of the earnest request he had made by one expressly sent, and of the need that King had of assistance. To this he added the necessity in which himself was, the Turks having taken from him the year before, twenty Galleys, twenty five And demandeth of the Pope a Subsidy from the Eccleisastics. round Ships, and the fortress of Gerbe; which forced him to increase his Army▪ He therefore requested his Holiness, to grant him a large Subsidy of the Churches, and Benefices of his Kingdoms. The proposition of assaulting Geneva, was not well taken in France, because The French men are distasted with the proposition of assaulting Geneva. it would make the Hugonots (so the Reformatists are called) suspicious, and unite themselves. Besides, none going to that war but the Catholics, the Kingdom would be left open to the opposites. And to provoke the Swisses, protectors of that City, seemed not good, in regard of the service they might do that Crown. Therefore they answered the Nuncio only thus, that, while so great confusion did afflict the Kingdom within, it was impossible to apply themselves to matters abroad. But, for the Nationall The French Kings answer concerning the Nationall Synod. Council, the same answer was given to Toledo and the Nuncio, that the King was resolved to keep himself and the kingdom in the Catholic union; that he would make a Nationall Council to separate himself, but to unite to the Church those that went astray; that a General Council would more please, and, in likelihood, be more profitable, if his urgent occasions would suffer him to expect the time, which must needs be very long; that the Nationall Council, which he desireth, shall depend on the Apostolic Sea, and the Pope, which shall cease when the General shall be assembled, and shall incorporate with it. And that his deeds may answer to his words, he desired the Pope to send a Legate into France, with power to assemble the Bishops of the Kingdom, and to settle the affairs of Religion. The Pope cast forth the Proposition to make war against Geneva, not so much for the hatred he bore to that City, as the Seminary of the Zuinglian Preachers in France, or for fear of some innovation in Italy, as to prolong the treaty of the General Council. For if the war had been kindled, it would have lasted a year at the least, and in the mean while, the Council would have been forgotten, or a good form would have been found for it. But now, seeing that his proposition did not take effect, and that the French did still persevere in their resolution for a national Synod, he thought it necessary not to defer his determination for the general, and to stop the Frenchmen with this, and with some grant of what they desired. He conferred hereof with the Cardinals which were most intimate Maketh the Pope hasten the General Council. with him, and particularly about the place, which seemed of most importance, because, in conclusion, the Council doth produce effect according to the mind of him that is strongest in the place where it is celebrated. He would fain have proposed Bolonia, or some other of his own Cities, promising to go thither in person, but saw it would be ill construed by the world. He was resolved not to accept of any City beyond the Mountains, no not to hear any proposition of it. The Cardinal Pacceco proposed Milan, and he condescended, so that he might have the Castle in his hands, during the time of the Council; which was to refer himself to an impossible condition. He thought also upon some of the Venetian Cities, but the Republic excused itself, lest they should make the Turks suspicious, of whose forces they were then afraid. When he had considered all, he found no fit place than Trent. For the Council having been held there twice before, every one had experience of what was good, and what bade in that place, Who, after consultation, thinketh Trent the fittest place for the assembly. and therefore would more easily consent to go thither then elsewhere. And there was also some appearance of reason for it, because the Council, celebrated by julius, was not finished, but suspended. He thought to satisfy the French men, by sending Cardinal Tornon into France, not in quality of a Legate, but with power, when he was there and saw there need, to assemble And sendeth Card. Tornon into France to hinder a Nationall Synod there. some of the Prelates of the Kingdom, such as the King and himself thought fit, but not all, that there might be no appearance of a Council, and to treat with these, but to resolve of nothing. There were also two other accidents of no less consideration, which thrust the Pope forward to speak more plainly of a Council; one fare off, but imported the loss of a Kingdom; the other concerned one person only, but was of great consequence. The Nobility of Scotland, who had a Scotland revolteth from the Pope. long time made war to chase the French men out of the Kingdom, and to take the government out the hands of the Queen Regent, and had ever encountered many difficulties, in regard of the great succours, sent her by her son in law the French King, to maintain the kingdom for his wife; finally that they might quite free themselves, they resolved to join with the English, and incite the people against the Regent. To this end they gave way to liberty of religion, to which the people was inclined. By this means they brought the Frenchmen into great straits, and the old religion was little esteemed; for which the Pope was blamed, because the world thought, that, if the Council had been begun, all popular commotions would have been stopped. The other accident was, that the King of Bohemia had, a long time, held intelligence with the Protestant Electors, and Princes of Maximilian is, not without cause, thought to be a Protestant. Germany, and was formerly suspected for it by Paul the fourth, so that he could not refrain to object to the Emperor, in private discourse which he had with Martin Gusman his Ambassador, that his son was a favourer of heresy. The same suspicion continuing in the Court after the death of Paul, the Pope caused the Count of Arco to tell him, that if he would not live as a Catholic, he would not confirm him King of the Romans, yea, would deprive him of all Dominion. Notwithstanding this, advice came afterwards to Rome, that he entertained a Preacher, and heard him often, who had brought in the use of the Cup in diverse places, but not in the City; and the King himself said, he could not receive it otherwise: which although he put not in practice, yet those words gave the Pope great suspicion, especially because, almost in all places of Germany, the Communion of Which two accidents incite the Pope to call the Council quickly. the Chalice was used by all that would, and none hindered the Priests to minister it. For all these former respects the Pope was resolute to make this great jump. The third of june he called the Ambassadors of the Emperor, of Spain, Portugal Polonia, Venice and Florence; who appearing all before his Holiness, except the Ambassador of Polonia, that was sick, he complained first, that he could not call the French Ambassador for fear of some question of precedency, which was a cause to hinder the public benefit of consulting on the common affairs of Christendom: but those two Kings being cousins, it was necessary they should resolve to accommodate the difference, Wherein he declareth his purpose to all the Ambassadors residing with him. for the good of the Christian Commonwealth, and especially of their own Kingdoms. Then he said, that, the cause why he had called them, was the celebration of the Council, which he was resolved to bring to effect, removing all difficulties, which Princes, for their own ends, might set on foot: that the place should be Trent, which having pleased twice, could now be denied by none, in regard it was not a new place, and the Council celebrated there only suspended. Therefore taking away the suspension, the Council is open, as before; and many good Constitutions having been made there, it would not be fit to call them in question, by making show of calling a new Council. He added that it was necessary to do it quickly, because things grew worse every day as appeared in France, where they treated of a Nationall Council; which he neither would nor could endure, because Germany, and every Province would do the like; that he would give order to his Nuncij with the Emperor, Kings of France and Spain, to treat hereof with their Majesties, and did now intimate the same to all them, that they might send their Prince's word of it. For although he could both resolve and execute of himself, yet he thought fit to do it with their knowledge, that they might put him in mind of some things for the common benefit, and reformation of the Church, and send Ambassadors to the Council, and favour it by treating with the Protestants. He added, that he did believe that some of the Princes of Germany would go thither in person, and that he was sure the Marquis of Brandeburg would. Vargas made a long answer, relating what had been done in former Counsels. He discoursed of the manner of celebrating Counsels, and then descended to the place, and spoke of what was done in Trent, where himself was present. He distinguished General Counsels from Nationall, much condemning that which was intimated in France. The Ambassador of Portugal commended the Pope's purpose, and promised the obedience of his Master. The Venetian said, that, in times past, never any better remedy was found then Counsels, and thanked GOD for inspiring his Holiness to do so pious a work, which was for the preservation of Religion, and benefit of Princes, who could not hold their States in peace in change of Religion. The Florentine Ambassador spoke in the same manner, offering all assistance from the Duke. The Pope wrote to his Nuncio in Germany, France, But alwyes uttereth something that may cross it. and Spain, in conformity of that which he spoke to the Ambassadors, Yet he never talked of the Council, but he cast forth some seed of a contrary herb, which might hinder the birth of it, or choke it afterwards, being assured, that, when the affairs of the world did stand so, that the life of it might do him service, he could root out that which he had sowed upon it. He told the same Ambassadors apart, some more plainly, some in jest, that, to call the Council with profit, it was necessary to think more of the end, then of the beginning, and of the execution, then of the Convocation, prosecution: that the Convocation belonged to him alone, the prosecution to him and the Prelates, the execution to the Princes: and therefore that it was meet, that, first of all, they should bind themselves to it, and make a league, and elect a general Captain, to go against the disobedient, to execute the determinations of the Council, considering that, without this, it would be fruitless, and dishonourable to the Apostolic Sea, and to those Princes who had sent Ambassadors, and afforded favour and assistance. The Pope did not receive a conformable answer from his Nuncij. The The French King doth not think Trent a fit place for the Council. King of Spain commended the Council, approved the place of Trent, promised to send his Prelates to it, and to favour it by all other means; but added, that it was not fit to do any thing without the good will of the Emperor, and French King. The answer of this King was, that he approved the celebration of the Council, but not the place of Trent, alleging that his Prelates could not go thither, and proposing for places more fit, Constance, Triers, Spire, Worms, or Aganoa. He intimated also, that they ought not to make a continuation of the things begun in Trent, but to abandon Nor that the doctrines, already discussed there, should be maintained without reexamination them quite, and make a whole new Council. This answer troubled the Pope, who thought it did not proceed from the Kings own motion, but from the Hugonots. But the Emperor sent a long writing, in which he said, he could promise nothing for the Princes of Germany, before he knew their opinion; which he could not do without a Diet: which if he would call, it was necessary not to name the Council, because the Princes would not go thither, but pretending another cause to call it, he might afterwards speak Of whose opinion the Emperor is. of it by occasion. He added, that, for his patrimonial States, he had no hope to bring them to the Synod, without granting them the Communion of the Cup, and marriage of Priests, and without a good reformation were made; but above all, that no mention ought to be made of a continuation of the things begun in Trent. For the Lutherans would never consent otherwise, yea, the very name of Trent would make them refuse. And he proposed Constance or Ratisbon. The Pope saw that the proposition of a Diet did require the time of a year, and perhaps of two, and was glad of it, but was sorry that the occurrences of France required haste. He told every one, to show his forwardness, that he cared not for one place more than another, and would take Spire, Collen, or any other City which pleased the Emperor, so that the Bishops might come and go in safety, it not being convenient to secure those who have no voice in the Council, and leave others without security who certainly have. But it was not fit to speak of revoking what was done in Trent, saying he would spend his blood in maintaining it, it being a matter of faith. Concerning that which is of humane constitution, as the Communion of the Cup, and marriage of Priests, these prohibitions being made for a good end, as he would not take them away of himself, which he had power to do, so he would refer all to the Council, howsoever he saw they would never forsake their opinion whatsoever was granted them. He complained of the Emperor's weakness, who feared his own son no less than others, and then desired the Prelates should be sent into Germany; where he declared he had not power to secure them, that he would go to Constantinople, so that he might have security, which could not be expected from the Emperor, that the Germans were almost in Heretics, and the King of the Romans more potent than his father; in the regarded not one place more than another, so that it were in Italy, which only is secure for the Catholics. Therefore he answered the French King, and the Emperor, in general The Pope's answer to them both. term, that he was content with any secure place, saying that the security of the Council hath always been esteemed necessary, and was now as much as ever, without making particular opposition against the places named by them. But, in his answer to the Catholic King, he commended his good mind, and confirmed him in his purpose; and, for the subsidy he desired he interposed diverse difficulties, as well to maintain the profits of the Church, as not to offend him, and make him his opposite, in the time of the Council. The affairs of the Catholics waxed every day more difficult. For the The Low-countries men wax peremptory against their King. Hugonots in France grew stronger, and in Scotland liberty of Religion was granted to all by public decree, and in Flanders the humours were prepared to stir, upon the first occasion; which the King did appease by proceeding slowly granting them what they would, though to his own loss and indignity. First, they refused to contribute to the King before the Spanish soldiers were removed out of the Country; when these were dismissed, they would pay to none but to the people of their own Country, and only for the guard of strong places, and those not to depend of the King's Ministers. The King endured all, knowing that every little distaste would make them set on foot the pretence of Religion, and expected until the heat were extinguished; which he did the rather, because it was discovered that the seeds of the new opinions in Spain were not dead, but only covered for fear, and that in Savoy there were more heretics besides the old Waldenses. But the Court of Rome was grieved most of all, that the Pope having, by his nephew Marcus Altemps, who afterwards was Cardinal, persuaded the King of Bohemia to be a good Catholic, with many promises of honours and profits, intimating the succession of the Empire, which he would hardly obtain in case he should do otherwise, was answered by the King, that he The answer of Maximilian to the Pope's nephew, concerning his Religion. thanked his Holiness, but that his soul's health was more dear to him, than all the things of the world, which answer they said in Rome, was a Lutheran form of speech, and signified an alienation from the obedience of that Sea, and they began to discourse what would happen after the Emperor's death. While these accidents troubled the Pope's mind, news was The Pope's Subjects of Auignion rebel against him. brought him, that the Hugonots his Subjects in the territory of Auignion were assembled, and disputed whether they might take Arms against the Pope their temporal Lord, and resolved they might, because his succession was not lawful, as well because that Country was not justly taken from Raimondus, Count of Tholouse, as also for that the ecclesiastics cannot, by the commandment of Christ, possess any temporal Dominion: and resolving to rebel, by the means of Alexander Guilotimus, a lawyer, put themselves under the protection of Charles de Montbrun, who was in Arms for Religion, and was much followed in Dolphinie. Charles, entering the territory with three thousand foot, made himself Lord of the whole Country, with much joy of the inhabitants. james Maria, Bishop of Viviers, Vicelegat of avignon, made opposition, and very hardly kept the City. The Pope was much afflicted herewith, not so much for the loss of the Country, as for the cause, which, being taken for an example, would touch the very root of the Papacy. Therefore he sent Cardinal Farne●e, who was Legat, to defend the City. But the danger was moderated, because Cardinal Tornon (whose Need Charles had But all danger was taken away by means of Cardinal Tornon. married) who was then not fare from that place, as he was going to the Court, made him desist, and go to Geneva, by promising restitution of his goods, confiscated for rebellion, and to be recalled shortly, with liberty of conscience, if he would go out of France. So the Pope's territory, deprived of that protection, did remain in subjection, but full of suspicions, and ready to embrace every novity. The Protestants still increasing in France, and which was of more importance, the dissensions and suspicions between the Grandees, the 21. of August 1560. the King called a very great assembly at Fountainbleau, in which having 1560. The French King calleth an assembly at Fountainbleau. briefly exhorted, to set down what was fit for his service, the necessities of the Kingdom were declared by the Chancellor, which he compared to a man sick of an unknown disease. Afterwards jasper Colignie gave the King some petitions, which he said were delivered to him, by a multitude of people, when he was in Normandy, unto whom he could not deny this favour, to present them to his Majesty. The sum of them was; that the faithful Christians, dispersed throughout the whole Kingdom, did pray his Majesty to look on them with a favourable eye; that they desired nothing but a moderation of the cruel punishments, until their cause were heard; and that they might make public profession of their Religion, to avoid suspicion by private assemblies. Then john Monluc, Bishop of Valence, having declared the In which the opinions were diverse. infirmities of the Kingdom, and commended the chastising of the feditious, said that the cause of the evil remained, yea still grew worse, so long as religion might be taken for a pretence; against which, provision had not been formerly made, because the Popes had no other aim, but to hold the Princes in war; and the Princes, thinking to suppress the evil with punishments, have not attained the wished end, nor the Magistrates and Bishops justly performed their duty. The principal remedy was to fly unto GOD, to assemble godly men out of the whole Kingdom, to find a way to root out the vices of the Clergy, to forbid infamous and immodest songs, and in stead of them to command the singing of Psalms, and holy hymns, in the vulgar tongue; and if the common interpretation which goeth about be not good, to take away the errors, suffering that which is good to be used by all. Another remedy was, the General Council, always used to compose such differences; that he could not see how the Pope's conscience could be quiet one moment, in regard so many souls did perish every day; saying, that if a General Council could not be obtained, they were to assemble a Nationall, by the example of Charles the Great, and Lewis the Debonaire; that they did grievously err who troubled the public quiet with arms, upon pretence of Religion, a thing always abhorred by antiquity; that their error was as great, who condemned to death those that adhered 1560 PIUS 4. FERDINAND. ELTZABETH. FRANCIS. 2. to the new doctrine, only for the opinion of piety; who, dying constantly, and contemning the loss of their goods, stir up the minds or the multitude, and make them desirous to know what faith that is, for which they endure so great punishments. Charles Marillac Bishop of Vienna, spoke in the same manner; commending the General Council, but adding, that it might sooner be desired then hoped for, considering the difficulties which do usually arise in such a business, wherein Charles the 5. having taken great pains, hath ever been deluded by the Popes. Besides, the disease of France is so sharp, that there is no time to call a Physician from fare. Therefore they were to call a Nationall Council, as had been used from the time of Clodove until Charles the Great, and afterwards until Charles the seventh, sometimes of the whole kingdom, and sometimes of part: that now, the disease being urgent, they were to expect no longer, nor to hold any esteem of the impediments which the Pope did interpose; in the mean while that the Prelates ought to reside, and that the Italians, who have a third part of the Benefices, were not to be suffered to enjoy the fruits in their absence; to take away all Simony, and ordain, as was done in the Anciran Council, that alms should not be given in times of administering the Sacraments; that the Cardinals and Prelates, deputed by Paul the third, gave the same counsel, that Paul the fourth thought it necessary, though afterwards he gave himself to luxury and war, that if this were not done, there was danger to see the prophecy of Bernard verified, That CHRIST would descend from heaven to whip the Priests out of the Temple, as he had the Merchants. Then he spoke of the remedies for the other maladies of the Kingdom. Colignl, when it was his turn to speak, said, that requiring those who gave him the petitions to subscribe them, he was answered, that 5000. men would subscribe, if there were occasion. Francis of Guise, concerning the point of Religion, said, he referred himself to the judgement of learned men, but protested that no Council should have so great authority with him, as to make him decline one jot from the old belief. The Cardinal of Lorraine, having spoken of other particulars, descending to that of Religion, said, that the petitions presented were most proud, and that to grant the Orators public exercise, were to approve their doctrine; that it was a clear case, that the greater part used Religion for a pretence; and therefore his opinion was, they should be proceeded against with more severity, mitigating the punishment of those who assemble without Arms, only for Religion, instructing and admonishing them; and to this purpose to cause the Prelates to reside, hoping that by these remedies, all will be provided for, without either General or Nationall Council. The voices being not uniform, a Decree was made, the 27. of that month, that there should be an assembly of the States at Meaux, the tenth of December, and, if the General Council shall not be called suddenly, as the Pope hath made show, the Bishops shall assemble the 13. of january to treat The Decree of this Assembly. of celebrating a Nationall: in the mean while the punishments for cause of Religion were suspended, except against those who took Arms. The Pope, informed of the resolution of the assembly of Fountainbleau, wrote to Cardinal Tornon to hinder the meeting of the Bishops, and, if he could not return to Rome. And the three and twentieth of September he called the Ambassadors, and told them the neceseitie of the sudden celebration of a general Council, in regard of the determination of the Frenchmen, to call a Nationall; which though he had given order to Cardinal Tornon to hinder, yet he did not hope it could be done. But he saw Causeth the Pope to make show that he is resolved to call the Council suddenly. a necessity to celebrate the general Council, that it might not be said that the Nationals were called, for want of it. Therefore that he must needs open the Council of Trent, taking away the suspension; that the place was most fit, being between Germany and Italy, though others propose Spire, Triers, and other places, which he would accept if they were secure; being ready to go to Constantinople, if he might with safety; that one could not trust those who want faith; that no Catholic could be secure in those places, no not the Emperor himself; that, if they refuse Trent, they may find places in the Dukedom of Milan, the Kingdom of Naples, in the State of Venice, of the Duke of Savoy, or Florence. Concerning the revocation of the things already decided, it was not to be mentioned, that he would neither revoke nor confirm them, but refer all to the Council, which, with the assistance of the holy Spirit, will determine whatsoever it shall please God. He did much ruminate upon the Nationall Council of France, saving that Germany would follow the example, and that some stirs would be raised in Italy, if order were not taken; that they would submit the Papacy to the Council, and whatsoever belongeth to it. But his resolution was this: Pro fide & religione volumus mori: Desiring the Ambassadors to speak their opinion, the Emperor's Ambassador said, it was better to take time, in regard the Emperor's affairs would not permit him to consent. The Pope seeming to be angry, the Ambassador added, that it was good first to win the minds of the Princes of Germany. The Pope answered more angrily, that there Wherein he is contradicted by the Emperor's Ambassador only. was now no time to do it; and the Ambassador replying, that he feared that by this means the heretics would be incited against Italy, the Pope said aloud, that GOD would not abandon his own cause, and that he should be assisted by the Catholic Princes, with men and money, for his defence. The Spanish Ambassador commended the Pope's purpose, and said that his King would not fail to favour him, and that to this end he had already sent Antonio di Toledo into France. The Ambassadors of Portugal, Venice, and others offered the favour and assistance of their Princes, and in the end, the Pope gave them order to signify his intention, and so dismissed them. Afterwards he received answer from Cardinal Tornon, that, having tried all means, he was not able to remove the King, nor any of his Council, nor could hope for any better success hereafter, yea, that he saw all things to wax worse. The King of Spain, having sent to the Pope the final answer given to Toledo, wrote withal, that the French King excused himself, that, without a Nationall Council, he could not remedy the disorders of his kingdom, and that it was no marvel, if, to withstand inconveniences, Princes do that alone, which they should do together with the Pope. This letter troubled his Holiness thinking he did infer that he might do the same also himself in Flanders. It was afterwards discovered that the Pope's purpose was, if he could not absolutely avoid the Council, to defer it at the least, until he had set in order his domestical affairs. For, being to hold a Synod, it was necessary to give a good example in the mean space, and spend excessively in maintaining poor Prelates, and officers, and The Pope's secret purpose was to avoid, or deserre the Council. other things, necessary for the Synod, which would consume all the revenues; and the business itself also would take up all his time, so that he could not take care of his house. But he resolved, though against his will, not to defer the Convocation any longer. Whereupon the twentieth of But maketh a contrary resolution against his will. October he held a Congregation of Cardinals, in which he gave them an account of the answer of the French King to Toledo, of the King of Spain his letter to him, and of the negotiation of the Cardinal Tornon; adding a new advertisement sent him out of France, that although the general Council were opened, they would not go thither, if the Protestants did not consent to receive it. These things put them in a great confusion, and all feared, that though the general Council should proceed, yet France would And is much troubled with. the occurrences of Trance. make the Nationall, whence, by consequence, an alienation from the obedience of the Apostolic Sea would arise, and an example to the residue of Christendom to do the like, either with, or without the consent of their Princes. Some thought much of the Protestation made to the Cardinal of Trent, that he should not be too liberal in offering that City, but remember that the Emperor is Lord of it, without whose consent he neither can, nor aught to dispose of it in such a business; who had declared himself already, that, by all means he would first make a Diet. They were also much troubled with that which D. Antenio di Toledo wrote, that all the Grandees, yea, the Bishops themselves did favour the new opinions, to settle and augment their own estates. Notwithstanding all this, all the Cardinals, except the Cardinal of Ferrara, were of opinion to open the Council, removing the suspension. The Pope said the Council should begin at Saint Martin's tide; and considering the imminent dangers, and the hopes to overcome them, he His comfort is, that the loss will be greater to the French King then to the Apostolic Sea. resolved himself, and did comfort also the Cardinals and his other dependants with it, that the loss would be great to France, and little to him. For the Apostolic Sea receiveth yearly out of that Kingdom but five and twenty thousand crowns, but on the other side, the King's authority being great, granted by the Popes, to dispose of Benefices, he would lose it all, in regard the Pope's authority being taken away, the Pragmatike would take place, and the Bishops would be elected by the Canons, the Abbats by the Monasteries, and the King bereft of all this. Therefore he was sorry for nothing but for the loss of so many souls. But if GOD would correct them for their faults and infidelity, he could not help it. In the beginning of November Letters came to Rome from the Emperor; The Emperor writeth to the Pope against the commuation of the old Council, and so the convocation of a new. in which he said, though in general terms, that, concerning the Council, he would do, for his own person, whatsoever the Pope pleased; but added, that, to hold a Council out of Germany, or to continue that of Trent, by taking away the suspension, would do no good, but raise a greater hatred in the Protestants, with danger that they would endeavour to hinder it with Arms; in which kind he had heard of diverse treaties: but, making a new Council, there was hope to persuade them to go thither. This caused variety of opinions amongst the Cardinals, it being plain, that, if there were not a continuation of the Council of Trent, all the things already determined would be vain and void, having never been confirmed by any Pope. This was proposed in Congregation by his Holiness, whereof they consulted Wherein the Cardinals are divided in opinion. and spoke much, without giving of voices; which being demanded in another Congregation, Carpi shown at large, that it was necessary to continue the Council, removing the suspension only, and was followed by Cesis and Pisano. But the Cardinal of Trent, who was next, said, that in a matter where they were to treat de summa rerum, full of so many difficulties, it was better to think a little more on it. And this opinion was followed by all the other Cardinals. And, fitly, the next evening a Currier came in haste, to Rome out of France, with protestations from the King, that, if the general The protestation of the French King sent to Rome. Council were not called, he could no longer defer the Nationall: and that they were not to think of Trent, or any place in Italy, in regard the Council having been desired so many years for the necessities of Germany, and now the danger of France being added, it was meet to hold it in a convenient place for both the nations: otherwise it would be in vain, if the Germans and Frenchmen went not thither, adding, that if any place in France were chosen, it should be most secure. In the end the Pope thought not fit to delay it any more, but the fifteenth of November resolved in the Consistory to make, the next Sunday, a Procession, in sackcloth and ashes, giving A Procession and jubilee for the determination to celebrate the Council. a jubilee, and singing the Mass of the holy Ghost, for the determination made to celebrate the Council in Trent; concluding that if, after it was assembled, it seemed commodious to translate it to another place, he would do it, and go himself also in person, so that it were secure. He added, that he could find Arms to use, if any went about to infringe the things determined, and began to consider of the tenor of the Bull. Every day a Congregation A great question in Rome whether the continuation should plainly be declared. was held, to resolve whether they should plainly declare the continuation, taking away the suspension (as he desired) that the things determined might not be disputed on again, or examined. The Imperialists, and French men laboured much with the Pope and the Deputies, that it might be called a new Council, that the Dutch and Frenchmen might go thither, saying, they might resolve in it, that the things already handled might not be handled again, otherwise it were in vain to speak of a Council to reduce the Protestants, giving them occasion at the first to refuse it, and to say they could not submit themselves to those who have condemned them before they were heard. On the contrary, the Spaniards and Duke of Florence, who was then in Rome, laboured that the suspension only might be removed, and a continuation declared. The Pope and deputies took a middle way hoping both parties would be satisfied. A jubilee was published and sent into all places, and the 24. day the Pope, with the College of Cardinals, & all the Court, went on foot, with a solemn Procession, from S. Peter's Church to Minerva, in which there was great confusion. For the Ambassadors who were wont to go before the Cross, perceiving that the BB. did follow, and after them the Duke of Florence between 2. minor Cardinals, they would have that place also. Whereupon there arose a disorder; for composing whereof, after some contestation, the Pope gave them place between himself and the Cardinals who went before him. The 29. day the Convocation of the Council was published in the Consistory, the Bull whereof was entitled, of the Intimation of the Council of Trent, the Latin word was Indictionis. And it was so printed in many places, though afterwards when the whole body of the Council was printed, the word, Celebrationis, was used. The tenor of the Bull was; That the Pope, from the beginning of his assumption, did apply his mind The Bull of the intimation of the Council. to the rooting out of heresies, extinction of divisions, and amendment of manners; for remedy whereof he resolved to celebrate a general Council, that Paul the third, and julius had assembled it before, but could not finish it; and relating all the occurrences under those Popes, ascribeth the success to diverse impediments, promoted by the enemy of mankind, at the least, to defer so great a benefit of the Church, which he could not absolutely hinder; saying, that in the mean while the heresies and divisions were multiplied. But it having pleased GOD to give peace to Christian Kings and Princes, he conceived hope to put an end to the evils of the Church, by means of the Council, which he would not defer any longer, that hee-might take away schism, and heresies, reform manners, and preserve peace amongst Christians. Therefore, by the counsel of the Cardinals, and advice of Ferdinand, Emperor elected, and other Kings and Princes, whom he hath found ready to help forward the celebration, by the authority of GOD, and of the holy Apostles Peter and Paul, he doth intimate a general Council, in the City of Trent, to begin at Easter, removing all suspension whatsoever, exhorting, and commanding, under the canonical punishments, all Patriarches, Archbishops, Bishops, Abbats, and others, who have a deciding voice by law, privilege, or ancient custom, not being lawfully hindered, to be there before that day; admonishing those also in the same manner, who have, or may have any interest there; praying the Emperor, Kings, and Princes; to send their Proctors, if they cannot be personally present; and to cause their Prelates to perform their duty without excuse or delay, and to make the passage free and secure, for them and their company, as himself will do within his Territories, having no other end in celebrating the Council, but the honour of GOD, the reducing of the dispersed sheep; and the perpetual peace of Christendom; ordaining that the Bull should be published in Rome: and that by virtue thereof after the end of two months, it shall bind all that are comprehended, as if it had been personally intimated unto them. The Pope thought he had satisfied himself, those who would have a Did not please either party. new Council intimated, and those who desired a continuation of the old. But as middle counsels do usually displease both parties, so the Pope gave satisfaction to none, as shall be declared. Presently after the publication of the Bull the Pope sent Nicheto into France with it, with commission, if the form did not please, to say, that they should not except against the word Continuare, because it did not hinder them to speak again of the things already proposed. He sent it also to the Emperor, and King of Spain. He sent likewise Zacharias Delphinus, Bishop of Liesina, to the Princes of high Germany, and joannes Franciscus Comendone, Bishop of Zante, to those of Lowe Germany, with letters to them all, and with order, first to receive instruction from the Emperor how to treat with them, and then to execute their ambassage. He sent also the Abbot Martinengo to the Queen of England, to invite her and her Bishops to the Council, being persuaded so to do by the forenamed Edward Cerne, who promised him that his Nuncio should be received The Queen of England is invited to the Council. by one half of the Kingdom, by the Queen's consent. And although the Pope was put in mind to send Nuncij into England, and to Princes elsewhere, who do profess open separation from the Sea of Rome, would be a disreputation to him, yet he answered he would humble himself to heresy, in regard whatsoever was done to gain souls to CHRIST, did beseem that Sea. For the same reason also he sent Canobius into Polonia, with design to make him to go into Moscovia, to invite that Prince and Nation to the Council, though they have never acknowledged the Pope of Rome. Afterwards he returned to speak of the Council in Consistory, desiring to be informed of the learned men, of good life and opinion, of diverse. Provinces, fit to dispute and persuade the truth, saying he purposed to call many of them; promising that, after he had used all possible diligence to make all Christians come thither, and to unite them in Religion, though some, or many, refused to come, he would not forbear to proceed. Yet he was troubled, because the Protestants of Germany, unto whom a great part of France was united, would deny to come, or would demand exorbitant things, which he could not grant them, and doubted they might be able to disturb the Council with Arms. Neither did he hope to be assisted by the Emperor against them, in regard of his small forces. He confessed that the dangers were great, and the remedies small, and was perplexed and troubled in mind. The Bull of the Council going through Germany, fell into Protestants hands, assembled at the marriage of the Duke of Salzemburg, who did intimate a Diet in Namburg, to begin the twentieth of january. Vergerius wrote a book against this Bull, in which, after a great invective Vergerius writeth a book against the Bull. against the pomp, luxury, and ambition of the Court, he said, that the Council was called by the Pope, not to establish the doctrine of CHRIST, but the servitude and oppression of poor souls; that none were called, but those who were bound by oath to the Pope, so that not only all were excluded who are separated from the Church of Rome, but also men of the greatest understanding amongst themselves, taking away all liberty, in which only there was hope of agreement. At this time news came to Rome, that the French King had imprisoned The Prince of Conde is imprisoned, and a guard is set upon the King of Navarre. the Prince of Conde, and set a guard upon the King of Navare; which pleased the Pope much, as a thing which might wholly disturb the Nationall Council. And his hope was the stronger that he should receive no distaste, because advice came that the King was very sick, & in danger to die, which hindered the assembly of the States in Meaux. And, in the end, there was great alteration. For Francis, the French King, dying the fift of December, and Charles the ninth, of the age of ten years, succeeding, in regard of his minority, The French King dieth, & Charles the 9 succeedeth. the government fell principally upon the King of Navarre, as first Prince of the Blood. The Queen in other adhered to him; to maintain called continue 1560 PIUS 4. FERDINAND. ELIZABETH. CHARLES 9 The King of Navarre & Q. mother govern France 〈…〉 Which maketh the Protestants more confident. the authority which she had taken in the life time of her other 〈◊〉; and Navarre was content to participate with 〈…〉, the better to maintain his own. He did almost openly favour the new religion, and was wholly governed by the counsel of jasper Coligni, the Admiral, who did make profession of it; so that the Protestants were more confident to obtain liberty of religion, as they desired. They assembled almost publicly, with much discontent and indignation of the people, and danger of section. Hereupon the King's mother, and the chief of the Counsel resolved to hold the States in Orliens, and began to do it the 13. of December. Amongst other things, there proposed for the benefit of the Kingdom, The States are held in Orliens Where the Chancellor beginneth to speak. the Chancellor said, that religion is the most potent weapon, overcometh all affections, and charity, and is the forest bond of humane society; that Kingdoms are more bounded and more divided by Religion, then by the confines themselves; that he that is moved with Religion, contemneth wife, children, and kindred. If there be difference of religion in the same family, the father agreeth not with his sons, nor the brothers among themselves, nor the husband with the wife. To remedy these disorders, there is need of a Council, which the Pope hath promised: but in the mean while, it is not to be tolerated, that every one should shape out his own religion, and bring in new Rites at his pleasure, and so trouble the public pence. If the Council fail by the Pope's default, the King will make provision another way: but it was necessary that every one should amend himself, because a good life is a vehement orator to persuade; that the names of Lutherans, Hugonots, and Papists, no less factious than those of the Guelphs and Ghibilines, were to be taken away, and Arms to be taken against those who cover their avarice, ambition, and desire of innovation, with the 〈◊〉 of religion. john Angelo, advocate in the Parliament of Bourdeaux, spoke for the third john Angelo speaketh for the third Order. Order: he spoke much against the bad manners, and discipline of the Clergy, noting their ignorance, avarice, and luxury, as causes of all the evils; and did much discourse upon them: in the end, he demanded that all might be redressed by a sudden celebration of the Council. james, Earl of Rochfort, james, Earl of Rochfort, speaketh for the Nobility. spoke for the Nobility; who, amongst other things, said that all the evil did arise from the large donations, made by the King and other Grandees, to the Churches, especially of jurisdictions; a thing much inconvenient, that he that ought to give himself wholly to prayer and preaching, should exercise power over the lives and goods of the King's subjects; and that it was necessary to remedy these inconveniences. And, in the end, he gave a petition, demanding in the name of the Nobility, to have public Churches for their religion. jacobus Quintinus a Burgundian, spoke for the Clergy. He said, jacobus Quintinus speaketh for the Clergy. the States were assembled to provide for the necessities of the Kingdom, not to amend the Church, which cannot err, which is without blemish or wrinkle, and will always remain without corruption, though the discipline, in some small part, may need reformation. Therefore those are not to be harkened unto, who, renewing the Sects, long since buried, demand Churches apart from the Catholics, but are to be punished as heretics, and do not deserve that the King should hear them, who ought to force all his Subjects, to believe and live according to the form prescribed by the 1561 PIUS 4. FERDINAND ELIZABETH. CHARLES 9 Church, that those who have forsaken the Kingdom for Religion, ought not to be suffered to return, that those that are infected with here●i●, aught to be proceeded against capitally; that the Ecclesiastical discipline will easily be reform, if the Clergy be fried from paimene of T●●lls, and elections restored to the Chapters, it being observed, that, in the year 1517 wh●●●by the Concordate, the nomination of Ecclesiastical dignities was given to the The opinions of Luther began, when the Concordate was made. King, the heresies of Luther began, who was followed by Zainglius and others In the end, he demanded that all immunities and privileges of the Clergy should be confirmed, and all grievances removed. The King ordained that the Prelates should put themselves in order to go to the Council, which was intimated at Trent; commanded that all that The Ordinations of the King. were in prison for Religion, should be set at liberty, their Processes' 〈◊〉 the void, their offences, committed until that time, pardoned, and their goods restored He constituted a capital punishment, for those who gave offence for matter of Religion either in words or deeds. He admonished all to follow the rites used in the Church, without making any innovation. The residue was deferred until May next, when the petition presented by Rotchfort, was to be considered of. The Pope, understanding of the death of King Francis, together with the advice of the Cardinal Tornon, that the Queen was joined with Navarre, was troubled in mind, fearing the raines would be more given to the Protestants. Therefore he sent Lorenzo Leutio, Bishop of Eermo, and caused the King of Spain to send Io Manriques, to condele with the Queen; for the death of her son, and to pray her to be careful of the Religion in which The Pope sendeth a Nuncto to the Q. mother, and the King of Spain an ambassador. she was borne and bred, to remember the great benefits received from the Apostolic Sea, by the means of Clement, and not to suffer schism to arise, by too much licence, nor to seek remedies elsewhere for the evils present and imminent, but from the Church of Rome; for which end the Council was intimated; that in the mean space, she would take care that the Kingdom should not swerve from true piety, and that no prejudice should be done to the Council intimated. The year 1560 ended thus, leaving some seeds, from whence greater troubles did spring. The next year Manriques came into France, and delivered 1561 his Ambassage: Who having received from the Queen a pious and favourable answer concerning Religion and the Council, and speaking again of the same subject, as occasion was offered, did continually exhort her to proceed with punishments against the Hugonots, adding threats also to his exhortations. Navarre, contrary to all the Spanish designs, did oppose, The negotiation of the Spanish Ambassador. in regard of his pretensions to the Kingdom of Navarre. Manriques did combine with the house of Guise, and others who had the same design, to make him favour the Catholics, the Pope, and the Council, to propose unto him the patronage of the Catholic Religion in France, and that he would be divorced from his wife, joan of Alibert, Queen of Navarre, by inheritance, and would retain right to the Kingdom by the Pope's authority, of which she should be deprived for heresy by his Holiness, and would take to wife Mary Queen of Scots, by whom he should have the Kingdom of England, Elizabeth being deprived by the Pope● For effecting all this, the Guisards promised him the Pope's authority, and the forces of the King of Spain, who for Navarre, would give him the Kingdom of 〈◊〉 nia. These things they continually represented unto him in 〈◊〉 ●ormes; even until his death. In Germany, the Princes of the Augustan Confession, assembled 〈◊〉 The 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 concerning the Council. especially in regard of the Council, being ashamed that their religion should be esteemed a confusion for the variety of doctrines amongst the● 〈◊〉 propose that they might first agree in one, and then resolve whether they ought refuse refuse or accept the Synod. Concerning the first 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 said, that the difference was not essential, and that the Papists 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 substantially differ, dissenting even in the very foundations of Religion. They laid the Augustan Confession was to be the ground of their doctrine; and if they differed in any point not contained therein, it would be of small 〈◊〉 But there being diverse Copies of that Confession, which differed in regard of diverse additions made in diverse of them, some approving one, and some another, many thought they ought to take that only which was presented to Charles in the year 1530. Where unto 〈◊〉 of the Pulatinate did not consent, except it were declared, in a Proheme made unto it, that the other edition did agree with it. The Duke of Saxony answered; they could not stop the eyes and ears of the world, that they should not see and hear their differences, and that, if they would make show of union, where they were at variance they should be convinced of vanity and lying; and, after many contentions, they remained without agreement in that point. For the Council, some thought fit to refuse it absolutely, and others were of opinion, to send Ambassadors to make offer that they would go to a free and Christian Council and to propose the exceptions, of the suspicion of the Judges, of the inconveniency of that place, and others, often times proposed, to show they did not refuse the authority of a lawful Council, and that the union of the Church was not hindered by them, but by the ambition of the Coure of Rome: which would make the German Catholics more favourable 〈◊〉 them. And they concluded to make petition to the Emperor in this form. The two Nuncij, arriving in Austria at the same time, found the Emperor To which place the Popes two Nuncij are sent by the Emperor with three Ambasdors of his own. at Vienna, who gave them counsel to go both immediately to N●umburg, in Saxenie, where the Protestants were assembled in a Diet, and to treat as modestly with them as was possible, taking care not to exasperate or offend them. For, if they went to each of them into their own States, they would be posted from one to another, and would never have any certain answer, and when they had both performed this office jointly, they might divide themselves, and god apart to whom they were sent. He put them in mind of the Conditions with which the Protestants did formerly condescend to the Council, that, if mention were made thereof again, they might be prepared to reply, in the Pope's name, what they thought fit. The Emperor sent three Ambassadors of his own to go with them to the Assembly, and the King of Bohemia did recommend them to the Duke of Saxony, that they might go securely. The Emperor's Ambassadors, having had audience at the Diet, exhorted the Princes to assist in the Council, and to put an end to the 〈◊〉 of Germany. The Princes, after they had consulted together; thanked Caser, and concerning the Council, said they would not refuse it, if the word of GOD were to beiudge, if the BB. were released of their oaths, made to the Pope and the Sea of Rome, and if the Protestant Theologi●es might have 〈◊〉 But seeing that the Pope admitteth no Bishops to be in the Council but such as are sworn unto him, against which they The Protestants answer to the 〈◊〉 Ambassdor. have always protested, they could hardly agree unto it; that they were willing presently to represent so much to the Emperor with all respect, deferring their absolute answer until the Princes, then absent, were informed. Afterwards the Pope's Nuncij were brought in; who, having commended the Pope's 〈◊〉 and Religion, in reviving the Council, to extirpate 〈◊〉, in regard there are as many Religions and Gospels, as there are Doctors, said he had sent ●●inuite them, to help forward so laudable an enterprise, promising that all should be handled with Christian Charity, and that their voices shall be free●. They presented also the Pope's Briefs, written to each of them. The next day all the Briefs, sealed as before, were sent back, and the Nuntij called And to the Pope's Nuntij to receive an answer; which was to this effect: That they did not acknowledge any jurisdiction of the Bishop of Rome; that there was no cause to reveal their pleasure concerning the Council to him, who had no power either to call or hold it; that they had delivered their mind and determination to the Emperor, their Lord; that to the Nuncij, who were nobly descended, in a Commonwealth which they loved, they offered all good office, The Protestants do intimate another assembly, to begin in April. and would do more if they had not come from the Pope. Thus they did end the assembly; and did intimate another, to begin in April to finish the 〈◊〉 of uniting themselves together. The Nuncio Delphinus, delivered his Ambassage in diverse Cities as he returned. The negotiation of Delphinus. The Senate of Noremberg answered, that they would not forsake the Augustan Confession, not accept of the Council, as not having the conditions required by the Protestants. The Senates of Argentine, Francfort, Ausburg, and Vlma, answered in the same manner. Comendone parting from the Of Comendone. Diet, went to Lubec, from whence he sent to Frederic, King of Denmark, to demand his Safe conduct to come to him, to deliver to him the Pope's Ambassage, and, invite him to favour the Council. He answered, that neither Christian, his father, nor himself had ever any thing to do with the Pope, and therefore he cared not to receive any Ambassage from him. Both the Nuncij had a favourable answer from the Prelates; Princes, and City's Catholic, with promise of devotion to the Pope, but, concerning the Council, they said they were to treat with the Emperor, it being necessary to consult together, for fear of the Lutherans. jerolamus Martinengo, sent to Of Martinengo. the Queen of England for the same cause, being in Flanders, received commandment from her not to pass the Sea; and although the King of Spain and Duke of Alva did make earnest entreaty that he might be admitted, and heard, commending the cause of that Legation, that is, the union of all the Christian Church in a general Council, yet the Queen did persevere in her first resolution, answering that she could not treat with the Bishop of Rome, whose authority was excluded out of England, by consent of Parliament. Canobius, when he had delivered his Ambassage to the King of Polonia, by whom he was well received, could not go into Moscovia, by reason of the war between that Prince and the King. But going into Prussia, he was answered by that Duke, that he was of the Augustan Confession, and could not consent to a Popish Council. The Swisses, assembled in a Diet at Bada, herded the Pope's Nuncio, and, receiving the Brief, one of the Burgomasters of Zuric And of Canobius. did kiss it. The Pope, advertised hereof, could not choose but tell it to all the Ambassadors residing with him, with much joy. But, having consulted The Pope rejoiceth that his Bull was kissed by a Burgomaster of Zuric. of the business concerning the Council, the Catholics answered, that they would send thither, and the evangelics that they would not accept of it. The negotiation of the Nuncij in Neumburg being published in Rome, there was a whispering against the Pope, for sending Ministers to the Diet of the Protestants: wherein he excused himself, that it was not by his order, but by the Emperors, to whose direction he did defer the Nuncij; for which he did not blame him, in regard he did not care for nice points of honour, but only for doing of good. The Emperor, having consulted The Emperor excepteth against the Bull of the Council. with his Divines concerning the Bull of the Council, wrote to the Pope, that as Ferdinand, he could totally adhere to the will of his Holiness, and be content with any form of the Bull, and endeavour that all Germany should submit themselves to him; but as Emperor he could say nothing, until he was informed what was done by the Nuncij, and his Ambassadors, who went to the Diet of the Protestants in Neumburg. He was almost secure, that if the Pope had not declared, that the convocation of the Council was not a continuation, but a new Indiction, or that the points already decided might be reviewed, and handled again, the Bull would have been accepted. The French King wrote to his Ambassador in Rome the last of january, And so doth the French King. that there were some things to be reform in the Bull before he could receive it. For although the word Indictio, was used in the title, yet in the body of it there were words which did signify the removing of the suspensions of the Council already begun, which Germany suspecting, would undoubtedly require an interpretation of them: which would draw the Council in length, and not giving the Emperor satisfaction, and them, would cause so many divisions in Christendom, and so many difficulties, that it would be a Council in show only, without fruit or profit. That, for his part he was pleased that Trent should be the place, nor made any difference whether it were a new Indiction, or a continuation, in regard his Holiness was willing, as he was told by Nicheto, that the determinations already made may be disputed, and examined again: wherein, as the real performance would give satisfaction to all, so to take away fear, and secure every one, it was necessary to declare so much before hand, taking care to satisfy the Emperor by all means, without whom no good success of the Council could be hoped for. He said, that if all this were not performed, he would, as the purpose of his brother was, call a Nationall Council, which was the only remedy for the necessities of his Kingdom. He gave order to his Ambassador also to complain to his Holiness, that his brother having procured with such earnest entreaty, the opening of the Council, yet no honourable mention was particularly made of him in the Bull; the reason whereof every one knew to be, because he would not name the French King immediately after the Emperor. Notwithstanding all these respects, the King, to promote the business of Religion wrote at the same time to the Prelates of his Kingdom, to prepare themselves to go to the Council, and to be there at the time of the Convocation: of which letter he sent a copy to Rome. The Rope was advertised by his Nuncio, that the King spoke against the To whom the Pope answereth. Bull, by instigation of the Cardinal of Lorraine, and, after he heard the Ambassador's proposition, he answered, That he marvelled that the King, who doth not acknowledge any superior, would subject himself to the discretion of another Prince, & not refer himself to the Vicar of CHRIST, to whom it belongeth to moderate whatsoever doth concern Religion; saying, that his Bull was approved by all others, and had no need of reformation, and that he was resolved it should stand as it did. That, for naming the French King, he had not thought of it, and that the Cardinals, to whom the composition of it was committed, thought it sufficient to name the Emperor and all Kings in general; otherwise, naming one in particular, it would have been necessary to have done the like in all the rest; that himself took care only of the substance of the Bull, leaving all the rest to the Cardinals. This answer did not satisfy the Frenchmen, who thought their preeminence was not to be passed over in general terms, in regard as well of their greatness, as of their merits towards the Apostolic Sea. In the end, the Pope gave them contentment, saying he could not have his eye upon all things, but would be careful not to commit any error hereafter. Yet he made no great account of that kingdom, seeing that, without any respect of his authority, they intermeddled in things properly belonging to him: as in pardoning heretics, and ordering things Ecclesiastical, though reserved The Pope doth not esteem France. to himself. For the States assembled in Orleans in january, did ordain that the Bishops should be elected by the Clergy, with the assistance of the judges of the King, twelve of the Nobility, and as many of the people; that no money should be sent to Rome for Annats; that all Bishops and Curates should reside personally, upon pain of losing the fruits of their Benefices; that in every Cathedral Church a Prebend should be reserved for a Reader in Divinity, and another for a Schoolmaster, that all Abbats, Abbesses, Priors, and Prioresses should be subject to the Bishops, notwithstanding any exemption; that nothing should be exacted for administering the Sacraments, for Burials, or other public functions; that Prelates should not use censures, but for public faults and scandals; that women should not make profession to be of any religious order, before the age of twenty years, nor men before the age of five and twenty, until which time they might dispose of their goods to whom they pleased, except to the Monastery; that the Ecclesiastiques should not receive Legacies, or any thing left unto them or given them by last will. And other things also were ordained, for better reformation of the Church, and of the Clergy, which though they were not then published, yet the Nuncio sent them to the Pope, and those that governed France, thought it sufficient to give satisfaction in show only, to those that required a reformation, not caring that any thing should be executed. But, on the contrary, the King's Divines in Spain did not approve the Bull, because it did not plainly say, it was a continuation of the Council already begun, yea, they thought, though the affectation of ambiguity were manifest, that it was plainly a new intimation, and some of them held, that The King of Spain excepteth against the Bull. it might be drawn from the words of a clear consequence, that the Determinations made already in Trent, might be reexamined; which they said was dangerous, would embolden the Protestants, and might cause a new division amongst the Catholics. The King would not publish or receive the Bull, upon pretence that the words were ambiguous, and that it ought to be expressed plainly, that it was a continuation of the Council, and that the things already determined might not be called into question: but the And is angry with the ●ope for receiving the Ambassador of the K. of Navarre in the King's hall. true cause was, for that the King of Navarre, having sent the Bishop of Cominges to tender his obedience to the Pope, according to the custom, he received him in the King's Hall, and as Ambassador of the King of Navarre, thinking it prejudicial to his possession of that Kingdom, to which he had no title but by the excommunication of julius the second, and because he gave audience to Monsieur de Cars, who came to entreat him in the same King's name, to be a means that the Kingdom might be restored to him, or satisfaction given him, and had promised his pains herein. The Pope sent the Bishop of Terracina, expressly, into Spain, to justify and excuse what he For which two causes the Pope sendeth a Nunci● into Spain. had done in favour of the King of Navarre, and to expound, as it were by occasion, the meaning of the Bull. To those that were afraid, in regard of the contrary opinions of so great Princes, he answered, that as a loving father, he had invited all, but that he esteemed the Protestants as lost, and that the Catholics of Germany could not adhere to the Council without making a separation from the others, and raising a war: and if any Catholic Prince would forsake him, he would proceed by his own authority, as did julius the third, without the French King. But he told his inward friends, that he accounted all these troubles to be indifferent, in regard, not knowing the issue of them, he might as well hope for a good success, as fear a bad. In the mean space he saw that he received some benefit by this uncertain Council, because it served him as a bridle for Prince and Prelate, in attempting any novity, and for a colour to deny unpleasing The unccrtainty of the Council did stand the Pope in some stead. suits, saying that the Council being opened, he ought to proceed warily, and with respect, and not to be prodigal in bestowing graces and favours: and when any great difficulty did arise, he did refer it to the Council. Only he was afraid that the bad affection of the Protestants towards the Church of Rome, might cause some excursion into Italy, which A difference about precedence between the Dukes of Florence and of Ferrara. would be derived wholly upon himself; and he saw an overture thereof by a difference of precedence between the Dukes of Florence and Ferrara, who descended to uncivil terms. Cosmo Duke of Florence, said he held the place of the Florentine republic, which was ever preferred before the Dukes of Ferrara. Alfonso, Duke of Ferrara, pretended that the Dukedom had continued in the house of his progenitors for many successions, whereas Cosmo was the first Duke of Florence, whose precedency could not be maintained by the right of the Republic, because it was no more in being. This Duke was favoured by Francis, as cousin to Henry the second: and brother in law to those of the house of Guise. The other grounded himself upon a sentence of Charles the fifth, in his favour. Alfonso made instance in Germany, that the Emperor, with the Electors, would be judge of it in a Diet. The Pope thought it dangerous that the Diet of Germany should give sentence concerning Italy, which did by consequence import an execution, and danger of Arms. For remedy whereof, he wrote to both the Dukes, that it belonged only to the Apostolic Sea, and Vicar of CHRIST to give sentence in such causes, commanding them both to show him their proofs, and to expect his determination. And to be prepared for all events, he resolved to fortify the Castle of Rome, and the City Leonina, commonly called Borgo, and other places in his State, as he thought convenient, and imposed a tax, of three julij, upon every measure of corn called a Ruby, throughout his whole Territory. And not to give cause of jealousy to Princes, he called the Ambassadors of the Emperor, Spain, Portugal, and Venice, to whom he imparted his determination, and his reasons, commanding them to advertise their Princes of it: and said, that the Subsidy laid upon his Subjects would be but small, less than that which was imposed by Paul 4. when he commanded the celebration of the Chair of Saint Peter; because by his imposition, the poor man paid but three julij a year, but by the Feast of Paul 4. did lose five, and that day's work. The time prefixed to begin the Council approaching, the Pope, not to The Pope appointeth Precedents for the Council. fail in any thing that was to be performed by him, deputed Legate to preside, Hercules Gonzaga, Cardinal of Mantua, a man eminent, in regard of the greatness of his house, of his brother Ferandus, and of his own virtue. He used the Emperor to persuade him to accept, and was confident of his worth and dexterity. To him he joined jacobus Puteus, of Nizza, an excellent Lawyer, who was exercised a long time, first in the Rota, and then in the Signature; saying that he purposed to make three more, and that; if he could not find able men in the College, he would create new Cardinals, Divines, and Lawyers, men of honesty, for this employment. And he called a Congregation of Cardinals and Prelates, to give order for all things necessary for the beginning of the Council in Trent, at the time appointed: and letters came very fitly from the French King; and, in conformity of The French King accepteth the Bull. them, his Ambassador, Mounsiear of Angolesme, did declare unto him, that he was content with the Council upon any terms, being desirous to see the effect of it, and that fruit which all Christendom did require. And he sent Mounsieur de Ramboullet expressly unto him, to make the same request, and to represent unto him the necessities of France, and to tell him of the instance made unto him herein, by the States assembled in Orliens; signifying unto him, that, if this remedy were not quickly applied, he should be constrained to receive a medicine in his own Kingdom, by an Assembly of his Prelates, in regard there was no means to compose the differences of Religion, but by a free General Council, or, in defect thereof, by a Nationall. The Pope answered that none did desire the Council more than himself, the delay whereof proceeded not from him, but from the diverse opinions of Princes, for whose satisfaction he had given such a form to the Bull, as seemed most fit to content them all. They changed their opinion in France, because, being in as bad a state as might be, thought that every mutation made elsewhere would better their condition. Viterbo wrote out of Spain that the King did approve his propositions, and that, after some consultation with his Prelates, was finally resolved to accept the Bull, without making any difficulty, and to send his Prelates as And so doth the King of Spain. soon as the season was fit for travel, and an honourable Ambassage, to assist in the Council. He sent advice also that the Prelates of Portugal were already parted from their houses, and that the King would send an Ambassador; but that he had perceived that some of those Prelates had a purpose, The Pope is troubled with the design of the Portugal Divines. that the superiority of the Council above the Pope should be defined in the Synod, which point they had studied, and caused many Divines to do the like. The Pope was troubled with this advice, and considered what he might look for when the Prelates were assembled in the Council, and did treat altogether, who had such high thoughts before they parted from home, and feared that the King and his Counsel had a finger in it. Yet, as a wise Prince, he considered, that when the Council was held, not that novity only would be proposed, but many more to the disadvantage of others as well as of himself: saying that every weight had his counterpoise, and that of the things that are attempted, not one in a thousand doth take effect. He was more attentive to the enterprises of the Frenchmen, as being more imminent, and of persons who are not flegmaticall in resolving, as the Spaniards are. Therefore he imparted to the Ambassador every advice that came unto him, and told him in diverse conferences, that they were not to think of Nationall Counsels, assemblies, or Colloquies, in matter of Religion, because he could not but esteem them all for schismatical; that he prayed the King not to use those remedies, which would certainly reduce France, not only into a worse condition, but into the worst of all; that the difficulties of Spain being removed, the Council should certainly be celebrated, because those which do continue in Germany are not considerable; that the Catholic Princes and Bishops will consent and perhaps the Duke of Saxony also, as he hath made show, by separating himself from the others assembled in Neumburg; that he hoped the Emperor would assist personally, if there were need, as himself did promise to do, if he thought it fit, wherein he would not subject himself to the judgement of any but himself. Easter drawing near, which time was appointed to begin the Council, One of the Precedents falleth sick, and another is put in his place. and Cardinal Puteus being very sick, he put in his room Friar jerolamus, Cardinal Seripando a Divine of much fame, and caused him to departed presently, and to pass by Mantua, taking with him the other Legate, and to be at Trent at the time appointed. Notwithstanding which commandment they came not thither until the third feast of the resurrection, and found there nine Bishops who were arrived before them. The Pope was diligent to make the Italian Bishops put themselves in order; and therefore wrote effect all errors to the Viceroy of Naples, and to his Nuncio there, and caused his Ministers to persuade the Bishops of the State of Milan, to be ready for their journey to the Council, as soon as might be. He desired also the State of Venice to send the Bishops of their Territories in Italy, of Candia, Dalmatia, and Cyprus, with all possible expedition, and to create Ambassadors, to assist in the Council in the name of that Republic. The Italian Prelates were not easily moved, because they knew the beginning could not be before the consent of the The Italian Prelates are not so hasty to go to the Council as the Pope would have had them Emperor did come: which was still prolonged, because the Spaniards and Frenchmen were expected, before whose arrival in Italy they thought it superfluous to go to Trent. And many of them, especially the Courtiers, could not believe but that the Pope did counterfeit. But the truth was that, being assured he could not avoid the Council, he did desire to see it quickly. He said he knew what inconvenience the prolongation did cause, but knew not what the celebration might do: and thought that the enemies of his own person, and of the Apostolic Sea might do him more hurt in the time of the expectation, than they could do in the Council itself. And being of a resolute nature, he used the Proverb; It is better to prove the evil once, then always to fear it. While these delays were used, the Duke of Savoy made a composition The Duke of Savoy maketh 〈◊〉 composition with the Waldenses of Montsenis. with the Waldenses of the Valleys of Montsenis. For, having made more than a years trial to reduce them by punishments, and, after they stood upon their guard, as hath been said, maintained Soldiers against them, for which the Pope did assist him with money, howsoever they proceeded rather with skirmishes, than any set war, because of the craggednesse of the Country, yet, at the last, they came to a formal battle, in which the Duke had a great overthrow, lost seven thousand men, and slew but fourteen of the enemies: and although he did often repair his Army, yet he had always the worse. By reason of a great overthrow. Therefore considering he did nothing but make his Rebels more warlike, consume his own Country, and spend his money, he resolved to receive them into favour, and made an agreement with them, the fifth of june; in which he pardoned all faults past, gave them liberty of conscience, assigned them certain places, where they might make their Congregations, in other places gave them leave to comfort the sick, and do other duties of religion, but not to preach; gave leave to those that were fled to return again, and restitution of goods to those that were banished. It was agreed also that the Duke might send away which of their Pastors he pleased, and that they might provide themselves of others; that the Roman Religion might be exercised in all places, but no man enforced to profess it. The Pope was much distasted that an Italian Prince, assisted by him, and not so potent but that Which giveth distaste to the Pope. he might still have need of him, should permit heretics to live freely in his state: and the example did trouble him above all, because it would be alleged to him by greater Princes, when they would permit another religion. He made a bitter complaint hereof in the Consistory, comparing the ministers of the Catholic King with that Duke, who having, at the same time, discovered three thousand Lutherans, who went out of Cosenza, and retired themselves to the mountains, to live according to their doctrine, did hang some, burn others, and put the rest into the Galleys; and he exhorted all the Cardinals to think of a remedy. But there was great difference between oppressing a few disarmed persons, fare from help, and over coming a great number of armed men in a place advantageous for them, with potent succours at their shoulders. The Duke sent to iustific his cause, and the Pope, not able to answer his reasons was pacified. In France, though the Queen and Prelates did desire to satisfy the Pope, in referring the causes of religion to the Council, yet a congregation of the Who was pacified by the 〈◊〉. The Pope is offended with the Congregation of the Prelates in France. Prelates was put in order: in which, howsoever the Ambassador assured the Pope, that nothing should be spoken of doctrine, nor any thing preludiciall to his authority, but only a course set down how to pay the King's debts, to provide against some abuses, and to consult what was to be handled in the general Council, yet his Holiness was not satisfied, yea was of opinion that they thought, that to provide against abuses, was to hinder the profits of the Court, and that to consult of the Council, was to join with the Spaniards (whereof he had some intelligence) in the point of the supreme power of the Council, even over the Pope. And, by reason of the dissensions between the Grandees of the Court, spread also over all the Provinces because every one sought to increase his faction, there being a great liberty of speaking; the professors of the new religion were plainly discovered, and protected by the greatest about the King, with much indignation of the Catholics. Whereupon there were contentions and discords throughout the whole Kingdom, calling one another, in scorn, Papists, and Hugonots, the Preachers making the people tumultuous, and every one having diverse ends. He plainly saw, that if the Catholic party had not all the same aim, some great inconvenience would arise; for preventing whereof, and to cross those designs, he thought it necessary to have a Minister there, a man of authority, and not a French man, who would have more interest in the kingdom, then in the service of the Apostolic Sea; and resolved to send a Legatethither. And casting his eye upon all the Cardinals, he made choice Into which Kingdom he sendeth for Legate the Cardinal of Ferrara. of Ferrara in whom all necessary qualities did concur; singular wisdom, dexterity in negotiations, nobility of birth, being allied to the Royal house of France, brother in law to the King's great Aunt, daughter of Lewis the 12, and so near a cousin to those of Guise, (the Duke's wife being the Cardinal's niece) that they could not choose but favour him, in regard of their nearness in blood. He gave him four particular Commissions; to favour the Catholics, and oppose the Protestants; to divert the Nationall Synod, and And giveth him four commissions. assembly of the Prelates; to solicit the going of the Prelates to the Council; and to cause an abrogation of the constitutions, made in matters Ecclesiastical. While the Legate was preparing to go, there fell our an accident which made the King's nearest friends fear the Catholics, as much as the Protestants. For the fourteenth of july, Arthurus Defiderius was apprehended A supplication sent out of France into Spain. near to Orleans, who was sent into Spain with a Supplication, written in the name of the Clergy of France, in which they demanded the assistance of that King against the Protestants, because they could not be suppressed by a boy and a woman, with other more secret instructions in cipher, to be imparted to his Majesty. This man being imprisoned, and interrogated of the confederates, discovered some, whom it was dangerous to make known: for which cause they resolved to proceed no further, but condemned him to make honourable satisfaction, to tear the supplication, and to be perpetual prisoner in the Monastery of the Carthusians. But many of his confessions being divulged, the King's Counsel thought fit to give the other party some satisfaction. Whereupon the King did prohibit the names of Hugonotes and Papists, ordaining that no man, under pretence of discovering the Congregations for religion, which were forbid, should enter with The King maketh an ocdination in favour of the Protestants. many or few, into another man's house; that those who were in prison for religion should be set at liberty, and that those which fled, since the time of Francis the first; might return and repossess their goods, in case they would live like Catholics, or, if they would not, might sell them, and go to another place. The Parliament of Paris did oppose, and said, it was a kind of grant of liberty of religion, which was never known in France; that the return of the fugitives would cause great troubles, and that the liberty to sell their goods, and go to another place was against the laws of the Kingdom, which do not give leave to carry foorthany great quantity of money. But notwithstanding all these oppositions, the Edict was executed; so that the Protestants being increased in number, and making more and greater assemblies than they were wont, the King, with the Queen and Princes, went into the Parliament to provide a remedy, by the mature counsel of men skilful in matters of State and justice. The Chancellor said, they were not to speak of Religion, but of making provision against daily tumults, which did arise by the means of it; lest being made licontious, by raising of stirs, they might lay aside all obedience to the King. There were three opinions. 1. To suspend all punishments against the Protestants, until the decision of the Council. 2. That they should be capitally proceeded against. 3. That they should be punished by the eclesiastical Court, forbidding their Congregations, either public or private, and liberty to preach, or administer the Sacraments, but after the Roman fashion. In conclusion, they took a middle course, and made an Edict, which is called the Edict of july. That all should abstain from doing injuries, and live in peace; The Edict of july. that the preachers should not raise tumults, upon pain of death; that none should preach or administer the Sacraments, but according to the Roman Rite; that the Ecclesiastiques should be judges of heresy; that if the person guilty were delivered to the Secular power, no greater punishment should be inflicted then banishment, and this to continue till a General or National Council did determine otherwise; that all those who have moved any tumult, for the cause of Religion, should be pardoned, living hereafter in peace, and like Catholics. Afterwards treating how to accommodate the controversies, it was ordained that the Bishops should meet in Poisi, the tenth A Colloquy is ordained at Poisi. of August, and that the Protestant Ministers should have a Safe Conduct to come thither. This was contradicted by many of the Catholics, who thought it strange, dishonourable, and dangerous to put the Religion of their predecessors, received until that time, to compromise, and in hazard. In which the Card of Lorraine undertaketh to confute the heresiques. But they yielded at the last, because the Cardinal of Lorraine promised largely that he would confute the heretics, and take the burden upon himself; wherein he was assisted by the Queen, who, knowing his desire to make ostentation of his wit, was willing to give him satisfaction. The Pope had news at once of these two Edicts; in which he found some thing to commend, and something to blame. He commended the Parliament, for maintaining the cause of religion; and blamed it, because they had ordered it contrary to the Decretals, not to proceed to any greater censure then banishment. His conclusion was, that when the malady is greater than the remedy, it ought to be made lighter by patience. But the imminent danger of the assembly of the Prelates, especially together with the Protestants, he thought was intolerable, and said, he would do the best he could to hinder it; wherein if he should not be able to prevail, yet he was without fault. Therefore he treated effectually with the Ambassador, and with the King, by his Nuncio, that, seeing the Assembly could not be omitted, yet at the least the arrival of the Cardinal of Ferrara might be expected, that being made in presence of an Apostolical Legate, with absolute authority, it might be lawful. He wrote also to the Prelates, that their power did not extend so fare as to make Decrees in matter of Religion, or Ecclesiastical discipline, and that if they went beyond their bounds, he would not only make all void, but proceed against them with all severity. Neither the Nuncio nor the Ambassador could prevail, in regard that not only the Pope's adversaries did oppose, but even the Cardinal of Lorraine himself, with his adherents; and it was told the Nuncio in the King's name, that the Pope might rest secure, because nothing should be resolved on, but by the opinion of the Cardinals. But for all this, the affairs of the Church did precipitate: and in Rome The Council of the French King determineth that the Princes of the Blood ought to precede the Cardinals. it was thought to be a great fall, that there being a controversy for precedency between the Cardinals and Princes of the Blood, in the Assembly of the States continued in 〈…〉 outoise, the King's Counsel did determine it against the Cardinals, and the Cardinals Chastillon and of Armignac did yield though Tornon, Lorraine, and Guise departed, disdaining and murmuring at their Colleagues. And the Deputy of the third Order, who spoke against the Clergy, was heard with applause, objecting to them ignorance, and luxury, demanding that all jurisdiction should be taken from them, and the revenues, and a Nationall Council held, wherein the King or Princes of the Blood should preside; and that in the mean time those, who do not receive the Romish ceremonies, might assemble, and preach, in the presence of a public Minister of the King, that it might plainly appear that nothing is done against him. They treated also of applying to the public a part of the Ecclesiastical revenues, and many other things against that order; and the number of those who did favour the Protestants, did still increase. The Clergy, to free themselves, were forced to promise to pay the King four tenths yearly, for six years, and so the humours, stirred against them, were quieted. And, The pope is discontented with a letter sent unto him by the Queen mother. which was the greatest precipice, the Queen wrote a long letter to the Pope, dated the fourth of August, showing the imminent dangers for the differences of Religion, and exhorting him to use some remedy; she said there were so many separated from the Church of Rome, that it was impossible to reduce them, either by law or force; that many of the Grandees of the Kingdom did draw others by their example; that there being none of them who deny the Articles of Faith, nor the six Counsels, many did advice to receive them into the Communion of the Church; but if this did not please, and that it seemed better to expect a General Council, in the mean space, in regard of the urgent necessity and danger of delay, it was necessary to usesome particular remedy, by making Colloquies of both parties, by admonishing them to abstain from injuries, contentions, and offensive words, by clearing the minds of those who were not aliened as yet, taking from the place of adoration the Images, prohibited by GOD, and condemned by S. Gregory; by removing from Baptism, spittle, and exorcisms, and other things, not instituted by the word of GOD; to restore the use of the Cup in the Communion, and prayers in the vulgar tongue; that the first Sunday in every month, or more often, the Curates should call those who will communicate, and, singing Psalms in the vulgar, should, in the same also, pray for the Prince, and Magistrates, for the salubrity of the air, and fruits of the earth; then, expounding the places of the Evangelists, and of S. Paul, concerning the Eucharist, they should come to the Communion; that the Feast of Corpus Christi should be taken away, because it is instituted only for pomp; that if the Latin tongue must be used in prayers, yet the vulgar should be added, for the benefit of all; that the Pope's authority should not be diminished, nor the doctrine changed, in regard it is not just to take away the ministry, because the Ministers have erred. It was thought that she wrote these things at the persuasion of john Monluc, Bishop of Valence, with too much French liberty, and they troubled the Pope very much, considering the time, full of suspicions, when a Nationall Council was spoken of, and a Colloquy intimated in Poisi. Having well considered all, he resolved to dissemble, and not to answer, but only that, the Council drawing near, whatsoever was thought necessary might be there proposed, with assured hope that no resolution should be made but for the service of GOD, and peace of the Church. These occurrences did confirm the Pope in his opinion, that the Council was profitable both for himself and the Court, and that it was necessary to celebrate it for his defence, against the preparations which were and might be made. And he shown tokens of joy, for the letters which came unto him, the 24 of August, from the Emperor, in which he said that he But is comforted by another, received from the Emperor. did absolutely consent unto the Council, and that he did not declare himself until then, that he might more easily win the Princes of Germany; but now, not being able to do any more, he prayed him to continue his endeavours, in hastening the celebration. Having called together all the Ambassadors of Princes, and most of the Cardinals, so that it was almost a Consistory, he shown the letters to them all, saying, it was worthy to be written in letters of gold; that the Council would be most profitable; that it was not to be deferred; that it would be souniversall that the City of Trent would not be able to receive it, and that it would be necessary to think of translating it to a place more large and fertile. His discourse was approved by all that stood by, though some thought it dangerous to name the translation in the beginning, in regard that every little suspicion might either hinder or delay the Council. Others believed that this would not displease the Pope, and that he cast forth that word to open a gate where the difficulty might enter. It being not only resolved, but generally known that none of the Dutch Prelates would come to Trent, and a doubt made also, in regard of the Colloquy instituted, that the Frenchmen would treat only amongst themselves, and that the Council would consist of noens but Italians, except some few Spaniards, the Italians were of opinion, that a few of them would serve the turn, so that many of them used means to the Pope to be excepted; who told them plainly, that he was assured that all the Vltramontans would come, The Italians desire to be excused from going to the Council, but cannot obtain leave of the Pope. full of hopes to subject the Popedom to the Council, which being the common interest of Italy, whereby it is preferred before other Nations, they ought to go all thither for the public defence; that he would not exempt any, but rather take all hope from them, saying, that they might be assured thereof, seeing how diligent he was in sending the Legates thither. For, besides the Cardinal of Mantua and Scripando, he had sent Stanislaus Osius, Cardinal of Varmia. The next day, having published the Emperor's letters, he called a general congregation of all the Cardinals, though it were Sunday. He treated of many particulars concerning the beginning and progress of the Council; and promised to assist the poor Prelates with money, but upon condition they should go thither; and allowed them but eight days to begin their journey. He shown how necessary the Council was, in regard Religion was banished, or endangered in some place every day. And he spoke the truth. For in Scotland, in an assembly of all the Nobility of The Roman Catholic religion is banished out of Scotland. the kingdom, it was constituted that there should be no more exercise of the Roman Catholic Religion. In August the Prelates did assemble in Poist, where they treated of the reformation of the Clergy, without making any conclusion. Afterwards, the Protestant Ministers being come, in number fourteen, who were called, and secured by a safe conduct, amongst whom Peter Martyr, a Florentine, who came from Zuric, and Theodore Beza, who came from Geneva, were the chief, they gave a petition to the King which had four parts. 1. That The Colloquy of Poisi in France. the Bishops might not be judges in that business. 2. That the King with his Counselors would preside. 3. That the controversies might be decided by the word of God. 4. That that which was agreed on, and decreed might be written by Notaries elected by both parties. The Queen would have one of the four Secretaries of the King to write, and granted that the King should preside; but so, that this should not be committed to writing, alleging that it was not fit for them, nor profitable for the King, considering the present times. The Cardinal of Lorraine desired the King's presence in the public assembly, that it might be more frequent, and adorned, to make ostentation of his worth, promising himself a certain victory. Many of the Divines persuaded the Queen not to suffer the King to be present, that those tender cares might not be envenomed by pestiferous doctrine. Before the parties were called to the combat, the Prelates made a procession, and did all communicate, except the Cardinal Chastillon, and five Bishops. The other protested one to another, that they meant not to handle points of doctrine, nor matters of faith. The second of September they began, in presence of the King, Queen, Princes of the blood, and the King's Counsellors, together with six Cardinals, and forty Bishops. The King, as he was instructed, made an exhortation, that, being assembled to remedy the tumults of the kingdom, and to In which the King speaketh biterely. correct the things that were amiss he desired they should not departed before all differences were composed. The Chancellor spoke more at large to the same purpose, in the King's name, and said particularly that the disease being And the Chancellor at large. urgent, did require a present cure; that the remedy which could be expected from the Council, besides that it would be slow, would proceed from men, who, being strangers, know not the necessities of France, and are bound to follow the Pope's will; that the Prelates present, knowing the needs of the kingdom, and near in blood are more fit to execute this good work; that although the Council intimated by the Pope were held, yet the like of this hath been done at other times, and is not without example; that in the time of Charles the great many Counsels were held at once and that, many times, the error of a general Council hath been corrected by a National, as Arianisme established by the general Council of Arimini, was condemned in France, by a Council called by S. Hilary. He exhorted all to aim at the same end, and the more learned not to contemn their inferiors, nor these to envy those; to avoid curlous questions; not to be averse from the Protestants, who were their brethren, regenerate in the same Baptism, worshippers of the same CHRIST. He exhorteth the Bishops to treat with them courteously, seeking to reduce them, but without severity, considering that much was attributed to them, in that they were suffered to be judges in their own cause: saying, that this did constrain them to proceed with sincerity, and that, in so doing, they should stop the mouth of their adversaries, but, transgressing the office of just judges, all would be invaine, and to no purpose. The Cardinal Tornon rose up, and, having thanked the King, Queen, and Princes, for the assistance they afforded to that assembly said that the Chancellor's propositions were of great importance, and not to be handled, or answered upon the sudden, and therefore desired they might be committed to writing, the better to deliberate upon them. The Chancellor did refuse and the Cardinal of Lorraine did urge it. The Queen, perceiving that this was required by the two Cardinals, to The Queen mother commandeth Beza to begin. draw the business in length, gave order to Beza to speak: Who, having prayed on his knee, and recited the profession of his faith, complained that they were accounted turbulent, and seditious, perturber of the public peace, though they had no other end then the glory of GOD, nor desired to assemble themselves but to serve him, and obey the Magistrates, appointed by him. Then he declared in what they do agree with the Church of Rome, and in what they descent, he spoke of faith, good works, of the authority of Counsels, sins of Ecclesiastical discipline obedience to Magistrates, and of the Sacraments and entering into the matter of the Eucharist, he spoke Who showeth too much heat. with such heat, that he gave but ill satisfaction to those of his own party; so that he was commanded to conclude. And having presented the Confession of his Churches, and desired it might be examined, he made an end. The Cardinal Tornon, full of disdain, rose up, and said, that the Bishops, even forcing their consciences, had consented to hear these new Evangelists, fore seeing they would speak many injurious things against God, and that but for the respect they bore to the King, they would have risen, and disturbed the Whereat Cardinal Tornon disdaineth. assembly. Therefore he prayed his Majesty, not to believe what they had said, because the Prelates would disprove it, so that he should see the difference between the truth and a lie, and demanded a day's time to answer, requiring that all should be removed from thence, that they might not hear those blasphemies. Wherewith the Queen, thinking herself to be touched, answered, that nothing was done but by the advice of the Princes, of the King's Counsel, and Parliament of Paris, not to change or innovate any thing in Religion, but to compose the differences, and to reduce those that wandered into the right way; which the Bishops were bound in wisdom to procure, by all good means. The assembly being dissolved, the Bishops and Divines consulted amongst themselves what to do. Some of them would have had a Confession of Faith written, unto which if the Protestants would not subscribe, they should be condemned for heretics, without any further disputation. Which opinion seeming too hard, after much discourse, they resolved to answer two of the points proposed by Beza; that is, of the Church, and of the Eucharist. The Congregation being assembled again the sixteenth of the month, the The Card. of Lorraine speaketh for the Catholics. Cardinal of Lorraine, in the presence of the King, Queen, and Princes, made a long Oration, and said; That the King was a member, not head of the Church; that it belonged to his care to defend it, and that, for matter of doctrine, he was subject to the Ecclesiastical Ministers; that the Church did not contain the elect only, any yet could not err; that when any particular Church is in an error, recourse must be had to the Church of Rome, Decrees of the general Counsels, consent of the ancient Fathers, and, above all, to the Scripture expounded in the sense of the Church; that the heretics, failing in this, have run into inextricable errors; as the moderns, for example, in the point of the Eucharist, in which, by an incurable itch of curious questions, they have used that which was instituted by Christ for a bond of union, to make an irreconciliable rent in the Church. And then he handled this matter, and concluded, that, if the Protestants will not change their opinion herein, there is no means of composition. When he had made an end, all the Bishops stood up, and said they would live and die in that Faith; they prayed the King to persevere in it; adding, that if the Protestants will subscribe to this article, they will not refuse to dispute the rest; but if not, they ought not to have any more audience, but to be chased out of the whole kingome. Beza asked leave to answer presently; To whom Beza was willing to answer and was not suffered. but it seeming not fit to equalise a private Minister, to so great a Prince Cardinal, the assembly was dissolved. The Prelates were willing the Colloquy should have been thus ended; but the Bishop of Valence told them it was dishonourable. Therefore the four and twentieth day it was assembled again in presence of the Queen, and the Princes. Beza spoke of the Church, But speaketh another day. and of the conditions and authority thereof; of Counsels, showing they may err, and the dignity of the Scripture. Claudeus Espenseus answered, that he had always desired a Colloquy in matter of Religion, and abhorred the punishments which the poor unfortunate people endured: but he much marvelled by what authority, and by whom the Protestants were called into the Ecclesiastical ministry, who had laid hands on them to make them And is answered by Claudius Espenseus. ordinary Ministers, and, if they pretended an extraordinary vocation where were the miracles to demonstrate it. Then he treated of Traditions. He shown, that there being a controversy of the sense of the Scriptures, recourse must be had to the Fathers; and that many things are believed by Tradition only, as the Consubstantiality of the Son, the baptising of infants, and the virginity of the mother of Christ after his birth. He added, that no general Council was ever corrected by another in point of doctrine. divers replies and disputations passed on both sides, between the Divines, who were present. And, there being a great contention, the Card of Lorraine making a silence, proposed the matter of the Eucharist, and said, that the Bishops were resolute not to proceed any further, if that Article were not agreed on; and then demanded of the Ministers, if they were prepared to subscribe the Augustan Confession in that Article. Beza asked whether he proposed that in the name of all, and whether himself, and the other Prelates would subscribe to the other points of that Confession: and receiving no answer either of the one or the other, he demanded, that that which was proposed to be subscribed unto, should be put in writing, that they might consult of it; and so the Colloquy was put off till the next day. In which Beza, who began to speak, did much provoke the Bishops. For having justified his vocation to the Ministry, he discoursed of the vocation Beza speaketh, again, and provoketh the Bishops. and ordination of Bishops, showing what Simony was committed, and demanding how it could be accounted lawful. The passing to the Article of the Eucharist, and the point of the Augustan Confession proposed unto him, he said it ought to be first subscribed by those who did propose it. The parties not being able to agree, a Spanish jesuite, one of the train of the Cardinal The sauciness of a Spanish jesuite. of Ferrara, who was at the Colloquy, having reproached the Protestants, did reprehend the Queen for meddling in matters which belonged not to her, but to the Pope, Cardinals, and Bishops. This arrogancy troubled the Queen's Patience; but, for the Pope's sake, and the Legates, she dissembled. Finally, not being able to conclude any thing by this manner of parley, it was A new course is taken. ordered, that two Bishops and three Divines, of the most moderate, should confer with five of the Protestants Ministers, to see if they could find out a way to make an agreement. They assayed to frame an Article of the Eucharist Which doth as little good as the former in general terms, taken out of the Fathers, which might give satisfaction to both parties, which because they could not do, they concluded the Colloquy. This did minister much matter of discourse. Some said it was a bad example to treat of errors once condemned, and that they ought no so much as to hear those who deny the foundations of Religion, which hath continued so long, and been so much confirmed, especially in the presence of ignorant people; and that, although nothing was resolved against the true Religion, it hath made the heretics bold, and grieved the Catholics. Others said, it would be generally good to handle these controversies often, because the parties would by this means become familiar; malice and other bad affections would cease, and many ways of composition might be found, and that there was no other course to extirpate the evil that had taken such deep root. For the Court being divided under pretence of religion, it was impossible they should be reconciled, except all obstinacy laid aside, they did tolerate one another, and take that cloak out of the hands of unquiet and turbulent people, with which they cover their bad actions. The Pope, understanding that the Colloquy was dissolved without doing Wherewith the Pope is well pleased. any thing, was very glad, and much commended the Cardinal of Lorraine, and Tornon more. The zeal of the jesuite pleased him, and said, he might be compared to the ancient Saints, having, without respect of the King and Princes maintained God's cause, and upbraided the Queen to her face. On the contrary, he reprehended the oration of the Chancellor, saying, The Chancellor of France is blamed in Rome, together with the whole government of that kingdom. it was heretical in many parts, and threatened to call him into the Inquisition. The Court also, when it was diuulged to them, was distasted with it, and conjectured that all the governors of the Kingdom had the same disposition toward Rome; and the French Ambassador had much ado to defend himself. That which happened to the Cardinal of Ferrara is not to be omitted, as The entertainment of the Cardinal of Ferrara in France. being of affinity to the matter whereof I writ. That Prelate was received at the first by the King and Queen, with much honour, and having presented the Pope's letters of credence, was acknowledged for Legate of the Apostolic Sea, by their Majesties, by the Princes, and Clergy. But the Parliament, having discovered that, amongst his Commissions, one was, to desire a revocation, or moderation, at the least, of the things accorded in the States of Orleans, the last of january, concerning the distribution of Benefices, and, particularly, the prohibition of paying Annates to Rome, and sending money out of the Kingdom to obtain Benefices there, or other favours, did immediately publish the Decrees, which had not been punished until that time, under the date of the thirteenth of September, that the Cardinal might not obtain his purpose; and did resolve not to give the Legate leave to use the Faculties given him by the Pope. For the custom of that kingdom is, that a Legate cannot exercise his office, if his Faculties be not first presented, and examined in Parliament, and regulated and moderated by a decree thereof, and confirmed in that form by the King's Brief; so that when the Bull of the Faculties of the Legation was presented, to be, as they say, approved, it was refused by the Chancellor and Parliament, alleging that it was already determined not to use any more dispensations against the rules of the Fathers, nor collation of Benefices against the Canons. But the Cardinal had a greater affront, in that Pasquins were made, and spread, both in the Court and City of Paris, concerning the loves of Lucretia Borgia, his mother, and Pope Alexander the sixth, his Grandfather by the mother's side, with repetition of the obscenities, diuulged throughout all Italy in the time of that Popedom, which made the Cardinal ridiculous to the people. The first thing he undertook was to hinder the preaching of the Reformatists, who after the Colloquy, did practise it more freely than before, and used persuasions, and made secret promises to the Ministers. And because he had no credit with them, in regard of his kindred with the house of Guise, for which reason also he was held suspected by all the opposites of that family, to gain reputation, he made acquaintance with the Nobles of the Huguenot faction, and went to their feasts, and sometimes was present at their Sermons His familiarity with the Hugonots. in the habit of a Gentleman. By all which he gained nothing, because many thought he did it as Legate, by consent of the Pope, and the Court of Displeaseth the Court of Rome. Rome was displeased with his actions. The Queen of France, understanding that the King of Spain took the Colloquy in ill part, sent jaques de Montbrun expressly to him; who made a large The Q. mother sendeth an Ambassador into Spain to excuse the Colloquy. excuse, that all was done for necessity, and not in favour of the Protestants, and that the King and Queen, without speaking any more of a Nationall Council, were resolved to send their Bishops to Trent, as soon as might be. The King answered him in general words, and referred him to the Duke of Alva; who, having heard his Ambaslage, said, that the King was sorry that, in a kingdom so near, and so nearly allied to him in kindred, religion should be so ill handled; that there was need of that severity which Henry used, in a Mercurial Congregation, and Francis in Amboise, not long since; he prayed the Queen to make provision, in regard, the danger of France belonging to him also, he was resolved by the advice of his Council, to employ all his forces, and his life also to extinguish the common pestilence; whereunto he was solicited by the Grandees and people of France. The wise Spaniards thought The Spaniards would have cured the maladies of Flanders, with the medicine of France. to cure the maladies of Flanders, by the medicine of France; which were not less, but only were less apparent, and tumultuous. The King of Spain could never make the States assemble, to obtain a contribution or donative; but private assemblies in Cambray, Valentia, and Tornay were discovered. The Magistrate having forbid them, and imprisoned some of them, they put themselves into Arms, with great danger of rebellion; and it seemed that the Prince of Orange, and Count Egmont were open favourers of them, especially after that the Prince had married Anne, daughter of Maurice, Duke of Saxony The Prince of Orange marrieth the daughter of the Duke of Saxony. deceased: which did much displease the King, foreseeing what issue such a marriage might have, contracted by one of his Subjects, with a Protestant of so great adherence. Yet the Spaniards spoke as if Flanders had been sound, and that they feared infection in France only, which they would have purged with war. And the Ambassador was answered concerning the King of Navarre, of whose business he had Commission to treat, that he deserved nothing, for the small care he had of religion, and that if he would have favour, he should first move war against the Hugonots in France. The Queen also excused the same Colloquy to his Holiness by the King's Ambassador in Rome, telling him, that, to put the Hugonots to silence, who said they were persecuted before they were heard, and to appease their commotions, the King was forced to grant them public audience, in the presence of the Princes, and officers of the Kingdom, resolving that, if they would not be overcome with reason, he would, after he had time to put himself in order, overcome them by force. She caused him also to treat with the Cardinal Farnese, Legate of Auignion, to resign that legation to the Cardinal of Bourbon, whereunto Farnese having given consent, the Ambassador spoke of it to the Pope in the name of him, and of the King of Navarre, saying; that his Holiness would be freed from charge, and the City secured from the Hugonots, who would not attempt aught against it, being in the protection of a Prince of the blood. Not only those who were skilful in the affairs of the world, but every one of any mean judgement, knew that this was done to take with ease the dominion of that City from Rome, and unite it to France. Therefore the Pope denied it absolutely, and related the proposition in Consistory, as if some great prejudice had been concealed under it, which did not appear at the first sight. And he much complained of the Queen and King of Navarre, who having often promised him that nothing should be done in France against his authority, yet they did favour heresies, and were authors of the Congregations of the Prelates, Colloquies, and of other prejudicial things. He said his gentleness was ill required, and therefore, that he would begin the Council suddenly, & by means thereof, make known the reverence which secular Princes own to the Church. He used the same complaint and threats to the Ambassador; who having replied that the demand of the Legation was to a good end, and that all the actions of the Queen were done with maturity and justice, added, that the Council was more desired by the King then by his Holiness, hoping it would proceed with the same equity and respect towards all Princes, not making difference of them. He used these words, to mock the Pope, who had granted a little before a great Subsidy to the King of Spain, to be paid by the Clergy, after he had obtained of him the simple Annates. But the Pope, suspecting the petition of avignon, and considering that the Vassals of that City were all Protestants fearing it might be usurped by the King of Navarre, did presently dispatch thither Fabri●ius Sorbellone, with two thousand foot, to lie there in garrison, and gave the government thereof to Lorenzo Lenci, Bishop of Fermo, as Vice-legate. After the Colloquy was ended, and the Protestants departed, the Prelates remained, to treat of the Subsidies to be given to the King; which the Queen thinking would give suspicion to the Pope, in regard of his often complaints assured him that they remained only to consult of the King's debts, and that, the congregation being ended, she would immediately give order to the Bishops to put themselves in a readiness to go to the Council. Notwithstanding they treated of the Communion of the Cup, the Bishop of Valence, A treaty in France about the Communion of the Cup. with consent of the Cardinal of Lorraine, proposing, that if it were allowed, the prosperous course of the increase of the Protestants would be interrupted, in regard that many, who do adhere unto them, do begin to believe them from this point, who would not hearken unto them, if this were granted freely by the Church. And those who understood the affairs of the world did consider, that, by this means, a faction would arise between the Reformatists themselves. Some few of the Bishops thought fit it should be constituted by the Edict, and immediately executed, saying that the whole Communion was not taken away by decree of the Church, but by custom only, and that there is no Ecclesiastical decree which forbiddeth the Bishops to return to the former use. But the mayor part would not consent it should be done, but by grant, or, at the least, by the favour of the Pope. Some few would not agree to any innovation, but were forced to yield to the greater number. This was much urged by Lorraine, who, to obtain the Pope's consent, thought it necessary to gain the favour of the Cardinal of Ferrara; and to win him the better, he persuaded the Queeneto hearken to his propositions, and to grant him something. The Cardinal had proceeded so sweetly and courteously with every one, even of the contrary religion, that he had gained the good will of many who did oppose him at the first. And his negotiation being examined, it was granted, by a Brief of the King, advised Leave is given to the Legate by the King's Brief to exercise his Faculties. thereunto by the most intimate of his Counsel, that the capitulations of Orleans concerning matter of Benefices should be suspended, and that the Legate might exercise his Faculties; but so, as that he should first promise under his hand writing, that he would not use them, and that he would be a means that the Pope should provide against all the abuses and disorders which are committed in the collation of Benefices, and dispatches of the Bulls in Rome. Notwithstanding the Coancelor refuseth to subscribe and Which the Chancellor refuseth to subscribe. seal the Brief, according to the style of the kingdom; and, it being impossible to remove him from his resolution, it was subscribed by the Queen, the King of Navarre, and by the Principal officers of the Kingdom: wherewith the Legate was content, more regarding the preservation of his own honour, than the service of him that sent him. For this favour, he was content to th●nke well of the Communion of the Cup, and to write thereof to Rome; which he did with such a temper, that neither the Pope nor Court were distasted. The Assembly of Po●si giveth the K. power to sell Church lands to the value of 100000. Crowns. In the conclusion of the assembly of Poisie, the Prelates granted power to the King to sell 100000. crowns of the yearly rents of the lands of the Church, so that the Pope would allow it. The King gave order to his Ambassador in Rome to make request for it, showing the necessity and utility of the grant; which the Ambassador did, just the day before letters came to the Pope from the Card of Ferrara, which gave him an account of the difficulties overcome, and how he had obtained a suspension of the capitulations of Orleans against the ecclesiastical liberty, and leave to use the Faculties of a Legate; which things, he said, were more hardly compassed, because the Cardinal of Lorraine, from whom he expected favour, had opposed him from the beginning. And he made a full narration The Legate informeth the Pope that there are but two ways to preserve religion in France. of the state of Religion in France, showing the danger that it would be quite extinguished, and the remedies to preserve it; which were only two. One, to give satisfaction to the King of Navarre, and to interest him in the defence of it. The other to grant the people generally the Communion Sub utraque specie; affirming that certainly, by this means, at the least two hundred thousand souls would be gained. The Ambassador, in The French Ambassador desireth the Pope to grant the Communion of the Cup to the Frenchmen. conformity hereof, beseeched the Pope in the name of the King, of the Church of France, and of the Prelates, that they might be dispensed with to administer to the people the Sacrament of the Eucharist under both kinds, as a profitable and necessary preparation, to dispose them to receive the determinations of the Council with readiness, without which it is much to be doubted that this remedy will find raw humours, which may causea greater disease. The Pope, according to his natural disposition, suddenly answered, without any premeditation, that he had ever thought that the Communion of both kinds, and marriage of Priests were de iure poisi●in●, in the disposition of which things he had as much authority as the whole universal Church: and therefore was thought to be a Luth 〈…〉 in the last Conclave. That the Emperor had made the same request for his son, the king of Boh●●ia, whose Who glueth a favourable answer. conscience did induce him to be of this opinion; and had demanded the like for the people of his patrimonial Territories, but that the Cardinals would never yield unto it. Notwithstanding he said he would not resolve of any thing without proposing it first in the Consistory, and promised to speak hereof in the next; which being intimated for the tenth of December, the Ambassador, according to the custom of those at whose instance any business is handled, went in the morning while the Cardinals were assembled expecting the Pope, to mediate with them. The most discreet amongst them answered, that the demand did deserve great deliberation, and that they durst not resolve until they had well considered of it; others were passionate, as at news never heard of before. The Cardinal of Cueva said, that he would never give his voice in favour of such a demand, and that if it were so resolved by authority of his Holiness, and the consent of the Cardinals, he would go to the top of the stairs of Saint Peter, and cry (misericordia) with a loud voice; not forbearing to say that the Prelates of France were infected with heresy. The Cardinal Saint Angelo answered, that he would never give a Cup full of such deadly poison to the people of France, in stead of a medicine, and that it was better to let them die; then cure them with such remedies. To whom the Ambassador replied; that the Prelates of France were induced to be of this opinion with good grounds, and Theological reasons, which deserved not such a contemptuous censure; and, on the other side, that it was not fit to give the name of poison to the Blood of CHRIST, and to call the holy Apostles poisoners, and the Fathers of the Primitive Church, and of that which followed for many hundreds of years, who, with much spiritual profit, have ministered the Cup of that Blood to all the people. The Pope, being entered into the Consistory, having discoursed with For which afterwards he was sorry. some Cardinals, and better thought of the business, wished he had been able to recall his word. Notwithstanding he proposed the matter, related the Ambassador's instance, caused the Legates letter to be read, and demanded their opinions. The Cardinals who were dependants on France, commended with diverse forms of words the King's intention, but, concerning the request, referred themselves to his Holiness. The Spaniards did all oppose; and used great boldness of speech, some calling the Prelates of France heretics, some schismatics, and some unlearned, alleging no reason but that all CHRIST is in both the kinds. The Cardinal Pacceco considered that all diversities of rites, especially in the most principal ceremonies do end with schism and hatred. For now the Spaniards in France go to the French Churches, and the French men in Spain to the Spanish, but when they shall communicate so diversely, one not receiving the Communion of the other, they will be forced to make Churches apart; and so behold a division. Friar Michael, Cardinal of Alexandria, said, that it could not by any means be granted by the Pope de plenitudine potestatis; not for want of authority in him over all which is de iurepositivo, in which number this is but in regard of the incapacity of him that demandeth the favour. For the Pope cannot give power to do enil; but it is an heretical evil to receive the chalice, thinking it to be necesary; therefore the Pope cannot grant it to such persons▪ And it cannot be doubted but that those who demand it do judge it necessary, because no man maketh any great matter of indifferent ceremonies. He said that these men do hold the Chalice either to be necessary, or not: if not, why do they give scandal, by making themselves differ from others? if otherwise, than they are heretics and uncapable of the grace. The Cardinal Rodolpbo Pio di Carpi, who was one of the last that spoke, because the inferiors do begin, concluded in conformity with the others, that not only the saving of two hundred thousand souls, but one only was a sufficient cause to dispense with any positive law, with wisdom and maturity; but in that proposition one ought to take heed, lest, thinking to game two hundred thousand, he lose two hundred millions. That it was manifest, that this would not be the last demand of the French men in matter of religion, but a step to propose another, that afterward they will demand the marriage of Priests, the vulgar tongue in the ministry of the Sacraments: which will have the same ground, because they are de iure positivo, and must be granted for the preservation of many. Of the marriage The inconvenience of the marriage of Priests. of Priests this inconvenience will follow, that having house, wife, and children, they will not depend on the Pope, but of their Prince, and their love to their children will make them yield to any prejudice of the Church. They will seek also to make the Benefices hereditary; and so in a short space, the authority of the Apostolic Sea will be confined within Rome. Before single life was instituted, the Sea of Rome received no profit from other nations and Cities, and, by it, is made Patron of many Benefices, of which marriage would quickly deprive her. Of the vulgar tongue this inconvenience would follow, The inconvenience of the vulgar tongue that all would think themselves Divines, the authority of Prelates would be disesteemed, and all would become heretics. If the communion of the Chalice were granted, so that faith were preserved, it would be of small importance; but it would open a gate to demand an abrogation of all posi●ue constitutions, by which only the prerogative given by CHRIST to The inconvenience of the communion of the Cup. the Church of Rome, is preserved, for by those which are de iure divino no profit doth arise, but that which is spiritual. For these reasons it is wisdom to oppose the first demand, not to be bound to grant the second and all the rest. The Pope, principally for these causes, did resolve negatively; and, to The Poperesolueth not to grant the Cup to the French men. make his resolution the less grievous, he caused the Ambassador to be persuaded to desist of his own accord, who not consenting, he caused him to be entreated, that, at the least, he would prosecute it gently, in regard it was impossible to yield unto him, for fear of aliening all the Catholics. The Ambassador still proceeding, the Pope first put him off with delay, and, in conclusion, answered, that howsoever he could▪ yet he ought not to yield to his request, because the Council was at hand, unto which he had referred the Emperor's petition, so he would do that of France, and, to gratify the King, would handle that article first of all, and so dispatch it in as little time as would be requisite to grant the grace with maturity. The Ambassador repeating this instance in every audience, the Pope added, that he was sure all the Prelates did not make that request, because the mayor part in the Congregation did resolve not to speak of it, saying that the name of the Prelates of France was used, whereas the motion proceeded but from a few, and those incited by others, meaning the Queen; against whom he bore a secret grudge, for the letter she wrote unto him the 4. of August. At the same time when the Petition of the French Prelates was published The French Prelates are suspected in Trent, and Rome. in Rome, news came out of Germany, that the same men had sent to the Protestants there, to persuade them to persevere in their doctrine, promising to favour them in the Council, and to draw other Prelates to do the like. This was diuulged in Trent also; and caused the Frenchmen to have but small reputation, both there amongst the Italians, and in the Court of Rome, where they were esteemed to be men of an unquiet spirit, and desirous of innovation. And it was said (as suspicions do always add something) in regard of the disputes which that Nation hath ever had with the Court of Rome, in very important Articles, and of the present accidents, that certainly they would go to the Council, with no other aim, but only to The Pope's expenses in the Council. cause troubles and innovations. The Ambassador, that the popular rumour against his Nation might not make an impression in the Pope's mind, was willing to secure him; who persuaded him ironically not to trouble himself, because it was not likely, nor could he believe, that so small a number as are the Frenchmen, could think of so great enterprises; and▪ if they did, that they should find many Italians who would oppose them. But he said, he was displeased that they had hindered the Council, which was assembled for their sakes only; which shown but small care in them to cure that sickness, whereof they complain; adding that he was resolved to open the Council; either with them, or without them, and to prosecute and dispatch it; and that his Legates and a great number of Bishops had been many months in Trent already, to their great trouble and charge, not able to do any thing, while the Prelates of France do so deliciously provide for their case at home. In conformity hereof, he did recapitulate in Consistory the instances, and causes, for which he had, just a year since, intimated the Council, by advice of them the Cardinals▪ the difficulties which he encountered, and overcame, in persuading the Princes, who were of contrary opinions to accept the Bull; his diligence in sending presently the Legates, and those Prelates with whom he was able to prevail, either with persuasions; or commands, that all is already prepared by him only, seven months since, and is so chargeable to him, that, amongst officers and poor Prelates, the Apostolic Sea doth spend above three thousand crowns a month, and that experience showeth that delay doth bring on more expense, that the Dutchmen do invent some thing every day, to oppose against this holy and necessary work; that heresies do increase in France; and some Bishops are almost become rebellious, by making absurd petition for the Cup, which they do with such violence, that the greater number▪ who are good Catholics, are forced to yield; that all Princes have appointed Abassadours; that there are so many Prelates in Trent already, that they are not only sufficient to begin the Synod, but are more than were in any of the two former convocations thereof; and that nothing remained but to begin, without expecting any longer. The Gardinals having consented hereunto, and commended his resolution, he joined two Legates more to the three former, Two precedents more are appointed for the Council. Ludovicus Simoneta, a great Canonist, who had passed through all the offices of the Court, and Marcus di Altemps, his sister's son. He commanded the former to departed presently, and not to tarry any where in the journey, and, so soon as he came to Trent, to cause the usual ceremonies to be made, and the Mass of the holy Ghost to be said for a beginning of the Council. He said afterwards that the Synod was to continue still, not to terminate in suspensions, or translations, as formerly it did, with notorious prejudice and danger, but to have an absolute end. For effecting whereof, there was no need to spend many months, in regard the most important points were already determined and the residue was so set in order, by disputations and examinations under julius, that scarce any thing remained but publication; so that all would be dispatched in a shorttime. Simoneta arrived in Trent the niuth of December, and at his entry, sawa great fire rise out of the earth, which passed over the City, like unto a falling star, but only in bigness; whereof idle persons, of which number there were many, made diverse pronognostiques, some presaging good, and some hurt, which would be a vanlty to recount. The Cardinal found letters written after his departure, that he should expect a new commission to open the Council. The Pope compelled some Bishops who were at Court The number of the Prelates in ●●ent. at the time of his departure, to go with him, so that the number of all, beside the Cardinals, was 92. The Nuncio, resident in France, returned to Rome in the beginning of December; who having related the state of that Kingdom, the Pope wrote The Pope writeth to his Legate in France. to the Legate that he should represent to the King's Counsel, that the Council was to be celebrated for France only, because neither Italy, nor Spain had need of it, and Germany did refuse it; and tell them, that therefore it did concern them to promote it; a thing neglected by them, but performed by him in regard of his fatherly affection; and that the Legates being in Trent already, and many of the Italian and Spanish Prelates, and the rest in their journey, they should immediately send an Ambassador, and their Bishops. Besides, he commanded the Legate to use all diligence to hinder the preaching and assembling of the Protestants, and to encourage the Divines, giving them Indulgences and spiritual graces, and promising them temporal assistance also, but that himself should, by no means, be present at the sermons of the Protestants, and avoid all banquets where any of them were in company. At the same time the Polonian Prelates came to Trent, who, having visited Two Polonian Prelates cometo Trent. the Legates, and shown the devotion of their Church to the Sea of Rome, related how the Lutherans attempted to bring their doctrine into that kingdom, and the foundations which were already laid in some parts; to oppose whose plots the Bishops were always to be vigilant: that they were all desirous to assist in the Council, and to promote the common cause, which not being able to do, for the cause aforesaid, so important and necessary, they had sent their Proctors to give voice, as if the▪ Prelates were present. And they demanded to have as many voices as they had commissions from the Bishops, who, for lawful causes, could not part out of the kingdom. The Legates answered in general terms, meaning to resolve with mature deliberation: Who desire to have as many voices as they have commissions from the Bishops. Their request is sent to Rome; where it was resected for fear of dangerous confequences and the Pope, whom they had advised hereof, proposed it in Consistory; where the Cardinals, without difficulty, concurred in the negative, because it was determined before that the resolutions should be made as formerly they had been, by plurality of voices, and not by Nations. Which was therather thought to be necessary, because there was a fame that the Frenchmen, though Catholics, came with sorbonical and Parliamentary minds, fully bend to acknowledge the Pope no further than they pleased. And it was known before, that the Spaniards had some humour to subject the Pope to the Council; and the Legates had often sent advice from Trent, The deseignes of the French, and Spanish Prelates are suspected. that some bad ambitious humours, to enlarge the Episcopal authority, were discovered; and, in particular, the Spaniards did propose that it was necessary to restrain the authority of the Pope, at the least so fare as that he might not derogate from the decrees of this Council, saying, that, otherwise, the labour and cost would be all in vain, if, for small causes, and sometimes without any, he might dispense with them, as he daily doth with all the Canons. The Cardinals saw no other means to oppose these attempts, but by sending a great number of Italian Prelates, who, being united together, will overcome For which cause the Pope resolveth to send many Italian Prelates to Trent, to make a mayor part. all the Vltramontans. And this remedy would be to no purpose, if the voices of the absent were admitted. For the Spaniards and Frenchmen would cause all their Bishops to send proxies, and it would be as much as to give voices, not by heads, but by Nations. Therefore it was written to Trent, that they should make large promises to the Polonians, but conclude, that the Council was a continuation, and the same which was begun under Paulus the third, so that the orders then practised, and continuately kept, with good fruit, as did appear, must be still observed; amongst which one was that the absent should have no voice, with which if they did dispense, all other National would pretend the like, with much confusion; that whatsoever request Polonia did make, for any thing The Polonian Prelates seem to be satisfied with a courteous negative, but depart, & return no more. that was proper to itself, and would not raise any stirs in other Countries, should be granted in regard of the merits of that most noble Nation. The Polonians seemed to be satisfied with the answer, yet pretending business at Venice, they departed; and returned no more. A letter which the King of Spain wrote with his own hand, caused much joy in Rome; in which he advertized the Pope of the negotiation of Montbrun, sent unto him by the Queen of France, and of the answer which he gave him, promising to assist his Holiness to purge Christendom of heresy, john Tancherel is condemned by the Parliament of Paris for defending in the schools, that the Pope may depose Kings. with all the forces of his Kingdoms and States, and to send potent and speedy aids to any Prince that would cleanse his Country of that contagion. But the bad conceit which the Court had of the Frenchmen was increased, by an advice sent from Paris, that the Parliament had, with much solemoitie, condemned to recant one john Tancherel, a Bachelor of Divinity, because, with intelligence of some Divines, he had proposed and defended public questions, that the Pope, Vicar of CHRIST, is Monarch of the Church, and may deprive Kings and Princes, who disobey his commandments, of their Kingdoms, States, and Digmties; who being accused, cited, and having confessed the fact, did fly, and the judges, as in a Comedy, caused the Beadell of the University to represent his person, and to make a public satisfaction, and recantation, forbidding the Divines to dispute such questions hereafter, making them go to the King to ask pardon for having suffered so important a matter to be disputed on, and to promise to oppose themselves always against that doctrine. They spoke of the Frenchmen as of lost sheep, who denied the authority given by CHRIST to S. Peter, For which the Frenchmen are much censured in Rome to feed the whole flock, and to lose and bind, which doth consist principally in punishing the delicts which give scandal, or offence against the Church in common, without difference of Prince or subject. The examples of the Emperors, Henry the fourth and fifth, Frederic the first and second, and Lewis of Bavaria, of the Kings of France, Philippus Augustus, and Pulcher, were alleged; as also the famous sayings of the Canonists in this point: they said the Pope ought to cite the whole Parliament to Rome; and that the conclusion of that Divine aught to be sent to Rome also, to be examined before any thing else were done, and approved, and the contrary condemned. The Pope did moderately complain hereof, and thought it better But the Pope dissembleth his distaste. to dissemble, because, as he said, the great sore of France did make this insensible. The Court was persuaded, that neither Ambassador nor Bishop would be sent out of France to Trent, and discoursed what was fit for the Pope to do, to force them to accept the determinations of the Council, which the Pope was, by all means, resolved to open, at the beginning of the new year. He imparted this determination to the Cardinals, exhorting them to consider, that it did not stand with the honour of the Apostolic Sea, nor of that College, to receive rules and reformations from others, and that the condition of the times, when all cry out for reformation, not understanding what The Pope promiseth to make a reformation in the Court. it is, did require, that in regard of the glorious name thereof, it should not be refused; that, in this contrariety of reasons, the best temper was, to make, by way of prevention, a reformation of his own accord; which would not serve to that purpose only, but win commendations also, by making himself an example to others; that for this cause, he would reform the Penitentiary, and Datary, principal members of the Court, and afterwards consider of smaller matters: and he deputed cardinals for one and the other charge. He discoursed of the causes why the opening of the Council could And hasteneth the opening of the Council. no longer be deferred. For it being discovered that the Vltramontans have bad ends and designs, to abate the absolute power which GOD hath given to the Pope of Rome, the more time they have to think on it, the more their plots will increase; and that there is danger, that, by time, some of the Italians may be gained also; that therefore it is the safest way to use expedition, and that, if the great expenses, which are made in maintaining the Prelates, be not quickly ended, the Apostolic Sea, will not be able to bear them. Afterwards he gave the cross of the Legation to the Card. Altemps, with order to put himself in readiness, and to be in Trent at the opening of the Council, if it were possible. The cause why he revoked the order, given at the departure of Cardinal Simoneta, to open the Council at his arrival, was the instance of the Emperor's Ambassador in Rome, that the Ambassadors of his Master might be present at it. But afterward having advertized his Holiness, that they would be in Trent before the midst of january, he earnestly entreated the Marquis of Pescara, whom the King of Spain had sent Ambassador to the Council, to be in Trent, and assist at the opening of it. He solicited the Venetians also to send their Ambassage, being careful that that ceremony should pass with reputation. Notwithstanding, he wrote to the Legates to open the Council so soon as the Ambassadors of the Emperor, and of the forenamed Princes were arrived, and that if they came not by the midst of the month, they should defer it no longer. And in this coniuncture the year 1561 did end. THE sixth BOOK OF THE HISTORY OF THE COUNCIL OF TRENT. THe Legates, 1562 PIUS 4. FARDINAND. ELIZABETH. CHARLES 9 in conformity of that which the A general congregation is hell the 15. of April; in which two great controversies did arise. Pope had last commanded, the fifteenth of january made a general Congregation, in which the Cardinal of Mantua, as prime Legate, made a discourse, to show how necessary and fit it was to open the Council, and exhorted the Prelates to promote so sacred and pious a work, with fastings, alms, and frequent Masses. Afterwards the Bull of the Legation was read, dated the tenth of March; which was in general terms, with the usual clauses▪ that he sent them, as Angels of peace, to preside in the Council, which was to begin at Easten. After this, three other Briefs were read. The first dated the fifth of March, and was a faculty to the Legates to give leave to the Prelates and Divines to read, during the time of the Council, books prohibited. The second dated the three and twentieth of May, that the Legates should have faculty to absolve those who would secretly abjure for cause of heresies. The third was dated the last of december, in which the Pope to take away all controversy which might happen between the Prelates about precedency, doth command that the Patriarches should have the first place, the Archbishop the second, and the Bishops the third, regarding only the time of the promotion, not the dignity of the Sea, or of the Primacy, whether true or pretended. This being read, Friar Bartholomew de Mar●iri, Archbishop of Braga in One about precedence of the Prelates. Portugal, exclaimed that the Council should begin with doing injury to the principal Churches of Christendom, saying that his Sea, which had the Primacy of Spain, should, by this sentence, be made inferior, not only to three Archbishoprics, subject unto him, but also to the Archbishop of Rosano who hath no Suffragan, and to the Archbishops of Nissia and Antivari who have not any residency, and scarce any Christians to govern; that it is not equitable to make one law for ones self, and another for others, and to pretend the preservation of ones own right, and to deprive others of theirs. He spoke so earnestly, that the Legates were troubled, and did hardly pacify him, though they caused a declaration to be written, that the Pope's meaning, and theirs was, that no man should gain or lose any right by that Decree, neither in 〈…〉 possission, but that every Primate, whether true or pretended, should, after the Council, remain in the same state in which he was before. The Archbishop being with much ado appeased, the other Spaniards made request, that the opening of the Council Another whether this Convocation of the Council should be a continuation of the old, or a new Council. might be declared to be a continuation of that which was begun under Paul, and prosecuted by julius le 〈…〉 any one might cavil, that it was a new Council. The Bishop of Zante, who had been in Germany, and knew how that action would be calumniated and how distasteful to the Emperor, replied, that as the things already determined ought not to be questioned, but held as decided, so to declare so much now without necessity, would cut off all hope from the Emperor and French King to find such a coniuncture, as that the Protestants would submit themselves to the Council, and assist in it. The Legates especially Mantua and Varmiense, did second the opinion of the Bishop with many discourses, and much was spoken on both sides very bitterly, and the Spaniards said they would protest and return: yet, after many consultations, they finally agreed to desist from their instance, not to oppose the Emperor, the French King, the Dutchmen, and Frenchmen, nor to give matter of complaint to the Protestants, so that no words were used to signify it was a new Council, or to prejudice the continuation. The Cardinals promised in the Pope's name, that his Holiness would confirm whatsoever was done in Trent, in the two precedent Counsels, though this were dissolved without conclusion. The Spaniards were content: and after long discoursing, it was concluded, that a form of words should be used A decree for opening the Council. to signify, that the Council did begin to be celebrated, all suspension being removed; which though they were ambiguous, and might be drawn to contrary senses, yet being sufficient to compose the present difference, they were received, and they concluded to open the Council the next Sunday, being the eighteenth of the month. In the end the Cardinal proposed, that the Council being begun, the Prelates should frequent the public Chapels in the time of Mass, and that there should be many Latin Sermons, which being to be made sometimes by men that know not what doth befit the time, place, and auditory, that it were good to depute a Prelate, who, as Master of the holy Palace in Rome, should review that which was to be The Bishop of Modena is appointed to peruse whatsoever is to be delivered in public. spoken, and so the Sermon to be repeated, according to his censure. The proposition pleased them all; and Egidius Foscararus, Bishop of Modena, was appointed to peruse every Sermon, and whatsoever else was to be delivered in public. The Congregation being dissolved, the Legates, by the help of their inward friends, began to frame the Decree, and did conceive it in the form agreed on; and observing diverse treaties amongst the Prelates, while they were idle in Trent to propose some one provision, some another, all tending to enlarge the authority of the Bishops, and diminish that of Rome, they thought to remedy all in the beginning, before the humour began to stir, by decreeing that none, but the Legates, might propose any matter to be discussed. They saw the proposition was hard, and foresaw contradiction; therefore they thought it necessary to use much Art, that it might be received sweetly, and at unawards. The negative, that none should propound, Why the Legates desire to make a decree that none should propose any thing in Council, but themselves. seemed hard and sharp; and the affirmative, that the Legates should propound, which did virtually only, and not plainly contain an exclusion of others, did please better, covering all with a pretence of keeping order, and giving time of deliberation to the Synod. The Decree was so artificially made, that, even at this present, one must be very attentive, if he will discover the sense, and it is impossible to understand it at the first; which I will rehearse in vulgar, in plain terms; but he that will see the Artifice, let him read it in Latin. Therefore in conformity of the resolution, when the eighteenth day was The solemnities of the first Session, in which the Council was opened. come, a procession was made of the whole Clergy of the City, of the Divines and Prelates, who, besides the Cardinals, were one hundred and twelve, that did wear Mitre, accompanied by their families, and by many Country people armed going from Saint Peter's Church, to the Cathedral; where the Cardinal of Mantua sang the Mass of the holy Ghost, and Gaspar● del Fosso, Arch bishop of Rheggio, made the Sermon. His subject was the authority of the Church, Primacy of the Pope, and the power of Counsels. He said that the Church had as much authority as the word of God; that the Church hath changed the Sabbath, ordained by God, into Sunday, and taken away Circumcision, formerly commanded by his Divine Majesty, and that these Precepts are changed, not by the preaching of CHRIST; but by the authority of the Church. Turning himself to the Fathers, he exhorted them to labour constantly against the Protestants, being assured that, as the holy Ghost cannot err, so they cannot be deceived. And the Veni creator spiritus being sung, the Secretary, who was Bishop of Tile●i, read the Bull of the Convocation, before alleged; and the foresaid Archbishop interrogated the Decree for the opening the Council; saying, Fathers, doth it please you that the general Council of Trent should be celebrated from this day, all suspension whatsoever being removed, to handle, with due order, that which shall seem fit to the Synod, the Legates and Precedents proposing, to remove the controversies of Religion, correct manners, and reconcile the peace of the Church? They answered, Placet. Only four prelates contradicted that part, Proponentibus Legatis: which words I repeat in Latin, The words, Proponentibus Legatis, were much questioned. because they must be often mentioned, in regard of the great controversies and disputes which followed. The contradictors were Peter Guerrero, Archbishop of Granata, Francisco Bianco, Bishop of Orense, Andreas della Questa, Bishop of Leon, Antonio Colermero, Bishop of Almeria. They said they could not consent, because they were new words, never used in any Council, and demanded that their voices might be registered in the acts of the Council. No answer was given them, and the next Session was intimated for the six and twentieth of February. The Speaker of the Council required all the Notaries and Protonotaries to make one or more Instruments of the things aforesaid; and so the Session ended. The Legates advised the Pope of what happened in the Congregation, and Session, who imparted it to the Consistory. In which many were of opinion, in regard of these first difficulties, that the Council would not proceed well, especially considering the obstinate contradiction of the Spanish Bishops not fit to compose the differences of Religion, although the Legates and Bishops of Italy should use Art, and unity in temporising and overcoming them. The Pope commended the wisdom of the Legates, that they had prevented, as he said, there meritie of the innovators; and was not displeased with the opposition of four, because he feared a greater number; he exhorted the Cardinals to reform themselves, seeing they had to do with unrespectfull persons, giving order that the other Italian Bishops should be solicited to departed. And he wrote to Trent that they Which the Pope will have to be maintained by all means. should maintain the Decree firmly, and put it in execution, without relenting one jot. In France the Queen of Navarre, Prince of Conde, Admiral, and Duchess Tumults in France about Religion. of Ferrara, having many months made request that places should be allowed to those of the new Religion, for the Sermons and Ceremonies, and all these, and many Grandees more, even in the Court itself, making profession thereof, the inferior Reformatists, emboldened hereby, did assemble themselves apart, which the Catholics not being able to support, very dangerous popular tumults were raised in many parts of the Kingdom, with slaughter on both sides; which were cherished by the Nobility of the Catholics, envying that the Huguenot Princes, gaining a popular train, should exceed them. Two diverse tumults were raised by Sermons; one in Dijon, and the other in Paris; notorious not only for the death of many, but also for the rebellion against the Magistrates; which made the King's Counsel resolve to seek a remedy; and, that it might be fitted to the whole Kingdom, the Precedents of all the Parliaments were called, and a number of Counsellors elected to deliberate with maturity what was best to be done. The seventeenth of january, all these being assembled in Saint German, the Chancellor declared in the King's name, that they were called to consult how to remedy the stirs raised in the Kingdom. He made a recapitulation of all the things that happened, adding that the differences of Religion should be referred to the Prelates, but when the peace of the Kingdom, and keeping of the Subjects in obedience to the King is in question, that this could not belong to the Ecclesiastiques, but to those whom the King would appoint to consult of it. That he had ever commended Tulli, who was wont to blame Cato, that, living in a most corrupt age, was so severe and rigid in his determinations, as if he had been a Senator in Plato his Commonwealth. That laws were to be fitted to the time and persons, as the shoe to the foot. That this particular was then to be consulted of, whether it were good service for the King to permit or prohibit the Congregations of the Protestants; wherein they were not to dispute which Religion was the better, because they took not in hand to frame a Religion, but to put in order a Republic; and that it was not absurd to say, that many might be good Citizens, and not good Christians, and that those who were of diverse religions might live in peace. In consulting hereof the opinions were diverse: but they prevailed who thought that the Edict of july was to be remitted in part, and the Protestants to have leave to preach. At the making of the Edict, which contained many points, the Cardinals of Borbon, Tornon, Chastillon were present, as also the Bishops of Orleans, and Valence. That the Protestants should restore the Church's possessions, and other Ecclesiastical goods usurped. That they should forbear to beat down Crosses, Images, and Churches, upon pain of death. That they should not assemble themselves to preach, pray, or administer the Sacraments, in public or in private, by day or by night, within the City. That the prohibitions, and punishments of the Edict of july, and all others made before should be suspended. That they shall not be molested in their Sermons made out of the City, or hindered by the Magistrates, who ought to protect them from injury, chastising the Seditions on both sides. That none shall scandalise another for Religion, or use contumelious words of faction. That the Magistrates and officers may be present at the Sermons and Congregations. That they shall not make Synods, Colloquies, or Consistories, but with leave, and in presence of the Magistrate. That they shall observe the laws for feasts, and degrees prohibited for marriage. That the Ministers shall be bound to swear to the public Officers, not to offend against this Edict, nor to preach any doctrine contrary to the Nicen Council, and the books of the New and Old Testament. The Parliament could hardly be brought to accept of this Edict. Therefore the King did command again, that it should be published, adding that it was to be understood to be made by way of provision, until the determinations of the General Council were diuulged, or the King ordain otherwise, not meaning to allow two Religions in his Kingdom, but that only of the holy mother the Church, in which himself and his predecessors have lived. The Parliament being not agreed for all this, the King commanded, that, laying aside all delays and difficulties, the ordination should be published. And so it was the sixth of March, with this clause, that the Parliament did verify For appeasing of which an Edict is made, March 6. the King's letters to obey him, considering the state of the times, not to approve the new Religion, but only by way of provision, until it be otherwise ordained by the King. But to return to Trent in the Congregation held the seven and twentieth Three propositions in the Congregation of the 27. of january. of january the Legates made three propositions. The first, to examine the books written by diverse authors, since the heresies began, together with the censures of the Catholics against them, to determine what the Synod should decree concerning them. The second, that all that are interested in that matter, should be cited by Decree of the Synod, lest they complain that they have not been heard. The third, that a Safe Conduct should be given to those who are fallen into heresy, with a large promise of great and singular clemency, so that they will repent, and acknowledge the power of the Catholic Church. And order was given that the Fathers, having considered on the propositions, should deliver their opinions in the next Congregation, as well how to examine with case the books and censures, as concerning all the rest. And Prelates were deputed to examine the Mandates and excuses of those who pretended they could not come to the Council. This place doth require a relation of the beginning of prohibiting books, and with what progress it was come to that state in which it then was, and what new order was then taken. In the Church of Martyrs there was no Ecclesiastical prohibition, though some godly men made conscience of A discourse of the Author concerning the prohibition of books. reading bad books, for fear of offending against one of the three points of the Law of God, to avoid the contagion of evil; not to expose one's self to temptation, without necessity or profit; and not to spend time vainly. These Laws, being natural, do remain always, and should oblige us to beware of reading bad books, though there were no Ecclesiastical law for it. But these respects ceasing, the example of Dionysius, Bishop of Alexandria, a famous Doctor, did happen, who about the year of our Lord 240. being reprehended by his Priests for these causes, and troubled with these respects, had a vision that he should read all books, because he was able to judge of them. Yet they thought there was greater danger in the books of the Gentiles, then of the heretics, the reading whereof was more abhorred and reprehended, because it was more used by Christian Doctors for a vanity of learning eloquence. For this cause S. Hierom, either in a vision, or in a sleep, was beaten by the Devil; so that about the year 400. a Council in Carthage did forbid to read the books of the Gentiles, but allowed them to read the books of the heretics; the Decree whereof is amongst the Canons collected by Gratian. And this was the first prohibition by way of Canon: but there are others, by counsel of the Fathers, to be regulated according to the Law of God, before recited. The books of heretics, containing doctrine condemned by Counsels, were often forbidden by the Emperors for good government. So Constantine forbade the books of Arrius; Arcadius those of the Eunomians, and Manichees; Theodosius those of Nestorius; Martianus those of the Euticheans; and in Spain the King Ricaredus, those of the Arrians. It sufficed the Counsels and Bishops to show what books did contain damned or apocryphal doctrine. So did Gelasius in the year 494. and went no further, leaving it to the conscience of every one to avoid them, or read them to a good end. After the year 800. the Popes of Rome, as they assumed a great part of the politic government, so they caused the books, whose authors they did condemn, to be burned, and forbade the reading of them. Notwithstanding, one shall find but few books forbidden in that sort, until this age. A general prohibition of reading books containing doctrine of heretics, or suspected of heresies, upon pain of excommunication, without any further sentence, was not used. Martinus 5. doth in a Bull excommunicate all the Sects of heretics, especially Wiglesists, and Hussites, not mentioning those who read their books, though many of them went about. Leo the tenth condemning Luther, did withal forbid all his books, upon pain of excommunication. The Pope's following, in the Bull called In oena, having condemned and excommunicated all heretics, did excommunicate those also who read their books: and, in other Bulls against heretics in general, did thunder the same censures, against the readers of their books. This did rather breed a confusion. For the heretics not being condemned by name, one was to judge of the books more by the quality of the doctrine, then by the name of the authors, wherein diverse men being of diverse opinions, many scruples of conscience did arise. The Inquisitors being more diligent, made Catalogues of those whom they knew, which, not being conferred, were not sufficient to remove the difficulty. Philip, King of Spain, was the first that gave a more convenient form, in the year 1558, making a Law that the Catalogue of books prohibited by Inquisition should be printed. According to this example Paul 4. also ordained, that an Index should be composed by that office, and printed; and so it was in the year 1559. in which they did proceed many steps further than formerly they had done, and laid foundations to maintain and make great the authority of the Court of Rome, by depriving men of that knowledge, which is necessary to defend them from usurpations. Until that time they contained themselves within the terms of the books of the heretics, neither was there any book forbidden, if the author were not condemned. This Index was divided into three parts. The first containeth the names of those, all whose works, of what argument soever, though profane, are forbidden: and in this number are placed not only those who have professed doctrine, contrary to that of Rome, but many also which lived and died in the profession thereof. The second containeth the names of the books which are particularly condemned, others of the same authors not being condemned. In the third, some books are condemned without a name, but only by a general rule, that all those are forbidden which bear not the names of the authors, written after the year 1519, and many Authors and books are condemned which for 300. 200. and 100 years have been commonly read by the learned in the Church of Rome, with the knowledge, and without the contradiction of the Popes of those times; and, amongst the moderns, some of those which were printed in Italy, even in Rome, with approbation of the Inquisition, and allowed also by the Briefs of the Pope himself, are forbidden; as the Annotations of Erasmus upon the New Testaments which Leo the tenth having read, approved by his Brief, dated in Rome, September The annotations of Erasmus upon the New Testament, read & approved by Leo 10. are, forbidden to be read. 10. 1518. But it is a thing considerable above all, that under colour of faith and religion, books are prohibited and condemned, with the same severity, in which the authority of Princes and Temporal Magistrates is defended from they surpations of the Clergy; and of Counsels and Bishops, from the usurpations of the Court of Rome; in which hypocrisies or tyrannies are manifested, by which the people, under pretence of Religion, are deceived. In sum, a better mystery was never found, then to use religion to make men insensible. That Inquisition went so far, that it made a Catalogue of 62. Printers, and prohibited all books printed by them, of what author, art, or idiom soever; with an addition of more weight; that is, and books printed by such Printers who have printed books of heretics; so that there scarce remained a book to be read. And for the height of rigour, the prohibition of what book soever contained in that Catalogue, was upon pain of excommunication 〈◊〉 sententiae, reserved to the Pope, deprivation and incapacity of offices and benefices, perpetual infamy, and other arbitrary punishments. Concerning this severity, remonstrance was made to this Pope Pius, who referred the Index and all the matter to the Council, as hath been said. Touching the Articles proposed there were diverse opinions. Ludovicus Becatelli, Archbishop of Ragusi, and Friar Augustin Seluago, Archbishop of The opinion of the Archbishop of Ragusi, and of Genua, concerning the Index. Genua, thought that no good effect could proceed from handling the matter of books in Counsel, yea, that it would rather hinder the conclusion of that for which the Council is principally assembled. For Paul 4. by the counsel of all the Inquisitors, and of many famous men, who sent him advice from all parts, made a most complete catalogue, to which nothing can be added, except some book come forth within these two years, which deserveth not the labour of a Synod. But he that would allow any that are prohibited in that collection, would show that they have unadvisedly proceeded in Rome, and so would take away all reputation from the Index already published, and from the Decree itself which they would make; it being a common maxim, that new laws do remove estimation more from themselves, then from the old. Besides (said Becatelli) there is no need of books, the world hath too many already, especially since printing was invented: and it is better to forbid a thousand books without cause, then permit one that deserveth prohibition. Neither were it fit the Synod should be troubled with rendering the causes of the prohibitions, making censures, or approving those which are already made in diverse places by the Catholics. For it would be to call for contradiction. It belongeth to a Doctor to give a reason of his saying, a lawmaker if he do it, doth diminish his authority, because the subject doth wrestle with the reason alleged, and when he thinketh he hath resolved it, he thinketh also that he hath taken all virtue from the precept. Neither is it good to correct or purge any book for the same causes, for fear of making men say that something is omitted that deserved, and something changed that did not deserve correction. Moreover the Synod would incur the displeasure of all that are affectionate to the books prohibited, and would induce them not to receive the other necessary Decrees, which shall be made. He concluded, that, the Index of Paul being sufficient, he thought it not fit to take pains in vain in doing of that anew, which is done already, or undoing that which is done well. Many other reasons were alleged in confirmation of this opionion, by many Bishop's creatures of Paul 4, admirers of his wisdom in managing the Ecclesiastical discipline, who maintained that it was necessary to preserve, yea, to augment the rigour instituted by him, if they would preserve the purity of religion. john Thomaso S. Felicio, was of a contrary opinion; that the Council should treat again of books; as if there had been no precedent prohibition; The opinion of john Thomaso S. Felicio because that, being made by the Inquisition of Rome, is odious, for the name, to the Vltramontans, and beside is so rigid that it cannot be observed; and nothing doth more easily bring a law into disuse, than the impossibility or great difficulty in keeping it, and the great rigour in punishing the transgressors; he said that, indeed, it was necessary to preserve the reputation of that office, but that might be done conveniently enough, by making nomention thereof, and by ordaining only things necessary, and moderate punishments. And therefore his opinion was, that all consisted in setting down the manner, and spoke what himself thought to be the best; that is, that the books not already censured should be divided amongst the Fathers and Divines of the Counsel, and those that were absent also, to be examined and censured, and that a great Congregation should be deputed, to judge between the censure and the book; and that this also should be observed in those which are censured already, and then all should be proposed in the general Congregation, to decree that which was best for the public good. For citing the Authors, he said there were two sorts of them; some separated from the Church, and some incorporated in it, of the former no account is to be made, seeing that, by their separation, they have, as Saint Paul saith, condemned themselves, and their own works, so that there is no cause to hear them; of the others some are dead, and some alive; of which the latter are to be cited and heard, because their good name and honour being in question one cannot proceed against they works, before the hearing of their reasons. Concerning the dead, whatsoever the public good doth require may be done, without danger of offending any. Another Bishop added to this opinion, that the same form of justice, used towards the Catholics alive, should be used also towards those that are dead, because they have kindred and scholars, who do participate of the fame of infamy of the dead, and are therefore interested, and in case there were none such, yet the only memory of the dead cannot be judged, before it be defended. Some also did think it was not just to condemn the works of Protestants, without hearing them. For howsoever the persons be condemned by themselves, yet the laws do not permit the declaratory, without citation, though in a notorious fact; and therefore it cannot be pronounced against a book, though it doth notoriously contain heresy. Friar Gregory, General of the Heremites, said, he did not think it necessary to observe so many subtleties. For the prohibition of a book, is as the prohibition of a meat, which is not a sentence against it, nor against him that hath prepared it, but a precept to him that is to use it, made by him who hath the charge of his health; therefore the credit of the Victualer is not in question, but the benefit of the sick, who is forbid to eat of a meat that is hurtful to him, though in itself, it may be good. So the Synod, as a Physician, aught to forbid that which is hurtful, or dangerous to the faithful; wherein none will receive wrong. For howsoever the book may be good in itself, yet peradventure it may not agree to the infirmity of the minds of this age. Many other considerations did pass, which were finally resolved into one of these. Concerning the third Article, to invite the heretics to repentance with The Legates and Prelates are divided concerning the general safe conduct. promise of clemency, and grant of a safe conduct, there were diverse opinions, even amongst the Legates themselves. Mantua was for a general pardon, saying, that many would be gained thereby, and that it was a remedy used by all Princes, in seditions, or rebellions, to pardon those whom they cannot overcome, because, by that means, those that are least faulty, do retire, and the others remain more weak; and although but few were gained, or but one only, yet it was to be done; that though none at all could be gained, yet it would be great gain to use and show clemency. Simoneta said, that this would be dangerous for the ruin of others, because many are induced to transgress, when they see it is easy to get a pardon, and that rigour, though it be hard to him that feeleth it, doth keep many in their duty; that it is sufficient to show clemency to him that desireth it, but to carry it after him that doth not demand; or doth refuse it, doth make men more careless of themselves; and heresy will be thought to be but a small fault, when men see it is so easily pardoned. In these two opinions the Prelates were divided; and those who did not approve the Safe Conduct, said, it was not given to any in the first Convocation of this Council, which would have been done if it had been necessary or convenient, because the Pope that sat then was most wise, and the Legates the chiefest of the College; that it was given in the second Convocation, because Maurice Duke of Saxony, and other Protestants did desire it, and the Emperor also in their behalf: but now it being demanded by none, Germany saying aloud, and protesting that it doth not hold this Council to be lawful, a Safe Conduct would but give them matter, to make some bad exposition of the Synods meaning. The Spanish Prelates would by no means consent to a general Safe Conduct, because it would prejudice the Inquisition of Spain, in regard, so long as that lasted, every one might profess himself to be a Protestant, and make himself ready for the voyage, and could not be arrested by that office. The Legates thought the like might happen to the Inquisition of Rome and Italy. All The resolution of the general Congregation concerning the Index, and Safe Conduct being considered, concerning the Index, it seemed sufficient for that present, to make Deputies, and to let those that were interested understand, by some little part of the Decree, that they should be heard, and invite all to the Council; and, for the Safe Conduct, to refer themselves, in regard of the difficulties, to a further consideration. While these things were handled, the Pope's Nephew, Cardinal Altemps, the fift Legate, came to Trent, and withal the news of the Edict of France before rehearsed: which put them all into a confusion, that Princes should permit, by public Decree, those novities which the Council was then assembled to condemn. The next day Antonius Miglicius, Archbishop of The Emperor's Ambassador is received in Congregation. Prague, Ambassador for the Emperor, was received in a general Congregation, and his Mandate read. The Archbishop made a long Oration, reserving the residue to Master Sigismond Tonn, his Majesty's second Ambassador, who was to come. The Synod answered, that they were very glad to see the Emperor's Ambassadors, and that they did admit his Mandate. The Ambassador would have preceded the Cardinal Madruccio, alleging the reasons and pretensions of Don Diego, in the first Council; but by the Legates answer, who told him how that business was ended, he was satisfied, and sat below. The ninth of this month Ferdinandus Martinez Mascarenius, Ambassador of Portugal, was received, and the King's letter of credence and Mandate The Portugal Ambassador is received, & a doctor, who came with him, maketh an Oration. read. A Doctor that came with him made a long oration; in which he shown the benefit which the Church reapeth by Counsels, and the necessity of this present, the crosses which it formerly endured, and how the wisdom of Pope Pius hath now overcome them. He said the authority of Counsels was so great, that their Decrees were to be received, as divine Oracles; that the King hoped that the differences of Religion should be decided in that Council, and the manners of the Clergy directed to Evangelicall sincerity; that therefore he promised all obedience, whereof the Bishops arrived already, and those who were to come, could give testimony; he shown the piety and religion of those Kings, and the pains they have taken to subject so many Provinces to the government of the Apostolic Sea; of which heroically pious works they might expect an imitation in King Sebastian. He set forth, in few words, the Nobility, and virtue of the Ambassador, and finally prayed the Fathers to hear him, when he should speak in the behalf of the Churches of that kingdom. The Speaker briefly answered, that the Synod was well pleased with the King's Mandate, and his Oration, and that the piety and Religion of his Majesty and of his Ancestors was generally known, and their glory conspicuous, for maintaining the Catholic Religion in that kingdom in these turbulent times, and spreading of it in places fare remote: for which the Synod did give thankes to GOD, and receive the King's Mandate with due respect. In the congregation of the eleventh, the other Ambassador of the Emperor The Emperor's second Ambassador is received in Congregation. presented himself: who was received without much ceremony, because the Mandate had been read before, so that there was time to treat of Conciliarie matters; whereof some thing being spoken, liberty was given to the Legates to elect Fathers to consider of the Index, and others to frame the Decree, against the next Session. For the business of the Books, Censures, and Index, the Legates named the Ambassador of Hungary, the Patriarch of Venice, four Archbishops, nine Bishops, one Abbot, and two Generals. The thirteenth the Emperor's Ambassadors came to the Legates, and The Emperor's Ambassadors make five requests to the Legates. made five requests; which they left in writing, that they might consider on them. That the word Continuation should not be used, because it would make the Protestants refuse the Council. That the next Session should be deferred, or at the least, matters of small weight handled. That the Confessionists should not be exasperated in the beginning, by condemning their books. That a large safe conduct should be given to the Protestants. That whatsoever was handled in the congregations, should be concealed, which hitherto had been diuulged, even to the common people. And having offered all favour and assistance in the Emperor's name, they added, that they had order from his Majesty, that if they were called by their most Reverend Lordships, they should give their advice in matters of the Council, and employ his authority to favour them. The Legates answered the seventeenth day, that it being necessary to give To whom the Legates answer. satisfaction to all, as they would not name the Continuation at their request, so, not to provoke the Spaniards, it was necessary to abstain from the contrary; that they would spend the next Session in general and light matters, and allow a long time for others; that they would not then condemn the Augustan Confession; that they would not then speak of the books of the Confessionists, but would make the Index in the end of the Council; that a large safe-conduct should be given to the Germans, when it was decided whether it should be given to them apart, or together with other Nations; that they would take a good course for secrecy, and impart unto them whatsoever they shall handle, being assured of the Emperor's good affection and that the Ambassadors are correspondent to the piety and Religion of their Master. George Droscovitius, Bishop of the five Churches, the Emperor's third Ambassador, who came to Trent the month before, presented his Mandate in The Bishop of five Churches, the Emperor's third Ambassador is received in congregation. the general Congregation, the four and twentieth of February, and made an Oration, in which he enlarged himself in the praises of the Emperor, saying, that God had given him to these times, to provide against so many miseries; he compared him to Constantine in favouring the Church; shown what pains he had taken for the convocation of the Council, and that having obtained it, he had before all other Princes sent Ambassadors, two for the Empire, kingdom of Bohemia and Austria, and himself for the Kingdom of Hungary. He presented his Mandate, and thanked the Synod for giving him place, fitting the quality of an Ambassador, before they saw the purpose of his ambassage. The Decree was made in general terms, and read, as well to satisfy the Imperialists, as because the matter was not well digested. Which being done, Mantua gave a modest and grave admonition to the Fathers, to keep secret what was handled in the Congregations, as well to avoid opposition, as because things are held in greater reputation and reverence when they are not known to all. Besides, that it would be dishonourable for that assembly, if any thing were published, (as might happen often) without convenient circumspection, and fit seemliness. He added that there was no College or Council, Secular or Ecclesiastical, small or great, which had not its secrets, to be observed by oath, or upon penalties: but that Synod, consisting of wise men, ought not to be tied but by the bonds of their own judgement; that, in saying thus, he spoke no more to the Fathers, then to his colleagues, and to himself, every one being obliged to admonish himself in every thing that is seemly. Then he spoke of the difficulty of the Safe conduct, and exhorted every one to think exactly of it, saying, that if it could not be determined before the Session, an addition should be made to the Decree, that it might be granted in Congregation. This was agreed on amongst the Legates, because having discovered the difficulty, especially in regard of the Inquisition of Rome and Spain, they had written whatsoever had been spoken as well concerning this point, as the Index, and expected an answer from Rome. Where the Pope was in a rage for the Edict of France, and impatient because they did nothing in the Council. He said it was not good that the Bishops should be long out of their residency, especially to handle superficially points already decided in other Counsels; he had formerly suspected the Spanish Prelates, and did it then much more, because he thought their ill affection was increased, for giving the King leave to sell four hundred thousand crowns of yearly rent of the Ecclesiastical revenues for ten years, and thirty thousand crowns of the revenues of lands held in vassalage of the Church: which seemed to be a great diminution of the greatness of the Church of Spain. Lewis S. Gelais, Lord of Lansac, sent out of France expressly to give the Pope an account of the State of the Kingdom, came to Rome, and said, that the King seeing the great care of his Holiness concerning the Council, had elected for his Ambassador to that place Monsieur di Candall●, and caused four and twenty Bishops to go thither, of whom he gave him a list. He related what had happened in France since the death of Francis, and the An Ambassador is sent out of France to give the Pope an account of the state of the kingdom. necessity to proceed with moderation, as well because their forces were not sufficient to use rigour, as also because (if they had been) they should have imbrued themselves in the blood of the greatest of the Nobility; which would have aliened the whole Kingdom, and brought all matters to a worse estate; and that the King had no hope but in the Council, in which all Nations, even the Germans themselves, would assist. For Religion being established in Germany, he did not doubt to do the like in France, but thought it impossible to make those who will not be present in the Council, to accept the Decrees thereof; and that the French Protestants cannot be separated from the Dutch. Therefore he entreated his Holiness, that, to give them satisfaction, only for the security of the place and form of proceeding, he would be pleased to yield unto them, in regard of the great benefit which would ensue. The Pope answered, first concerning the Council, that, from the To whom the Pope answereth. beginning of his Papacy, he was resolved to call it, that he hath been hindered by the Emperor and King of Spain, both which notwithstanding have at this present Ambassadors and Prelates there; that none remain but the Frenchmen, who have most need of the Council; that he hath omitted nothing to invite the Dutch Protestants, even with the indignity of that Sea; that he will continue, and will give them what security they can require; that he thought it not honest to subject the Council to their discretion, and that, if they refused to come, especially having been invited, they ought to proceed without them. But, for the things done in France, he briefly said he could not commend them, and prayed God to pardon the Authors of so great inconveniences. And the Pope would have passed those bounds, if he had known what was in doing in France at that same time, when Lansac made relation unto him of what had been done. For, the fourteenth of February, the Queen gave order in S. German, that the Bishops of Valence and of Seez, and the Divines, Butiglier, Espensous, and Picorellius, should consent what might be done A treaty in France about a concord in Religion. for a beginning of concord; who proposed the points following. That it should be absolutely forbidden to make an image of the holy Trinity, or of any person not named in the Martyrologies, accepted by the Church. That the images should not have any crowns or garments put upon them, or vows or oblations made unto them, nor should be carried in procession, except the sign of the holy Cross; wherewith the Protestants seemed to rest content, howsoever concerning the sign of the cross they made some resistance, saying that Constantine was the first which did propose it to be worshipped, contrary to the use of the ancient Church. But Nicholaus Magliardus, Deane of the Sorbon, together with other divines, did oppose, and defend the adoration of images, though he confessed there were many abuses in it. In the same month the King of Navarre wrote to the Elector Palatine, the Duke of Wittenberg, and Philip of Hassia, that howsoever they could not agree in the Colloquy of Poisi, nor in this last about images, yet he would still labour to reform religion, not so, as to trouble the public quiet of the Kingdom, but bringing it in by little and little. At the same time the Duke of Guise and Cardinal of Lorraine went to Tavern, a Castle belonging to the Bishop of Strasburg, and there met Christopher The King of Navarre writeth to the Protestant Princes of Germany. A Parley between the Guisards and the Duke of Wittenberg. Duke of Wittenberg, with some Ministers of the Augustane Confession. They were together three days; and those of Guise expounded to the Duke what favour was done to the Augustan Confession in the Colloquy of Poisi, and the difficulty which the Reformatists of France did make in accepting it, desiring that Germany would join with them to hinder the doctrine of Zuinglius: not that the amendment of religion (which they much desired) might be delayed, but that a pestiferous poison might not take root, not only in France, but in Germany also. This they did, that, the war now approaching, they might more easily have assistance, or, at the least, that it might be denied to their enemies. This Parley be got great suspicions in Rome, Trent, and France. The Cardinal and his adherents justified themselves, that it was for the good of Christendom, to have the favour of the Protestants of Germany against the Hugonots of France. And there was a fame, that the Cardinal did truly desire an union in religion with Germany, and that, as he detested the Confession of Geneva, so he inclined to that of Ausburg, and desired to see it planted in France. It is certain that, after the Council of Trent was ended, he said he had formerly believed that Confession, but that afterwards he was satisfied with the determination of the Council, and thought that all good Christians ought to do the like. Concerning the Sermons publicly made in France, though there were seditions in many places, which did hinder the increase of the Reformatists, yet there were then 2150. assemblies, which 2150 reformed Churches in France were called Churches. The six and twentieth of February being come, the Session was held in Trent. Antonius Helius, Patriarch of jerusalem, said Mass, and Antonius The Session February 26. Coccus, Archbishop of Corfu, made the Oration. When the Mass was ended, A question between the Ambassadors of Portugal and Hungary, about the precedency of their Master's 〈◊〉 the Mandates of Princes being to be read, there grew a question between the Ambassadors of Hungary and Portugal, each pretending that his should first be read, as of the more eminent King: There was no difficulty in the Precedence of the Ambassadors themselves, because that of Portugal, as a secular, sat at the right side of the Temple, and the other, as an ecclesiastic, at the left. The Legates, having consulted hereof, said, that the Mandates should be read in the order as they were presented, not according to the dignity of the Princes. The Pope's brief, referring the matter of the Index to the Council, was read also. This Index had been made in Rome by Paul the fourth, as hath been said, with which if the Council had meddled, it might have seemed to challenge superiority above the Pope. Therefore they thought fit that the Pope should voluntarily give leave, to prevent that prejudice. The Mass Patriarch read the Decree, the substance whereof was. That the Synod, The Decree concerning the Index. meaning to restore the Catholic doctrine to its purity, and correct manners, in regard the number of pernicious and suspected books was increased, because the censures made in diverse Provinces, and Rome, have done no good, hath determined to depute some father to consider hereof, and to relate to the Synod, in time convenient, what they think fit to have done more, to separate the cockle from the good corn, to remove all scruples out of men's minds, and to take away all cause of complaints; ordaining that this should be published with that Decree, that if any have interest in the business of the books, and censures, or any other to be handled in Council, he may know and be assured that he shall be courteously heard. And because the Synod doth hearty desire the peace of the Church, that all may acknowledge their common mother, it doth invite all who do not communicate with her, to reconciliation and concord, and to come to Trent, where they shall be embraced with all offices of charity; and further, hath decreed that a safe conduct may be granted in a general Congregation, and shall be of the same force and strength, as if it had been granted in public Session. The Decree being read, the title whereof was: Of the holy ecumenical, general The title of the Council is questioned. Synod, lawfully assembled in CHRIST, the Archbishop of Granata required that these words (representing the universal Church) should be added, as hath been observed in all the later Counsels. Antonius' Peragues, Archbishop of Caglieri, made the same request; and these two were followed by almost all the Spanish Prelates, desiring that this request might be noted in the acts. No answer was made, but, for conclusion, the next Session was appointed to be the 14 of May. The Decree was printed, not only because it was the custom, but because The Decree is censured. it was made of purpose to be published to all; and it was censured by all sorts of persons. It was demanded how the Synod did call those, who were interested in the things which were to be handled in the Council, if they were not known; and said that formerly all things were handled besides expectation, and who could prophesy what the Legates would propose, because they knew not themselves, still expecting Commissions from Rome. Those who were interested in any book, how could they know that any thing would be spoken against it? The generality of the citation, and incertainty of the cause might induce every one to go to Trent, because every one hath interest in some particular, which might perhaps be treated on. It was concluded generally that they were called in show, and excluded indeed. Notwithstanding, these things which they could not praise, they commended the ingenuous confession of the Synod, that the former prohibitions had begot scruples in men's minds, and given cause of complaints. In Germany that part was suspected, where the Synod giveth authority to itself, to give a safe conduct in a general Congregation. For they understood not any difference, in regard the same persons met in both assemblies, but only that they did wear Mitres in the Sessions, and Caps in the Congregations; nor why, if the safe-conduct could not then be granted, they could not make a Session expressly for it. In sum, they thought that there was some great mystery covered in it, howsoever the most understanding men did believe that the Synod was assured that no Protestant would come to Trent, with any safe-conduct whatsoever, except it were by force, as it happened in the year 1552. because of the resolution of Charles, a thing which could no more be put in practice. The Pope wrote back to the Legates, that the heretics should not be invited to repentance with promise of pardon; because, it having been done by julius, and, another time, by Paul the fourth, no good issue came of it. Amongst the heretics, those who are in a place of liberty will not accept it. and those who remain where the Inquisition hath power, if they fear to be discovered, will receive the pardon feignedly to secure themselves of that The Pope's answer to the Legates. which is past, with purpose to do worse more warily. For the Safe Conduct, he was content it should be given to all who are not under the Inquisition; but so, as that the exception should not be expressed; in regard that when julius granted his pardon, except only to those who were subject to the Inquisitions of Spain and Portugal, much was spoken against it, and it passed with small reputation, as if the Pope had not the same power over that Inquisition, as over others. But for the manner of expressing it, he did refer it to the Synod. For the form, he commended that which the Council gave to Germany in the year 1552, in regard that was seen already, and that so many Protestants came that year to Trent, upon that security. Concerning the Index, he ordained that the deputies should proceed, until an occasion were offered to make a public Decree without the opposition of any Prince. The answer being come, the second of March and the day following Congregations were held, to resolve whether the general pardon ought to be published, and a Safe Conduct granted, and what form was to be given to the one and the other; and the fourth day, after long disputations, all was concluded, the Legates having made the determination fall where they aimed, without interesting the Pope's authority. To invite the heretics to repentance was omitted, for the reasons alleged in Rome. It was much disputed, whether a Safe Conduct was to be given by the name of the French, English, and Scottish men; and some spoke of the Greeks', and other Nations of the East. It was presently seen that these poor men, afflicted in servitude, could not, without danger and assistance of money, think of Counsels; and some said that, there being a division of the Protestants, it was good to let them alone, and not to name them, alleging that it was dangerous to move in a body ill humours which were at quiet. To give a Safe Conduct to English men which neither they, nor any of them do require, would be a great indignity. They were content it should be given to the Scots, because the Queen would demand it, but so, as that the demand should first be made. For France, there was a doubt made whether the King's Counsel would take it well or not, because it would be thought to be a declaration that the King had rebels. Of Germany none could doubt, because it had been formerly granted to them; and if it were granted to that Nation alone, it would seem that the others were abandoned. Many thought fit to grant it absolutely to all Nations; but the Spaniards did oppose, and were favoured by the Legates, and others who knew the Pope's mind, to the great indignation of those, who thought that an inference might be made that the Council was not above the Inquisition of Spain. In the end all difficulties were resolved, and the Decree framed with three parts. In the first a Safe Conduct was given to the Germans, just word by word, as it was made in the year 1552. In the second, it was said that the Synod doth give Safe Conduct in the same form and words as it was given to the Dutchmen, to every one who hath not communion of faith with her, of every Nation, Province, City and place where any thing is preached; taught, or believed, contrary to that which is believed in the Church of Rome. In the third it was said, that although all nations The Decree of the Safe Conduct. do not seem to be comprehended in that extension, which hath been done for certain respects, yet those who repent, and return to the bosom of the Church, are not excluded, of what nation soever they be, which the Synod desireth should be published to all. But because it must be maturely consulted on, in what form the Safe Conduct must be given them, they have thought fit to defer that point until another time, thinking it sufficient, for the present to provide for the security of those who have publicly abandoned the doctrine of the Church. The Decree was presently printed, as was fit, it being made only to be published. Yet the Synod did not keep promise, to consult of the form of the Safe Conduct, to be given to those of the third kind, and in printing of the body of the Council, this third part was left out, leaving it to the speculation of the world, why they did promise to provide for those also, and publish it in print, with a desire to have all men know it, and afterwards not to do it, and labour to conceal that, which then they did desire to manifest. The Emperor's Ambassadors solicited the Legates to make the reformation, and to write to the Protestants, exhorting them to come to the Council, as was done to the Bohemians, in the time of the Council of Basil. The Legates answered that, for these forty years, all, both Prince and people, have desired reformation, yet never any part thereof was handled, but themselves did cross and hinder it, so that they have been constrained to abandon the work; that now they will endeavour to make a general reformation of all Christendom, but for one particularly for the Clergy of Germany, which doth most need it, and which the Emperor doth principally expect, they saw not how they could make it, seeing that the Dutch Prelates were not come to the Council; and for writing to the Protestants, in regard they have answered the Pope's Nuncij with such exorbitant unseemliness, they could not but expect that they would make a worse answer to the Letters of the Synod. The eleventh of March the Legates proposed twelve Articles in the general Twelve Articles to be discussed. Congregation, to be studied and discussed in the next Congregations. 1. What provision might be made, that Bishops and other Curates may reside in their Churches, without being absent, but for causes just, honest, necessary and profitable for the Catholic Church. 2. Whether it be expedient, that none be ordained but unto a title of some Benefice, in regard many deceits are discovered which arise from ordination to a title of the Patrimony. 3. That nothing be received for Ordination, either by the Ordainers, or their Ministers, or Notaries. 4. Whether it ought to be granted to the Prelates, that in the Churches where there are no daily distributions, or so small as that they are not esteemed, they may convert one of the Prebends to that use. 5. Whether great Parishes which have need of many Priests, aught to have many titles also. 6. Whether small Benefices with Cure, which have not a competent revenue for the Priest, aught to be reform, making one of many. 7. What provision is to be made concerning Curates ignorant, and of a bad life, whether it be fit to give them coadjutors, or able Vicars, assigning them part of the revenues of the Benefice. 8. Whether power ought to be given to the Ordinary to incorporate into the mother Churches, ruinated Chapels, which, for poverty cannot be rebuilt. 9 Whether it ought to be granted to the Ordinary that he may visit Benefices held in Commenda, though they be regular. 10. Whether secret marriages, which shall be contracted hereafter, aught to be made void. 11. What conditions ought to be assigned, that a marriage may not be esteemed secret, but contracted in the face of the Church. 12. What provision ought to be made concerning the great abuses, caused by the Pardoners. After these the point following was given to the Divines to be studied, One Article more concerning clandestine marriages. and discussed in a Congregation appointed for that only. Whether, as Euaristus, and the Lateran Council have declared, that clandestine, or secret marriages are reputed not good, both before the judge, and in estimation of the Church, so the Council may declare that they are absolutely void, and that secrecy ought to be put amongst the impediments, which do make a Nullity in the marriage. In the mean space, it being The Protestants of Germany treat a league, and raise Soldiers. discovered that the Protestants of Germany did treat a league, and make some levies of Soldiers, the Emperor wrote to Trent, and to the Pope also, that the Council might surcease, until it did appear whither the motion did tend. For this cause, and because of holy days the residue of this month was spent in ceremonies only. The sixteenth day Franciscus Ferdinandus d'Aualos, Marquis of Pescara, The Spanish Ambassador is received, & an oration is made in his name. Ambassador of the Catholic King, was received in a general Congregation; and, his Mandate being read, an Oration was made on his name; the substance whereof was; That the Council being the only remedy for the evils of the Church, Pius the fourth hath, upon good reason, thought it necessary in these times; in which Philip, King of Spain, desired to have been personally present, to give example to other Princes: but, because he cannot, he hath sent the Marquis, to assist and favour it as much as possibly he can, knowing that howsoever the Church is defended by God, yet sometimes it hath need of the assistance of man. That the Ambassador doth not think it needful to exhort the Synod, knowing their incredible and almost divine wisdom; that he seethe good foundations laid already, and the things now treated on, managed with art, which doth mitigate, and exasperate; so that hoping that their future actions will be correspondent, he will only promise all good offices, endeavours and favours from the King. The Speaker answered, in the Counsels name, that the coming of an Ambassador from so great a King, had given courage and hope of the Synod that the remedies, which it shall use for the evils of Christendom, will be profitable, therefore it doth embrace his Majesty with all good affection thanketh him offereth to requite his merits, and to do whatsoever it can for his honour; and doth, as it ought, receive the Mandate. In The answer of the Speaker. the Congregation of the 18. the Ambassador of Cosmo, Duke of Florence and Sienna, was received; who, after his Mandate was read, made an Oration; The Ambassador of Florence is received, and maketh an Oration. in which he shown at large the affinity of his Duke with the Pope, exhorted the Fathers to purge the Church, and declare the light of the truth, taught by the Apostles, offering all possible assistance from his Duke, as he had done before to the Pope, for preservation of the Majesty of the Sea of Rome. The Speaker thanked him in the Synods name, and, having made a reverend commemoration of Leo the tenth, and Clement the seventh, added that they were assembled only for this end, and thought of nothing but of composing all dissension, chase away the darkness of ignorance, and manifesting the truth. Melchior Lusi, Ambassador of the Catholic Swisses, and joachimus Propostus, The Ambassadors of the Catholic Swisses are received. an Abbot, in the name of the Abbats, and other ecclesiastics of that Nation, were received in the Congregation of the 20. In whose name an Oration was made to this purpose. That the Consuls of the 7. Cantons, in regard of their filial duty towards the Church, have sent Ambassadors to assist in the Council, and to promise obedience, and to make known to all, that they do not yield to any in their desire to assist the Sea of Rome, as formerly they have, in the times of julius 2, and Leo 10, as also when they fought with the neighbour Cantons, for the defence of Religion, slaying Zuinglius, the most wicked enemy the Church had, whose body they sought amongst the dead, and burned it to testify that they ought to have irreconciliable war with the other Cantons, so long as they continue to be out of the Church, in regard they are situated at the confines of Italy, as a Castle to resist the Northern evil, that it cannot penetrate within the bowels of that Country. The Synod answered by the Speaker, that the piety and good deeds of the Heluetians towards the Apostolic Sea, were many and great; but no obedience or office more opportune than the Ambassage sent; and the offer made to the Synod; that they were glad of the coming of the Ambassadors, and had, beside the protection of the Emperor, Kings, and Princes, much confidence in that famous Nation. In the Congregation of the sixth of April, Andreas Dudicius, Bishop of The Orators of the Clergy of Hungary are received. Tinia, and johannes Collosarinus, of Canadia, Orators of the Clergy of Hungary, were received. The first made an Oration, and said; that the Archbishop of Strigonium, the Bishops and Clergy, had received great joy for three things; for the assumption of Pius 4. to the Papacy, for the convocation of the Council of Trent, and for the deputation of the Apostolical Legates to preside in it. He shown the observance of the Prelates towards the Catholic Church, and called the Cardinal of Varmia for a witness thereof, who did know them, and conversed with them; he expounded the devotion of the Hungarians, and the service they do to all Christendom, in maintaining war against the Turks, and the particular diligence of the Bishops, in opposing the plots of the heretics. He related the common desire of them all to be present in the Council, if their presence had not been necessary at home, to defend their castles against the Turks, who are at their confines, and to keep watch against the heretics; so that being forced to perform this duty by them their Orators, they recommended themselves to the protection of the Council, offering to receive and observe whatsoever should be decreed by it. The Secretary answered in the Counsels name, that the Synod was assured of the joy which the Hungarians conceived for the celebration of the General Council; that they ought to pray God for the happy issue of it, that they desired to have seen the Prelates in person, but seeing they are hindered by the causes proved by the Cardinal of Varmia, it doth accept their excuse, hoping that Christian Religion will receive profit by their presence in their own Churches; and the rather because they have recommended their actions to them the Orators, being honest and religious Fathers, and therefore that they do embrace both them and their Mandates. In the Congregations daily held from the seventh day until the 18, the Fathers The Article of residence is set on foot again, and causeth a contention. spoke of the 4. first Articles, but very confusedly of the first, concerning Residence. Of those who assisted in the first Council, when this point was handled, which was done with some difference, or rather controversy, there were but five Bishops in this, and yet, at the first proposing hereof, they presently divided themselves into parts, as remembering the ancient contention; which happened in no other question, neither at that time, nor in the time of julius, nor at this present. Some say the cause was, for that the other discussions, being theological, were not well understood, and were handled speculatively by the learned, without any passion but of hatred against the Protestants, who did trouble them, by setting on foot those questions. But this touched the Prelates in their own persons. The courtiers were moved with ambition, or obliged to follow that opinion, which was most commodious for their Patrons. Others were carried away with envy, who not hoping to raise themselves to that height in which the courtiers were, desired to pull them lower, and so to become equal. In this Article every one laboured according to his passion, and kept a strict account of his own voice delivered in the Congregations, and of all the voices of others, which were any way remarkable. Of this number 34. came into my hands, in that form as they were delivered, and of the others I have understood the conclusion only: but here nothing is to be related but that which is of note. The Patriarch of jerusalem said, That this Article had been handled, and The Suffrage of the Patriarch of jerusalem concerning Residence. discussed in the first Council, and concluded, that, to cause residence, there are two provisions: One, to constitute punishments for those who do not reside; another, to remove the impediments which do hinder residency. The first was fully ordered in the sixth Session, neither can any thing be added, in regard the loss of half the revenues is a very great pecuniary punishment, than which a greater cannot be imposed, without making the Bishop's beggars. If the contumacy be excessive, there can be no greater punishment, except deprivation; which requiring one to execute it, which must needs be the Pope, in regard the ancient use of the Church was, to reserve to that Sea the hearing and determining of the causes of Bishops, that sixth Session referred it to his Holiness to find a remedy, either by means of a new provision, or otherwise, and bound the Metropolitan to advice him of the absence. For the second they began to make provision, and, in that, and other Sessions, many Decrees were made, to take away many exemptions, which hindered the Bishops to exercise their charge. Therefore it now remaineth only to continue, and to remove the residue of the impediments, electing a certain number of Fathers, as then was done, to make collection of them, that they may be proposed, and provided for. The Archbishop of Granata added, that a more potent and effectual remedy The suffrage of the Archbishop of Granada. was proposed in that Council; that is, that the obligation of Residence was by the Law of God, which was handled and examined ten months together; and that if that Council had not been interrupted, it would have been decided as a necessary, yea, as a principal article of the doctrine of the Church, and was then not only discussed, but the reasons used by diverse were put in print also, so that the matter is prepared and digested, and nothing now remaineth, but to give it perfection. When it shall be determined that residency is de iure Divino, all hindrances will cease of themselves; the Bishops understanding their duty, will think on their own conscience; they will not be reputed hirelings, but Pastors, who knowing that the flock is given to them by God, to whom they must make an account, without laying the fault on others, and being assured that dispensations will neither save, nor help them, they will apply themselves to perform their duty. And he proceeded to prove, with many authorities of the New and Old Testament, Is approved by the mayor part. and exposition of the Fathers, that this was the Catholic truth. This opinion was approved by the mayor part of the Congregation, the maintainers whereof laboured to bring authorities and reasons. Others did reject it, and said it was new, never defended, neither by antiquity, And rejected by others. nor by this age before Cardinal Caietan, who set the question on foot, and maintained that part, which notwithstanding he did abandon in his old age, because he took a Bishopric, and did never reside; that the Church hath ever held, that the Pope might dispense, that Nonresidents have always been punished, and reprehended as transgressors of the Canons only, and not of the Law of God; that, indeed, it was disputed in the first Council, but the disputation was held to be so dangerous by the Legates, men of great wisdom, that they did cunningly cause it to be buried in silence; that this example ought to be followed, and that the books which have been written since, have given great scandal to the world, and made known, that the disputation proceeded from partiality. For the authorities of the Scripture and Fathers, they are only exhortations to perfection, neither is there any substantial proof but out of the Canons, which are Ecclesiastical laws. Some held opinion that there was neither place, nor time, nor opportunity to handle that question, & that no good could come by the determination of it, but danger of many inconveniences; that the Council was assembled to extirpate heresies, not to make Schism among the Catholics, which would happen by condemning an opinion, followed, if not by the greater part, yet by one half at the least; that the authors of that opinion have not invented it for truths sake, but the more to urge men to reside, with small ground of reason, in regard that the Laws of GOD are not more diligently observed then the Laws of the Church; that the precept for keeping of Lent is more strictly observed, than those of the Decalogue; that if to confess and communicate at Easter were commanded by GOD, The laws of the Pope are more strictly observed then the laws of God. more would not do it then now do; that to say Mass with Copes is an Ecclesiastical law, and yet no man doth transgress it, he that doth not obey the penal commands of the Canons, will transgress much more when he feareth only the justice of GOD: neither will any Bishop be moved with that determination, but it will give occasion to plot rebellions against the Apostolic Sea, to restrain the Pope's authority, and (as some have been heard to whisper) to depress the Court of Rome; that that was the ornament of the Clergy, which is respected in other places, only in regard of it, that if it should be depressed, the Church would every where be less esteemed; and therefore that it was not fit to handle such a business, without imparting it to his Holiness and College of Cardinals, to whom it doth principally belong. The opinion of Paulus jovius, Bishop of Nocera is not to be omitted; who The Suffrage of Paulus jovius, Bishop of Nocera. said in substance. That certainly the Council was assembled to cure a great wound, which is the deformation of the Church, the cause whereof, as all are persuaded, is the absence of the Prelates from their Churches; which being affirmed by all, is perhaps not sufficiently considered by any. But it is not the part of a wise Physician to take away the cause before he be well assured that the removing of it will not cause greater diseases. If the absence of Prelates hath been the cause of the corruptions, there will be less deformation in those Churches where they have resided. The Popes, for these hundred years, have continually sat in Rome, and used all diligence to instruct the people: yet we do not see that that city is better governed than others. The great capital Cities of Kingdoms are most out of order, where the Prelates have always resided; on the contrary, some poor cities, which have not seen a Bishop in an hundred years, are less corrupted; that amongst the ancient Prelates here present, who have continually resided in their Churches, of which number there are some, not one can show that his Diocese is better than the next, which have continued without a Bishop. If any say they are a flock without a shepherd, let him consider that not Bishops only, but Parish Priests also have cure of souls, and that there are mountains which having never seen Bishops, may be a pattern to Episcopal Cities. That the zeal and care of the Fathers of the first Council is to be commended, and imitated, who, by penalties, have incited the Prelates to remain in their own Churches, and begun to remove the impediments which did hinder them; but they were deceived if they did hope that this residency would be a sufficient reformation▪ yea, they ought to fear, that as residency is now required, so posterity, seeing the inconveniences that arise from thence, will desire their absence. That they ought not to make such strong bonds as cannot in time of need be loosed, such as Ius Divinum would be, which they now begin to allege, 1400 years after CHRIST Where there is a pernicious Bishop, as was that of Collen, he will defend himself by this doctrine, in not obeying the Pope, when he shall cite him to give an account of his actions, or keep him fare off, that he may not cherish the evil. He added, that he saw that the Prelates who were of the contrary opinion had a good zeal, but did believe also that some of them would be content to make use of it, to withdraw themselves from the Pope's obedience, which the stricter it is, the more it doth hold the Church united. He put them in mind also, that what soever they do herein, will turn to the favour of Parish Priests also, to withdraw themselves from obedience to their Bishops. For the Articles being thus expounded, they will make use of it, and say, that the Bishop cannot remove them from their Churches, nor restrain their authority by reservations, and, being Pastors immediately sent by God, they will pretend that the flock doth more belong to them then to the Bishop, and no answer can be made against it. And as hitherto the government of the Church hath been preserved by means of the Hierarchy, so this will cause a Popularity, and an Anarchy, which will destroy it. john Baptista Bernard, Bishop of Aiace, who though he believed that residency The suffrage of john Baptista Bernard Bishop of Aiace. was the iure divino, yet thought it not fit to speak of that question, delivered a singular speech, saying; That, not aiming to establish one opinion more than another, but only so to enforce residency, as that it may be really executed, he thought it vain to declare from whence the obligation came, or whatsoever else, and that it was sufficient only to remove the cause of absence; which is, that Bishops do busy themselves in the Courts of Princes, and in the affairs of the world, being judges, Chancellors, Secretaries, Counselors, Treasurers; and there are but few offices of State into which some Bishop hath not insinuated himself. This is forbidden by S. Paul, who thought it necessary that a soldier of the Church should abstain from secular employments. Let Gods command be executed, and them for bidden to take any charge, office, or degree, ordinary or extraordinary, in the affairs of the world; and then there being no cause for them to remain at Court, they will go to their residency, of their own accord, without command or penalty, and will not have any occasion to departed from thence. In conclusion, he desired that the Council would constitute, that it should not be lawful for Bishops or others, who have cure of souls, to exercise any secular office or charge. The Bishop of five Churches, the Emperor's Ambassador, opposed and Is opposed by the Bishop of five Churches, the Emperor's Ambassador. said, that if the words of S. Paul were to be understood according to the sense which was given them, the whole Church was to be condemned, and all Princes, since the year 800, until now, for that for which they principally deserve to be commended, these in giving, and those in accepting temporal jurisdictions; which also have been exercised by the Popes, and by Bishops placed in the Catalogue of Saints. The best Emperors, Kings of France, Spain, England, and Hungary have ever had their Counsels full of Prelates, all which must be condemned, if God's precept do forbid them to exercise those charges. He that thinketh Paul his command doth comprehend Ecclesiastical persons only, is deceived: For it is directed to all faithful Christians, who are the Soldiers of Christ, and inferreth, that as the worldly soldier doth not busiehimselfe in the Arts by which life is maintained, because they are repugnant to his profession, so the Soldier of Christ, that is, every Christian, aught to abstain from those things which are repugnant to Christian profession, which are sins only; but whatsoever may be done without sin, is lawful for every one. The Prelates that serve in those affairs, cannot be reprehended, except it be said that they are sins. The greatness of the Church, and the esteem the world maketh thereof, proceedeth most from Ecclesiastical dignities, placed in persons of Nobility and of great blood, and from Prelates exercised in charges of importance; which if they should be incompatible to the Clergy, no person nobly descended would enter into that order, no Prelate would be esteemed, and the Church would consist only of people basely borne, and living basely. But, on the contrary, the good doctors have ever maintained, that those Statutes are against Ecclesiastical liberty, which exclude from public administrations Ecclesiastical persons, to whom they belong by right of birth; as also the prohibitions that public charges cannot be given to Priests. This was heard with applause of all the Prelates, even of those who thought that residence was deiure Divino; so potent are the affections of men, that sometimes Who gaineth an applause. they suffer them not to discern contradictions. Of the other Articles a light discussion only was made; yet something A brief discourse of the Authoar concerning ordination to the title of the Patriimonie. was said worth the noting. For the second, for prohibiting ordinations to the title of the Patrimony, it is certain, that since the Church was constituted and established, and necessary ministeries deputed in it, no man was ordained, in the good times of it, but unto some proper ministry. But this good use was quickly turned into an abuse. For in regard of the exemptions of diverse, and of other worldly respects, and because the Bishops desired to have a great Clergy, they ordained whosoever came unto them for it. Therefore this sort of ordination was forbidden in the Council of Chalcedon, which was then called absolute, or lose, (for so the Greek word doth properly signify) commanding that none should be ordained but unto a particular charge, and that the lose ordinations should beenullified, and made void. This was afterwards confirmed by the Canons, so that this rule remained as a Maxim, established in the Church, that no man could be ordained without a title; and in the ancient and good times, by a title was understood a charge, or ministry to be exercised. But after that corruptions were entered, a title was taken for a revenue to live upon, and that which was constituted to this end, that amongst the Clergy no person might be idle, was thus transformed, that no person might want, and be forced to work for his living. And the true sense of the Canons being covered by this interpretation, Alexander the third did establish it in his Lateran Council, saying, that none should be ordained without a title, by which he may receive provision, necessary for his life, with this exception, if he had no inheritance of his own, or from his father; which would bevery reasonable if a title were required only to maintain life. For this cause many, showing they had a Patrimony, by false proofs, were ordained; others, after they were ordained to a true patrimony, did alien it; and others, borrowing a sufficient patrimony until they were ordained, did afterwards restore it to him that had lent it; so that there were many poor Priests, and many inconveniences caused, which required that provision should be made for them. This Article being proposed to the Synod, there were diverse opinions. In which point diverse opinions are delivered in Council. Some said, that it being established that residency is de jure divino, and every one exercising his charge, the Churches will be perfectly served, and there will be no need of Clergy men not beneficed, or of ordinations to the title of patrimony or any other, and all inconveniences will be remedied. For there will be no idle person in the Clergy, from whom innumerable mischiefs and bad examples do come, there will be no beggar, nor any forced to use base trades. They said, that no reformation was good, but that which did reduce things to their beginning; that the primitive Church did continue many years in perfection, and that the integrity thereof could by this means only be restored. There was another opinion, that none should be denied to take holy orders, who, for honesty or sufficiency, did deserve them, although they were poor, alleging that the poor were not excluded in the Primitive Church, which did not dislike that Clerks and Priests should live by their labour, by the example of S. Paul the Apostle, and of Apollo the Evangelist, who lived by making Pavilions. And after that Princes became Christians, Constantius the son of Constantine, gave, in his sixth Consulship, a privilege to the Clergy, that they should not pay any Subsidy for that which they did traffic in shops and worke-houses, because they gave some of their gains to the poor. The instruction of S. Paul to the faithful was observed, that they should labour in honest works, that they might have whereof to give to the poor. They said that an idle and wicked life was unseemly in the Clergy, because it gave scandal; but to live of ones labour was honest, and tended to edification; and if any were forced to beg because of sickness, it was no shame, no more then to the Friars who hold it for a glory to be accounted beggars; that it was not a Christian proposition, that to labour to live by ones hands, to beg in case of impotency, was undecent to the Ministers of CHRIST, and that nothing was unseemly but vice. And if any thought that want was cause of theft, or other sins, he shall find, when he thinketh better on it, that these be sins of the rich rather than of the poor, and that avarice is more impotent, and untamed, than poverty, which, being always busy, doth take away occasions of doing ill. An honest man and a poor man are compatible, but not an honest man and an idle man. The great benefit which the Church militant in this world, and that which is Purgatory doth receive by Masses, celebrated by poor Priests, and not by rich, is both written and preached; of which number if none were, the faithful living, and the souls of the dead would be deprived of great suffrages; that it were better that a strict order should be made, that persons of honesty and sufficiency should be ordained without a title, seeing that now the cause doth cease for which Antiquity forbade it, which was, for that those who had titles, labouring in their Ecclesiastical functions, did edify, and the others, being idle, did give scandal, whereas now those that have titles do, for the most part, disdain the Ecclesiastical ministry, and live in pleasure, and the poor perform the functions, and do edify. This opinion was not followed by many. But a middle opinion had great applause; which was, that the use should be still observed, not to ordain without a title to an Ecclesiastical benefice, or a sufficient patrimony, that Priests might not dishonour their order by begging, and that it should be constituted, to remove all fraud, that the Bishop should provide that the patrimony, to which the Clerk is ordained, might not be alienated. Gabriel de Veneur, Bishop of Viviers, contradicted this, and said, that the patrimony of Clerks is a secular thing, concerning which the Clergy cannot: possibly make any law: besides many occasions may arise, for which the Law, or the Magistrate may lawfully command it to be alienated. And it is generally true that the patrimonial goods of Clerks, for prescriptions, and all sorts of contracts, are subject to the civil laws, and therefore that they ought to consider well of the business, before they assume authority to break a civil contract. The occasion of proposing the third Article was, because the precept of Concerning Simony. CHRIST, that all spiritual graces should be freely conferred, as they are freely received from him, was many ways transgressed in the collation of Orders: which abuse was not new, but greater in former times. For, in the beginning of Christianity, charity abounding, the people who received spiritual things, from the Ministers of CHRIST, did not only, according to the divine precept expounded by S. Paul, contribute to them as much as served for their necessities, but enough also to maintain the poor, never thinking that the temporal was a price of the Spiritual. But after that the temporal, which was held and enjoyed in common, was divided, and a revenue applied to the titles, called a Benefice, the ordination being not then distinct from the collation of the title, and by consequence of the Benefice annexed to it, but both being given and received together, it seemed to the ordainers, that, beside the spiritual thing, they gave also a temporal, for which they might receive another temporal thing in recompense, which he that would obtain, was forced to accommodate himself to the will of him that could give it, so that open buying and selling was easily brought in, which, in the oriental Church, could never be corrected, though many Canons and censures were made against it. Yet it was much diminished, because God took from them, by the rod of the Saracens, a great part of their goods. And, in the West, though it was much reprehended by good men, yet it continued, in some places more, in some less, until, about the year 1000 the ordination was divided from the collation of the Benefice, for which cause that did begin to pass for nothing, and Simony did still continue in this, and that more openly than before. And this abuse did always increase, though under diverse names of Annates, small services, writing, seal, and other pretences, which the Church still useth, with small hope that they can ever be taken away, until CHRIST come again, with his whip, overthrew the tables of the money changers, and chase them out of the Temple. But the ordination, which, being separated from the Benefice, had the fortune to be conferred freely, did enjoy it but a small time. For the Bishops esteeming it unprofitable and base, and regarding more the other which yielded fruit, left off, by little and little, to administer the ordinations; so that titular Bishops were instituted, who performed the Pontifical Ecclesiastical ministeries, and the true Bishops busied themselves in the temporal only. Those, having no revenues, were forced to maintain themselves by the administration of those functions. Whereupon he that received Order was compelled to contribute, first by the name of alms or offering, afterwards, to make it more honourable, by the title of donative or present, and, proceeding further, that it might not be omitted as being a duty, it was covered with the name of reward, not of the maintainer, but of his servants, or of the Notary, or of some other who served him in the ordination. Therefore in this Article it was proposed, that the abuse occurring in the collation of Benefices should not be spoken of; as being an infirmity; not curable with any remedy but death. Concerning which the Prelates were divided, not by opinions, or affections, but by quality of persons. The rich Bishops condemned the receiving of any thing; either for themselves or their officers, or Notaries, as simonical, and sacrilegious, bringing the example of jehesie servant of the Prophet Elizeus, and of Simon Magus, and of the severe commandment of CHRIST, Give freely as you have received. They alleged also many exaggerations out of the Fathers against this sin, saying, that the names of a voluntary donative, or alms, are vain colours repugnant to truth, because the gift is bestowed for the Order, without which it would not have been given. And if it be an alms, why is it given upon that occasion only? let it be made at another time, and Orders conferred without the intervention of any thing. But the mischief is, that if one should tell the Ordainer that he gave him an alms, he would hold it for an injury, nor would receive it at another time. Therefore they ought not to believe, that they could deceive God and the world. They concluded that an absolute Decree ought to be made, that nothing should be given, though willingly, or under the name of alms, nor received, not only by the Ordainer, but also by any of his, or by the Notary, under the name of writing, seal, pains, or any other Pretence whatsoever. But the poor Bishops and the Titular said to the contrary, that as to give order for a price was a wicked sacrilege, so to take away alms, so much commended by CHRIST, did destroy charity, and wholly deform the Church. That there was the same reason absolutely for Ordinations, which is for Confessions, Communions, Masses, Burials and other Ecclesiastical functions; and therefore no cause why that should be forbid in Ordination, which is allowed in all these; and the allegation, that if it be an Alms, let it be given at another time, is of as much force in all the other functions. The Church hath used, from the beginning, to receive oblations and alms, upon these occasions, which if they shall be taken away, the poor religious persons, who live of them, will be forced to take some other course, the rich will not perform the offices, as doth, and, for the space of five hundred years, hath plainly appeared, so that the exercise of Religion will be lost, and the people, remaining without it, will fall into impiety, and diverse pernicious superstitions. And if thousands of crowns are given without reprehension for the vestments which the Apostolic Sea giveth to the Metropolitans, how can a small acknowledgement be reprehended, which the Bishop receiveth from the inferior Orders? What reason is there that things of the same kind should be ordered by contrary laws? That cannot be called an abuse which was instituted in the beginning. And it remaineth still in the Pontifical, that wax candles are presented, by those that are ordained, to the Bishop ordaining, at the offering place, in time of the Ordinations, which be temporal things, and, if they be great, and well adorned, may cost much. It is not therefore so bad as it is painted out, neither can the opposites game, by the infamy of poor Bishops, the name of reformers, imitating the Pharisees, in observing moths, and straining at gnats. Some said also that it could not be constituted, as being contrary to the decree of Innocentius the third, in the general Council, where the use of giving and receiving a temporal thing, in the ministry of the Sacraments, is not only approved, but the Bishops are commanded to compel the people, by censures and Ecclesiastical punishments, to observe the custom, giving the title of laudable to those things, which now some go about to condemn as sacrilegious. But Dinisius, Bishop of Milopotamus, made a long digression, to show how the faithful would be edified, if the Sacraments were administered by the Clergy for pure charity, expecting no reward but from God only. He affirmed that necessaries were to be allowed them, and greater provision also; but that this was sufficiently and superaboundantly done, by the assignation of Tithes, because they, not being the tenth part of the people, do receive so great a portion, besides other possessions which are double as much. Therefore it is not just to demand that which is already received an hundred fold; and if the Bishops be poor, it is not because the Church is poor, but because the riches are ill divided. With an even distribution every one might be fitted; and that might be given without counter change, for which more than the just price hath been already received. He added, that, if this multitude of abuses could not be taken away altogether, it would be good to begin with that of Ordinations, not restraining it to the only action of conferring the Sacraments, but extending it also to the precedent. For it would be a great absurdity that one should pay too dear, in the Chanceries of Bishoprickes, for dimisorie letters, by which the Clerk hath leave to find out one that will ordain him, and in Rome to be ordained out of the times appointed, and lay the reformation only upon the Bishops that do ordain. This opinion was approved by many, in respect of the dimisories of Bishops; but concerning the Faculty given at Rome, the Cardinal Simoneta said, that the Pope would provide for it, and that it was not a thing to be handled in Council. Concerning the reward of Notaries some thing was said. For some esteeming it an office purely secular, thought that their pay ought not to be stopped. Others held it for an Ecclesiastical office. Antonius Augustinus, Bishop of Lerida, an antiquary, said, that in the ancient Church the Ministers were ordained in presence of all the people, so that there was no need of letters Patents or testimonial, and after they had gained a title they did not change Diocese; and if, for any cause, they did make a journey, they had a letter from the Bishop, then called Formata. The use of letters testimonial began after that the people left to be present at the Ordinations, and the Clerks began to be vagabonds, and, being introduced in supplement of the presence of the people, is to be esteemed a temporal office; but, because it is applied to a spiritual matter, it is to be used with moderation. Therefore his opinion was, that some reward should be allowed for them, but moderated, and limited. That which was proposed in the fourth point belongeth only to the Concerning distributions. Collegiate Churches; which having by their institution, this function, amongst others, to assemble themselves in the Church to praise God, at the hours appointed by the Canons, which therefore are called Canonical, rents were annexed to them for the maintenance of the Canons, distributed amongst them in one of these four manners. For either they lived at a common table and charge, as the Regulars, or every one had his portion of rents assigned to him; (which therefore was called a Prebend) or, the service being ended, all was distributed amongst them, either in meat, or money. Those that lived in common continued in that discipline but a small time, but came to division, either into Prebends, or distributions to the Prebendaries, excusing those from performing those divine offices, who, by reason of infirmity, or some spiritual business, could not be present. It was an easy thing to find a pretence, and begin an use of being seldom in the Church, and to enjoy the Prebend notwithstanding. But he, unto whom the measure was distributed, after the work was done, could not be excused; so that discipline, and frequency in the Offices remained longer in this second kind, then in the first. For this cause the faithful, when they gave or bequeathed any thing to the Churches, ordained it should be put in distributions: and experience shown, that the greater the distributions were, the better the Offices were performed, and that the negligence of those who did not assist in the offices might be redressed, by taking part of the Prebends, and making distributions thereof. This was much commended by many of the Prelates, thinking the worship of God would be much enlarged hereby; whereof there could no doubt be made, because it did appear already by experience. And this was all which was spoken for a ground of this opinion. But Lucas Bisantius, Bishop of Cataro, a godly man, but poor, spoke to the contrary, that rather the Prebendaries should be forced, by censures, and deprivations of part, or of all the fruits, and of the Prebends themselves, but that the first form should not be altered. For almost all these institutions being made by the last will of the faithful, they ought to be observed inviolably, and without alteration, not only upon pretence of better, but not for that which is truly and certainly better, in regard it is not just to meddle with that which belongeth to another, because he doth not use it well. But, which is of more importance, to exercise a spiritual function for reward is undoubted Simony, so that by driving out one evil, another would enter fare worse, making negligent men to become Simoniacal. The other part answered, that the Council had power to change last wills; and, for assisting at divine Offices for gain, one must distinguish, that the gain is not the principal, but the secondary cause, and therefore there is no sin in it; for the Canons will go to Church principally to serve God, and secondarily for the distributions. The others replied, that they saw not how the Council had greater power over the goods of the dead, then of the living, which no man is so impertinent as to pretend; and besides the doctrine is not so secure as it is affirmed, that it is lawful to serve God for gain secondarily. And if it were, it is not a secondary, but a principal cause, which first moveth, and without which the work would not be done. This opinion was not pleasing, and raised much murmuring in the Congregation. For every one being conscious to himself that he received the title and charge only in regard of the rents, did think he was condemned. Therefore the Article had great applause that the Prebends should be turned into distributions, to incite men to serve God, in the best manner they could. These Articles having been thus discussed, Fathers were deputed to make Father's are deputed to frame the Decrees. the Decrees; and it was proposed that, in the next Congregations, they should speak of six more, leaving that of secret marriage for another Session. The next day the Legates and Deputies met, to collect the substance of the opinions of the Fathers; and, concerning the first Article of Residency, they dissented amongst themselves. Simoneta favoured the opinion The Legates descent in opinion concerning Residence. that it was de iure positivo, and said, that the greater part, even those who held it was de iure divino, thought fit that the question should be omitted. Mantua, without manifesting his own opinion, said that the greater number did demand a declaration of it. Of the other Legates, Altemps followed Simoneta, and the other two, though with some caution, adhered to Mantua. And this difference did not paste without some bitterness, though modestly expressed. For this cause the Legates held a general Congregation, the 20. day; in which the demand following was read out of a paper: that is; Because many Fathers have said that residence is de iure divino, some have said nothing, and others spoken against the making of the declaration, to the end, that those who are deputed to make the Decrees, may make them quickly, easily, and securely, your Lordships may be pleased to deliver your opinions, only with the word placet, whether you approve or disprove the declaration, that residency is de iure divino: because, according to the custom of this holy Synod, the Decree shall be made as the greater number shall give their voices; which because they had been formerly delivered in great variety, they desired that they would all speak distinctly, one after one, that their suffrages might be noted. All having given their voices, ●8. said, Placet absolutely: 33. Nonplacet Andso do the Prelates. absolutely. 13. said Placet, consulto prius Sanctissimo Domino nostro: and 17. answered, Nonplacet, nisi prius consulto Sanctissimo Domino nostro. The 13. did differ from the 17. because they did absolutely approve the declaration, yet were ready to change their opinion, if the Pope thought otherwise: the 17. did absolutely not approve, yet were content to be of the Pope's opinion, if he did like it. This was a very subtle difference, and used only where every one doth think to do his Master the best service. The Cardinal Madruccio would not precisely answer to the interrogation, but said, he referred himself to his voice, delivered in Congregation, which was in favour of Ius divinum. And the Bishop of Budua said, that he held the affirmative as already concluded, and that he thought fit it should be published. The voices being collected and divided, and it appearing that the greater part, by one half, did approve the declaration, that a fourth part only did dislike it, and that others, though conditionally, were with the first, they came to words of some bitterness, and the residue of the Congregation was spent in discoursing hereof, not without much confusion. Which the Cardinal of Mantua perceiving, made a silence, and, exhorting the Fathers to modesty, gave them leave to departed. The Legates consulted what was fit to be done; and agreed to give the Whereof the Legates give the Pope an account. Pope an exact account of all, and expect his answer, and in the mean while to prosecute in the Congregations the Articles remaining. Mantua would have sent his Secretary, Camillus Olivo, by post, with letters of credence, and Simoneta would have all expressed in the letters. They concluded to temper these two opinions: that is, to write a very large letter, and refer that which remained to the Secretary: who the same day parted from Trent, in the evening. This, though secretly carried, came to the knowledge of the Spaniards; To the great discontentment of the Spanish Prelates. who much complained that they saw a beginning made of an unsupportable grievance, that every treaty should not only be sent, but consulted of and resolved also at Rome; that the Council assembled twice before in that City, was dissolved without fruit, yea with scandal also, because nothing was resolved by the Fathers, but all in Rome; so that a blasphemous Proverb was generally used, that, the Synod of Trent was guided by the holy Ghost, sent thither, A blasphemous proverb was used against the p●oceeding of the Council. from time to time, in a cloak-bag from Rome. And that those Popes, who absolutely refused the Council gave less scandal, than those who have assembled it, and hold it in servitude. The world was in hope that, if once a Council might be obtained, all inconveniences would be redressed; but having observed how things were carried, under two Popes before, and how they are governed now, all hope of any good is extinguished, nor any more to be hoped for from the Council, if it must serve to be a minister of the interests of the Court of Rome, and move or stand still at their pleasure. This gave occasion, beginning in the next Congregation to discuss the Articles proposed, briefly to speak of the point of Residency. The Cardinal of Varmia said, that that matter was sufficiently treated on, that the Decree should be framed to resolve it; which being proposed every one might say what he thought fit: but he could not quiet the humours that were moved. Therefore the Archbishop of Prague, the Emperor's Ambassador, made a continuate speech, to exhort the Fathers to proceed peaceably and with less passion, admonishing them to consider what did become their persons, and that place: But julius Superchius', Bishop of Caurle, answered cholerikely, that nothing doth less beseem the Council, then to lay a law upon the Prelates, especially when it is done by one who representeth a Secular authority; and used some biting terms: so that the Congregation was like to be divided into parts. Varmiense, who was Precedent in it, seeking to moderate them, diverted the speech upon other Articles, appointed for that day, and proposed that some means should be used to set at liberty the English Bishops, who were in prison in England, that, coming to the Council, it might be said, that that noble Nation was present also, and not wholly aliened from the Church. This pleased all: but the common opinion was, that it might sooner be desired then hoped for. They concluded that A consultation in the Council to set at liberty the English Bishops who were in prison. the Queen having refused to receive a Nuncio, expressly sent from the Pope, it could not be hoped that she would hearken to the Council. Therefore all they could do was to persuade Catholic Princes to mediate for them. The 25. being S. Marks day, the Venetian Ambassadors were received, The Venetian Ambassadors are received in Congregation. in the general Congregation, whose Mandate being read dated the 11. of the same Month, and an Oration made by Nicolas di Tonte, one of them, an answer was given in the usual form. In those few days, the wisest amongst the Prelates, considering what a disreputation it would be to the Council, and themselves, if those stirs were not pacified, endeavoured to pacify men's minds by showing that if the Conciliary actions were not prosecuted without tumult, besides the scandal & the shame, the dissolution of the Council, without doing any good, would necessarily follow. This remonstrance took effect; and caused them to treat peaceably of the six Articles remaining; of which there was not much to be spoken. For the fifth, the provision was thought necessary; but there was a difficulty concerning the manner, because the division of Parishes was first made by the people, when a certain number of inhabitants, having received the true faith, built a temple for exercise of their religion, hired a Priest, and did The division of Parishes. constitute a Church, which, by the neighbours, was called a Parish; and when the number was increased, if one Church and Priest were not sufficient, those who were most remote did build another, and fit themselves better. In progress of time, for good order and concord, a custom began to have the Bishop's consent also. But after that the Court of Rome assumed by reservations the collation of Benefices, those who were provided of them from Rome, when the division of great Parishes, and, by consequence, a diminution of their gain was in question, opposed themselves by the favour of the Pope, so that nothing could be done herein, without going to Rome: which when it happened, especially beyond the Mountains, in regard of the impediments of Appeals, and other suits, it was a thing of great charge. To provide against these inconveniences in Council, the Prelate's thought, that where one Church was sufficient for a people, but not one Rector, the titles should not be multiplied, because where many Curates are, there must needs be diversity of opinions; but that the Bishop should compel the Parish Priest to take other Priests to assist him, as many as were needful: but where the largeness of the habitations did require, he should have power to erect a new parish Church, dividing the people and revenues, and compelling them to make a sufficient revenue by contribution. Only Eustathius Bellai, Bishop of Paris, who came not long before, told them, that in regard of the la●t part, the Decree would not be received in France, where they do not consent that the Laity may be commanded, in a temporal matter, by Ecclesiastical authority, and that it was not for the reputation of a general Council to make decrees, which would be rejected in any Province. Friar Thomas Casellus, Bishop of Cava, replied, that the French men do not know that this power is given to the Council by CHRIST and S. Paul, who have commanded that maintenance should be allowed by the people, to those that serve them in spiritual things, and that the Frenchmen, if they will be Christians, must obey. Bellay replied, that until he had understood that which CHRIST and Saint Paul do grant to the Ministers of the Gospel, to be a power to receive maintenance from him that doth voluntarily give it, and not to constrain any to give; and that France would ever be Christian. And he passed no further. The sixth and eighth Articles would not have needed a decree, if the Bishops had kept their authority, or if it had continued in the Parish Priests, or in the people, to whom such provisions did formerly belong, as hath been said, and should do still by all reason. But the necessity of handling these matters proceeded from the reservations made to Rome. The Prelates were all of the same opinion, that provisions were requisite, yet some would not consent they should be made, because they would not m●ddle with the Pope's authority; by treating of things reserved to that Sea, especially in so great a number. Leonard, Bishop of Lanciano, spoke of it as of a poin● of justice, that all the offices of the Apostolic Chancery being sold, it was not fit to diminish the dispatches made there, because it would take away part of the profit, without the consent of the buyer; and therefore that these provisions ought to be made in Rome, where the interest of all would be considered. And this Bishop would have proceeded further, in regard of the interests himself and his friends had in those offices, if the Archbishop of Messina, a Spaniard, who sat next, had not told him that nothing should be resolved before it were consulted of, and consented to in Rome. They called to mind that which was done in the first Council, when authority was given to Bishops, concerning things reserved to the Pope; that is, to add, that they should do it as delegates of the Apostolic Sea; which counsel was followed in all decrees, made concerning such matters. In the 7. though every one thought fit that the people should be served by persons sufficient for the ministry, and of good behaviour, yet they said it was enough, and very much, to provide for the future, because those laws which look back and dispose of things past, are ever accounted odious, and transcendent. Therefore they thought it sufficient to provide fit persons for hereafter, tolerating those who are in possession already. The Archbishop of Granata said, that the deputation of any unfit person to the ministry of CHRIST, was not ratified by his divine Majesty: and therefore was void the possessor having no right: and that they were bound to remove him that was unfit, and to put another sufficient person in his place. But this opinion was not followed, as being too rigid, and impossible to be executed, because there was not a just measure of necessary sufficiency. Therefore the middle way was taken, not to exceed the proposition of the Article, but making a difference between the ignorant and scandalous, to proceed against the former with less rigour, as being less culpable. And as it belongeth to the Bishop by all reason, to make provision when the collations came not from the Pope, so, in this case also it should be granted unto him, as Delegate of the Apostolic Sea. To treat of the visitation of Benefices commended, in the ninth article, occasion was given by a good use, degenerated into a great abuse. In the incursions which the Barbarians make upon the Western Empire, it often happened, that the Churches were deprived of their pastors, when those unto How Commendaes' began. whom it did canonically belong to make provision of successors, could not do it, as being hindered by invasiont, sieges, or imprisonments: whereupon, that the people might not continue long without spiritual government, the principal Prelates of the Province, or some of the neighbours, did recommend the Church to some Clergy man, conspicuous for piety, and honesty, and fit for government, until, the impediments being removed, a Pastor might be canonically elected. The Bishops and next parish Priests did the like, when the like vacancies happened in the Countries; and always he that did commend another, did seek to employ a man of note, and he that was commended, did labour to answer the expectation; so that great fruit did ensue, to the satisfaction of all: But as always some corruption will in time creep into good things, some of the Commendataries began to think not only of doing the Church good, but to draw some profit to themselves also, & the Prelates likewise to commend Churches without necessity. The abuse increasing, a Law was made, that the Commenda should not last above six months, nor the Commendatarie participate of the fruits of the Benefice commended. Howsoever, the Popes, pretended to be above this law, did not only commend for a longer time, and grant an honest portion to the Commendatarie, but did commend also for term of life, granting all the fruits unto the person commended, as unto the titular. Yea, they made the form also quite contrary. For whereas it was formerly said in the Bulls, We do recommend unto thee this Church, that it may be well governed in the interim: they began to say, We recommend unto thee such a Church, that thou mayest maintain thy state, with a greater dignity. And moreover they ordained, that if the Commendatarie died, the Benefice should remain at their disposition, so that they could not be hindered by the Patron. And the Commendataries being placed by the Pope, the Bishops could not meddle in those churches, and every one in Court was more willing to get Benefices in Commenda, then in the Title to exempt themselves from the subjection of the superior Prelates; so that the Bishop was deprived of authority over the greater part of the Churches of his Diocese, and the Commendataries, not subject to any superintendency, suffering the buildings to fall, and diminishing, or wholly taking away other necessary expenses, having no other end, then according to the proëme of the Bull, to maintain their own state, let all go to desolation. It seemed an indecency, that the Bishop should meddle with that which was recommended by the Pope to another and therefore they thought fit to make a mannerly provision against this disorder, granting the Bishop's authority to visit and superintend, but as Delegates of his Holiness. The twelfth proposition was made to remedy the abuses of the Collectors, The abuses and impieties of Collectors. because the ancient institution was degenerated also. For Hospitals, Spitals, places for education of Orphans, and such like, being instituted in diverse places for necessity, without any maintenance but the arms of the faithful, some godly persons undertook the charge to go about and ask them at men's houses, and for their credit, had letters testimonial from the Bishop. Others, that they might not be hindered by the Bishop, obtained faculty from the Pope, with letters of recommendation; which were easily granted, in regard of the profit which came to the Court, for the dispatch of the bulls. This institution was immediately turned into excessive abuses, and the least part of the arms collected was bestowed in the right course. Those also who had obtained power to collect, did substitute also base and infamous persons, dividing the alms with them. The Collectors likewise, to gain as much as they could, used a thousand sacrilegious and wicked artifices, wearing a certain form of habit, carrying fire, water, bells, and other instruments to make a noise, that they might amaze the vulgar and breed superstition in them, telling false miracles, preaching false indulgences, ask alms with imprecations and threats of evil and misfortunes, against those that would not give, and using many other impieties like to these, so that the world was much scandalised; but no provision could be made, in regard of the Apostolical grants. The Prelates enlarged themselves in this matter, relating the abuses and impieties aforesaid, and many more, showing that remedies had been formerly used, but without effect; and so would all others prove that should be attempted: only one remained, which was to abolish wholly the name and use of Collectors; in which opinion all concurred. At this time the Ambassadors of the Duke of Banaria came, who refused The Ambassadors of the Duke of Banaria contest for preceed●ce with the Ambassadors of Venice. to present themselves in Congregation, except they might have precedence of the Ambassadors of Venice. Whereunto they denying to yield, the Legates interposed a delay, that they might receive answer from Rome. The Pope understanding how the voices were given in the Congregations concerning residency, and that the Spaniards did all hold together, made a bad Prognostique, and thought that union could not be without the King's knowledge. He said he had a long time known, by great experience, The Pope and his Court are much perplezed with advices, sent unto them from Trent and Spain. that the Vltramontan Prelates do envy the greatness of Italy, & of the Apostolic Sea, and, for the suspicion which he had of the King, was ill satisfied with him, as if he had failed of the promise which he made unto him to preserve his authority. The Conclusion of all his discourses was, that if the Princes will abandon him, he will have recourse to heaven; that he had a million of gold, and knew where to get another; and beside, that God will provide for his Church. The Court also did perceive, with great passion, in what danger they were, and thought that these novities did aim to make many Popes, or none at all, and to hinder all the profits of the offices of the Chancery. Advice came to him also, from his Nuncio in Spain, that the King was ill pleased with the (Proponentibus Legatis) constituted in the first Session: and the Pope was so much the more pleased with it, because by the distaste of others, he perceived they had designs to propose something to his prejudice. Yet he caused it to be excused to the King, that it was done without his privity, howsoever he thought it necessary to repress the petulancy of unquiet spirits, saying, that the Council would be like the tower of Babel, if every turbulent person might move humours as he listed; that the Legates were discreet, and did reverence his Majesty, and would propose whatsoever should please him, and give satisfaction to all wise and godly persons. But with the King's Ambassador residing with him, who spoke thereof, he proceeded somewhat roughly. First, he complained, that he had done bad offices herein; then, relating how the Spanish Prelates, as it were seditiously, proceeded in the Council, he shown that the Decree was holy and necessary, and that no prejudice was done to any, insaying that the Legates shall propose. Vargas answered, that if it had been said only, the Legates shall propose, no man would have complained, but that ablative (Proponentibus Legatis) did deprive the Bishops of power to propose; and therefore that it was fit to change it into another kind of speech. Whereunto the Pope answered, with some disdain, that he had something else to do, then to think Cuius generis, & cuius casus. The Pope's suspicion did not want ground, having discovered that the Ambassador had sent many posts into Spain, and unto Trent, exhorting the Spanish Prelates to maintain their liberty, and desiring the King that the Council might not be held in subjection. But, in the Court, many Prelates having written to their friends from Trent diversely, according to their affections, there was a great tumult, or rather an astonishment, every one thinking he did already see Rome empty of Prelates, and deprived of all prerogative and eminency. It did appear plainly, that the Cardinals residing in Rome, should be excluded from having Bishoprickes; that plurality of benefices was forbid, that no Bishop or Curate might have any office in Rome, and that the Pope might not be able to dispense in any of the things aforesaid, which are the most principal of all that are in his power, so that his authority would be much diminished. And they remembered the saying of Livy, that the Majesty of a Prince is hardly brought from the height to the middle, but is easily cast headlong from the middle to the bottom. They discoursed how much the authority of Bishops would be enlarged, who would draw unto them the collation of Benefices, denying the Pope's authority for reservations, that the Bishops beyond the Mountains, and some Italians also, have ever shown a bad mind towards the Court, for envy, and because they can not so easily have place in it; and that they were to take heed of those who remanie in places the most remote from Rome, for conscience sake, because they would do worse than all the rest, in case they were able; that these hypoctiticall Purstans have a greater ambition than the rest, though covered, and would fain advance themselves by the ruins of others, as Paul the fourth did very well show by effects. And because the Spaniards were united in this, and exhorted by Vargas to persevere, many did whisper that the King was the first mover, who, to gain Subsidies from the Clergy, having two difficulties to overcome, one in having the Pope's consent, the other in taking away the resistance made by Chapters and Colleges, who being the prime of the Nobility, exempted from Bishops, & most of them having received Benefices by the Pope's collation, do oppose themselves without respect, did purpose to advance the Bishops who do wholly depend on him, and receive their Bishoprickes by his presentation, by freeing of them from subjection to the Pope, and subiecting the Chapters and Colleges unto them, and so, by their means; to gain an easy and absolute dominion over the Clergy. The Court did generally complain of all the Legates for proposing the article, or suffering it to be proposed, saying, that it was formerly ordained with great art, that they only should propose, only to resist the attempts of those who were ill affected to Rome, and that they could not be excused, because they had an example of a disorder, which this dispute caused in the first Council. Above all, they complained of Mantua and Seripando, and especially of Mantua, because with his reputation and credit, he might easily have withstood all inconveniences. They said it was necessary to other Legates, more inclined to the common good, not Princes, nor Friars, but such as had passed through the degrees of the Court. And the general voice did design john Baptista Cigala, Card. of S. Clement, in the first place, because he had showed himself a stout champion for the Pope's authority, in the offices of referendary and Auditor of the Chamber, with much commendation and increase of the affairs of Rome; who, being superior to Mantua, aught to hold the first place, which would make him retire. The Pope caused many congregations to be held by the Cardinals, deputed to consult of the affairs of the Council: who having thought of diverse remedies to stop the current of this evil, he began to speak of the businesses much more quietly and correctly then before. He did not condemn the opinion of those who said, that residency was the iure divino, yea he commended them for speaking according to their conscience; and sometimes he added, that perhaps that opinion was the better. But he complained of those who referred themselves unto him, because the Council was assembled, that every one may deliver his own opinion, and not lay the things of difficulty upon the back of another, that themselves might avoid hatred and envy. The differences between his Legates did displease him, which they ought not to have published, with scandal, but, concealing them, to have composed them between themselves, or referred them to him. And as he was pleased that every one should deliver his opinion freely, so he blamed the practices which many used, to subvert others, with deceits, and almost with violences. And he could not choose but be troubled with that which was spoken concerning the liberty of the Council and that to consult of the matters thereof at Rome was to violate it; saying it was a strange thing, that he, who was Head of the Church, and the Cardinals, who were principal members, and other Prelates in Rome, who have voice in the Council, should be accounted strangers, and may not be informed of what is handled, and speak their opinion, whereas those who have no lawful part in it, hold it lawful to intermeddle, and that in an ill sort; that it is plain, that the Prelates went to Trent, with commission from their Princes, according to which they proceed; that the Ambassadors, by letters and persuasions, do compel them to follow the interests of their Masters, and yet, for all this, no man saith, which (should be said) that the Council is not free. This he amplified, in all his discourses, with much vehemency; adding, that to say the Council was not free, was a colour used by him who was not willing to see a good end thereof, hoping to dissolve it, or to take from it all reputation; all which he held to be secret favourers of heresy. Finally after he had conferred and often consulted with all the Ambassadors residing with him, of this particular, the ninth of May assembling all the Cardinals, he caused the advices sent from Trent to be read, and declared the sum of the former consultations, and the necessity to walk cunningly and constantly in this business, intimating that many had conspired against the Apostolic Sea. Afterwards he caused the answer to be read which he purposed should be sent to Trent; which in substance did contain two points. That the Counsel was free on his part, and ever should. The Pope's answer sent to Trent. That it was fit he should be acknowledged for head, and receive that respect which is due to the Apostolic Sea. He asked the opinion of all the Cardinals: who did uniformly commend the Answer. Some told him that, in regard of the differences between the Legates, it were good to send others, some of the most extraordinary persons; and others said that the importance of the business did require that his Holiness and the whole College should go to Bolonia, that they may be near to Trent, and to give better assistance, as occasion should be offered. Whereunto the Pope answered, that he was ready to go, not only to Bolonia, but to Trent also, if there were need, and all the Cardinals offered to follow him. They consulted of sending A Consultation in Rome about sending other Legates. other Legates, and resolved not to speak any more of it, as yet, because Mantua would departed, which would be a great prejudice to the reputation of the Council, in regard of the opinion which the Emperor, King of Spain, and almost all Princes have of his honesty, and of the credit he hath with the greater part of the Prelates of Trent. The letters being dispatched, he dealt with the Ambassadors of Venice The Pope maketh plots to maintain the greatness of the Apostolic Sea. and Florence, that their Princes would recommend the cause of the Papacy to their Ambassadors in Trent, and command them to cause the Prelates of their States, not to be present in the Parleys against the Apostolic Sea, and not to be so earnest in the point of Residency. Afterwards he called all the Bishops remaining at Court, and shown them what service their presence might do in Trent, and the necessity thereof. He loaded them with promises, gave money to those who were poor, and dispatched them to the Council. This he did to increase the number, against they should speak of Residency, and because 40. Frenchmen were expected, from whom he could not Prognosticate any good. And not to have France his opposite, whose Ambassadors would be in Trent very shortly, he resolved to give the King 100000. crowns, and to lend him as much in the Name of Merchants, upon sufficient assurance for the principal and the interest, so that he would in earnest, and without dissimulation, revoke the Edicts, and make war for religion, that with that money Swisses and Germans might be levied to be under the conduct of his Legate, and the colours of the Church, that no Huguenot should be pardoned without his consent, that the Chancellor, the Bishop of Valence, and others, to be named by him, should be imprisoned, that in the Council nothing should be handled against his authority, and that his Ambassadors should not make mention of the Annats. Yet he promised to accord with the King in that matter, and to reform it, to the satisfaction of his Majesty. Afterwards the Pope consulted on the point of Residence, that, when there was occasion, he might speak thereof correctly, without prejudice to himself, or scandal to others. And having well discussed the reasons, he settled his opinion to approve it, and cause it to be executed upon what He consulteth on the point of Residence. law soever it were grounded, whether Canonical, or Evangelicall. And so he answered the French Ambassador, who spoke to him of it; adding, that he alone is deputed to see the execution of all the Evangelicall precepts. For CHRIST having said to S. Peter, Feed my Lambs, hath ordained that all the orders made by his divine Majesty, shall be executed by means of him only, and that he would make a Bull thereof, with a penalty of deprivation of the Bishoprickes; which should be more feared than a declaration which the Council might make, de iure Divine. And, the Ambassador insisting upon the liberty of the Council, he said, that, if all liberty were granted unto it, they would extend it to reform not only the Pope, but Secular Princes also. And this form of speech much pleased his Holiness, who was wont to say, that nothing was worse than to stand upon the defence only, and that, if others did threaten him with the Council, he would play with them at the same weapons. At this time, to begin to execute that which he had requested, and promised, And reformeth the Court in petty matters only. that is, to reform the Court, that the Council might not meddle with it, he first published a reformation of the Penitentiary, a very principal member, giving out a report, that he would shortly also reform the Chancery, and the Chamber. Every one did expect that the things belonging to the salvation of souls should have been regulated, which are managed in that office, but in the Bull there was not any the least mention made of repentance, conscience, or any other spiritual thing: only it took away the Faculties which the Penitentiary doth exercise, in diverse causes beneficial, belonging to the exterior discipline of regular Friars; not expressing whether that provision was made to give those Faculties to some other officers, or whether he esteemed them abuses undecent, and would banish them from Rome. But the event did immediately take away the doubt. For the same things were obtained from the Datary, and by other ways, only with greater charge. And this was the fruit of the reformation. But to return to Trent, the Father's having delivered their opinions, and the deputies framed nine Decrees (for the Articles of Matrimony, as already decided, and of residency by consent of the Legates, and of some of the Fathers, persuaded thereunto, were omitted) they proposed them to be established in Congregation, and to be read in the Session at the time appointed. By reason of this omission, the demands of those that favoured residency Another contendon about Residence. were stirred up. Whereunto the Legates answering, that that Article was not well discussed, nor was fit to be proposed in that Session, but that it should be done in time convenient, they were more earnest than before, alleging that there would never be a greater opportunity, murmuring that it was a trick never to conclude it. But they were forced to relent, seeing the Legates resolute not to handle it then, and because those of the contrary opinion, encouraged from Rome, did labour more effectually to the contrary. Therefore speaking of the other Articles only, with some few alterations, the nine heads were framed. The Maquis of Pescara made earnest suit, in the King's name, that that Council might be declared to be a Continuation of the Council begun under Paul 3. and prosecuted under julius. He was assisted by the Spanish Prelates, The Spanish Ambassador maketh siut to have the Continuation declared. and others, who followed them, alleging that it was to be done, for necessity of faith; and that otherwise the determinations, already made, would be questioned, which would be a notable impiety. The Emperor's Ambassadors used strong persuasions to the contrary, saying they would presently departed And is opposed by the Emperor's Ambassadors. & protest. For the Emperor having given his word to Germany, that that Convocation should be a new Council, he could not endure so great an affront. They said they would not by this means, reexamine the things decided, but that while there was hope to reduce Germany, they would not cut it off, especially with so much disgrace of the Emperor. Card. Seripando had no other aim but that it should be determined to be a continuation, & formerly, in making the Bull of the Convocation, did labour therein, & did now effectually further the Spaniards request. But Mantua did constantly resist, that such an injury might not be done to the Emperor, without necessity; and he found a temper to pacify the Spaniards; saying, that having already held 2. Sessions without making mention of this proposition, it will be no prejudice to defer it also to another. The resolution of the Emperor's Ambassadors to departed, and the persuasion of the Card. caused Pescara to proceed more rimisly. And letters came very fitly from Lewis de Lansac, chief of the Ambassadors sent to the Council from the French King, who, being in his voyage not fare distant, wrote to the Legates and Fathers, to pray them that the Session might be prorogued, until he & his Colleagues were come. Mantua, making use of this occasion, proposed the prorogation of the Session, for which though they would not consent, in regard of maintaining the dignity of the Synod, yet they resolved (some for one respect, some for another, and some because the humours of residence were not well quieted) to celebrate it, without proposing any thing. The 14. day being come, they met in the public Session, with the usual A Session is held. Ceremonies: where the Mass and the prayers accustomed being ended, the Secretary read the Mandates of Princes, according to the order in which the Ambassadors presented themselves in Congregation: Of the Catholic king, of the Duke of Florence, of the Swisses, of the Clergy of Hungary, and of the Venetians. And the Speaker did in a few words thank all those Princes, for having offered their assistance for the security and liberty of the Council. Afterwards the Masse-Bishop pronounced the Decree, in this substance: That the Synod, for some just and honest causes, hath determined to defer the I● which nothing is done promulgation of the decrees appointed for that time, until the fourth of june, for which day it doth intimate the next Session. And nothing else was done in this meeting. So soon as the Session was celebrated, the Marquis of Pescara parted The Spanish Ambassador parteth from Trent 2. days before the arrival of the French Ambassador. from Trent, saying he must return to his government of Milan, because of some new stirs, raised by the Hugonots, in the Delphinate. But it being known that those forces were not able to issue out of the Country, and that the Duke of Savoy was between Milan and them, many believed, that he had commission from his King so to do, who, desirous that the Council should proceed, would not have it interrupted by the controversy of precedence, which could not have been avoided, if his, and the French Ambassadors had been in Trent together. Lewis S Gelais, Lord of Lansac, chief of the French Ambassage, arrived two days after the departure of the other, and was met The French Ambassadors come to Trent. upon the way by many of the Prelates, and partieularly by the Spaniards. The next day Arnold de Ferrieres, Precedent of Paris, and Guido Faber, Lord of Pibrac, gowned men, Colleagues of the Ambassage, did arrive also. At this time advice came to the Council how the Pope, Cardinals, and Court of Rome, had censured the Fathers for the point of Residence, and many received letters from the Cardinals their Patrons, full of complaints, The Pope's indignation against the Cardinal of Mantua is renewed. reprehensions, and exhortations, which letters they shown to many. On the other side, news came to Rome of what happened in Trent afterwards. The Pope did renew and augment his disdain against the Cardinal of Mantua, for having omitted the occasion to declare the Continuation, being requestd to do it by the Ambassador and Prelates of Spain. He was sorry to see that Cardinal joined with the Spaniads in the point of residence, and opposite to them in the Continuation; which was to cross him in all things. For no man, though of a dull wit, would have forborn to have made that declaration, because if it had succeeded well, it had been much in the favour of the Catholic Church, if not, the Council had been dissolved; a thing of no less benefit. They began in Rome to consult again of sending other Legates, and particularly the Cardinal of Saint Clement; dessigning to lay the principal charge, and the instruction upon him: and not to take the first place from Mantua, and so to give him occasion to departed, they thought to ordain him Bishop, news being come a little before of the death of Francis Tornon, Deane, by which one of the six Bishoprickes was void. The Emperor, advertised of the proposition to declare the Continuation, was moved, and sent the Pope word, that whensoever it was done, he would recall his Ambassadors from Trent, whom he commanded, that, if the resolution were made, they should presently departed, not expecting the publication. Therefore his Holiness was in hope that, by this means the Council might be ended, and was so much the more angry with the Cardinal of Mantua for suffering such an occasion to pass, and began to think how it might be revived. The Court, as well to imitate their Prince, as for their own interests, continued their complaints, and murmurs against the Prelates of the Council, and most of all against that Cardinal, and against Seripando and Varmiense; and, on the contrary, the Prelates in Trent, and especially the Spaniards, complained of the Pope and the Court. Of him, for holding the Council in servitude, to which he ought to leave free power, to handle and determine all things, and not to meddle himself; and yet, besides that, nothing is proposed but what The Prelates of the Council compl 〈…〉 of the Pope. pleaseth the Legates, who do nothing but that which is commanded from Rome, when a proposition is made in which 70. Bishops do uniformly agree, they are hindered, even to speak thereof, that the Council ought to be free, and exempt from all prevention, concurrence, and intercession of any other power; and yet laws are given them what to handle, and limitations, and corrections made of the things handled and decreed; which continuing, they cannot truly be called a Council. That there were amongst them more than forty stipendaries of the pope, some receiving thirty, some sixty crowns a month; and that others were terrified by the letters of Cardinals, and other Courtiers. They complained of the Court, that, not enduring a reformation, they held it lawful to calumniate, reprehend, and censure that which was done for the service of God. That, having seen how they proceeded against a necessary and small reformation, they must needs expect a great commotion, and contradiction, when they shall be more touched at the quick; that the Pope ought to bridle the tongues of the passionate, and make show at the least, seeing that he would not beetied really, that the council may proceed with sincerity and liberty. Paulus Emilius Verallus, Bishop of Capoccio, came to bad terms with the Bishop of Paris, in a meeting of many Bishops. For Paris having disliked A passage concerning the equality of Bishops. the course of determining by plurality of voice, and the other answering that all Bishops were equal, Paris asked him how many souls were under his charge; who answered that he had five hundred: then Paris replied, that, in regard of his person, he yielded unto him, but in respect of those who were represented by the one and the other, he that spoke of five hundred, ought not to be made equal to him that spoke of five hundred thousand. Things standing in these terms, there was no Congregation made until the 20. day: in which the French Ambassadors (who had imparted their instructions to the Imperialists, and held correspondence, according to the The French Ambassadors are received in congregation, and one of them maketh an Oration. command of their Master) presented themselves. The Mandate of their Ambassage being exhibited and read, Guide Faber made a long Oration, in which, having expounded the continual desire of the King, that the Council should be assembled in a fit place, not suspected, and the request he had made to the Pope and all Christian Princes for it, he told them what fruit might be expected from the opening of it. He added, that as those do much err who would innovate all therites of the Church so to maintain all of them obstinately, not considering the state of the present times, and the public good, deserveth no less reprehension. He declared very particularly the temptations which the Devil would use, to divert the Fathers from the right way, saying, that if they gave ear to him, they would make Counsels lose all authority; adding, that many Counsels have been held in Germany and Italy, with no fruit, or very little, of which it was said that they were neither free nor lawful, because they were governed by the will of another; that they ought to be careful to use well the power and liberty given them by God. For if, in private causes, they deserve severe punishment, who do gratify any man against justice, they deserve it much more, who, being judges in causes divine, do follow a popular applause, or suffer themselves to be made gowned slaves to the Princes, to whom they are obliged; and said that every one should examine himself what passion doth possess him. And because the defects of some former Synods have made a prejudice to this, it is fit to show that those things are past, that every one may dispute without being burned, that public faith is not broken, that the holy Ghost is to be called for from heaven only, and that this is not that Council which was begun by Paul 3. and prosecuted by julius 3. in turbulent times, and in the midst of arms which was dissolved without doing any thing that was good, but a new free, peaceable, and lawful Council, called according to the ancient custom, to which all Kings, Princes, and Republics, do give consent, to which Germany will run and bring with the authors of the new disputes, the most grave and eloquent men which it hath. He concluded, that they the Ambassadors did promise, to this end, the assistance of the King. It seemed that some of the Fathers, and of the Legates themselves, did not take those words well, to which the Speaker not knowing To which the Speaker knoweth not what answer to make. what to answer, nor what compliment to make, the Congregation ended with the Oration. The next day, the same Ambassadors went to the Legates, assembled for that purpose, where they excused the French Prelates for not coming, in regard of the tumults, promising that when they were ended▪ as they hoped The French Ambassadors demand of the Legates a declaration that the Council is new. they would be shortly, they should come with speed. Afterwards they declared that the Hugonots do suspect the continuation of the Council, and do require a new, that the King had treated hereof with the Emperor, who desired the same, at the instance of the Confessionists; that he had demanded the same also of the Pope: who answered that the difference was only between them and the King of Spain, and that it concerned not him, but referred it to the Council. Therefore they demanded a declaration, in plain terms, that the Indication is new, and not in these words, Indicendo continuamus, & continuando indicimus, which is an ambiguity not befitting Christians, and implieth a contradiction; and said, that the Decrees already made by the Council, are not received by the French Church, nor by the Pope himself, and that Henry 2. did protest against it: that concerning this point, they were addressed to them the Legates, because the Pope hath often said that the question of Indiction or continuation was not his, and that he referred it to the Council. And having delivered this petition by word, they left it also in writing. The Legates, after they had consulted together, answered in writing also, that they admitted the excuse of the Bishop's absent, but that they could To whom the Legates answer. not defer the discussion of that which was to be handled in the Council until their coming, because the Fathers who were present, would be incommodated too much, that they have not power to declare that the Indiction of the Council is new but to preside only, according to the tenor of the Pope's Bull, and the will of the Synod. The Frenchmen were contented with the answer for the present, having determined, together with the Imperialists, not to proceed further, so long as in the acts mention was not made of continuation, considering that the Spaniards having made requests in the first Session that the continuation should be declared, and received much contradiction, there was danger that the Council would have been dissolved. But the answer of the Legates published by the French men, that their authority was to preside according to the will of the Synod made the Spaniards say, that those words did subject the Legates to the Council, whereas indeed they made themselves Lords over it. And Granata said, that it was an absolute dominion to make use of the quality of a servant, and of a Lord also. The Legates proposing nothing for the next Session, the Prelates, who favoured residency, began to discourse again of it, and persuaded the Ambassadors of the Emperor, Kings of France, Portugal, and all the others, to move the Legates, that it might be decided in the next Session; alleging, The Spaniards require a determination in the point of Residence. that it having been proposed and disputed, it would be a great scandal to leave it undecided, and would show that it was for some particular interest, seeing that the principal. Prelates of the Council, and the greater number did desire the determination of it. The French men, together with the Imperialists, made instance that the points of doctrine might not be handled The Ministers of the French King & Emperor demand of the Legates that the points of doctrine may be deferred until the coming of the protestants. in absence of the Protestants who do impugn them, until their contumacy be manifest, in regard the disputation is superfluous, where there is none to contradict, especially there being matter enough beside, in which the world doth agree, that is, a good reformation of manners; that the English Ambassador in France had declared, that his Queen would send to the Council; whence it would follow that the other Protestants would do the like; so that a general reunion of the Church would succeed: and that one might assure himself to see this effected, if a good reformation were made. Cardinal Simoneta answered this second proposition, that the business seemed easy, but was not so, because all consisted in the disposition of Benefices, in which the abuses proceed from Kings and Princes. This troubled all the Ambassadors, because of the nominations, and dispositions which Princes do exercise, and especially the French King. But the proposition of the Residence did molest the Legates more; nor were the Fathers pacified with the excuses formerly used, that the matter was not sufficiently digested, that there was not time enough before the Session to make it clear, and for other considerations. And the heat grew so great, that some of the Vltramontans were agreed to protest, and departed. And this was the cause of stopping the motion. For the Ambassadors, fearing that the Council would be interrupted, and knowing that the Pope would cherish every occasion, ceased to make any further instance, and persuaded the Bishops to he contented to expect; and, for the same cause, they laboured with But they do all surcease, because the Pope would take occasion hereby to dissolve the Council. the Ministers of Spain, that they should not insist any more to have the continuation declared: who not only were pacified, but protested also to the Legates, that they did not then demand it; saying, that, if others seek to put the Council into the stock, there is no reason their purpose should be covered with the cloak of the King of Spain. The protestation pleased the Legates, who were engaged by their word to the Marquis, and knew not how to acquit themselves. Neither was it less grateful to them to defer the point of Residence; and, that none might change opinion, they drew a writing, which they read in Congregation, that it might there be approved, that in the next Session they should do nothing but defer these matters until another, and that for good respects: and they thought they were disburdened of two great weights. The Session approaching, many who thought themselves much pricked with the oration of the French Ambassador, desired the Legates to make a sound answer, when the Mandate was read in the Session; and Cardinal Altemps did persuade, that by all means it should be so, saying that the insolency of that Palace man was to be repressed, who was accustomed to speak to mean people. The charge hereof was given to 10. Baptista Castello, the Speaker, with order only to defend the dignity of the Synod, without touching any man's person. The Pope, after long consultation, resolved that the Continuation should The Pope resolveth that the continuation shall be declared; but soon after waveth his opinion. be declared; let the Emperor do what he could; thinking that it must needs succeed well: and dispatched a Currier to Trent with this Commission. This, being arrived the second of june, troubled the Legates very much, in regard of the confusions which they saw would arise, and of the disorder in which the Council was; and all resolving uniformly to inform the Pope better signifying unto him the things that have been handled, and the Decree already published, and showing him the impossibility to perform his order, the Cardinal Altemps, who before had leave to go to Rome for other causes, went away by post the next day, to deliver the message in person. But at night another Currier came with letters, that his Holiness did refer all to the wisdom and judgement of the Legates. The fourth of june being come, the Session was celebrated, with the usual The Session is celebrated; in which the Speaker maketh an answer to the ocation of Pibrac. ceremonies; and the Mandates of the Archbishop of Salzburg, and of France, were read. Which being done the Speaker made an answer; and said, that there was hope provision would be made against all the disorders of Christendom, by the remedy, which the Pope thought necessary, that is, this Council, begun by the assistance of the holy Ghost, and consent of Princes; amongst whom the French King hath sent men of conscience and religion, to offer not only assistance, but obedience also to this Synod, which doth not less deserve it then other Counsels, against which ill affected persons have falsely opposed, that they have not been lawful, not true, though men of piety have ever held them to be Counsels, having been called by him that hath authority, howsoever calumnies have been spread by others, that they were not free; against which, as also against the present Synod, the treacheries of Satan copiously and acutely repeated by them, the Ambassadors, did not prevail; that the Council will not make a bad interpretation of their diligent and free admonition not to regard popular applause, or follow the will of Princes, but as it doth esteem it not to be necessary, or rather to be superfluous, so it is willing to believe that it doth proceed from a good mind, that it may not be forced to say any thing against its mild and pious purpose, and usual custom. But to free them the Ambassadors from that vain fear, which they would seem to have, and assure them of their true purpose, he doth foretell them that the effects will show that the Council will postpose the desires, will, and power of whosoever to her own dignity and authority; and promiseth to King Charles what it is able to do, saving faith and religion, for preservation of his dignity, kingdom, and state. The Frenchmen were ill satisfied with this answer, but knew they had deserved it. Afterwards the Decree was read by Which doth not please the Frenchmen. the Masse-Bishop. That the Synod, in regard of diverse difficulties risen, and to define the points of doctrine, and reformation both together, doth appoint The Decree. the next Session to be held the tenth of july, to handle what shall be thought fit both of the one and the other matter: reserving power to abridge or prolong the time in a general Congregation. And there were 35. Prelates who desired that the point of Residence should then be handle. Some proposed also that the continuation should be declared, which was thought to be done, to raise some tumults, to make the Council dissolve. For they were of those who were most obliged to Rome, and therefore did repent that they had spoken their opinion so freely in the point of Residence, so much abhorred by the Court. But all the rest being silent, the Session ended. The sixt● day a general Congregation was held; to give order for that Orders given for the matter of the next Session. which should be handled in the next Session; and the Articles concerning the communion were proposed. Whether all the faithful are necessarily, and by God's Commandment, bound to receive both kinds in that Sacrament? Whether the Church doth upon good ground communicate the Laiques with the bread only, or hath erred herein? Whether all CHRIST and all his graces are received as well under one kind as under both? Whether the reasons which have moved the Church to give to the Laity the Communion of the bread only, aught to induce it also, not to grant the Cup to any? If it shall appear that it may be granted to some for honest causes, upon what conditions it may be done? Whether the Communion be necessary for infants, before the use of reason? The Fathers were demanded if they were pleased that that matter should be handled, and whether they would add any thing unto it. And although the French Ambassadors, and many of the Prelates did think fit that the points of doctrine should not be handled, until it did appear whether the Protestants would come or not, it being evident, that, in case they, should be contumacious, the discussion would be in vain, as not necessary for the Catholics, and not accepted by the others, yet none opposed, at the earnest persuasions of the Imperialists, who hoped to obtain the Communion of the Cup; which would be a beginning to give Germany satisfaction. It being resolved that the six Articles should be handled, and the Divines speak first, and then the Prelates, it did appear that all the time until the Session would be spent in this only, eighty eight Divines being to speak, and many Prelates to give their voices. Therefore some said, that there was no need of any great consideration to be had of these points, because they were fully discussed in the former assembly under julius, but that a brief and sound examination might serve, so that they may be determined in a few days, and all the other time may be spent in the reformation. They said that Article of residency had been already proposed, and examined in part, and that it was meet that it should once be ended. This opinion was openly followed by thirty Fathers, and it appeared that it was secretly approved by many more, who would have showed themselves in the conclusion. But Cardinal Simoneta, desiring to interpose a delay, by saying that it was not meet to handle that matter until men's minds were pacified, which had been moved by the former difference, which will not suffer them to discern the truth, opened a gate to john Baptista Castagna, Archbishop of Rosano, and to Pompeius Zambeccarus Bishop of Sulmona; both which speaking hotly and sharply, raised such a tumult that they feared some inconvenience. For remedy whereof the Cardinal of Mantua prayed those of the residence to be quiet, promising, that in another Session, or when they handled the Sacrament of order, this should be discussed. The tumult being thus appeased, and it appearing, that the resuming of the points handled under julius, would spend more time, and The Card. of Mantua promiseth that the point of Residence shall be discussed. be more difficult then to examine them again, as happeneth to a judge who is to frame his sentence upon a process made before another, a resolution was taken, that the Divines should speak of them, and a congregation be held twice a day, in which two of the Legates should assist (so dividing their charges, that they might make an end the sooner) and of the Prelates as many as would; and that they should have two days to study, and begin the third. With this conclusion the Congregation ended. But Simoneta was offended Wherewith Card Simoneta is much offended. with the promise which Mantua made, without consent or participation of his colleagues, and made an open quarrel. Mantua was blamed by the Prelates who favoured the Court, and calumniated to be ill affected; but, by the sincere, was commended for his wisdom, who, in a dangerous necessity, took a course to withstand the divisions and protestations which were prepared, and blamed Simoneta for being offended, because Mantua, much more eminent than he, trusting upon the consent of Seripando and Varmiense, whose opinion he knew, might think that a resolution taken by necessity, aught to have been ratified by him also. The next day the Emp. Ambassadors having obtained, as they desired, the proposition of the Chalice, for which until then they had proceeded with respect, came to the Legates, and presented to them, according to the instruction of their Prince, twenty points of reformation. 1. That the Pope would The Emperor's Ambassadors propose to the Legates twenty points of Reformation. be content to make a just reformation of himself and the Court of Rome. 2. That if the number of Cardinals cannot be reduced to twelve, yet that it be brought at the least to the double of it, with two supernumerary, so that they may not exceed six and twenty. 3. That no scandalous dispensations may be granted hereafter. 4. That the executions against the common Laws may be revoked, and all the monasteries subjected to the Bishops. 5. That plurality of Benefices be taken away, and Schools erected in Cathedral and Collegiate Churches, and that Ecclesiastical offices may not be bought and sold. 6 That Bishops may be compelled to reside, and not exercise their office by Vicars, and if they be not sufficient, that the charge may not be committed to one Vicar, but to many persons, and that the Visitations, and Dioecesan Synods, may be made every year. 7 That every Ecclesiastical Ministry be exercised freely, and that rich Benefices, without cure, may be incorporated to those that have cure, and small revenues. 8. That the Canons against Simony may be revived. 9 That the Ecclesiastical constitutions be abridged, the superfluity cut off, and not made equal to the obligations of the Law of GOD. 10 That excommunication be not used but for mortal sin, or notorious irregularity. 11. That Divine Service be so said, as that it may be understood by him that faith it, and by him that heareth. 12. That the Breviaries and Missals be corrected, and those things taken away which be not found in the Scripture, as also the prolixity. 13. That in celebrating the divine offices in Latin, prayers be intermingled in the vulgar. 14 That the Clergy and Monastical order be reform, according to the ancient institution, and that so great riches may not be administered so ill. 15 That it be considered whether it be expedient to remit so great obligations of the positive Law, abating some of the rigour, in the difference of meats and fasts, and granting marriage of Priests to some nations. 16. That, to take away the diversity of opinions, the diverse Postils be forbidden to be read, and one made by public authority, and likewise a new Ritual, which may be followed by all. 17. That a way be found, not to chase away bad Parish Priests, because that is easy, but to substitute better. 18 That in great provinces many Bishoprickes be erected, converting rich Monasteries to this use. 19 That, for Ecclesiastical goods usurped, perhaps it was better at that time to pass them over with dissimulation. In the end to say something to please the Pope, and to pacify him if he were angry for these propositions, he added: 20 That the Legates should endeavour, that no unprofitable questions, which breed scandal, as whether Residence be de iure divino, and the like, should be proposed; and that the Fathers should speak without choler, and not make themselves a fable to the adversaries. Concerning the 17. they gave some particular notes, to reduce those who were lest obstinate amongst the Sectaries, by sending them to some University where they may be instructed, in a short time, and giving order to the Bishops, who have no University, to make a College in the next, for the youth of their Dioceses, to make a Catalogue of the Doctors which are to be read in the Schools, prohibiting that any others be read. The propositions being understood, the Legates, retiring first, and consulting Who answer that they cannot be proposed in the next Session. together, returned and made answer; that it was not possible to propose them the next Session, having, at their instance, that matter of the Chalice upon their hands, of great importance and difficulty; that the things proposed are diverse, and concern diverse subjects, which cannot be all digested together; that therefore they would communicate to the Prelates, as occasions were offered, those which had affinity with the other reformations. The Ambassadors knew that they spoke this that they might not publish their writing in congregation, that, by gaining time, they might delude the Emperor's expectation. But yet, at that time, they said no more. Afterwards, consulting together, they held it expedient to inform the Emperor well, as well of this particular, as generally of the manner how they proceeded in the Council. And to do this, the Bishop of Prague road post, that The Bishop of Prague goeth by post to inform the Emperor of the State of the Council he might return before the Session. The Legates, perceiving that the Council stood upon bad terms, in many respects, but especially for the distaste and suspicion of the Pope, thought it necessary to inform him fully of all that was past, and imminent. For this, Friar Leonardus Marinus, Archbishop of Lanciano, was chosen, because he was a man of spirit and acceptable to And the Archbishop of Lanciano to inform the Pope. the Pope, promoted and much favoured by him, and a friend also to Seripando, whose instruction was to inform the Popefully, to excuse the Legates and to pacify his Holiness. He carried the common Letters of the Legates for his credence, to which Simoneta made much and long difficulty to subscribe, nor would have done it, but that they agreed that every one should write particular letters of his own. Simoneta wrote; that he did think to send the Archbishop of Rosano, for his particular, to give a more exact information, but that, being better advised, he afterwards resolved to expect the event of Lanciano his journey. The mutual distastes; and detractions of the Romans against the Trentines, and of these against those, did increase at the arrival of every Currier. In Trent, the favourers of residence did bewail the miseries of the Church, the servitude of the Council, and the manifest desperation to see the Church reform in Rome. The opposites lamented, that a Schism was plotted in the Council, yea, an Apostasy from the Apostolic Sea. They said that the Vltramontans, for malice and envy against the Italians, did aim not so much at the depression, as at the abolition of the Papacy; which being the foundation of the Church, because CHRIST hath made it so, the total destruction of the whole building must needs ensue. The Pope, receiving new advices daily, and always worse, as every day some novity did happen in Trent, besides the accidents occurring in Germany and France, contrary to his affairs, was still more displeased. The opinion of the mayor part for residency, did not so much trouble him, as the practices which were made, especially by the Ambassadors, perceiving that the Princes were interested in it against his authority. He saw the Emperor was wholly bend to make his son King of the Romans, and ready to give all satisfaction to Germany; and therefore had caused these Articles of reformation to be presented to the Legates, and called to him the Amb. Prague, to find a way how to propose them in Council, and establish them. He knew the French King was exhausted, compassed with infinite difficulties, and in danger to be forced to compound with the Hugonots, which if it happen, the French Prelates may run to the Council, join with the Spaniards, and make themselves authors of other propositions against the Papal authority. He thought to calm the tempest, which he saw prepared against him, both with deeds and words, by levying four thousand Swisses, and three thousand Dutch horsemen, he sent to Auignion Nicolas Gamba●a with five hundred foot, and an hundred The Pope treateth a common league of all Catholic Princes against the Protestants. light-horsemen; gave money to the Duke of Savoy, to put himself in arms, and oppose, if the Hugonots would descend into Italy. And to engage all Princes, he resolved to treat a league defensive of all Catholics, against the plots of the Protestants in every place, holding it to be an easy thing to make them condescend, if for no other cause, yet for this, at the least, to free themselves from suspicion. In Italy he thought it not hard to induce all. For the Duke of Florence was wholly his; In Savoy he had interest, for the succours he sent him, and for the danger he was in; the Venetians desired to keep the Vltramontans out of Italy; the King of Spain had need of him for Naples, and Milan, and France for the actual necessity in which it was. Therefore he made the proposition in Rome to the Emperor's Ambassador, and the Venetians, and sent the Abbot of Saint Saluto for this end into France, and the Lord Odescalco into Spain; to whom also he gave instruction; to complain to the King that the Spanish Bishops were united against his authority, and to show him that the propositions of the Emperor were fit to make a Schism. It was easy to foresee the issue of that project, to any that did know, though but superficially, the ends of the Princes: The Emperor would by no means condescend to any thing that might give suspicion to the Protestants; the French King was so fare from hindering the passage to the Hugonots in Italy, that he would have been content to have seen his whole kingdom rid of them; Spain having great possessions in those parts, But cannot effect it. did more fear and abhor an union of Italian Princes, then desire the ruin of the heretics; the Venetians and Duke of Florence could not consent to any thing, which might trouble the peace of Italy. And so it happened that the proposition of the league was not embraced by any of the Princes, every one alleging a particular cause, and all one common, that it would hinder the progress of the Council; which many believed would not have displeased his Holiness: and the rather because he again proposed in Consistory the declaration of the Continuation, and that himself would make a declaration concerning Residency. Which things he did not perform, in regard of the opinion of Cardinal Carpi, followed by the greater part of the other Cardinals, that it would not be good service for his Holiness, nor the Apostolic Sea to make himself author of odious things, which might alien the minds of one party, and that it was better to leave them in the liberty of the Council for that time. Notwithstanding he did not forbear to complain in Consistory of all the Ambassadors. Of the French he said, that Lansac seemed to be an The Pope complaineth of the Ambassadors. Ambassador of the Hugonots, by his propositions, desiring that the Queen of England, the Protestants of Suisserland, Saxony, and Wittenberg, should be expected at the Council, who are declared enemies and rebels, and have no other end then to corrupt the Council, and make it Hugonor; which he said himself would preserve, and have forces to do it. That he also and his Colleagues defended some, who disputed the authority of the Council to be above the Pope, which opinion is heretical, and the favourers of it are heretics, threatening to persecute and chastise them. He said they lived like Hugonots; that they did no reverence to the Sacrament; that Lansac, at his table, in the presence of many Prelates invited, had said, that there would come so many Bishops out of France and Germany, that they would chase the Idol out of Rome. He complained of one of the Venetian Ambassadors, and sent his Master's word of him. He said of the Cardinals, Mantua, Serepando, And of three of the Legates. and Varmiense, that they were unworthy of the Cap. Of the Prelates he spoke as occasion was offered, and persuaded the friends of each of them to write unto them. All this was done and said by him, not because he believed it, or for intemperance of his tongue, but by Art, to force every one, some for fear, some for shame, some for civility, to make his Apology to him, which he did most easily receive, and readily believe. And its incredible That he might force them to make their Apologies. how his affairs were advanced by this means. For he gained some, and caused the others to proceed more warily, and remissly. Whereupon his natural courage reviving in him, which still was full of hope, he said, that all were united against him, but that, in the end, he would make them all be reunited in his favour, because they have all need of him, some demanding assistance, and some graces. Amongst the Prelates which the Pope sent last to the Council, from Rome, as hath been said, there was one Charles Visconte, Bishop of Vintimiglia, who had been Senator of Milan, and employed in many Ambassages, a man fit for negotiation, and of an exact judgement. Having loaded this man with promises (which he performed also, creating him Cardinal in the first promotion after the Council) he desired to have him in Trent besides The Bishop of Vintimiglia● is the Pope's secret minister in the Council. the Legates, as a secret Minister. He gave him commission to speak that to diverse which was not fit to be committed to writing, to mark well the differences between the Legates, and the particular causes thereof, to observe exactly the humours, opinions, and practices of the Bishops, and to write to him particularly all matters of substance. He charged him to observe the Cardinal of Mantua above all the Legates, but to hold intelligence with Simoneta, who knew his mind, and to labour that there should be no more any demand made for the declaration concerning residency; or, if it could not be hindered, that it should be deferred until the end of the Council; and that, if that also could not be obtained, he should delay it as long as it was possible, using all means which he thought expedient for this end. He gave him also a list of the names of those who favoured the Roman part in that matter, with commission to thank them, and encourage them to continue, and to promise them recompense: referring to his discretion, entreating with the opposites, to use some kind of threats, without sharpness of words, but strong in substance, and to promise to those that would relent, oblivion of all that is past, and to give particular advice to Cardinal Boromeo of whatsoever did happen: which he did. And the register of the letters written by him, with much acuteness and iudgemen, hath been showed me, out of which a great part of those things which follow hath been drawn. But having received advice of the promise made by Mantua, he saw it was hard to divert the handling of that Article, and thought that the dissension between the Legates would produce greater evils, and esteemed this to be the most principal point, as well in deed, as for reputation. For how could he hope to repress the attempts of the ministers of other Princes, when he could not govern his own? Therefore he thought it necessary to use the strongest medicines, for a disease that had seized on the vital parts; and resolved to show openly how ill he was satisfied with Mantua, which he thought would either make him alter his course, or ask leave to departed, or by some means, to retire from Trent: and if the dissolution of the Council did ensue, it was so much the better. He gave order that the dispatches to Trent, The dispatches from Rome are no more addressed to the Cardinal of Mantua. formerly addressed to him, as prime Legate, should hereafter be directed to Simoneta; he removed, from the congregation of Cardinals, who were to consult of the affairs of Trent, the Cardinal Gonzaga, and caused Frederico Boromeo to tell him that the Cardinal, his Uncle, did think to ruin the Apostolic Sea, but should effect nothing but the ruin of himself, and of his house. He related to the Cardinal S. Angelo, who was a great friend to Mantua, whatsoever had happened, and shown himself most choleric against him; and as much against Camillus Oliws, the Cardinal's secretary, as not having performed the promise he made unto him, when he was sent to Rome. Which cost the poor man very dear. For howsoever the Pope and the Cardinal were reconciled, yet after his death, returning to Mantua, with the corpse of his Master, he was imprisoned by the Inquisition, upon diverse pretences, and troubled a long time● whom, after his persecutions were ended, I knew myself to be a person very virtuous, and that he had not deserved such misfortunes. When the Pope was thus affected, Lanciano came to Rome; and amongst Whose Secretary also, Camillus Olluus is in disgrace with the Pope. other things, presented to his Holiness a letter subscribed by more than thirty Bishops, in favour of residency. In which they complained of his distaste against them, protesting they did not think their opinion was contrary The negotiation of the Arch bishop of Lanciano with the Pope. to his authority, which they would defend against all, and maintain it inviolable in all parts. This made a miraculous disposition in the Pope's mind to receive kindly the letters of the Legates, Mantua, Seripando; and Varmiense, and to give care to the relation of the Archbishop, who gave him a particular account of all occurrences, and made him a great deal less suspicious. Then he began to excuse the Cardinals, that, in the beginning, not being able to foresee that any inconvenience could happen, they did discover the opinion which in their conscience they did hold, and after that contentions did arise, without their fault or defect, their adherence to that part was honourable for his Holiness and the Court. For now it could not be said, that the Pope and all the Court were opposite to an opinion, which the world held to be pious and necessary. And this hath succeeded well. For hereby they have gained credit and authority with the Prelates, and have been able to moderate the rashness of some, who, otherwise, would have made a great division, to the great damage of the Church. He related the frequent and effectual persuasions, which they made to quiet the Prelates, and the affronts also which they received from some, who told them they could not be silent against their conscience. He shown the dangers and necessity which forced Mantua to make the promise. He added, that the greater part of the Prelates, to take all suspicion out of the mind of his Holiness, did offer to declare in the next Session, that he was Head of the Church, and had given him commission to deliver the Ambassage to him, which, for many respects, they thought not fit to commit to writing; and named so many of them, that he made the Pope marvel, and say; that bad tongues, and worse pens had painted those Fathers in other colours. Then he shown him the union, and resolution of the ministers of Princes to maintain the Council, and the disposition of the Prelates to support any thing, that it might continue, and no occasion arise to dissolve it; that the point of residence was so advanced, and the Fathers so interested, in regard of their conscience and honour, and the Ambassadors for their reputation, that it was impossible to deny the handling and defining of it. He gave him an account, and a copy of the propositions of the Emperor's Ambassadors, showing they did all aim to subject the Pope to the Council, and that the Cardinal of Mantua did dexterously decline the proposing of them in congregation. He concluded, that, it being impossible to recall that which was past, his Holiness might attribute much unto chance, pardoning, according to his usual benignity, that which formerly had happened, not by malice, but by negligence of some, and might make better provision for hereafter, because all were resolved not to propose or handle any thing, before it was consulted and determined by his Holiness. The Pope, weighing the remonstrance well, sent presently back the Archbishop, with letters to the Legates, and to some of those who had subscribed The Archbishop is sent back to Trent with letters and instructions. the letters to him, in answer of the letters which he brought, and gave him commission to tell them all in his name, that his will was the Council should be free; that every one should speak, according to his conscience; that they should make Decrees according to truth; that he was not displeased because the voices were given more after one manner then another, but in regard of the attempts and practices to persuade and violence others, and of the contentions and bitterness between them, which things do not become a general Council. Therefore that he doth not oppose the determination of residence, but adviseth them to lay aside their heat, and that when their minds are quieted, and do aim only at the service of God, and benefit of the Church, they may handle it with profit. He was content it should be told Mantua that he was glad to understand of his innocence, and affection, and that he will give a demonstration thereof; praying him to labour that the Council may be quickly ended, because, by the discourse he hath had with Lanciano, he hath understood that it may be concluded in September. And, in conformity hereof, he wrote a letter to the Legates, that, following the steps of the Council under julius, and taking the points already digested by it, they should immediately determine them, and make an end. At that time they were busied in Trent, in hearing the Divines speak in the Congregations, concerning the sixteen Articles, who began the ninth, and ended the three and twentieth of the month; and howsoever they were in number 60. yet nothing worthy observation was delivered by any, in regard the matter being new, never handled by the Schoolmen; defined in the Council of Constance at the first onset; and maintained by the Bohemians by force of arms, rather than by reason and disputation, they had nothing to study but what was written in the last forty years, by some few, excited by the disputations of Luther. Therefore they all agreed, that there The communion of the Cup is discussed. was no necessity or precept of the Cup; and, for proof, they alleged places of the new Testament, where bread only is named; as in Saint john, He that eateth this bread shall live for ever. They said that, until the time of the Apostles, bread only was in use; as it is read in Saint Luke, that the disciples in Emmaus knew CHRIST in breaking of bread, where there is no mention of wine. And Saint Paul, ready to suffer ship wrack at the Sea, doth bless the bread, and speaketh not of wine. In many of the old Canon's mention is made of the communion of the Laity, as differing from that of the Clergy, which difference could not consist in any thing but in the Cup. To these were added the figures of the old Testament. Manna, which signifieth the Eucharist, hath no drink in it. jonathan, who tasted the honey, did not drink; and such other congruities. And it was a matter of great patience to hear them all repeat the same things. I ought not to omit one particular, seriously delivered by james Payva, a Portugal, that CHRIST, both by precept and example, hath declared that the bread is due to all, and the Cup to the Priests only. For having consecrated the bread, he gave it to his disciples, who then were Laiques, & represented the whole people, commanding they should all eat of it; afterwards he ordained them Priests, in these words, Do this in remembrance of me; and, in the end, he consecrated the The opinion of james Payva a Portugal. Cup, and gave it to them now consecrated Priests. But the wiser sort did lightly pass over this kind of arguments, and confined themselves to two. One, that the Church hath power from CHRIST to change the things Two principal arguments against the communion of the Cup. that are accidental in the Sacraments, and that to the Eucharist both kinds are necessary, as it is a sacrifice, but as it is a Sacrament, one only, so that the Church hath power to ordain the use of one alone. Which they confirmed, because it did once, in the beginning, change in Baptism the invocation of the Trinity into the invocation of CHRIST only, and returned afterwards to the divine institution. The other reason was, that the Church cannot err; but she hath suffered the use of bread only to be brought in; and finally hath approved it, in the Council of Constance, and therefore it must be said that there is no divine precept or necessity to the contrary. But Friar Antonius Mandolphus, a Divine, belonging to the Bishop of Prague, having first affirmed that he was of the opinion of others in this, that there was no divine precept, observed, that it was as contrary to the Catholic doctrine to give the Cup to the Laiques by divine precept, as it was to deny it to them by divine precept. Therefore all those reasons, which did so conclude, were to be laid aside, and those of the disciples in Emmaus, and of Saint Paul in the ship, because by them it would be concluded that it was not sacrilege to consecrate one kind without the other, which is contrary to all the Doctors, and meaning of the Church, and overthroweth the distinction of the Eucharist as it is a Sacrifice, and as it is a Sacrament. That it was plain also, that the distinction of the Laical and clerical Communion in the Roman Ordinary was a diversity of places in the Church, not of the Sacrament received, because otherwise this reason would conclude, that, not only those who say Mass, but all the Clergy should have the Cup. Of the authority of the Church in changing the accidental things of the Sacraments, no man can doubt; but he said it was not a time to dispute whether the Cup were accidental, or substantial. He concluded that this Article might be omitted, as already decided in the Council of Constance, and that the fourth and fifth Articles might be exactly handled, because, granting the Cup to all Nations that desire it, all other disputations are superfluous, yea hurtful. john Paul, a Divine of the Bishop of five Churches, spoke also to the same purpose, and both of them did displease, because it was thought they spoke against their conscience, at the instance of their masters. Concerning the second Article, the Divines were also uniform in the affirmative, and all their reasons were reduced to three Heads. The congruities of the old Testament, when the people did participate of the meat offerings in the sacrifices, but never of the drink offerings. To take away from the vulgar, occasion to believe that one thing is contained under the bread, another under the wine. The third the danger of irreverence. And here the reasons recited by Gerson were brought; that the blood might be shed, either in the Church, or in bringing of it, especially over the Mountains in winter, that it would hang in the beards of the Laikes, that it would be sour if it were kept, that there would want vessels to hold enough for ten thousand or twenty thousand persons; that, in some places, it would be too great a charge, in respect of the price of wine; that the vessels would not be kept clean; that a Lay man would be of equal dignity with a Priest. Which reasons it was necessary to say that they were just and good; otherwise the Prelates and Doctors, for so many ages, would have taught an untruth, and the Church of Rome, and Council of Constance erred. All these reasons (except the last) were thought ridiculous, because those dangers might be more easily withstood in these times, than they could in those 12. first ages, when the Church was in greater poverty. And the last seemed to be of no force to show that the change was reasonably made, but was good to maintain it after it was made. The two Divines afore named did advice that this Article also might be omitted. In the third Article, that all CHRIST is received under one kind, the doctrine of concomitancy, delivered by the Divines, was taken for an argument. For the body of CHRIST being under the bread, by virtue of the consecration, CHRIST having said, by words omnipotent and effective, This is my body, and the body being alive, it must needs have blood, soul, and divinity: so that all CHRIST was undoubtedly received under the bread. But some inferred hereby, that therefore all graces are received in it, seeing that he who hath all CHRIST wanteth nothing, because he is abundantly sufficient. Others said to the contrary, that the illation was neither necessary, nor probable. For those who are baptised, are filled with CHRIST, as St. Paul saith, and yet other Sacraments are given unto them. And because some avoided the force of the reason by saying, that the other Sacraments are necessary in respect of sins committed after baptism,, it was replied that the ancient Church did immediately communicate the baptised, so that, as from being filled with all CHRIST in baptism, it cannot be inferred that the Eucharist doth not confer other graces, so from having received all CHRIST under the bread, it cannot be inferred that no other grace is to be conferred by the blood; neither can it be said, without great absurdity, that the Priest in the Mass, having received the body of our LORD, and, by consequence, all CHRIST, doth not receive any grace in drinking of the Cup: for otherwise to drink of it, would be a work indifferent and vain. Moreover it is decided, by the common doctrine of the Schools, and of the Church, that by every sacramental action, by virtue of the work itself, which they call, Ex opere operato, a degree of grace is conferred. But it cannot be denied that to drink the blood of CHRIST is a sacramental action, therefore it can not be denied, that it hath a special grace annexed. In this controversy the greater part of the Divines held, that, not speaking of the quantity of grace, answerable to the disposition of the receiver, but of that which the Schoolmen call sacramental, it was equal in him that received one kind only, and in him that received both. The other opinion was defended, though with the smaller number, yet more earnestly. Friar Amante Seruita, a Brescian, a Divine of the Bishop of Sebenico, a favourer of this second opinion, passed very fare, I know not with what aim or end; who, alleging the doctrine of Thomas Caietane, that blood is not part of humane nature, but the first aliment, and adding that it could not be said, that the body doth necessarily draw in concomitance its aliment, did infer that the thing contained under both kinds is not absolutely the same: and he added, that the blood of the Eucharist, according to the words of CHRIST, was blood spilt, and, by consequence, Friar Amante concurreth in opinion with the Lutherans out of the veins, in which if it remained, it could not be drink, so that it could not be drawn in concomitancy with the vain, and that the Eucharist was instituted in memory of the death of CHRIST, which was by separation, and effusion of blood. Whereat there was a noise raised amongst the Divines, and a cracking of the benches. Therefore, recalling himself, But presently recanteth, and asketh pardon he retracted, and said that the heat of dispuaion had carried him to allege the reasons of the adversaries, as if they had been his own, which notwithstanding he purposed to resolve in the end; and he spent the residue of his discourse in resolving them; and, in conclusion, asked pardon of the scandal given, because he had not spoken with such caution, as to show plainly that those reasons were captious, and contrary to his own opinion. And he made an end without speaking of the other 3. Articles. But, concerning the fourth Article, the Spanish Divines, and dependants The 4. Article that the Cup is not to be allowed to the people, is strongly maintained by the Spanish Prelates. on Spain, were marvellously united, in giving counsel that, by no means, the use of the Cup should be permitted to Germany, or others. The substance of that which they said was; That none of the causes which formerly moved the Church to take it from the people being ceased, yea being now more urgent, and others more strong and essential annexed, it was fit to persevere in the determination of the Council of Constance, and of the Church before and after. And discoursing of the dangers of irreverence, which was the first kind of the causes, they said they were now more to be feared, then in former times. For then there was none who did not constantly believe the real and natural presence of CHRIST in the Sacrament, after the consecration, so long as the kinds did last, and yet the Cup was taken away, because men had not such regard to the blood of CHRIST, as was necessary; and therefore what reverence can be hoped for now, when some do deny the real presence, and some will have it only in the use? Besides there is not so much devotion amongst good Catholics, diligence in humane affairs, and negligence in divine being much increased; so that it may be feared, that a greater neglect may produce a greater irreverence. To make a difference between Priests and others, is now more necessary than ever, because the Protestants have exposed them to the hatred of the people, and spread a doctrine which taketh from them their exemptions, subiecteth them to lay Magistrates, detracteth from their power of absolving from sins, and saith also that they should be called to the ministry by the people, and be obnoxious to be deposed by them; which should force the Church to preserve exactly all those rites, which may give them reputation. The danger that the vulgar may receive an impression of false belief, and be persuaded that some thing is in the Cup which is not under the bread, is now more urgent, in regard of the new opinions spread abroad. Many said, that the Church did prohibit the Chalice, to oppose the error of Nestorius, who did believe that all CHRIST was not under one kind; which being the opinion of some of the heretics now, the prohibition is to be maintained still. What they would infer by this I cannot express better, having never read that Nestorius did speak in this subject, nor that the Moderns do handle it with those terms. But the third danger that the authority of the Church would be debased, and a conclusion made that it hath erred in taking a way the Cup, may be called not a danger, but a thing that would certainly happen; neither was the request made by the Protestants, but to conclude, that the Synod having confessed the error past, hath corrected it, by this grant; so they will publish the victory, and demand a change also in other constitutions of the Church. They said they were deceived, who thought the Dutchmen would be satisfied with this, and submit themselves to the decrees of the Council; yea, they will take away fasts, difference of meats, demand marriage of Priests, and an abolition of Ecclesiastical jurisdiction in the exterior Court, which is the mark at which they all do aim; that it is not credible they are Catholics who desire the Cup, because the Catholics do all believe that the Church cannot err, and that no devotion is acceptable to God if it be not approved by it, and that obedience to the Church is the height of Christian perfection; that it is certainly to be believed, that he that doth demand the Cup thinks it necessary, and he that thinketh so, cannot be a Catholic; that none doth demand it believing that he may not lawfully use it without the grant of the Council, but that they may not be hindered by their Princes, who, if they were alone; would usurp it, without any allowance; that of this every one may be assured, observing, that, not the people, but the Princes do entreat, who will not suffer a novity without a lawful Decree, not because the people would not bring it in of themselves, more willingly, then seek it of the Council. And this argument was so pressed, that Friar Francis Forier, a Portugal, A petulant saying of a Friar against the Princes, who demanded the Cup. used a conceit, which the auditors thought to be not only bold, but petulant also; that the Princes would make themselves Lutherans, by permission of the Council. The Spaniards exhorted them to consider, that, if this were granted to Germany, Italy, and Spain would demand the like, to whom it could not be denied; from whence also these Nations would learn not to obey, and to desire a change of other Ecclesiastical Laws; and that to make a most Catholic country Lutheran, there was no better means, then to give it the Cup. Franciscus Della Torre, a jesuite, repeated a saying of the Cardinal Saint Angelo, the chief Penitentiary, that Satan, who was wont to transform himself into an Amgell of heaven, and his Ministers into Ministers of light, doth now under the cover of the Chalice, with the blood of CHRIST, exhort to give the people a cup of poison. Some added, that the providence of God, guiding the Church, inspired the Council of Constance, in the former age, to establish the taking away of the Cup, by a decree, not only for the reasons which were then of force, but because if it were now in use, there would be no external sign, to distinguish the Catholics from the Heretics, and this distinction being taken away, the Protestants would be mingled in the Church with the faithful, and that would follow which Saint Paul saith, that A little leaven doth quickly make sour a great lump; so that to grant the Cup would be nothing else but to give the heretics greater opportunity to hurt the Church. Some also, who knew not the petition had been presented to the Pope, and by him, (to unburden himself, and draw the matter in length) referred to the Council, did expound it ill, that the request was then made to the Synod, and not to the Pope, suspecting it was to this end, that they might enlarge every grant with unfit interpretations, and so cause a necessity of another Council. But those who thought they might condescend to the requests of the Emperor, and of so many other Princes and people, gave counsel to proceed with less rigour, and not to make such bad interpretations of the godly prayers of the weak brethren, but to follow the precept of Saint Paul, to transform themselves into the defects of the imperfect, to win them, and not to have worldly aims of reputation, but to govern themselves by the rules of charity which treading under foot all others, even those of humane prudence, and wisdom, hath compassion, and yields to every one. They said they saw no considerable reason adduced by the others, but only that the Lutherans would say that they had proved that the Church hath erred, and would make other demands. But he is deceived who believeth that a Negative will make them hold their peace. They have said already that an error hath been committed, they will say hereafter, that obstinacy is added to it; and where humane ordinations only are in question, and alteration will not seem strange, nor misbeseeme the Church. Who knoweth not that the same thing cannot agree to all times, that there are innumerable Ecclesiastical rites established and abolished; and that it is not against the honour of the Council to have believed that a rite hath beenegood, which experience hath showed to be unprofitable. To persuade one's self that this demand will beget others, argueth too much suspicion, and desire of advantage; but S. Paul saith, that simplicity and christian charity doth not think evil, believeth every thing; supporteth all, hopeth well. It belonged to these only to speak of the first Article, because those of the absolute negative had nothing to say of it. But these were divided into two opinions. One which was the more common, that it should be granted, upon such conditions as Paul the third did grant it, of which we have spoken in their place. The other of some few, that if they would grant the Cup, to make them stand fast in the Church, who now do stumble, it is meet so to temper it, as that it may produce the effect desired; which those conditions cannot do, yea would undoubtedly make them fall headlong into Lutheranisme. It is certain, that the penitent man ought rather to choose any temporal evil then to sin; yet Caietan gave counsel, not to come to any specifical comparison, and say, that it is better to be put to death with pincers, or upon the wheel, etc. because by this means one should tempt himself without necessity, and fall from a good disposition, presenting horrors to himself to no purpose. So, in the present occasion, these ambiguous men, when the Counsels favour shall be brought unto them, will rest satified, and thank GOD, and the Church, and will think no more of it, strengthening themselves by little and little. It is the precise commandment of S. Paul, to receive the weak in faith, not with disputations, or prescribing them opinions & rules, but simply, expecting opportunity to give a more ample instruction. He that should now propose a condition in Germany, to believe this, or that, would trouble them much, while their minds do waver, so that, thinking whether they ought to believe it or not, they will fall into some error, on which they world not otherwise have thought. To this reason they added, that howsoever it is maintained, that the Church hath, for just causes, taken away the Cup, if afterwards it doth grant it upon other conditions, without providing against those inconveniences, for which it was first removed, it is confessed, that it was taken away without cause. Therefore they concluded, that it was fit to constitute for conditions, all the remedies to the inconveniences, which first caused the prohibition, that is, that the Cup should never be carried out of the Church, and that the bread only should be sufficient for the sick, that it should not be kept, to take away the danger of sourness, that they should uselittle pipes, to avoid effusion, as formerly was done in the Roman Church. This being done, it will appear that the provision was first made upon good reason, reverence will be stirred up, people and Princes will be satisfied, and the weak will be tempted no more. A Spaniard said, that it was not so easily to be believed, that the Catholics did, with such heat of devotion, desire the Cup, and therefore that it were good to send into Germany, to be informed who they be that demand it, what their faith is, and what be their motives, that the Synod, receiving the relation, may have a foundation to proceed on, and not ground an self upon the words of other. In the sixth Article they all expressed themselves in few words, because there was not much to be said. For the Eucharist not being a Sacrament necessarily, and Saint Paul commanding that he who is to receive it, should examine himself whether he be worthy, it doth plainly appear, that it cannot be administered to any that hath not the use of reason; and if the contrary hath been practised in ancient times, it hath been where and when the truth was not so well declared as now it is. Therefore the Synod ought to determine that the present use should be maintained. Some well observed that they ought to speak of Antiquity with more reverence, and not say that they wanted the knowledge of the Truth. Desiderius a Carmelite Friar of Palermo, had an opinion by himself, that the Article ought to be omitted; saying, that the difficulty being not moved by the Protestants of these times, it was not good, by handling of it, to set a novity on foot, that the matter was probable on both sides, and that when it should be known that it was handled in the Council, it would excite the curiosity of many to think on it, & give them occasion to stumble. For some might be persuaded to believe that the Eucharist is a Sacrament of necessity, as well as Baptism, because the ground of that are the words of CHRIST, He that shall not be borne again of water and the Spirit, shall not enter into the Kingdom of heaven and of this, If ye eat not my flesh and drink my blood, ye shall not have life. And the exception of children cannot plainly be grounded upon the precept of S. Paul, to examine ourselves, which children cannot do, because the Scripture doth likewise command, that an instruction in the doctrine of Faith ought to precede Baptism: which if it be applied to men of age, without excluding children of baptism, who cannot learn, the examination preceding the Eucharist may also be applied to men of discretion, without excluding children from it. His conclusion was that he did approve the use not to give them the communion, but would not have the Council to handle that which no man opposeth. The congregations of the Divines being ended, the Legates did incline to The Legates do incline to grant the Cup to Germany. grant the Cup to Germany, with the conditions of Paul the third, and some more; and, consulting with their inward friends, framed decrees concerning the first, fourth, and fifth points, deferring the others until they had better considered how to avoid the difficulties concerning them, related by the Divines. And calling a congregation of the Prelates, they demanded whether the three decrees should be proposed, that they might speak their opinions of them in the first congregation. Granata, who had found the Legates intention, and was most opposite to the grant of the Cup, contradicted, And are opposed by the Spaniards. and said, that the order of the Articles was to be followed; which was essential, it being impossible to decide the fourth and fifth, until the second and third were decided. Thomas Stella, Bishop of Capo di Istria, opposed, and said, that in the council they ought not to use Logic, and artifices, to hinder good determinations. Granata replied, that himself desired the same; that is, that propositions might be made to the Synod in order, that they might not stumble, by walking in confusion. Granata was assisted by Mathias Callinus, Archbishop of Zara, and the other by john Thomas of S. Felix, Bishop of Cava, but using ridiculous jests, rather than any serious discourse; which gave some distaste to the Spaniards, and made a great whispering amongst the Prelates. This caused the congregation to be dismissed; and the Cardinal of Mantua exhorted the Archbishops to read and consider of the draughts made, that the order of proceeding might be resolved on in the next Congregation. This place requireth, that, because the Congregations were often ended by reason of some distastes given to some great Prelate, the ordinary cause thereof should be related. It hath been showed before that there were many Bishops in the Council, Pensioners of the Pope, who did all depend on Simoneta, because he was most interested for his Holiness, and had the most secret instructions. He being a man of an acute judgement, made use of them, according to the capacity of every one. Amongst these, he had some that were bold and witty, whom he employed in the Congregations, to cross those who entered into matters contrary to his ends. These were exercised in the Art of jesting soberly, to provoke others, and make them ridiculous, themselves retaining their gravity, and not being moved at all. The service they did to the Pope, and the Cardinal, doth deserve particular mention. These were the forenamed Bishops, Cava, and Capo di Istria, Pompeius Zambeccarus of Bolonia, Bishop of Sulmona, and Bartholomeus Sirigus, of Candia, Card. Simoneta the Legate, maketh use of 4. jesting Bishops in the Council. Bishop of Castellanetta; each of which, to the common qualities of their Country, had joined the perfections which are gained in the court of Rome These did exasperate also the distastes between Mantua and Simoneta; before mentinoed, by speaking ill, and detracting from Mantua, aswell in Trent by words, as by letters to Rome; which was attributed to Simoneta, because every one saw he made much esteem of them. Whereof purging himself to the Secretary of Mantua, and to the Bishop of Nola, he said, that for the small respect they bore to such a Cardinal, he would not have had any more friendship with them, but that he had need of them in the Congregation, to oppose the impertinences of the Prelates. Augustinus Pawgarner, Ambassador of Bavaria, having been in Trent The Ambasdour of Bavaria is received in Congregation, and maketh a protestation about precedence. two months, as a private man, by reason of his pretention to precede the Venetians, had finally commission from his Prince, to appear in Public, and was received in the Congregation of the 27 of june, sat after the Venetian Ambassadors, and first made a protestation, saying, that as the right of his Prince was most strong, so he was ready to defend it in any other place, but that in the Council, where Religion is handled, he would not stand upon those points of honour: and therefore was contented to yield, but so as that it might be no prejudice to his Master, or other Germane Princes of the Electoral blood of the Empire. The Venetian Ambassadors answered To which the Venetian Ambassadors make answer. the Protestation, that their Republic had right of Precedence, and that as the Duke of Bavaria did then yield, so he ought to do in all places. The Ambassador made a very free and long oration; in which he shown the state of religion in Bavaria, saying it was compassed with heretics, who were also entered into it; that there were whole Parishes of Lutherans, Zwinglians, The Bavarian maketh a long and free orantion. Flacians, Anabaptists, and of other Sects which cockle the Prelates have not been able to weed out, because the contagion is not only in the vulgar, but in the Nobility also. The cause hereof hath been the bad life of the Clergy, whose great wickedness he could not relate, without offending the chaste ears of the auditory. But it sufficeth that his Prince doth tell them, that the amendment of Doctrine would be in vain and unprofitable, if first an amendment were not made of manners. He added, that the Clergy is infamous for lust; that the politic Magistrate doth not suffer a Concubinary Citizen: which fault is so common in the Clergy, that there are not above three or four in an hundred, who are not concubinaries, or secretly married, or openly; that the Catholics also in Germany, do prefer a chaste marriage before an unchaste single life, that many have abandoned the Church for the prohibition of the Cup, saying, that the word of God & practice of the Primitive Church doth force them to use it; which until this present is observed in the Oriental Churches, and formerly hath been used in the Church of Rome. That Paul 3. did grant it to Germany, and the Bavarians do complain of their Prince, that he doth envy it to his subjects, protesting that if the Synod do not make provision, his Highness will not be able to govern his people, and will be forced to give them that which he cannot withhold. For a remedy of the scandals of the Clergy, he proposed a good reformation, and that in every Bishopric Schools and Academies should be erected, to bring up good Ministers; he demanded the marriage of Priests, without which it was impossible, in that age to reform the Clergy; alleging that single life was not commanded by GOD. He demanded also the Communion under both kinds, saying, that if it had been permitted, many provinces of Germany had remained in the obedience of the Apostolic Sea, whereas those who have continued in it until now, do run away from it, like a torrent, together with other nations; that the Duke doth not desire the three remedies mentioned, hoping to reduce to the Church the sectaries, and those that are strayed, but only to retain those who are not divided as yet. He said it was necessary to begin with reformation, or else all the pains taken in the Council would be in vain; that, the Clergy being reform, his Prince, if his opinion be asked in point of doctrine, will be able to say something worthy of consideration; which is not fit to be spoken now, because it is not convenient to treat of making war against the enemy, before one hath mustered his own forces at home. In the course of his Oration he often interposed, that his Prince spoke this, not to give a Law to the Council, but to intimate it with reverence, and with this conceit also he made an end. The Synod answered, by the Speaker, that having The answer to it. long expected some Prince or ambassage of Germany, but above all the Duke of Bavaria, a Baracadoe of the Apostolic Sea in that Country, they were glad to see his Ambassador, whom they do receive, and will labour as they have done, to constitute whatsoever shall be for the service of God, and soul's health of the faithful. The Frenchmen, hearing this oration, were well pleased, because they were not the only men that did freely admonish the Prelates of that which was fit to be told them; but hearing the answer, they grew jealous, because this was courteous, and theirs sharp. The difference was, because, howsoever the Bavarian did acutely bite the Clergy in general, yet he spoke of the Fathers with much reverence, whereas the French oration was especially directed to reprehend those that heard them; besides the answer made to them was premeditated, and that to the Bavarian extempore. But they were both used alike, being heard with the ears only. The Emperor's Ambassadors, considering, that, in the last Congregations The Emperor's Ambassadors do present a writing in Congregation, concerning the grant of the Cup. of the Divines, the Spaniards, and most of the Italians had spoken against the grant of the Cup, and that many of them had called them heretics who do demand it, to answer to this and other objections, to promote the proposition of the Bavarian, and to prevent the Prelates that they fall not into the impertinencies used by the Divines, composed a writing, which they presented in the same congregation, after the Ambassador had ended his Oration. The substance whereof was. That, in regard of the place they hold, they have thought fit to admonish the Fathers of some things before they deliver their suffrages. That the Divines have these last days spoken well, as fare as concerneth their own Countries, but not for other Provinces and Kingdoms. They prayed the Fathers so to frame their opinions, that they might give a medicine not to the sound parts, which have no need of it, but to the members ill affected; which they will fitly do, when they shall know which be the weak parts, and what help they desire. And beginning with the Kingdom of Bohemia, they said there was no need to go fare, nor to mention the things handled in Constance, but only to add, that, after that Council, no practice, force, or war, hath been able to take the Cup out of that Kingdom. That the Church did lovingly grant it unto them, upon certain conditions, which Pius, did revoke, because they were not observed. But Paul and julius the third, to regain that kingdom, sent Nuncij, to permit it unto them, though the business, by reason of some impediments, was not brought to perfection. Now the Emperor, having at his charge, instituted the Archbishopricke of Prague and obtained in the Parliament of Bohemia, that the Calistine Priests should not be ordained but by the Archbishop, and should acknowledge him for a lawful Prelate, did beseech the Pope that such an occasion, to regain 〈◊〉, might not be lost, which his Holiness having referred to the judgement of the Council, it will remain in the power thereof to, preserve that Kingdom by granting the Cup unto them. That those people differ but little from the Church of Rome; that they never would admit of married Priests, nor ordained by any Bishop out of the communion of the Apostolic Sea; that, in their prayers they make mention of the Pope, Cardinals, and Bishops; that, if they have any small difference in doctrine, it may easily be rectified, so that the Cup be granted to them, that it is no marvel if an ignorant multitude have conceived that opinion; seeing that men learned, godly; and Catholic do defend that more grace is conferred in the Communion of both kinds, then of one only. They exhorted the Fathers to take heed, that their too great severity do not make them desperate, and cast themselves into the arms of the Protestants. They added, that there were Catholics in Hungary, Austria, Moravia, Silesia, Carintbia, Carniola, Stiria, Bavaria, Suevia, and other parts of Germany, who desire the Cup with great zeal; which being made known to Paul the third, he gave the Bishops leave to communicate them with it, which, for many impediments, was not effected. Of those there is danger that, if the Cup be taken from them, they will turn to the Lutherans. The Divines have, in their public disputations, made a doubt; that those who desire the Cup are heretics; but his Majesty doth demand it for Catholics only. That there is hope to reduce, by this grant, many Protestants also, as some of them have already protested they would return and be converted, being satiated with novities; otherwise the contrary is to be feared. And to answer to him that asked a few day's sinee, who he is that doth demand it, he may know that the Emperor doth desire, that the Archbishop of Prague may ordain Calistine Priests, and the Ambassadors for the Clergy of Bohemia desire the same, for that kingdom; and if there were no hope to obtain it, there would not be left so much as any little remainder of Catholics. In Hungary they force the Priests to give them the Cup, by taking away their goods, and threatening to kill them; and the Archbishop of Strigonium having punished some Priests for doing it, the people remaineth without Catholic Curates, hath no Baptism, and is absolutely ignorant of Christian doctrine, ready to fall into Paganism. In conclusion, they prayed the Fathers to have compassion, and to find a means to preserve those people in the faith, and call back those that are strayed. In the end of the congregation the Legates gave the draughts composed, concerning the three first Articles, for fear of the opposition made in the former congregation. The days following the Fathers handled them, and on the 3 they diseoursed very amply, speaking of the sacramental grace, whether more be received in both kinds then in one: and some defended one part and some another. Cardinal Seripando said, that the same difficulty having been discussed in the Council under julius, it was resolved that it should not be discussed again. Yet some Prelates desired a declaration of it; but were not harkened unto, in regard of the contrariety of opinions, and because the greater part did hold that both opinions were probable. But to avoid all difficulty, it was concluded, that all CHRIST the fountain of all graces, is received. Some of the Bishops prepared for their departure from Trent, Some of the Prelates are about to departed from Trent, fearing they had spoken too freely concerning residence. who, having spoken with much passion and heat concerning residence, saw they were hated, and feared some grievous encounter, in case they should persevere. Amongst these was the Bishop of Modena before mentioned, a man very learned, and of a sincere conscience, julius Pavesi Archbishop of Surrento, the Bishop of Viviers, Peter Paul Costazzarus, Bishop of Aqui, and others, who had obtained leave from the Legates: which Mantua gave them, that (in regard they were his friends) he might set them at liberty, and the others, to take away occasion of distastes. But the Ambassador of Portugal did remonstrate to the Legates that this would be a disreputation to the Council, the cause being known why they suffered and that it would be said there was no liberty, which would also be dishonourable to the Pope. Thereupon they resolved to stop them, and the rather, But are stopped. because they understood, that so soon as they were departed, others would ask leave also. The Legates deferring to propose the other Articles, in regard of the difficulties, which they foresaw, the third of july the Emperor's Ambassadors and the Bavarian desired that they would deliver their opinions concerning them; and a Congregation being called the next day to this effect, the French Ambassadors presented a writing, exhorting the Fathers The Ambassadors of France and Bavaria present a writing to persuade the grant of the Cup. to grant the Communion of the Cup, making this their ground, that in matters of Positive Law, as this was, they ought to yield, and not to be so obstinate, but to consider the necessity of the time, and not give scandal to the world, by showing themselves so constant in observing men's precepts, and neglecting GOD'S; by rejecting reformations. And in the end they required, that what determination soever they would make, it might not prejudice the use of the Kings of France, who receive the Cup in their Consecration, nor the custom of some Monasteries of the Kingdom which do, at certain times, administer it. Yet nothing else was done in that Congregation, but only sixteen points of doctrine given forth, to be discussed in the Congregations following. The Legates were astonished at the proposition of the Frenchmen, understanding they were joined with the Imperialists, for which cause themselves The Legates are troubled with the conjunction of the Frenchmen and Imperialists, in this point of the Chalice. were to walk more warily. And weighing well the motives of the Frenchmen to derogate from the positive precepts, they observed that the grant of the Cup, besides the difficulties proposed, did draw with it many more, in diverse matters. They remembered the request for marriage of Priests, made by the Bavarian, and that Lansac, in a feast two days before, in the presence of many Prelates invited, exherting them to gratify the Emperor in the petition for the Cup, said, that France did desire Prayers, divine Offices and Masses in the vulgar tongue, that the images of the Saints should be taken away, & marriage granted to Priests; and knowing that the beginning is more easily resisted then the Progress, and that one may, with less pains, be hindered from entering into an house, then driven forth, they resolved that it was not a fit time to treat of the Cup. They persuaded Pagnavo, Agent of the Marquis of Pescara, to desire that the determination might not be made before his King was advised thereof. The Congregations of the six and seven days were intermitted, to treat with the Imperialists, that they would be contended to defer the matter, alleging diverse reasons: the most concluding whereof was, because the time was too short, to make the And the●● do cause treaty there of to be ●●ferred. Fathers understand, that the grant was necessary. Finally, after long parley, they were content, that all that part which concerneth doctrine should be deferred, where with the Legates not being satisfied, at the last the Ambassadors consented, that that point only should be deferred, so that the dilation were mentioned in the Decree, and a promise made to determine it another time. The Frenchmen remained to be treated with; where they found more facility, than they expected; who said, they had neither proposed nor required it, but only assisted the Emperor's Ambassadors. This difficulty being overcome, they began to compose the Decrees; which to dispatch quickly, they let the Fathers know, that if any of them would advice any thing, they should commit it to writing, that the composition might not be foreslowed. In the Congregation of the eighth day, Daniel Barbaro, Patriarch of Aquileia, said, in delivering his suffrage, that news being come of the accord in France, and therefore it being probable that many Prelates would come, it were fit to defer the points of doctrine until their arrival: but the instance being seconded by none, not so much as by the French Ambassadors themselves, it did fall of itself. In the next Congregation Antonius Augustinus, Bishop of Lerida, put them in mind, that it would be good to make mention of the customs of France, according to the instance of the Ambassadors, by putting in words which might preserve the privileges of that kingdom, adding that, after the determination of the Council of Constance, the Grecians were not forbid to communicate with the Cup, because they had a privilege, which he had seen, but being seconded by none but Bernar do dal Bene, a Florentine, Bishop of Nimes, his proposition was laid aside also. After the Congregation, the Ambassador Ferrier did curiously demand of Augustinus the tenor, Author, and time of that privilege: who having referred it to Pope Damasus, the Ambassador laughed, because it was certain, that, an hundred years after that Pope, to abstain from the Cup was accounted sacrilege in the Church of Rome, and that the Roman Ordinary doth describe the communion of the Laity always with the Cup, and that in the year 1200. Innocentius the third maketh mention that the women did receive the blood of CHRIST in the Communion. The tenth day Leonard Aller, a Dutchman, titular Bishop of Philodelphia, who came the week before, delivering his opinion concerning the Decrees, made a digression in manner of a set speech, desiring the Legates and the Synod, that the Germane Prelates might be expected, using diverse reasons, but principally three; which were ill taken by the Congregation: that is, That it could not be called a general Council in which a whole principal Nation of Christendom was wanting. That to proceed without expecting them, would be accounted a precipitation. That the Pope ought to write to them, and call them particularly. The good Father knew not that the Pope had dealt with them two years before by Delphinus and Commendone, his Nuncij in Germany, nor what answers were made by the Protestants and Catholics, the former of which said they would not, and the later that they could not come to the Council. Some thought he was moved by the Emperor's Ambassadors, who, seeing that the proposition of the Cup was deferred, were willing to prolong theresidue also. In the next Congregation, nine points of reformation, formerly established, were read, and, to the first, that nothing should be paid for Ordinations, Nine points of reformation are read. Albertus Duimius, Bishop of Veglia, who came the week before, and was not present at the discussion of the matter, said; that he held that point to be very imperfect, if they did not constitute withal, that likewise nothing The Bishop of Veglia maketh a resolute speech concerning some corruptions in Rome. should be exacted at Rome for dispensations to receive Orders out of due times, before the just age, without licence and examination of the Ordinary, and for irregularities, and other Canonical impediments. For in those things great expenses were made, whereas to the poor Bishops, who have not whereon to live, a small alms is given; which he would by all means have taken away, yet so, as that they give not a scandal to the world to tithe rue, and steal gold and silver. Upon this occasion he enlarged himself, and taxed the payments made in Rome for all sorts of dispensations, and added that, whensoever any dispensations have been presented to him, either for Ordinations or aught else, he hath used to ask whether they have paid for them, and, understanding that they have, he hath never executed nor admitted them; which he spoke publicly, because it was the duty of every Bishop so to do. And being answered, that they had formerly treated of this in Congregation, and resolved to refer the resolution thereof to the Pope, who might with more honour, reform the Offices of Rome, he replied, that, the last Lent, he had spoken of it in Rome, but particularly in the house of the Cardinal di Perugia, in presence of many Cardinals, and Prelates of the Court, and said the same things, who answered they were matters to be proposed in the Council; but now, understanding the contrary, he will speak of it no more, but leave it to God. To the second of the Ordinations to title, the Bishop of Five Churches said it was more necessary to provide, according to the ancient constitutions, that none should be ordained without a title and Office, then without a revenue, because it is an excessive scandal, that many are seen to be made Priests, not to serve God and the Church, but to enjoy their ease, joined with much luxury, and with a good revenue, that the Synod ought to think seriously hereof, and to find a means that there may not be an Ecclesiastical person, who shall not be dedicated to some ministry, because he hath observed, that, in Rome, in these later times, Bishopriques have been given to some, only to promore them, who, within a short time, have resigned them, remaining titular Bishops, only for ambition of dignity; which invention antiquity would have detested, as pestiferous. To the fourth point, for division of great and frequent Parishes, after he had commended the Decree, he added, that it was more necessary to divide great Bishopriques, that they might be better governed; alleging that, in Hungary, there are some which contain 200 miles in length, which cannot be visited and directed by one man. These things were not well expounded by the adherents of Rome, who thought that all were bend to revive the treaty of residence. The Bishop of Sidonia, a man of the same Country, gave worse satisfaction; The Bishop of Sidonia proposeth metaphorically a reformation of the Pope. proposing, under metaphors, the reformation of the Pope himself; saying, that darkness could not be taken from the stars, except it were removed from the Sun, nor the sick body healed, so long as bad dispositions did remain in the head, which doth disperse them to all the members. And for the last point, concerning Receivers, he said, that it was not honourable for the Council, nor profitable for the Church to begin with the reformation of the smallest matters; that the matters of importance are first to be handled, the superior orders to be reform first, and the inferior afterwards. Which sayings seemed to please many of the Spanish Prelates, and some of the Italians also. But partly by saying that those Decrees were already composed, and that there were but three days to the Session, which short time did not comport the digestion of new matters, partly by making such oppositions against the things spoken as they were able, and by giving assurance, that the Pope would make a most strict reformation in the Court, the remedies of the abuses whereof could be better discerned and applied at Rome, where the infirmity is better known, then in the Council, and by such like reasons, the provisions thought on these and other Prelates, were deluded, and all were made content for that present with the nine Articles. But, the Congregation being ended, the Legates and other Papalins, remaining The Lgats & other Papalins, do consult how they may repress the licence of the Prelates. in the place together, to consider of what they heard, discoursed that the boldness of the Prelates, in broaching new seditious matters, without respect, did increase daily, which could not be called, liberty, but too much licence; and that the Divines, with tedious discourses, took up too much time, contending amongst themselves about nothing, and often passing to impertinences, which course if it did continue, the Council would never be concluded. Besides there is danger that the disorder will increase, In which consultation, Crescentius is reprehended by the Cardinal of Varmia. and produce some sinister effect. john Baptista Castedo, the Speaker, who had exercised the same office in the former reduction under julius; told them, that Cardinal Crescentius, when they digressed from the matters proposed, without respect was wont to interrupt them, and to cut off also the file of their discourse, to abbreviate those who were too profixe, and sometimes to impose them silence; which being now done once or twice, the affairs of the Council would be shortened, and occasions of impertinent discourses would be taken away. Varmiense was not pleased with this; who said, that, if Crescentius did govern so, it was no marvel that the Majesty of God had not given a good progress to that Council; that nothing is more necessary to a Christian Synod then liberty, and that, reading the Counsels of the better times, one shall find contentions and discords in the beginnings of them, even in the presence of the Emperors, most potent in those times, which notwithstanding did, in the end, turn, by the assistance of the holy Ghost, into a marvelous concord: and that was the miracle which did pacify the world. He said there were infinite contentions in the Nicene Council, and most exorbitant in the Ephesine, and therefore no wonder if now there were some diversity of opinions civilly carried, which he that would resist by humane and violent means, will let the world know that the Council is not free, and take from it all reputation; that it is good to refer the cause unto God, who will govern Counsels, and moderate those who are assembled in his name. The Cardinal of Mantua approved the opinion of Varmiense, and disliked the proceeding of Crescentius; but said it was not contrary to the liberty of the Council to moderate abuses with Decrees, prescribing the order and time of speaking; and distributing to every one his own part. This was commended by Varmiense, and they agreed to give order for it, when the Sessions should be held. The Imperialists were now out of hope to obtain the Chalice, and their interests were ceased. But the French men, with some Prelates, laboured much that nothing might be done in the Session of the sixteenth day, but all deferred until the next, as had been done twice before. The Legates, to avoid the shame, did labour with all their force to establish the points, that those four that concern communion, and the nine of reformation, might be published. These therefore did seek to remove, and those to interpose difficulties. There remaining but two days to the Session, a Congregation was held in the morning of the 14. day; in the beginning where of Granata desired the Legates, that, in regard of the importance of the matter to be handled, they would protogue the Session; and made, as it were, an Oration, to show how many difficulties were still on foot; necessary to be decided. The Legates, resolute to the contrary, admitted no reason, and caused the examination of the doctrine to begin: In reading of the first point, when they came to the place, where it is said; that it cannot be inferred by the words of our Lord in S. john. If you shall not eat the flesh of the Son of man, and drink my blood, etc. Granata began; and said, that that passage did not speak of the Sacrament; but of Faith, under the Metaphor of nutrimont; alleging the Text, and many Expositions of the Fathers, and of S. Austin in particular. Cardinal Seripando expounded that place, as if he had read in the Chair; and it seemed that every one was satisfied. But Granata replied more earnestly, and in the end, desired that an addition might be joined to it; saying, that, by those words, howsoever they were understood according to diverse Expositions of the Fathers, the Communion of the Cup could not be inferred. This addition did not please some of the Fathers, and others did not regard it; but it seemed strange, that after things were concluded, one should come with unnecessary additions, to disturb the points established; and there were 57 who said Non Placet. But, to come to an end, the Legates were content, that the clause should be added; ●and indeed it seemeth to be inserted by force, and doth begin in the Latin, Vtcunque inxta Varias. In the second point of the authority of the Church over the Sacraments, when they came to this place, that they might change the use of the Cup, by the example of the form of Baptism, jacobus Gibertus, Bishop of Alive, stood up, and said it was a blasphemy; that the form of Baptism was immutable; that it was never changed; that over the essence of the Sacraments, which consisteth in the form and matter, there is no authority; and much being said Pro & contra, in the end they resolved to take away that particle. It would be tedious to relate all that was spoken by some to hinder the proceeding, and by some not to be silent, when others spoke. It is natural, when a multitude is in motion, for every one to strive to move most, neither was there ever any College of Noblemen so absolute, but that it might be divided into persons of honour, and of the common sort. The patience and resolution of the Legates overcame the difficulties; so that, in the Congregation of the afternoon, the points of doctrine, and the Anathematimes were established, howsoever the Cardinal Varmiense did very zealously interpose a doubt, at the instance of some Divines, who told him, that where as it is said in the third point of doctrine, The faithful are not defrauded of any grace necessary to salvation, by receiving one kind only; much cause of disputation was given, because the Eucharist being not a necessary Sacrament, it might be inferred, by the same reason, that the Church might take it away wholly. Many of the Prelates adhered hereunto, demanding that it might be reform, in regard the reason alleged against it was evident, and unanswerable. Cardinal Simoneta did pacify them with very much ado; saying, that a draught should be made in writing how it should be reform, and shown in the next Congregation. In that the Bishop of the Five Churches gave new occasion of distastes. Who having been told our of Congregation, that, in Rome Bishopriques were given only to promote men, returned to that matter, and spoke of it at large. He seemed to declare his mind by way of excuse, but indeed he confirmed the things spoken, and the end of his discourse was an exhortation to the Fathers, to deliver their opinions freely, without respect. Simoneta was much angry at the occurrences of that Congregation, and, when it was ended, did remonstrate to Varmiense, how contrary it was to the service of the Apostolic Sea, to give care to the impertinencies of the Divines, men accustomed to books of speculation only, and, for the most part, vain subtleties, of which themselves make great esteem, though indeed they are but Chimerae, where of one proof is, because they agree not among themselves: that, before many of them did approve that point, without contradiction, and now some broach new matters, which, in conclusion, will be opposed by others; that it is a plain case that what word so for is spoken, will be defended by those that favour the Speaker, and oppugned by his adversaries. Neither will they much care though it be somewhat dangerous to do it. But, having intimated two Sessions, and done nothing, if the like should happen in this, the reputation of the Council would irrecoverably be lost, and therefore that they must be careful to do some thing. Varmiense was overcome; and answered that he had done nothing but to a good end, and that those Divines were addressed to him by the Emperor's Ambassadors. Simoneta perceived that the honesty of that Prelate was abused, by the subtlety of others, and told the other Legates, that he doubted that the Imperialists might draw some secret from him, and agreed with them to admonish him of it upon some good occasion. The last day had some encounters also. For the Bishop of Nimes, at the persuasion of the French Ambassadors, desired, that, in the first point of reformation, where some fee is allowed to the Notary, for the Letters patents of Orders, the custom of France might not be prejudiced, where nothing is The Legates. about to part out of the Congregation, are stopped by the Bishop of Girone. given. He was followed by some Spaniards; and they were satisfied; by an addition in the Decree, that the custom should be saved. Other mutations were desired and granted, and all was in order for the Session, the next morning. The Legates rising up to departed, Arias Gallego, Bishop of Girone, came and stopped them, and desired they would set down again, and hear him. They looked one upon another; but their desire to hold the Session taught them patience. They sat down again, with the distaste of many Prelates, especially the Courtiers. The Bishop causing the point of the distributions to be read, said, that it seemed to him a hard thing that power should be given to the Bishop to take the third part of the Prebends and convert them into distributions; that formerly all was distributions, and that Prebends crept in by abuse; that Bishops had authority to infringe bad customs; that it was not just that the Council, by giving the Bishop a third part of the authority which he hath, should take two thirds from him. Therefore he desired it should be declared that the Bishops have ample power to convert into distributions as much as they think convement. The Archbishop of Prague confirmed this opinion with other reasons, and the Spaniards seemed by their countenance to give consent. The Cardinal of Who maketh a speech unto them concerning distributions. Mantua having much commended the piety of those Bishops, affirmed, that it was a point worthy to be consulted on by the Synod, and promised, in the name of the Legates, whose consent he first had, that it should be spoken of in the next Session. The sixteenth day being come, the Legates, Ambassadors, and Prelates went to the Church with the usual ceremonies. The Sermon was made by A Session is held. The Bish. of Tiniana preacheth, the matter of whose sermon was the Communion of the Cup, and Residence. the Bishop of Tiniana: who, howsoever he was resolved not to speak then of granting the Chalice, did not forbear to take that matter only for his subject, and to discourse that the use of the Chalice was common so long as the hear of charity did endure; but, that decreasing, and inconveniences succeeding, by the negligence of some, the use thereof was not interdicted, but only it was taught, that those who could hardly avoid irreverence, should less offend, if they did abstain from it: whose example in progress of time, others did follow, that they might not tie themselves to diligence. In the first he commended the memorable example of piety, and blamed the impiety of the modern innovators, who to have it, have kindled so great a fire. He exhorted the Pathers to charity, and to extinguish the flame, and not to suffer all the world to burn by their default, to condescend to the imbecility of their children, who demand nothing but the blood of CHRIST. He admonished them, not to cast away so many Provinces and Kingdoms, to spare so small a matter; that seeing that blessed blood is sought with so earnest a desire, they would not fear the former negligence, for which it was omitted, but grant it; that CHRIST would not have them so obstinate in their own opinion, as to maintain so pernicious a discord amongst Christians, for that blood which himself shed to unite them in a most strict bond of charity. He passed dexterously from that matter to an exhortation to residence; and concluded with the distaste of the others, who desired to have those matters buried in silence. When the ceremonies were ended, the Masse-Bishop read the doctrine, The doctrine is read, contained in four heads. expressed in four heads; containing in substance. That the Synod, in regard of many errors which go about, concerning the Sacrament of the Eucharist, hath determined to expound that which belongeth to the Communion SubVtraque, and of children, prohibiting all the faithful to believe, teach, or preach otherwise. Therefore, according to the judgement and custom of the Church, it doth declare, that the Laickes and Clerks, who do not say Mass, are not bound by any divine precept to communicate Sub Vtraque, and that it cannot be doubted, without prejudice of faith, that the Communion under one kind is sufficient; that howsoever CHRIST hath instituted, and given the Sacrament under two kinds, it cannot be inferred from hence, that all are obliged to receive it so; nor from the speech of our LORD, related in the sixth Chapter of Saint john, where although there be words which name both kinds, yet there be also which name that only of bread. Besides, it doth declare, that the Church hath ever had power to make a mutation in the dispensation of the Sacraments, so long as the substance remaineth: Which may be drawn in general from the words of Saint Paul, that the Ministers of Christ are dispensers of the Mysteries of God; and particularly in the Eucharist, concerning which power is reserved to it, to give order by word of mouth. That the Church knowing this her authority, howsoever the use of both kinds was frequent from the beginning, yet the custom being changed for just causes, hath approved that other, to communicate with one only, which no man can change without the authority of the same Church; it doth declare beside, that All CHRIST is received under either of the kinds, and the true Sacrament, and that he who receiveth one only is not defrauded of any Grace, necessary to salvation, as concerning the fruit thereof. Finally it doth teach, that children, before the use of reason, are not bound to Sacramental Communion, because Grace cannot be lost in that age, not condemning antiquity for the contrary custom, observed in some places, because it is to be undoubtedly believed that they have done it, not for necessity of salvation, but for other probable causes. In conformity of this doctrine four Anathematisms were read. 1. Against him that shall say, Four Anathematisms are read. that all the faithful are bound, by divine precept, or necessity of salvation, to receive both the kinds in the Eucharist. 2: That the Church hath not had just causes to communicate the Laickes and the Clerks, who do not celebrate the Mass, with the kind of Bread only, or that it hath erred herein. 3. Against him that shall deny that All CHRIST, the Fountain and Author of all graces, is received under the bread only. 4. Against him that shall say that the Communion of the Eucharist is necessary for children before the use of reason. After this another Decree was read also, saying, that the Synod will examine, with the first occasion, and define two other Articles, not discussed as yet: that is, Whether the reasons for which the Church hath communicated under one kind, are good still, so that the Cup ought not to A Decree is read concerning two points, to be handled hereafter. be granted to any; and in case it doth appear that it may be granted for honest causes, with what conditions the grant is to be made. During the time of the Mass, Alfonsus Salmeron, and Franciscus della Torre, jesuites, discoursed, the one with Varmiense, and the other with Madruccio, as they stood behind their seats; that in the first point of doctrine, the matter of the institution of the Sacrament under both kinds is obscurely expressed, and that it is necessary to speak plainly, and say, that CHRIST did institute it for his Apostles, and those that say Mass only, and not for all the faithful; that it was necessary to insert this clause, to remove all doubt from the Catholics, and all occasion of opposing and calumniating from the heretics; that they, as Divines sent from the Pope, could not forbear to give their advice in a matter of so great importance; and were both so earnest, especially Salmeron, who talked with Varmiense, that the reading of the Decree being ended, Varmiense first, and then Madruccio made the proposition; which pleased many, but was rejected by the greater part, not for its own sake, but for the manner of proposing it on the sudden, without allowing time to consider on it. It did not please the other Legates, for the same cause also; yet in regard of the honour of the place, they said, without any ado, that it should be reserved to the next Session, in the handling of the two next Articles. Afterwards the nine points of reformation were read. That for collation of Orders, Dimisories, Testimonials, Seal, or any thing else, neither the Bishop Nine points of Reformation are read. nor any of his Ministers shall receive any thing, though voluntarily offered. That the Notaries, where there is custom not to receive, and where they have no salary, may receive the tenth part of a crown. That no secular Clerk though sufficient, may be promoted to holy Orders, if he have not a Benefice, patrimony, or pension, able to maintain him; and that the Benefice may not be renounced, nor the pension extinct, nor the patrimony aliened without licence of the Bishop. That in the Cathedral or collegiate Churches, in which there are no distributions, or very small, the Bishop may convert, to that use, the third part of the profits of the Prebends. That in Parish Churches, where much people is, the Bishops may compel the Rectors to take the assistance of other Priests, and those that are large in compass may be divided, and furnished with new Rectors, if there shall be need, and the people may be compelled to contribute. That the Bishops may make a perpetual Union of Benefices, with cure, or without, because of poverty, or other juridical causes. That the Bishops may give Coadjutors to Parish Priests that are unlearned, and punish those that are scandalous. That the Bishops may join the Benefices of old ruinous Churches to others, and cause the Churches to be built, compelling the people to contribute to the fabric. That they may visit all Benefices held in Commenda. That the name, office, and use of Receiver be taken away in all places. In the end, the Session was ordained for the seventeenth of September, and a declaration made, that the Synod might abbreviate or prorogue, at pleasure, as well that Term, as any other, which shall be limited for the future Sessions. The actions of this Council were not in so great expectation in former times, as at this present; in regard all Princes had agreed in demanding it, and sent Ambassadors, and that a great number of Prelates were assembled, four times so many as before: and had been begun now six months, and The actions of the Council are censured. those spent in daily and continual treaties and discussions, with dispatches of many Curriers and Prelates from Rome to Trent, and from Trent to Rome. But when the Session came out in print, the usual Latin proverb, of The birth of the Mountains, was generally used by all. And particularly the delaying of two Articles was noted; it seeming strange, that, having made four Articles of faith, with four Anathematisms, they were not able to declare that of granting the Cup, which is de iure Ecclesiastico. Some were of opinion, that it ought to have been handled first, because if it had been granted all the disputations had ceased. The third point of doctrine was much considered on in the conclusion. For it being said that the faithful, who receiveth the body of CHRIST only, is not defrauded of any necessary Grace, it First in matter of doctrine. seemed a confession that some grace, not necessary, is lost. And here a doubt was made whether there be any authority of man which can hinder the superabundant, and not necessary grace of God; and if it can, whether these impediments be charitably used. Two things were much spoken of amongst the rest; one, the obligation imposed to believe that antiquity did not hold the Communion of children to be necessary; because where the truth of a story is in question, it is a matter of fact, and past, in which there is no authority that can alter the things done. Yet he that readeth Austin will know that, in nine places, not in a word, but with a discourse, he doth affirm the necessity of the Eucharist for children, and two of them do make it equal to the necessity of Baptism; yea he saith, more than once, that the Church of Rome hath held and defined it to be necessary for the salvation of children; and doth allege for it Pope Innocentius, whose Epistle doth yet remain, in which he saith it plainly. And they marvelled why the Council would, without necessity, trouble itself here in, to no end, when it might be said that either it, or Innocention had erred. The other was the second Anathematisme, with the declaration, that he is an heretic, who saith the Church was not induced upon just causes to communicate without the Cup: which was to ground an Article of faith, upon a fact of man. And they held it a miraculous thing that they would say, that one is bound to observe the Decree only iure humano, but is bound iure Divino to believe it is just, and to make Articles of faith in things which may be changed daily. Others added also, that if the causes were so just, they should say what they were, and not force men to believe by terror, but induce them by persuasion, because that was to domineer over the faith, which Saint Paul doth so much detest. Concerning the points of reformation, Secondly in point of Reformation. it was generally said, that more light points could not be handled, nor more lightly, and that they did imitate the Physician, who, in an hectical body, laboured to kill the itch. And to put their hands into men's purses, to maintain Curates, or repair Churches, seemed a strange thing, both for the matter, and for the manner. For the matter, because the Clergy was luperfluously rich, and rather indebted to the Layne for diverse evident respects; for the manner, because neither CHRIST, nor his Apostles, did ever compel men to make contributions, but only gave power to receive those that were voluntary. And he that readeth Saint Paul to the Corinthians, and to the Galathians, shall see the master's treatment of the Ox that treadeth the Corn, and the duty of the catechised, towards him that doth teach; yet so, as that those labourers have no action or right by rigour of Law, nor any Chancery to relieve them. The Session being ended, the Legates began to put in order those things A reconciliation is made between the Cardinal of Mantua, and Simoneta. which were to be handled in the next, purposing to anticipate the time, if it were possible. Letters came to Trent from Alexander Simoneta, to the Cardinal his brother, and from Cardinal Gonzaga, to his Uncle with most effectual exhortations, in the Pope's name, to accommodate the differences, and to hold good intelligence together; for which cause the Sunday after the Session, Simoneta dined with the Cardinal of Mantua, and made a perfect reconciliation with him. Mantua began to discourse of some Prelates, who came much to his house, whom he suspected to have done ill offices against him. But Simoneta did stop him modestly, and said, that hereafter they should not speak so. They consulted earnestly how they might give full satisfaction to the Pope, and the Court, in matter of Residence, and what Prelates were fit to be employed to persuade others. Those who had declared themselves to favour the interests of the Pope and Court, howsoever they were otherwise able, they thought not fit, because they wanted credit. They made choice of two men of sincerity, and dextrous in negotiations, the Bishops of Modena and of Bressia. The same day the Archbishop of The Archbishop of Lanciano presenteth the Pope's Brief to the Bishops, who had written unto him. Lanciano, having called together the Prelates who had written to the Pope in their own behalf, presented to them the Pope's Brief, full of kindness, humanity, and offers which pleased them all, and did much mitigate their heat for Residence. Another accident also happened the same day, much in the Pope's favour. For the Marquis of Pescara sent unto his Secretary a copy of a letter, written to him from the King; in which he told him, that, having understood that the declaration of the Continuation would displease the Emperor, and France, and might perhaps cause a dissolution of the Council, he gave him commission to make no further instance for it, so that no declaration The King of Spain will not have the continuation of the Council, or the point of Residence spoken of. were made for a new Indiction, and that the Council did proceed as it hath begun. Afterwards he gave him order to let his Prelates know, that he had understood the controversy and dispute concerning Residence, and the instance they had made, that it might be declared to be de iure divino, saying that he commended their zeal and good intention, yet thought that the declaration did not befit the present time, and therefore wished them to desist. The Secretary shown the letter to the Spanish Pralats; and Granata, having exactly considered of it, said, that it was well, seeing that the Pope did dislike it; that the King did not know the importance of it; that he was counselled by the Archbishop of Sevil, who never had resided, and by the Bishop of Conca, who remained in Court; that he knew very well to what end he did command it, that he would obey him 1562 PIUS 4. FERDINAND. ELIZABETH. CHARLES 9 PHILIP 2. in not protesting, but would never forbear to demand it, as often as there was occasion, knowing well that he should not offend the King herein. That point concerning the continuation was showed also to the Imperialists, and Frenchmem: who answered, there was no need of that declaration to be made expressly in words, seeing that it was executed in deeds. In the next Congregation, held the twentieth day, the Sacrament of the Mass, and the abuses consequent, were proposed to be handled. The Cardinal of Mantua did admonish the Prelates to deliver their opinions, quietly and briefly, in the Congregations, and without noise, and related the rules which they had made for the Congregations of the Divines, to take away contentions, confusion, and prolixity; which, being read, were approved by the congregation. Afterwards Cardinal Seripando discoursed of the manner of examining the points of doctrine, and the Anathematisms, in the congregations, and put them in mind that they had been examined and discussed before in the same Council, and established also, although not published; so that the Fathers might very much abbreviate their meditations, in regard there was need of nothing more than of expedition. Granata added, that, the Mass having been handled before, and there remaining much time until the Session, the matter of Order might be handled also. And the same was confirmed by the Bishop of Five Churches; which some understood to be spoken ironically, and others, to this end, that they might handle residence, according to the promise of Mantua. In the end, the Articles, to be handled in the congregations of the Divines, were given forth. The substance of the orders before mentioned was comprehended Seven rules are set down, concerning the order of examining the points of doctrine. in seven rules. That, in every matter proposed, only four of the Divines sent by the Pope, chosen by the Legates, should speak, two seculars, and two regulars. That by the Ambassadors of Princes three of the secular Divines, sent by them, should be chosen. That every Legate should choose a secular Divine of his own family. That of all the other Secular Divines of the families of the Prelates, only four should be chosen to speak, beginning with those who were created Doctors first. That amongst the Regulars every General should choose three of his own order. That none of the Divines shall speak above half an hour, or, if they do, shall be interrupted by the Master of the Ceremonies, and he that will be more brief, shall be more commended. That those Divines who are not to speak, may deliver their opinions in writing to the Deputies, concerning the things proposed. By these rules they made account that four and thirty Divines were to speak, and that they might all be heard in ten Congregations at the most. In establishing and publishing this order, the difficulty was what inscription to give it. Some thought that to call it a mean to be observed by the Divines, was to run into the inconvenience objected by that Spartan to the Athenians, that wise men did consult, and the ignorant give sentence. For avoiding whereof the inscription was conceived thus; A mean to be observed hereafter in the points which shall be examined by the inferior Divines, inferring that the Prelates were superior Divines. The Articles were thirteen. 1. Whether the Mass be only a commemoration of the sacrifice of the Cross, and a true sacrifice. 2. Whether the sacrifice of the Mass derogateth from that of the Cross. 3. Whether CHRIST did ordain that the Apostles should offer his body and blood in the Mass, in those words; Do this in remembrance of me. 4. Whether the sacrifice of the Mass doth only help him who doth receive it, and may not be offered for others, as well living as dead, nor for their sins, 13. Articles concerning the Mass are propose to be examined. satisfactions and other necessities. 5. Whether the private Masses, in which the Priest alone doth receive the Communion without other Communicants, be unlawful, and aught to be taken away. 6. Whether the mingling of water with wine in the Mass be contrary to the institution of our Lord. 7. Whether the Canon of the Mass doth contain errors, and aught to be abrogated. 8. Whether the custom of the Church of Rome, to pronounce softly, and in secret, the words of the consecration, be damnable. 9 Whether the Mass ought to be celebrated only in the vulgar tongue, understood by all. 10. Whether to attribute certain Masses to certain Saints be an abuse. 11. Whether the Ceremonies, vestments and other external signs which the Church useth, aught to be taken away. 12. Whether to say that our LORD is mystically sacrificed by us, be the same as to say, that he is given us to eat 13. Whether the Mass be a sacrifice of praise and thanksgiving only or propitiatory for the living and the dead. It was added, that the Divines should speak whether these Articles were erroneous, or false, or heretical, and whether they deserved to be condemned by the Synod; and that they should divide them, so that the seventeen first, should speak of the seven first Articles, and the others, concerning the six following. The French Ambassadors thought still they had small reputation in the Council, in respect of others; and after that the Decree aforesaid came forth were more jealous than before, because mention was to be made of the Divines to what King each did belong (which was not done concerning the Prelates) and none would be present for France. They doubted also that, by this means, some prejudice might arise to the prerogatives of the Kingdom. Therefore they did presently, and afterwards, upon other occasions, The French Ambassadors writ to their King for Prelate's o● Doctors to be sent out of France. send advice into France, that the disputation would pass only between the Italians, Spaniards, and Portugals; that France would have no part, if his Majesty did not presently dispatch away some Prelate, or Doctor, especially because matters of great importance, contained in the Articles proposed, were to be handled; which also would be a means to obtain or hinder other things, according to his Majesty's desire, and the contents of their instructions; that until then they had proposed none of the Articles of reformation, because, not having suffrages to maintain them, no account would have been made of their remonstrances; that the Council will not hearken to any thing that as prejudicial to the profit or authority of the Court; because the Pope is Lord of the propositions, it having been determined in the beginning, and ever since observed, that nothing And complain of the proceeding in Council. may be proposed but by the Legates; as also of the resolutions, because so many Prelates are his pensioners, and stand at his devotion; that it is resolved, that the Council shall not meddle with reforming the Court, but reserve that whole business to his Holiness; that the Spaniards who were very zealous for the reformation, are cooled and put in fear, by the reprehension of their King; that there is no hope, so long as the case standeth thus, to obtain any thing but what pleaseth the Pope, because no instance made by all the Ambassadors and Princes which are in Trent, hath been able to persuade a good reformation of the Ecclesiastical discipline, howsoever Articles, conformable not only to the use of the primitive Church, but even to the Decrees of the Popes themselves have been presented to the Legates; that, in stead of those, they propose points of the present controversies of doctrine, though they have been told it is superfluous, in absence of the Protestants, and that, if they propose any thing concerning manners, it is of small importance, and of no fruit. The Pope, daily advised of the diverse occurrences in Trent, did fear that no Decree would be published in the Session at the day appointed: but understanding how happlily it passed, was exceeding glad; and the more, in regard of the reconciliation of the Legates, and of the letter of the King of Spain. He could not conceal his joy, but imparted it in Consistory, and spoke of it to the Ambassadors, and thanked the Cardinal of Arragon, brother of Pescara, to whom he did attribute this service. And being wholly bend to conclude the Council quickly, and finding that nothing could prolong it, but the points of residence, and of the communion of the Cup, he wrote to the Legates, that he was wholly intent to the reformation of the Court; that they should assure thereof the Ambassadors and Prelates who spoke of it; and that themselves should dispatch the other matters: which they might do in three Sessions more. He commended them for having reserved power to abbreviate the time prefixed, exhorting them to make use thereof. He added, that, knowing it was hard to make a good resolution in the Council, in matter of residence, because many Prelates, having delivered their opinion to a good end, were interested in their honour, they should procure that it might be referred unto him, and likewise should free themselves from instances made by Princes for the communion of the Cup, by making the same reference. And if any difficulty, hard to be resolved, shall happen, in any of the points, which remain to be handled, they should propose the remitting of it to him also; because he can more easily decide any thing in Consistory, calling some Doctors, if there be occasion, then in Trent, where men's diverse interests make the resolutions impossible, or very long. The first Congregation of the Divines was held the next day in the afternoon, The jesuites will not observe the rules. in which the order of speaking but half an hour was so well observed, that Salmeron the jesuite spent the whole time himself, with much sauciness; saying he was sent by the Pope, and that being to speak of important and necessary matters, no time was to be prescribed unto him; and discoursing on the seven Articles, spoke only common things, which deserve not particular mention. The next morning he was imitated by his fellow Torre, who spent that whole Congregation also, and rather repeated the things spoken before, then added any thing of his own. But, which was worst of all, coming, in the end, to the place of S. john, If you eat not, etc. he said, it must needs be understood of the Sacramental Communion, and added, that, in the first point of doctrine, published in the last Session, it seemed that doubt was made of it, and therefore that it was necessary to declare in the next, that nothing is spoken of in that passage but the Sacrament; and that if any were of another opinion, he appealed to the Synod. The Legates were much offended at his speech, as well because it crossed the determination With whom the Legates are displeased. of the Council, as because it shown a necessity of the Communion of the Cup; but much more, because those jesuites, howsoever they were the first, would be excepted both from the general orders: with so much petulancy. They called to mind the stirs raised by them in the Session, and Torre was particularly noted by Simoneta, for having written against Catharinus in favour of residence, that it is de iure divino, with insolent terms, as the Cardinal said. Therefore, the Congregation being ended, he told his Colleagues, that it was fit to repress this boldness, and give example to others; and they agreed so to do upon the first occasion. In the discussions of the Divines all were uniform in condemning the The discussion of the Articles. Protestant opinions of heresy, in the Articles proposed, and did quickly dispatch the others. The discourse of every one was long, in proving the Mass to be a sacrifice, in which Christ is offered under the sacramental elements. Their principal reasons were; That CHRIST is a Priest according to the order of Melchisedec: but Melchisedec offered bread & wine; therefore the Priesthood of CHRIST doth require the sacrifice of bread and wine. Moreover, the Paschall Lamb was a true sacrifice; and that is a figure of the Eucharist; therefore the Eucharist also must be a sacrifice. Afterwards the prophecy of Malachi was alleged, by whose mouth God rejected the sacrifice of the jews, saying his Name was holy, great amongst the Gentiles, and that in every place, a pure oblation is offered to him; which cannot be understood of any thing else which is offered in every place, and by all Nations. divers other congruities, and figures of the old Testament were produced, some grounding themselves upon one, and some upon another. In the new Testament the place of Saint john was brought, where CHRIST saith to the woman of Samaria, that the hour is come in which the Father shall be worshipped in Spirit and in truth: and to worship in the holy Scripture doth signify to sacrifice, as appeareth by many places. And the woman of Samaria asked him of the sacrifice, which could not be offered by the jews but in jerusalem, and by the Samaritans was offered in Garizim, where CHRIST then was. Therefore they said the place was necessarily to be understood of an external, public, and solemn adoration, which could be no other but the Eucharist. It was proved also by the words of CHRIST, This is my body which is given for you, which is broken for you. This is my blood which is shed for you. Therefore there is a breaking of the body, and an effusion of blood in the Eucharist, which are actions of a sacrifice. Above all, they grounded themselves upon the words of Saint Paul, who putteth the Eucharist in the same kind with the sacrifices of the jews, and of the Gentiles, saying, that, by it, the body and blood of CHRIST are participated; as in the Hebraisme, he that eateth of the host, is partaker of the altar; and one cannot drink the Cup of the LORD, and eat of his Table, and drink of the cup of Devils, and be partaker of their table. But that the Apostles were ordained Priests by CHRIST, they proved plainly, by the words spoken to them by CHRIST our LORD; Do this in remembrance of me. For better proof, many authorities of the Fathers were adduced, who do all name the Eucharist a sacrifice, or, in more general terms, do testify that a sacrifice is offered in the Church, Some added afterwards, that the Mass was a sacrifice, because CHRIST offered himself in the supper. And they brought this reason for the most principal, and proved the ground thereof, because the Scripture saying plainly that Melchisedec offered bread and wine; CHRIST could not have been a Priest after that order, if he had not done the like, and because CHRIST said, that his blood was a confirmation of the new Testament; but the blood which doth confirm the old, was offered in this institution: therefore it followeth, by a necessary consequence, that CHRIST himself also did offer it. They argued also, that CHRIST having said, Do this in remembrance of me, if he had not offered, we could not do it. And they said the Lutherans have no other argument to prove the Mass to be no sacrifice, but because Christ hath not offered; and therefore that opinion was dangerous, as favouring the heretical doctrine. It was also more effectually proved, because the Church singeth, in the office of the body of our LORD, CHRIST, a Priest for ever after the order of Melchisedec, hath offered bread and wine. And in the Canon of the Ambrosian Missal it is said, that instituting a form of perpetual sacrifice, he hath first offered himself as an host, and hath first taught how to offer it. Afterwards many authorities of the Fathers were produced, to prove the same. On the other part, it was said with no less asseveration, that CHRIST, In which the Divines are much divided. in the supper, hath commanded the oblation to be made for ever, in the Church, after his death; but that he hath not offered himself, because the nature of that sacrifice did not comport it. And, for proof hereof, they said that the oblation of the Cross would have been superfluous, because mankind would have been redeemed by that of the supper, which went before. That the sacrifice of the Altar was instituted by CHRIST, for a memorial of that which he offered on the Cross; but there cannot be any memorial, but of a thing past; therefore the Eucharist could not be a sacrifice before the oblation of CHRIST on the Cross. They alleged also that neither the Scripture, nor the Canon of the Mass, nor any Council ever said that CHRIST offered himself in the supper, and added, that the places of the Fathers before alleged, aught to be understood of his oblation on the Cross. They concluded, that, having to define the Mass to be a sacrifice, as indeed it was, it might most effectually be done by proofs out of the Scriptures and Fathers, without adding such weak reasons. This difference was not between many and few, but divided aswell the Divines as the Fathers, into almost equal parts, and occasioned some contention. The former went so fare as to say that the other opinion was an error, and required that it should be silenced by an Anathematisme, condemning of heresy, those that say, that CHRIST hath not offered himself in the supper, under the sacramental elements. The others said it was not a time to ground one's self upon things uncertain, and upon new opinions, neither heard not thought of by antiquity, but that one ought to insist upon that which is plain, and certain, both by the Scripture and by the Fathers, that is, that CHRIST hath commanded the oblation. All the month of july was spent by the seventeen who spoke upon the first Articles; the latter they dispatched in a few days, rather with injurious terms against the Protestants, then with reasons. It is not fit to relate the particulars, but only some few that are most notable. In the Congregation of the ●4 of july, in the afternoon, Georgius di Ataide, a Divine of the K. of Portugal, sought to overthrew all the grounds The discourse of Georgius di Ataide. of the other Divines; laid to prove the sacrifice of the Mass by the holy Scripture; and said first, that it could not be doubted that the Mass was a sacrifice, because all the Fathers have said it in plain words, and replied it upon every occasion and he began with the Latins and Greeks' of the ancient Church, and with the Martyrs, and came, from time to time, until the present age, affirming that there is no Christian writer who hath not called it a sacrifice. Therefore it must certainly be concluded that it hath been so taught by an Apostolical tradition, the force whereof is more than sufficient to make Articles of faith, as this Council hath maintained from the beginning. But this true and solid foundation is weakened, by those who would build in the air, seeking to find in the Scriptures that which is not there, giving occasion to the adversaries to calumniate the truth, while they see it grounded upon such an unstablesand. And having thus spoken, he proceeded to examine, one after another, the places of the old and new Testament, alleged by the Divines, showing that no express signification of the sacrifice could be drawn from them. To the fact of Melchisedec, he answered, that CHRIST was a Priest of that order, as he was the only begotten, eternal, without predecessor, father, mother, or genealogy. And this is proved too plainly by the Epistle to the Hebrews, where Saint Paul discoursing at large of this place, doth handle the eternity and singularity of the Priesthood, and maketh no mention of the bread and wine. He repeated the doctrine of Saint Austin, that when there is a fit place for any thing to be spoken and it is not spoken, an argument may be drawn from the authority negatively. Of the Paschall Lamb he said, that it could not be presupposed for a thing so evident that it was a sacrifice, and perhaps to him that would take upon him to prove the contrary, the victory would necessarily be yielded; and also that it was too hard a metaphor, to make it a Type of the Eucharist, and not rather of the Cross. He commended those Theologues, who, having brought the place of Malachi, added that of Saint john, To worship in Spirit and truth, because indeed, the one and the other did formally speak of the something, and were to be expounded alike, that no difficulty might be made concerning the word, Adorare: which certainly doth signify also a sacrifice, and the woman of Samaria took it in the general signification. But when CHRIST added, That God is a Spirit, and will be worshipped in Spirit, no man that is not willing to expound all things in an unproper sense, will say that a Sacrament, which consisteth of a thing visible and invisible, is purely spiritual, but composed of this, and the Elementary sign. Therefore he that will expound both those places of internal adoration, cannot be convinced, and shall have probability on his side; the application being plain, that this is offered in all places, and by all Nations and is purely spiritual, as God is a pure Spirit. And he proceeded, and said that the words, This is my body which is given for you, and the blood which is shed for you, have a more plain meaning, if they be referred to the body and blood in their natural eslence, then in their Sacramental; as when it is said, CHRIST is the true Vine, which bringeth forth the wine, it is not meant that the significative vine doth bring forth Wine, but the real. So, this is my blood which is shed, doth not signify that the Sacramental and significative blood was shed, but the blood natural and signified. And that which Saint Paul saith of taking part of the Sacrifice of the jews, and of the table of Devils, is understood of the Rites which GOD did institute by Moses, and of those which the Gentiles did use in sacrificing; so that it cannot hence be proved that the Eucharist is a sacrifice; that it is plain in Moses, that, in the votive sacrifices, the oblation was all presented to GOD, and a part burnt, which was called the Sacrifice; and that which remained belonged partly to the Priest, and partly to him that offered, which they did eat with whom they pleased; neither was this called, to sacrifice, but to participate of the thing sacrificed. The Gentiles did imitate the same; yea, that part which was not consumed upon the Altar, was sent by some to be sold; and this is the table which is not the Altar. The plain meaning of Saint Paul is, that as the jews, eating the part belonging to him that offereth, which is a remainder of the sacrifice, do partake of the Altar, and the Gentiles likewise, so we, eating the Eucharist, are partakers of the sacrifice of the Cross. And this is it which CHRIST said; Do this in remembrance of me; and which Saint Paul said; As often as ye shall eat of this bread and drink of this Cup, you shall profess that the Lord died for you. But whereas it is said that the Apostles were, by the words of the Lord, ordained Priests, to offer sacrifice, when he saith, Do this, without doubt it is understood of that which they had seen him to do. Therefore it must be manifest first that he hath offered; which cannot be, because the opinions of the Divines are various, and every one confesseth, that both the one and the other is Catholic; and those who deny that CHRIST hath offered, cannot conclude by those words, that he hath commanded the oblation. Then he brought the arguments of the Protestants, by which they prove, that the Eucharist is not instituted for a sacrifice but for a Sacrament; and concluded that it could not be said that the Mass was a sacrifice, but by the ground of Tradition, exhorting them to rest upon this, and not to make the truth uncertain, by desiring to prove too much. Then he came to resolve the Protestant arguments, and gave his Auditors ill satisfaction therein; for he recited them with force, and good appearance, and answered weakly, so that he did rather confirm them. This was ascribed by some to the shortness of time which remained until night, and others thought he was not able to express himself better, and Gives bad satisfaction to the Prelates. the most intelligent were of opinion, that those answers did not satisfy himself. The Father's murmuring hereat, jacobus Paiva, another Portugal Divine, repeated, in the next Congregation, all his arguments, and resolved them, with satisfaction of his hearers; saying, in excuse of his Colleague, that he was of the same mind; and the testimonies of the Ambassadors and Prelates of Portugal of his honesty, and soundness of doctrine, caused the Legates not to be offended with him. Notwithstanding, he departed a few days after; neither is his name in the Catalogues of the Divines, but only in those which were printed at Brescia, and Riva, before that time. The 28. of july, john Cavillone, a jesuite, and a Divine of the Duke of Baudria, spoke very clearly concerning the Articles; representing all, as it were without difficulty, not by way of examination, or discussion, but stirring up their affections to piety. He shown many miracles, which happened in diverse times; affirmed, that from the time of the Apostles until Luther, no man doubted of it; alleged the Liturgies of Saint james, Saint Mark, Saint Basil, and Saint Chrysostome. Concerning the oppositions of the Protestants, he said, they were sufficiently resolved, without which they ought to believe they were but fallacies, because they come from persons alienated from the Church. And, in the end, he exhorted the Legates not to permit, that in any matter whatsoever, the arguments of the heretics should be proposed, without adding a most evident resolution; which he that cannot do, must forbear to relate them; because true piety requireth, that the reasons contrary to the doctrine of the Church should not be repeated, before the minds of the hearers be prepared, by showing the perverseness and ignorance of the inventors, and that their arguments are not harkened unto but by people of a weak brain; which being done, they may succinctly be rehearsed, with the intermediate proofs, adding the plain answer well amplified; and when it doth seem that some thing wanteth, the disputations is to be diverted to another matter, for fear of breeding scruple in the minds of the auditors, especially being Prelates, and Pastors of the Church. His discourse did please very much the greater part of the Prelates, and was commended for pious and Catholic, and that it did deserve that the Synod should make a Decree, and command that all Preachers, Readers, and Writers should observe the rules set down therein. But it gave small satisfaction to the Ambassador of his Prince, who, after the Congregation, in presence of the Imperialists, which came in compliment to thank him for his speech, said, that truly it did deserve to be commended, for having taught how to use Sophistry, in the simplicity of Christian doctrine. Antonius of Valtelina, a Dominican Friar, one of the last which were to speak The Rites of the Church of Rome are various. of the six last articles of the Rites, said, that it was plain by all histories, that anciently every Church had her particular Ritual of the Mass, brought in by use, and upon occasion, rather than by deliberation and decree; and that the small Churches did follow the Metropolitan, and the greater, which were near. The Roman rite hath been, to gratify the Pope, received in many Provinces, though the Rites of many Churches are still most different from it. He spoke of Mozarabo, where there are horses and fencings after the manner of the Moors, which have a great mystery and signification; and this is so different from the Roman, that, if it were seen in Italy, one would not think it to be a Mass. But that of Rome also hath had great alterations (as will appear to him that readeth the ancient book, which remaineth as yet, and is called Ordo Romanus) which have been made, not only in ancient times, but even in the latter ages also, and the true Roman rite, observed within three hundred years, is not that which is now observed by the Priests in that City, but that which is retained by the Order of S. Dominicke. For the vestments, vessels, and other ornaments of the Ministers and Altars, it appeareth, not by books only, but by statues, and pictures, that they are so changed, that if the ancients should return into the world, they would not know them. Therefore he concluded, that to bind all to approve the Rites which the Church of Rome useth, might be reprehended, as a condemnation of antiquity, and of the uses of other Churches, and might receive worse interpretations. He advised to discuss the essence of the Mass, and not make mention of these other things. He returned to show the difference between the present Rite of Rome, & that which is described in the Ordo Romanus; and amongst other particulars, insisted much upon this, that, according to that, the Laickes did communicate with both kinds; and so began to persuade the grant of the Cup at this present. His discourse displeased the Auditory; but the Bishop of Five Churches protected him, and said, that he had delivered nothing untruely, nor given any scandal, because he spoke not to the common people, nor to fools, but in an Assembly of learned men; to whom no truth can give bad edification, and that he that would condemn the Friar, as scandalous or rash, did first condemn himself, as uncapable of the truth. The same difference which was between the Divines, was also between The Prelates are divided in opinion, about publication of the doctrine. the Prelates, deputed to compose the Doctrine and the Anathematisms, to be proposed in Congregation. For, in the doctrine, being to allege the proofs and explications, some approved or disproved one, and some another, according to their affections. Martinus Peresius, Bishop of Segovia, who had been present in the Council at the handling of this matter, in the end of the year 1551 was of opinion, that the same doctrine and Canons should be taken, which were composed to be published in januarie 1552. and that they should be reviewed. But Cardinal Seripando did not approve it, saying, that there appeared in that an incomparable piety and Christian zeal, but subject to the calumnies of the adversaries; and that the end ought not to be the instruction of the Catholics, as the aim of those Fathers seemeth to have been, but the confusion of the heretics. Therefore that they ought to be more reserved in all parts, and not to meddle with correcting the things ordained then; that it was better to begin again, and not to give occasion that it may be said, that they have reaped that which was sown by others. Granata dissented from all, and would not have it said, that CHRIST made an oblation in the Supper, or did institute the sacrifice, by those words, Do this in remembrance of me. For the first, Seripando said, he did not think it necessary, and that it might be omitted, it being sufficient that CHRIST hath instituted the oblation; but yet it was necessary to say by what words it was instituted, and there be not any other but those before montioned. But johannes Antonius Pantusa, Bishop of Lettere, was very passionate to have the reasons of Malchizedec, Malachi, of the adoration of the woman of Samaria, the tables of Saint Paul, the oblation of CHRIST in the Supper, and every other reason alleged to be put into the Decree. In the end, after the disputation of many days, they agreed to put all in, that the Prelates might speak their opinions in the Congregations, and that might be taken away which did not please the mayor part. They made also a collection of the abuses, which daily happen, in the celebration of Masses, which were but few in respect of those which were noted in the year 1551. The thirteenth of August a general Congregation was held to receive The Archbishop of Lanciano, and of Palerme, are contrar, in opinion. the Proctors of the Bishops of Ratisbone and Basil, that they might honour this second, to the shame of the City of Basil, which did contend with him for the title, saying, he should not be called Bishop of Basil but of Bontruto. The draught being giving forth, the Archbishop of Lanciano was of opinion, that the Anathematisms only should be published, and the points of doctrine wholly omitted. He alleged the example of other Counsels, in very few of which it hath been otherwise observed, and that this same Council of Trent, in the matter of Original sin, of the Sacraments, & of Baptism, did leave it out. He said it was for Doctors to show reasons for their opinions, but the judges (such as Bishops in Council are) were to make their sentences absolute; that, if a reason be added, not only the Decree, but that also may be impugned; without which every one will think that the Synod hath been moved by most potent arguments, and every one will believe that it hath been induced by those which himself doth most esteem; that it is not secure to use reasons, though most evident, because the heretics will oppose them, and esteem them but little; and the more is said, the more matter of contradiction is ministered. He added also, that the coniunctures did require a sudden dispatch of the Council, and did intimate, by words understood by the Legates and favourers of the Pope, that by this means they should give satisfaction to his Holiness. Octavianus Preconius, Archbishop of Palermo, who followed him in order, spoke to the contrary; that the use of Counsels hath been to make a Symbol of their own, unto which the doctrine doth answer, and then to add the Anathematisms. That this having been observed in this Council under julius, and now again in the last Session, if it were not continued, it would be said, it was for want of reasons. He said it was base, to shun the disputation of Heretics, yea that their contradiction would make the doctrine of the Council shine more brightly, and that they were not to take care to finish the Council quickly, but to finish it well. These two Prelates were so tedious, that the night concluded the Congregation, and they said it was no wonder if a Daminican of Genua (for so Landiano was) should be contrary to a Franciscan of Sicily. The days following diverse practices were used, by some to finish, by others to prolong the Council, and those who were interested used these and the like reasons. But the matter being proposed once again in Congregation, the mayor part thought fit to continue the order begun. This set on foot again the disputation about residence, and the same men were desirous of the The Legates v● practices to 〈…〉 vert the discussion of Residence. conclusion of the Council, and of the omission of that matter. Which gave occasion to Mantua and Seripando to use their endeavours, and to show the Pope, by effects, that they did accommodate themselves to his pleasure, according to the instruction which Lanciano had brought them by word of mouth. They employed herein, to use good persuasions, the Archbishop of Ocranto, the Bishops of Modena, Nola, and Brescia, who were not open Papalins, but newly gained. They did overcome the Italians, inducing them not to change their opinions, nor to contradict themselves, but not to urge that matter any more. Many did promise that if the Spaniards would surcease, themselves would do the like. These four Prelates made a note of all they had persuaded, and found they had gained much; but with the Spaniards it was not possible to prevail a jot, yea this made them combine the more. They wrote a common letter to the King, in answer of that which his Majesty had written to the Marquis of Pescara; first complaining of the The Sanish Prelates write a common letter to their kin 〈…〉, and tell him that there is no liberty in the Council. Pope, for not suffering the point of Residence to be decided, in which all the reformation of the Church is to be grounded, and with a very fair and reverend manner of speech; they concluded there was no liberty in the Council; that the Italians did overcome with plurality of voices, of which some for pensions, some for promises, and those who were least corrupted for fear, did obey the will of his Holiness. They complained of the Legates, who if they had suffered, as they ought, the point to be concluded, when the fit time was, it might have been resolved for the service of GOD, with great concord, before they could have written from Rome. That two thirds of the Prelates did desire the definition; that all the Ambassadors did favour the truth herein: yet proceeding with modesty and charity, they never had the courage to protest; They beseeched his Majesty to consult with godly men about this Article, assuring themselves, that, after mature deliberation, he would favour the opinion, as being catholic, pious, and necessary for making a good reformation. This accident assured the Legates, and their adherents, that it was impossible to bury this matter in silence, seeing that the Spaniards were not pacified, either by the King's letter, or by the persuasions used to them: yea, had declared themselves again, by writing into Spain, which made them seem to be insuperable. The Papalins therefore consulted together, and resolved to send to the Cardinal of Ferrara into France, a Copy of the Catholic King's letter to Pescara, that he might procure such another from that King to the French Ambassadors, as well to hinder their practices to the contrary, which they daily made, as that the French Bishops, when they came, might not unite with the Spaniards, as these did hope, and expect. And, to discredit the Spaniards with their King, they resolved to write into Spain, that Granata and Segovia, their Leaders, who make show of conscience, had promised their voices to the Bishop of Five Churches, for the Communion of the Cup, not respecting his Majesty, who doth so much abhor it. At this time, the Pope, considering in what imminent danger his authority was, in regard of the difficulties and confusions of Trent, stirs of The Pope maketh levies of Soldiers. France, and of the Diet which was prepared in Garmanie, in which the Emperor would be forced for his own interests to yield to the Protestants, thought fit to secure himself by all means, and had given money a month before to ten Captains, to raise soldiers, which were lodged in Romania and Marca and grew very familiar with the Ministers of the Princes of Italy, and with the Cardinals who were their near friends. This bred a suspicion in the Spaniards and Frenchmen; and the French, Ambassador exhorted him to desist from making provisions of war, for fear of disturbing the Council. The Pope answered, that the English men and Protestants of Germany, having declared themselves that they will assist the Hugonots of France, it was not fit for him to be unprovided; that the world was full of heretics, and therefore it was necessary to protect the Council, as well by force, as by authority. The Spanish Ambassador went not the same way, but confirming that the proceed of the protestants were to be suspected, promised him all aid and assistance in his King's name; which he did to hinder the making of a league in Italy, which would never have been pleasing in Spain. The Pope accepted the offer; and, understanding at the And is pleased with his Legates. same time the union of his Legates, and how zealous they were to do him service, was much consolated. And he sent them word that they should hinder all speech concerning residence, if it were possible, or, if they could not, should make use of plurality of voices; but above all, that they should dispatch 〈…〉 ckely, that they might conclude it before the coming of the French men, and the assembling of the Dietin Germany, that the Emperor for the great desire he hath to make his son King of the Romans, may not suffer himself to be persuaded by the Protestants, to propose in Council something more prejudicial, than those things which have been proposed already. The French Ambassadors, after they had often made a modest request, The request of the French Ambassadors. that their Prelates might be expected, did, the tenth of August, present it in writing. The tenor whereof was, That the most Christian King, resolving to observe and reverence the Decrees of Counsels, which represent the universal Church, doth desire that the Canons of this may be received by the adversaries of the Church of Rome, of which those who are not separated have no need; and he thinketh that those which are to be made, will be more acceptable, if the Session be prorogued, that, unto so great a multitude of Italian and Spanish Prelates, the French Bishops may be added, of whom, in the ancient Counsels of the Church, great account hath been made. The cause of their absence, which they the Legates have heard before, and judged necessary, will cease quickly, as it is hoped, and, in case it should not, yet they will arrive before the end of September, because they are so commanded by the King. And hereby it will come to pass also, that the Protestants, for whose sake the Council was intimated, who say every day that they will be present in it, will have less cause to complain, because they cannot require more maturity in this weighty business, nor accuse them for too much precipitation. They demanded that, while their Bishops were expected (that none might think that the King did design that by this means the Council should be idle or dissolve) they would treat only concerning manners, and discipline, and the two points remaining, in matter of the Communion of the Cup. They added this last clause not to displease the Imperialists, who had hope to obtain it in that Session. The Legates, having consulted, answered in writing; that the prelates of France were, before the Council was opened, expected almost six months, and after it was begun, which was principally done in regard of France, they deferred to handle any matter of weight six months more, into which because they are now entered, it is not convenient to desist, because they could not so do, without dishonouring the Council, and much incommodating so many Fathers; but to prolong the day of the Session was not in their power to grant, without consent of the Fathers; and therefore that they could not expect from them a more determinate answer. The Frenchmen than desired, that it might be granted to them to make their proposition in the Congregation. But the Legates answered, that, before it had been told them, and all the other Ambassadors, that they . might negotiate with none but the Legates, and that it was formerly decreed in that same Council that Ambassadors might not publicly speak in Congregation, but only the day in which they are received, and their Mandate is read. This made the Frenchmen complain much to the Bishops, and especially to the Spaniards, and to say it was a great absurdity that the Ambassages should be addressed to the Synod, and the Mandates presented to it, and yet they might not treat with it, but with the Legates only, as if they were Ambassadors to them, who are but Ambassadors themselves, as the Pope who sendeth them is a Prince; and as he is a Bishop, and the first Bishop, they are but Proctors of one who is absent, and have been always so esteemed in ancient Counsels. They alleged the example of the Counsels of Nice; Ephesus, Chalcedon, Trullus, of the second of Nice also, and that the breach between the Pope and the Council of Basil was, because they pretended to change this ancient and laudable institution. That this was a kind of grievous servitude in the Council that they could not be heard, and an injury to Princes, who could not treat with those with whom they were to manage the affairs of their states; that the Decree alleged by them, was not showed, and that it was fit to see it, and to know from whom it proceeded. For if the Legates for the time being did make it, they did extend their authority with great exorbitancy; if the Synod, it was necessary to examine how and when. For it was an intolerable inconvenience, which was done in the beginning of this last Convocation of the Council, that the Legates, with a few Italian Prelates, who came from Rome only, should make a Decree, and practise it with rigour, that nothing may be proposed, but by the Legates; so that the way is barred, to all Princes, and Prelates, to be able to propose a good reformation, which would be for the service of God; but in stead of that, the doctrine controversed with the Protestants is handled in their absence, without any benefit of the Catholics, who do not doubt of it, and aliening the Protestants, by condemning them before they are heard. And their complaints were renewed when they were informed from Monsieur de l'Isle, Ambassador of their King in Rome, that, by the King's order, he had made the same request to the Pope, that the French Bishops might be expected all September, and that his Holiness had referred it to the Legates. Lansac said, it was a thing worthy of eternal memory; The Pope referred it to the Legates, the Legates cannot do it without the Synod, and that cannot hear them; and so the King and the world are deluded. The eleventh of August the Bishops began to give their voices, concerning the Decrees in matter of the Sacrifice; and almost all did lightly and uniformly pass over all, but only that some did not approve the putting in of the oblation of our Lord, in the Supper, and others did maintain it, andg for many days, the number on both sides was almost equal. I must not omit, as a thing worthy of memory, that the fourteenth of August Why the General of the jesuite is not in the Catalogue of those who assisted in Council. james Lainez, General of the jesuites did arrive; about whose place, because that society had never been in Council, there was much ado. For he would not content himself with the last place of the Generals of the Regulars, and three of the same society laboured to put him forward; for which cause he is not named in the Catalogues of those who assisted in the Council. The Spanish Prelates presented to the Legates a request subscribed by them all; in which, having rehearsed many inconveniences, caused by the exorbitant graces, and privileges, granted to those of the Conclave, they demanded a The Privileges of the Conclavists. revocation, or, at the least, a moderation of them. The Cardinals, entering into the Conclave, where they are locked up for the election of the future Pope, use to have two servants apiece, one for a Chaplain, another to serve in the Chamber; which are elected by them rather for negotiations, then to serve their persons, and are ordinarily the best Courtiers of Rome. These oftentimes have no less part in those affairs than their Masters; so that it hath been an old use, that, when they come out of the Conclave, the new Pope receiveth them all into his family, and giveth them Privileges, fitting the degree of every one, of one kind to Priests, of another to Seculars. Amongst those which then were usually given to Priests, were these; that they might resign, to any Ecclesiastical person, the Benefices they held, and cause them to be conferred upon whomsoever they would name; that they might change their Benefices with any beneficed man, themselves making choice of the persons to confer both the one and the other. By this exorbitant Faculty, an open merchandizing was caused, and the Bishops perceived that where any Conclavist was, Canonries, Parish Churches, and other Benefices were scandalously changed, at pleasure. The Spaniards complained much because great inconveniences had lately happened in Catalonia, by means hereof. But the Legates said, that the moderation of such abuses belonged only to the Pope, because it concerned persons of his family, and that it had been often concluded, to leave the reformation of the Court to him, much more of his family; but they promised to write to his Holiness, and to desire a provision: as they did. The Pope considering that the Conclavists of account remain at Rome, and with the Cardinals, and that the provision would touch only some few, and those of small esteem, men retired to their houses, and that it was fit for his affairs, to give some satisfaction to the Prelates of the Council, especially to the Spaniards, resolved to yield unto them, and, in the next month, made a revocation of many privileges granted unto those, which notwithstanding was not observed by his Successor. Faber, the third French Ambassador, parted from Trent, to return to France, which made the Papalins suspect that he went to give an account of the Council, and to solicit the coming of the French Prelates: and they thought he would do bad offices, because they saw his inclination by some of his letters written to the Chancellor, which they had intercepted, for the ill satisfaction he and his Colleagues had, because they could not obtain the prorogation. Which being related to Lansac, by some creatures of Simoneta, to discover the truth, he answered that he was gone for his own particular occasions, and that it was no marvel, if, the defects of the Council being so manifest, one did think they might be related. But concerning the Sacrifice of the Mass, in the Congregation held until A sharp contention about the oblation of Christ in the Supper. the eighteenth, all contended resolutely about the oblation of CHRIST in the Supper: and Father Salmeron was the principal man to persuade the affirmative. He went to the houses of those who were of the other opinion, especially of those who had not given their voices, persuading them to be silent, or, at the least to speak remissly, and used the name of Cardinal Varmiense principally, and sometime of Seripando, intimating the other Legates, without naming them. And this he did with such importunity, that the BB. of Chiozza and of Veglia, complained of it in the Congregation of the 18 of August. And this second spoke for the negative with very forcible reasons. He told them they should consider well of it, because one propitiatory sacrifice being offered, if it be sufficient to expiate, no other is offered but only for thanksgiving; and he that maintaineth a propitiatory (acrifice in the Supper, must needs confess that, by it, we are redeemed, and not by his death; which is contrary to the Scripture and Christian doctrine, which ascribe our redemption to this. And if any say it is all one, begun in the Supper, and ended in the Cross, he falleth into another inconvenience as great, because it is a contradiction to say that the beginning of a Sacrifice is a Sacrifice, and if one should cease after the beginning, and go no further, no man would say he had sacrificed: and it will never be believed that, if CHRIST had not been obedient unto his Father, even unto the death of the Cross, but had only made an oblation in the Supper, we had been redeemed; so that it cannot be said that such an oblation may be called a Sacrifice, because it is a beginning of it. He said he would not absolutely defend that those arguments were insoluble, but that the Council ought not to tie the understanding of any, who had conceived an opinion, upon so good reasons. He said, that, as he made no difficulty to call the Mass a propitiatory sacrifice, so he could not by any means be satisfied, that it should be said that CHRIST did offer, because it is enough to say that he commanded the oblation. For (said he) if the Synod doth affirm that CHRIST did offer, the sacrifice was either propitiatory, and so it will fall into the difficulties before mentioned, or not propitiatory, and so, by that, it cannot be concluded that the Mass is propitiatory: yea, on the contrary, it will be said that the oblation of CHRIST in the Supper was not propitiatory, and therefore that of the Priest in the Mass ought not to be. He concluded, that it was more secure to say only that Salmeron the jesuit is taxed for proceeding by faction in matter of faith. CHRIST commanded the Apostles to offer a propitiatory sacrifice in the Mass. Then he obliquely touched Salmeron, saying, that, if in points of reformation, practices were used, it were tolerable, because they are humane, but to proceed by faction, in matter of faith, is not a good example. The Bishop persuaded so many, that it was almost the common opinion, not to make mention of the propitiatory sacrifice offered by CHRIST in the Supper. The same day the Archbishop of Prague, who came not long before from the Emperor, presented his letters to the Legates, and letters came also from the Nuncio Delphinus, resident with his Majesty: both which signified, that his desire was that the sacrifice of the Mass should not be handled before the Diet, and that the Article of the communion of the Cup might be dispatched in the first Session. The Archbishop presented also, in the Emperor's name, a form of reformation. The Pope's command, to finish the Council quickly, was so peremptory, that the Emperor's first demand could not be granted: but he was partly satisfied in the expedition of the matter of the communion of the Cup. For the Pope, unto whom the Emperor had made the same requests, wrote to Trent that they should do so. Therefore, in the next Congregation, Mantua proposed that, the doctrine of the Sacrifice being concluded, the communion of the Cup should be handled. As the Prelates were giving their voices, it was remembered, that the difficulty, whether CHRIST did offer himself in the Supper, was not proposed to be disputed by the Divines, howsoever they have accidentally spoken of it, and therefore that it would be good to propose it, that it might be disputed on expressly, or omitted. The general of the jesuites was the last that spoke in this matter; who was wholly for the oblation of CHRIST, and spent a Congregation himself alone, whereas, in the other, between seven or ten Prelates did speak. Every one having given his voice, howsoever the opinions were almost equally balanced, yet the Legates at the earnest entreaty of Varmiense, resolved to put the oblation into the Decree, but not using the word Propitiatory. In the end of the Congregation, the Bishop of Five Churches seconding the proposition of the Cardinal of Mantua, made an oration; in which having The Bishop of. Five Churches maketh an oration concerning th● Communion of the Cup.: first repeated the negotiations and pains, taken by the Emperor for the service of the Christian Commonwealth, and to restore the Catholic purity, not only after he was assumed to the Empire, but in the life time of Charles, he added, that his Majesty had found by experience, that the most grievous contentions and complaints of the people did arise from the prohibition of the Chalice, and had therefore desired it should be treated on in Council. Whereupon himself, and the other Ambassadors, by commission from him did, at the first, put the Fathers in mind to consider that Christian charity did require, that they should not suffer so many sacrileges, and slaughters in most noble Provinces, & hinder the reducing of so many souls into the bosom of the Catholic Church, by enjoying the observation of a Rite with too much severity; that there is an infinite number of those, who having not abandoned the Orthodox faith, are notwithstanding weak of conscience, who cannot be cured but by this permission; that his Imperial Majesty is forced to make continual war with the Turks, which he cannot do but by the common contribution of Germany; whereof so soon as he maketh mention, they begin to speak of Religion, and principally demand the use of the Cup, which if it be not granted, and so the controversies taken away, it is to be suspected that not Hungary only, but Germany will be possessed by the Barbarians, with danger of other bordering Provinces; that the Church hath used always to embrace those rites which are contrary to the new heresies: and therefore it is good to take this resolution which doth show the faith of the verity of the most blessed Eucharist against the Sacramentaries; that there is no need, as some require, to send a Proctor expressly in the name of those who do desire it, as was done in the Council of Basill; for then all the Kingdom alone demanding that favour, it might easily be done: but now not one people, or Nation alone, but an infinite number dispersed in many Regions, doth make the demand; that it is no marvel if the Petition were first presented to the Pope, and not obtained, because his Holiness did wisely refer all to the Synod, to stop the mouths of the Heretics, who will not receive favours from that Sea, and because he would not seem to derogate from the Council of Constance, it being convenient, that the use of the Cup taken away by a general Council should be permitted by the definition of another, as also to give reputation to the Synod, to which it is fit to remit this determination which may compose the discords of the Church; that he had letters from Rome, that the Pope did think the demand honest, and necessary, and took it in good part that it was desired of the Council. Then he presented the Article concerning the Cup, as he desired it should be handled. And it contained, in substance; that it might be granted to the States of the Emperor, as they comprehend all Germany and Hungary This being read, the Prelates made a great busselling, and gave manifest signs that they would contradict. But they were quieted for that present, because it was told them, that they might deliver their opinion, when the voices were collected. The third of September, the French Ambassadors made a new request to the Legates, that, to give more credit to the Council, and to make the Decrees thereof to be more easily received in their Kingdom, they would prorogue the Session a month, or five weeks, handling other matters in the mean while, to publish afterwards in the next Session aswell that which hath been discussed and determined already, as that which shall be handled and determined in the mean space; for so no time would be lost, the Council would not be prolongued, and the King and the whole Kingdom would receive great satisfaction. Besides, the Prelates of Polonia being expected to come shortly, it would be a thing of much edification to the universality of Coristendome, to show that esteem is held of two such considerable Kingdoms. This instance was made the day before the Legates received letters from the Cardinal of Ferrara, that the Cardinal of Lorraine and the French Prelates would come by all means, and twenty Parisian Doctors with them. Ne●es of the coming of the Cardinal of Lorraine to Trent, with many Prelates and Divines. And other letters were showed also, written to diverse Prelates by their friends, giving the same advice; adding, that their intention was to handle the point of the superiority of the Pope and Council. Therefore they thought it so much the more necessary to dispatch the things already discussed, that they might not be crossed with new troubles, fearing also that, to the bad humours in Trent worse being added, and more violent, so many difficulties would be raised, that either the Council would be infinite, or some prejudicial thing resolved. But the Legates concealing these reasons, answered the Ambassadors with honourable terms, in the manner formerly used by them. That the Council was called principally for France; that their Prelates had been long since called; that to entertain so many Fathers a longer time, in the same expectation, would be an indignity to the Council, and that, if the things discussed were not published, the world would think that it was either by reason of some dissension amongst themselves, or because the reasons of the Protestants had some validity. But Lansac being satisfied with no answer, and still pressing the dilation more, complained that the Council was The complaint of Lansac. opened for the Frenchmen, and yet they were not expected; that he could never obtain any request of the Legates; that his remonstrances were contemned; that stead of gratifying his King, they used greater precipitation that he did not attribute this to the Legates, knowing they did nothing but what was commanded from Rome; that they were in an error for suspecting the coming of the Frenchmen; that having assayed so often to obtain that which was just, and aught to be granted without demand, it was now fit to think of other remedies; and spoke so, as that he made them doubt he would do some extraordinary matter. This raised a rumour in the Council, that it would be dissolved. Which pleased the greater part; some, to free themselves from the incommodities they suffered; some because they thought that remaining there they should do God little or no service; and the Papalins, for fear of some attempt. It was publicly said, that Lorraine, upon all occasions, had showed an inclination to diminish the Pope's authority, that he would open some way for France to ascend to the Papacy, which he thought not fit should be wholly in the disposition of the College of Cardinals, consisting of Italians; that France hath ever pretended to limit the Pope's power, to subject it to the Canons and Counsels; that this opinion would be favoured by the Spaniards, who already, howsoever they were much reserved in their speeches, had declared their desire for the same and would be followed by many Italians, who, because they cannot, or know not how to make use of the preferments of the Court, do envy those that do, besides those who are desirous of novity not knowing why; of whom there seemed to be a considerable number. In Trent a discourse was published, which passed through the hands of A discourse published in Trent. all, and was sent by the Legates to Rome; in which it was showed that it was impossible to finish the Council in a short time, because all Princes were inclined to prolong it. Of the French men and Imperialists it could not be doubted, in regard of their demand made for the dilation. The King of Spain shown the same mind, having destinated the Count di Luna for Ambassador to the Synod, so soon as the Diet of Francfort should be ended, to which he was first sent. The Prelates, by their redious discourses, would draw the matters in length also. Then was showed the impossibility to continue long in this sort, there being no provision of corn but for September only: and it being not known where any may be gotten, in regard of the general dearth, and the delay, made by the Emperor and Duke of Bavaria, to answer the demand made unto them concerning victuals, it did seem they could not be relieved. It was added that the Protestants would always be laying some snares to make the Father's fall into some dishonourable resolution; and raising novities to cause Princes to propose things prejudicial; that the Bishops seemed to aspire to liberty, and would not in time be contained within such narrow bounds, and that the Synod would not only be made free, but licentious also: and, by a fine metaphor, the progress of the Council was compared to a man's body, which doth get, with delight, a small, and in the beginning not regarded French infection, which afterwards doth increase, and possesseth all the blood, and all the powers of it. It exhorted the Pope to consider well on it, and not to come to a translation, or suspension, for fear of being contradicted by all Princes, but to learn how to use those remedies which God doth send him. Amidst these troubles the Legates hastened to conclude the Decrees for Three opinions about the grant of the Chalice. the Session. That of the sacrifice stood in good terms; but they talked still of the grant of the Chalice: and there were three opinions. One extreme, and negative, that, by no means, it should be granted; another affirmative, that it should be granted, with the conditions, and cautions, which seemed good to the Synod, which was maintained by fifty of the most intelligent persons; and, amongst these, some would have Ambassadors sent into the Countries which did desire it, to take information wheth 〈…〉 the grant were fit, and with what conditions. The third, that it should be remitted to the Pope; which was divided into many branches. Some would have had an absolute remission, without declaring whether he should grant, or deny it; and others, with a declaration, that he should grant it, according to his wisdom. Some would have restrained him to particular Countries, and others left him to his liberty. The Spainyards did absolutely deny it, because the Ambassador Vargas had written to them from Rome, that it would be for the good of religion and service of the King, in regard of the Low countries' and the State of Milan, who, when they should see their neighbours enjoy that liberty, would require it themselves also, and whether it were granted or denied, a great gate would be opened to heresy. The Venetian Prelates, persuaded by their Ambassadors; were of the same mind also for the same reason. I will recite the principal Authors only of these opinions, and the things remarkable spoken by them. The Cardinal Madruccio, who spoke first, approved Of which the principal authors were. the grant, without exception. The three patriarchs did absolutely deny it. Five Archbishops who followed, referred themselves to the Pope. Granata, who had promised the Emperor's Ambassadors to favour them, that they might adhere to him in the matter of Residence, on which he insisted above all, said he did neither affirm not deny, but that it could not be concluded in that Session, and was necessarily to be deferred until another, but would not refer, himself, saying it was a matter of great deliberation, because it could not be regulated by the Scripture, or Traditions, but by wisdom only; wherein it is necessary to proceed with circumspection, for fear of being deceived in the circumstances of the fact, which cannot be known by speculation, or discourse; that he made no difficulty, as others did, for the danger of effusion, showing that the Wine is not spilt in the ablution which is now made; that, if it would make an union in the Church, it should not be abhorred, it being but a Rite, which may be changed for the good of the faithful: but yet he reserved himself, because other extravagant things might afterwards be demanded; that, to avoid error, it would be good first to have recourse unto God, by Prayers, Processions, Masses, alms, and fastings: afterwards, not to omit humane diligence, in regard there are no Prelates of Germany in the Council, to write to the Metropolitans to assemble them, and examine the matter well, and to inform the Synod according to their conscience. He concluded, that, it being impossible to do so many things in a short space, he thought fit to desist now, and defer the determination until another time. john Baptista Castagna, Archbishop of Rosano, dissuading the grant absolutely, spoke against those that made, and those that favoured the request, taxing them not to be good Catholics, because, if they were, they would not desire a thing unfit, with scandal of others. And he said plainly, that the request did aim to bring in heresy, and used such words, that every one understood, that he meant Maximilian King of the Bobemians. The Archbishop of Braga, or Braganza, said, he was informed that in Germany there were four sorts of men. True, Catholics: Obstinate heretics: Concealed heretics; and men weak in faith. That the first do not demand the grant, yea oppose it; the second care not for it; the third desire it, that they may cover their heresy, because they may counterfeit in all other things, but in this; which therefore was not to be granted them, for that it would foster their errors; but the weak in faith were not such, but only for the bad opinion they have of the Ecclesiastical power, and of the Pope, and do not demand the Cup for devotion, which is found only in persons of a goodlife, whereas they are drowned in vanities and pleasures of the world, and do unwillingly confess and communicate once a year, which doth not demonstrate such heat of zeal that they should desire to communicate with both kinds. He concluded, that the diligence of the Fathers of Basil ought to be imitated, that four or six Prelates of the body of the Council should be elected, who, as their Legates accompanied with Divines fit to preach, should visit the Provinces named by his Imperial Majesty, or where they found penitent men, who desired the Cup for devotion, or because they were accustomed to that Rite, and for all other matters would obey the Church, should reconcile them, and grant it unto them. The Titular of Philadelphia, though a Dutch man, said, that to deny it, being demanded by the Emperor, was dangerous, and pernicious to grant it; but that he was resolved rather to displease men then speak against his conscience, that it was impossible to practise the use of the Chalice, without danger of effusion, carrying it about, to places remote, and of bad passage, many times by night, intime of snow, rain, and ice; that the Protestants would boast, and inclucate to the people, that the Papists do begin to know the truth; and that, without doubt, those who make the request do maintain that the precept of CHRIST cannot be fulfilled, but by taking the Eucharist under both kinds. And he took in his hand a Chatechisme written in Dutch, which he read and expounded in Latin, and declared what their opinion was. He added, that the Catholics would have the worse, and to gain a few, would lose very many; that they would doubt on which side the true faith was seeing the Catholics yield to the customs of the Protestants; that the grant made unto Germany would move other Provinces, and especially France; that the Heretics will make proof by this, to oversway the constancy which they have found in the doctrine of the Catholic Church. He concluded, that it ought to be deferred, at the least, until the end of the Diet, that the Dutch Prelates might send to the Council, approving the opinion of Granata to defer, and the other of Braga, that those who desire the Cup have all a root of heresy; and added, that the Emperor's Ambassadors had made such passionate instances, and such effectual persuasions, that, being interested so much, it was not fit they should be present in Congregation, that every one might speak freely. Friar Thomas Casellus Bishop of Cava, having recounted that the Bishop of Five Churches had persuaded many, saying, that if it were not granted, so many mischiefs would follow, that it had been better never to have called a Council, showed at large, that it ought not to be granted though the loss of many souls should ensue, because a greater number would perish, if it were granted. The Bishop of Captemberg, in Stiria, desired also that the Emperor's Ambassadors should retire, and inveighed much against the words of five Churches, related by Cava. Many of the Spanish Prelates made the same instance to the Legates, that the Imperialists might not be present in the treaties of the Fathers during this consultation, it being sufficient for them to know, in the end, the resolution of the Synod. But others contradicted; saying, that rather they then others should be present, and that to exclude those who have interest, hath never been the custom of Synods. The Legates, considering that they had been present from the beginning, and that they could not be excluded without danger of tumult, resolved to make no innovation. The Bishop of Conimbria was of opinion, that it should be referred to the Pope, to grant the Grace, with five conditions. That those that were to make use of it should abjure all heresies, and, in particular, should swear that they believe, that as much is contained under one kind, as under both, and as much grace received; that they should banish the heretic Preachers; that in their places they should not keep the Chalice, nor carry it to the sick; and that his Holiness should not commit this to the Ordinaries, but send Legates, and that the resolution should not be made in Council. For when it should be published it would make the heretics proud, and scandalise very many Catholics; and therefore, in case this dispensation were to be granted, it ought not to be put in the eyes of all nations. The Bishop of Modena maintained that it could not be denied, because, after the Council of Constance, the Church having reserved to itself power to dispense, hath always showed, that sometimes it would be expedient to do it; that Paul the third had formerly sent Nuncij, to release it, because he perceived that the prohibition had done no good in so many years; that the Bohemians would never be reduced without it; that the use of the Cup was conformable to the institution of CHRIST, and anciently observed by the Church. Friar jasper of cassal, Bishop of Liria, a man of an exemplary life, and learned, defended the same opinion. He said in sum, that he did not wonder at the diversity of opinions, because those who deny have the moderns to follow, and those who grant do follow antiquity, the Council of Basil, and Paul the third; that in this variety, he adhered to the affirmative, because the thing was good in its own nature, and profitable, and expedient with the conditions proposed, and being addressed as a thing necessary to reduce souls, he that did desire the end, must needs use the means; that the necessity of the means ought not to be doubted of, because the Emperor did affirm it, whom he did believe that GOD would not suffer to be deceived in so important a business, and the rather, because Charles was of the same opinion; and the demand of the Duke of Bavaria and of the Frenchmen did prove the same. And if any did doubt that the Secular Princes were not well informed in this cause, being Ecclesiastical, he must needs believe the Bishop of Five Churches, and the two other Bishops of Hungary, who were in the Council. And because it had been said, that the Father was to be imitated, who received his prodigal son, but not before he repent, he said they ought rather to imitate the shepherd in the Gospel, who fought, with great diligence, in desert and mountainous places, the lost sheep, and laying it on his neck, brought it to the sheepfold. The discourse of this Prelate, for the fame of his honesty and excellent learning, and because he was a Portugal, whom every one thought would have been most rigorous in maintaining the Rites used, did not only confirm those who were of his opinion, but made also very many of the opposites to waver. The Bishop of Osemo who spoke after him, said; I doubt we must drink this Cup, by all means, and GOD grant it may be with good success. johannes Baptista Osius defended, that this use ought not to be granted, because the Church hath never wont to grant the least thing according to the positions of the heretics, yea always to constitute the contrary. He shown by that which happened amongst the Bohemians, who had always been the most rebellious, that one ought not to promise himself any thing of the conversion of heretics, but to make account he shall be deceived by them, and that it was necessary to make the Emperor understand, that this demand was not profitable for his State. He desired the Legates also, that they should not ground themselves upon those who had from the beginning spoken of referring it to the Pope, because they spoke confusedly, and that the suffrages ought to be collected, as upon other occasions, by making every one answer Yea, or No, and to omit those artificial ways which some had been forced to use to give satisfaction. He was followed by Friar johannes di Munnatones, Bishop of Sogorne, who said, that first he was of opinion that the Grace ought not to be denied, but having heard the Bishop of Riete, was, by his conscience, forced to change, and defend the negative; that the Council, which was judge in this cause, aught to have regard that, yielding unadvisedly to the Emperor, they do not prejudice other Princes. Friar Marcus Laureus, Bishop of Campania, said, that the Emperor did hearty desire this grant, but that it would be sufficient for his Majesty for the gaining of his people, to make a show only, and therefore that it would be fit to give him an account of the difficulties, that he might justify himself with them. Petrus Danesius, Bishop of Lavaur, did not define whether it were fit to grant the Cup or not, but spoke only against the opinion of referring it to the Pope. He said in sum, that perhaps the Pope would be offended, because having been first requested himself, and having, either for that he knew not how, or would not resolve, referred it to the Council, it is a manifest argument that he would not be pleased, if it were remitted to him again with the same ambiguities; and the Council which consisteth of many, may more easily bear the burden of the importunities of those who complain for want of satisfaction, and require a remedy, than the Pope alone, who, to maintain his dignity, must hold an esteem of many respects. Besides, it will give occasion of calumnies, that the Pope remitteth to the Council, and the Council to the Pope, to delude the world. Afterwards he came to Logical terms, saying, that either it is referred to the Pope as superior, or as inferior; that either the Council, not daring to resolve, in regard of the difficulties, doth remit it to a greater power, or, to free itself, doth refer it to an inferior: but neither the one nor the other is fit to be done, before it be decided which power is superior; because every one will hence draw an argument for his opinion, and much occasion will be given for disputations and division. He said, with asseveration, that no wise Prelate ought to consent to the reference, if he were not first assured in which of the two kinds it ought to be done; yea, that it was impossible it should be done, but that the words would show either the one or the other. The Papalins were impatient to hear this Prelate. The Bishop of Five Churches spoke in those Congregations, in his place, as a Prelate; and following immediately after, with other new discourses, he made them forget the former, and making a long digression, persuaded the grant of the Cup. Then he answered point by point, to all the oppositions. He said there was no need to answer those who would exclude him from the Congregations, because their reasons were as strong against the Emperor himself, if he had been present; that he would not answer the dangers of effusion, because if they had been remediless, the Council of Constance, would not have reserved power to dispense; that the discourses of those who persuade the negative seem unto him weighty, and effectual, and able to draw him to that side, if he had not practise and experience in that business, which hath more need of such knowledge, then of Science and speculative reasons. To those that said, that the like grant did never any good in times past, he answered, that it was quite contrary, because, after the treaty of Basil, many Catholics were preserved in Bohemia, who still live in peace with the Calistini, and have lately received the new Archb▪ of Prague, by whom they cause their Priests to be ordained. To those that feared to put new cogitations into other Nations, he answered, that those would not be moved by such an example, because having in them no mixture of heresy, and being desirous to preserve the purity of Religion, they would refuse the Cup, though it were offered unto them; that the Germans the more it is denied them, the more they desire it, but if it were granted them, they might be diverted from that use; the fear that when they had obtained this, they would pass to other demands was too suspicious, and if they should, they might always be denied; that it could not be called a novity, because it had been granted by the Council of Basill, and by Paul the third; whose ministers, had they been more courageous, and not retired from that dispensation for small terrors, because some impertinent Friars preached against them, would have done more good; that he was much offended with the reason alleged by some, that as no man could be received with condition that fornication should be permitted unto him, no more can these people, who would be reconciled, so that they may have the use of the Cup. For the first condition is absolutely bad, and this only as it is prohibited. He answered the Bishop of Sogorne, that the Emperor did not contend with any Prince, nor sought preiudices against others, and desired the Cup for his people by Grace, and not by way of justice. But upon those who said the care hereof ought not to be committed to the Ordinaries, but that Delegates were to be sent from the Apostolic Sea, he jested somewhat sharply; ask whether he that had the charge of their souls, and all the Spiritual government might not be trusted with a thing indifferent, or whether they thought that this thing did exceed the Episcopal government. He said that to refer it to the Pope was to give him new and continual molestations. To Philadelphia he answered, that the Catholics would not only not be troubled, but consolated, because they might live united with those, with whom they are now much troubled. To them who would have Proctors sent expressly, he said, it was no marvel that none came to demand this Grace, because the Emperor had undertaken to demand it for them, who could make an infinite number of them to come if the Fathers would. But as the Council was careful not to make the Safe conduct too large, that so many Protestants might not come as to put them in fear, so they ought to have the same respect herein, because more would come to obtain this grant. His conclusion was, that they would have compassion on their Churches, and hold an esteem of the demand of so great a Prince, who, out of his desire of the union of the Church, doth never speak of this business without tears. In the end, he shown grief for the passion of many Prelates, who, for a vain fear of seeing a change in their own Countries, were content with the loss of others. In particular he complained of the Bishop of Rieti, who held the Emperor for a Prince ignorant in government, not knowing what was good for his States, which he said his most Reverend Lordship, accustomed to serve at the Cardinal's tables in Rome, could not teach him. Finally, he said, that many other things did remain to be answered, which were spoken as to challenge him to a Duel; but he thought it better to bear them, and pass them over with patience. He repeated that which he had said before; that is, that if the Cup were not granted, it had been better that the Council had never been called: which he expounded thus, that much people remained in obedience to the Pope, hoping that this Grace would in the Council be granted unto them, who would wholly alien themselves when they saw they were defrauded. Andrea's di Cuesta, Bishop of Lion in Spain, said, that the good intention of the Emperor and Duke of Bavaria could not be doubted of, nor disputed whether the Council might give such a permission, but that it was only to be considered what was expedient. His opinion was that the ancient Fathers, and continual use of the Church, never to yield to the petitions of the heretics, was to be imitated. It appeared by the practice of the Nicen Council, that, howsoever the world went topsie turuie, they would never grant any thing unto them, and the Doctors abstained from words used by the heretics, though they had a good sense; that they would never have been pleased with this grant; that the Catholics would take it ill; that for an uncertain hope of reducing a few heretics, many Catholics would be lost, that because the Bishops of Germany did not make the demand, it was a great argument that it proceeded not from devotion, coming from a people who give no sign of any spirituality; that he could not understand how they were penitent, and would return to the Church, believing it was governed by the holy Ghost, and yet be obstinate not to do it without this favour; that this obstinacy showeth, that they have not the formal reason of faith; that if the Council of Basil did formerly grant this to the Bohemians, it was because they did absolutely refer themselves to the Church, which, afterwards, in kindness, did grant it; that it ought not to be called a true remedy which is not necessary, by the nature of the thing, but by the malice of men, that the Synod ought not to nourish nor cherish them, that the example of CHRIST, in seeking the wand'ring sheep, is sufficiently imitated, when they are called, invited, and prayed; that if this favour must be granted, it were better to be done by the Pope, who may revoke it if the conditions be not performed; that the Council granting it, if the Pope would afterwards recall it, they will pretend he cannot do it, and that his authority is not above the Council; that the heretics do ever proceed with falsehoods and deceits. Antonius Coronicius, Bishop of Almeria, said, that he was confirmed in the negative by the reason used by the defenders of the affirmatine; that howsoever God giveth many helps to the impenitent, as preaching, miracles; and good inspirations, yet he giveth the Sacraments to the penitent only; that if they would be moved with charity, they should be more careful to preserve the Catholics then reduce the heretics; that the Council of Constance ought to be imitated, which to maintain the good children of the Church, prohibited the Communion of the Chalice, taught by john hus; that now they ought so to deal with the Lutherans; that this grant would open a gate to infinite mischiefs; that they would demand marriage of Priests, abrogation of images, of fasts, and of other godly constitutions, always proposing their demands as the only and necessary remedies to unite them to the Church; that every little change of the Law doth breed great damage, especially if it be made in favour of heretics; that he would not give counsel that the Pope should do it, though he might do it better; that the people would be less offended than if the grant were made by the Council, howsoever it ought to be confessed that the supreme authority is in the Pope; that in case he should grant it, it ought not to be committed to the Bishops though known to be worthy for some time, because they may become bad, & of a perverse faith, moved by their private interests. Franciscus di Gado, Bishop of Lugo in Spain, made a long exhortation to the Fathers, that, to avoid difficulties, or to give satisfaction to Prince or people, they would not derogate from the reputation and dignity of general Counsels, whose authority having ever been esteemed in the Church, as every one knoweth, and that having maintained the faith, was not to be contemned now, for respects and interests. He alleged many places of Saint Austin, for authority of general Counsels, and much extolled the authority of them; and howsoever he never descended to compare it with the Popes, yet every one understood that he made it the superior. And jerolamus Guerini, Bishop of Imola, using the like conceits and words, extolled also the authority of Provincial Counsels, to confirm his opinion of not granting the Cup, and said, that their authority ought to be esteemed obligatory, until the contrary was determined by a general Council; alleging Saint Austin for it. In heat of speaking, he came out with these words, that the general Council had no superior; but perceiving afterwards that the Papalins (of which number himself was) were offended, sought to moderate it, by repeating the same things, and adding an exception of the Pope's authority. By which means he satisfied neither party; but the greater number did excuse him, and attribute it to inconsideration, because, in the former congregations, he had, upon diverse occasions, confuted those who alleged the Council of Basil. Notwithstanding Cardinal Simoneta, howsoever he employed him to make such oppositions, did not forbear to expound it in a bad sense, and to charge him that he was transported by affection, because the Bulls of his Bishopric were not dispatched upon free cost, as he would have had them. The last congregation concerning this point was held the fift of September: and, amongst others, Richard of Verselli, a Prevalentian Abbat, and a Regular Canon in Geneva, maintaining the negative, said, that this matter was disputed many days in the Council of Basil, which disputation remaineth still, collected by Friar john, of Ragusi, Proctor of the Dominicans, and, in conclusion, the Cup was absolutely denied to the Bohemians: so that no other determination can now be made, without declaring to the world that the Church did then err, in a general Council. He was reprehended by the Bishop of Imola (to salve his own sore) for giving authority to that schismatical Council, and noted of great boldness, that those who simply alleged the Council of Basil having been often reproved, he should not only cite it, but give it the authority of a general Council. The Father The authority of the Council of Basil. replied that he always marvelled, and then more than ever, how any one could speak so of that Council, considering that the fourteen Articles decreed in the matter of the Chalice the last Session were wholly taken out of it, and that he knew not how a Decree could more be approved, then by renewing of it not only in sense, but in words also. And waxing warm herewith, he said, that, in regard of the Decree of that Council, the demand of the Cup savoured of heresy, and mortal sin. Whereupon a buzzing was raised among the Prelates; and he desiring to proceed was silenced by the Cardinal of Mantua, so that stopping himself he asked pardon, and speaking a few words, concluded. Not to speak any more of this Father, I will add here, that he was noted to have been at the French Ambassadors house, the sixteenth of August, early in the morning, to demand whether their Bishops would come, and to exhort that they might be solicited to come quickly. And in the Congregations, in which the sacrifice was handled, he proposed the doubt whether the authority of the Pope be above the Council; adding, that when it should be discussed, he would speak freely. These things being put together, and duly weighed, the Legates did not think fit that the Frenchmen should find at their coming such a humour in Trent, and thought to make his General recall him, for business of the Congregation, Richard of Versells dieth with grief. and so to remove him honestly. But there was no need; for the poor Father fell sick a little after with grief of mind, and the twenty sixth of November died. In that Congregation Friar john Baptista, General of the Serui, maintaining the negative also, to overthrew the ground of the opposites, The General of the Serui extolleth the Council of Constance. spoke at large concerning the Council of Constance, which first decreed that matter, and commended the authority thereof; exalting it above other general Counsels, and saying that it had deposed three Popes. This did not please; but was passed over, because they would not thrust many matters together. The giving of voices being ended, the Legates were desirous to give the The Cup is denied, by plurality of voices. Emperor satisfaction, but could not, because the party of the negative prevailed: they resolved therefore to labour that it might be referred to the Pope, hoping that, by persuasions, some of the negative might be drawn into that middle opinion. And they gave commission to jacobus Lomelinus, B. of Mazzara, and to the Bishop of Ventimiglia, to employ themselves herein, with dexterity and circumspection. The Legates themselves spoke with the three patriarchs, and persuaded them; by whose means all the Prelates and Fathers of the Venetian State were pacified, which was a considerable number. Having gained as many as seemed sufficient, they believed they had overcome the difficulty. They brought the matter to this point, to write a letter to the Pope in the ordinary form, and to send a note of all the voices. But the Bishop of Five Churches did not approve it, except a Decree of the Session did appear. For these two Articles having been reserved in the last Session, to be handled in this, and they now being handled, and resolved, it is necessary that the resolution of the Session should appear in the Acts. Varmiense shown him how hard and dangerous it was to propose the Decree, and that he ought to be content with the letter, if he desired to obtain. The Bishop not being pacified herewith, they resolved to make a Decree, to be read in the Session; in which he desired it should be said, That the Synod, knowing it is expedient to grant the use of the Cup, did refer unto the Pope to grant it, to whom, and upon what conditions he pleased. The Legates shown him that many who were for the remission, did doubt whether it were expedient, and therefore would oppose the Decree, so that it was impossible to cause any such declaration to be made; and that, if he were firm in this opinion, it were better to let a week pass, that this great heat might be cooled. The Bishop of Five Churches was content; and so, this point being deferred, they purposed to establish the Decree of the Sacrifice, that this being joined with it, they might make the proposition for the Communion. Varmiense did oppose, who being persuaded by the jesuites, Laynez, Salmeron and Torre, did propose another form of Decree for the Sacrifice in matter of the oblation of CHRIST in the Supper, and they had much ado to make him desist. Finally, being almost out of hope to be ready to hold the Session at the time appointed, the Decree of the Sacrifice was established in the Congregation of the seventh day by consent of the mayor part, howsoever Granata laboured to interpose impediments and delays. After this, ten Articles for reformation of the abuses, occurring in the Mass, were proposed, and eleven more in diverse other points of reformation; which were purposely chosen of easy matters, not subject to contradiction, and favourable to the authority of Bishops, that their proceeding might not be hindered by the opposition of any; which was well known to the Ambassadors and Prelates who complained of it. These began to be handled the ninth of September, and the Prelates delivered their opinions briefly, forty in a Congregation. There was no remarkable opposition, only Philadelphia said, that Germany expected that matters of weight and importance should be handled in Council. He named diverse, and, amongst others, the creation of Cardinals, and plurality of Benefices. joannes Zuares, Bishop of Conimbria, said, that small matters were not to be neglected, but thought that the dignity of the Synod did require that some special order should be followed, that it may appear why these particulars The Council is taxed by diverse Prelates, for omitting the chief points of Reformation. are proposed before others; that the reformation ought to begin from the Head, and pass to the Cardinals; from the Cardinals to the Bishops; and from them to other degrees; otherwise he feared that the Catholics would be offended, and the protestants laugh. Paris said, that, for these hundred and fifty years, the world hath demanded a reformation in the Head, and the members, and hitherto hath been deceived; that now it was time they should labour in earnest, and not by dissimulation; that he desired the French men should be heard for the necessities of that Kingdom; that in France a fare more profitable reformation was made, then that which was proposed in Council. The Bishop of Segovia said, they did imitate an unskilful Physician, who gave a lenitive, or anointed with oil, in mortal diseases. The Bishop of Oreate said, that the Pope ought not to grant so great faculty to the Crusado, and the Fabric of Saint Peter, by virtue of which, every one in Spain will have Masses in his house, which if it be not moderated, the provisions of the Council will be in vain; that it was necessary to declare that the Decrees of the general Council do bind the Head also. Whereat buzzing being raised, he made a sign they should be silent, and added, that he meant in respect of the direction, and not of coaction. He proceeded, and said that it was necessary to find a means to take away contentions, and suits, or, at the least, to make them fewer and shorter, in causes of Benefices; that this caused great expenses, hindered the worship of GOD, and scandalised the people. The Bishop of Five Churches spoke concerning the point of conferring Bishopriques, expounding the words he had said, that base and unworthy persons were promoted, and declaring that the abuse proceeded from Princes, who did importunately recommend them to the Pope, saying they would be better bestowed upon the horse-keepers of his Holiness. And he complained that his words had been ill expounded. The Spanish Agent complained in the King's name, that in the eight Article too much authority was given to Bishops over Hospitals, Mountains of piety, and such places; and particularly in Sicilia, against the privilege which that Kingdom anciently hath; for whose satisfaction the Legates caused a clause to be added for reservation of the places which are immediately under the protection of the King. These things being ended, the Legates were in a straight, because there were but three days to the Session, and many things unresolued, especially that which was of greatest importance, in which every one was carried with Turrian strong affection, that is the communion of the Cup. But one accident made them to prolong the time. For the French Ambassador in Rome, having earnestly desired the Pope in the King's name, to cause a delay until the coming of his Prelates, his Holiness, though nothing could more displease him then the prolonging of the Council, aswell in regard of his own inclination, as of the Cardinals and Court, who were in hope, and much desired to see it ended in December, notwithstanding, to conceal his fears, did answer, that it was all one to him, and that it did depend on the Prelates, who if they did abhor every delay, it was no marvel, in regard of their long and incommodious abiding there, saying that they ought to be respected, and that he neither could nor would compel them, or impose a law upon them, contrary to the ancient use; that he would write to the Legates, concerning this instance, and show he was contented with the dilation; that this is all that can be required of him, and enough to satisfy the King. Thus he wrote, adding that they should make use of this permission; as it should seem most reasonable to the Fathers. This letter, and the backwardness in their business, and that which was written by Delphinus, Nuncio with the Emperor, and the instance of the Emperor's Ambassadors, that the Decree of the Mass, might not be published, made some of the Legates incline to defer the Session. But Simoneta, who understood the Pope's mind, rather as it was in his head, then as it was expressed in the letter, opposed so strongly, that the contrary was resolved. And he sent advice to Rome how dangerous a thing it was to change the absolute commands formerly given, to come quickly to the conclusion of the Council, only to give verbal satisfaction to others, encouraging those who had bad intentions to cross good resolutions, and laying burdens upon them to make them odious, to lose reputation, and to make them unfit to do the service of his Holiness. Simoneta was favoured by the event. For, there being no opposition of moment, the Article of the abuses of the Mass was established, together with the elevonth of reformation, and the Decree of the Communion had less difficulty than was believed. It did not pass at the first proposing, because it said, that the Pope, by consent and approbation of the Council, should do what he thought good. This was impugned by those who held the negative, and the remissive part; which made the Legates resolve to omit this matter wholly, and excused themselves to the Imperialists, because the fault did not proceed either from the Pope, or from them. The Ambassadors desired that it should be proposed without the clause of consent and approbation; which the Legates thinking would cause a delay of the Session, did refuse. The Ambassadors protested, that seeing so small esteem was held of the Emperor, they would assist no more either in Congregation or Session, until his Majesty advised hereof, had given those orders that befitted the Imperial dignity. Hereupon the Legates were content, not only to propose it again without the clause, but to use persuasions themselves, also, and to employ others. And the day following, which was the next day before the The grant of the Cup is referred to the Pope. Session, the Decree, corrected, did pass by the mayor part (though contradicted by all of the negative) to the great joy of the Legates and Papalins, aswell because the Session was not prolonged, which they greatly feared, as also because they thought it more honour for the Pope, that the grace should totally depend on his authority. The Ambassadors were well satisfied with this particular; but perceiving that the Session would be in order, and that the publication of the sacrifice of the Mass could not be hindered, as they had desired in the Emperor's name, they joined with the Frenchmen, who were mal-content, because the request which their King had made in Rome was denied. Therefore the same day, in the afternoon, all the Ambassadors A general consultation of the Ambassadors. met in the house of the Imperialists, saying they would consult of a thing common to all Princes. The Venetians and Florentive, being called, excused themselves, saying they could not come, without express commission from their Masters. In that Assembly, the Bishop of Five Churches made a long discourse, to show, that hitherto nothing of worth had been handled in the Council; that they had vainly disputed of points of doctrine, which did the heretics no good, who were resolved not to change their opinion, nor the Catholics, who are sufficiently persuaded already that, for reformation, nothing hath been proposed but things of no moment, of Notaries, Receivers, and such like; that it did plainly appear, that the Legates would make the next Session according to the same style, and afterwards spend the time in disputes, deciding of Doctrines, making Canons, of Order, Marriage, or some other sleight matter, to avoid, as they have done the substantial points of reformation. And, by these and other reasons, well amplified, he persuaded the Ambassadors to join together, and to go to the Legates, and desire that for that Session they would omit to speak of the sacraments, of doctrines, or canons, because it was now time to think upon a good reformation, to take away so great abuses, to correct bad manners, and to labour that the Council may not be unfruitful. The Spanish Secretary would not assent. For his King, desiring that the continuation should be declared in the end of the Council, feared he should prejudice himself, if the manner of proceeding, which was to handle the doctrine and reformation together, should be changed, because that alteration might be used for an argument that it was a new Council. The Ambassador of Portugal, having made a long vnconcluding speech, to show he desired a reformation, but upon more pleasing terms, retired from the company. The Susse, seeing the examples of those two, and that the Venetians were not present, fearing to commit an error, said, it were good to consider of it again, before they resolved. All the others were resolute to go. Lansac (by consent) spoke for them all; saying, They were sent by their Princes to assist and favour the Council, and to procure that the proceeding should be pertinent, not by disputing of doctrine, whereof none of them; being Catholics, do doubt, and is superfluous, in absence of those who do Who choose Lansac to speak for them. impugn it, but by making a good, holy, and absolute reformation of manners. Now, because, notwithstanding all their remonstrances, they saw they would determine principal points of controversed doctrine, and touch the reformation but slightly, he prayed them to change their purpose, and to employ the next Session in reformation only, proposing more important and necessary Arguments than those whereof hitherto they had spoken. The Legates answered in the usual form; That the desire of the Pope and The answer of the Legates. theirs was to do the service of God, procure the good of the Church, and satisfy and gratify all Princes; but yet that it was not convenient to break the order always observed in the Council to handle doctrine and reformation together; that the things already done were but a beginning; that they had a good intention to do better; that they would most readily receive the Articles which the Ambassadors would propose; that they marvelled that the Articles determined at Poisi in France were not sent to the Pope, who would have approved them. Lansac replied, that the Pope having referred all matters concerning Religion to the Council; the French Prelates, when they came, would propose both those and many other things. The Legates answered they should be welcome, and willingly heard; but that they ought not for that cause to defer the Session, in regard that nothing should be handled in it in prejudice of their propositions; that most of the Fathers were resolved the Session should be held; that it was dangerous to give them distaste, and that if they expected in Trent, with great discommodity, those who lived at their ease, and deferred their coming which they promised, it was not fit to discontent them more, by making them remain idle. This cunning persuasion being not strongly opposed by the Ambassadors, they held the Congregation, and framed the Decrees; which being established, when they came to appoint the time and the matter for the next Session, Granata counselled them to prolong the time, that the Frenchmen, and Polonians might have space, not only to come, but to inform themselves, and that they would not proceed to a precise declaration of that which was to be handled, but stand upon the general, as formerly they had done, and resolve according to occurrences. For so many persons being to come, it could not be but that they would bring some new matters, which might cause new determinations. This opinion was followed by the Spaniards, and many others, and was like to have been generally approved. But it being noised, that the Pope's absolute commandment was come, that the Session should not be deferred above two months, and that the Sacraments of Order and Marriage should be handled together, the Papalins were induced to persuade that the time might not be prolonged, and that both those Sacraments might be discussed. The Legates shown they were forced to make the Decree in conformity hereof. But there were two other true causes of it; the one the quick dispatch of the Council, because they hoped, by so doing, to finish all in that Session alone, the other, that the Spaniards and other favourers of the reformation, might not have time, being busied in matters of faith, to handle any thing of importance; and particularly that they might be hindered to promote, or insist upon Residence. After that this point was established, all the Decrees being read together, new contradictions were raised, besides the usual contentions, which the Legates could hardly stop with fair words. The Congregation lasted until two hours within night, with small satisfaction of the parties, and scandal of honest men. In the end all was resolved; but by the greater part only, which did not much exceed in number those who contradicted. The seventeenth of September, the day appointed for the Session, being The Session. come, the Legates Ambassadors, and 180. Prelates went to the Church, with the usual ceremonies; and after prayers made in time of the Mass, the Bishop of Ventimiglia preached: who, with an Episcopal and Senatorious gravity, using the comparison between civil bodies and natural, shown how monstrous a Synod would be, if it had no head; he shown the office of it, in making an influence of virtues into all the members, and the thankfulness and duty of these, in having more care of it, then of themselves, exposing themselves also to the defence of it, he said that the chief fault of an heretic, according to Saint Paul, was, that he doth not acknowledge an head, on which the connexion of the whole body doth depend; he added, in few words, that CHRIST was the invisible Head of the Church, but in many, that the Pope was the visible. He commended the exact diligence of his Holiness, in making provision for the Synod, and put every one in mind of his duty in presenting the dignity of his Head: he praised the piety and modesty of the Fathers; prayed GOD that that Council might proceed, and end as gloriously as it had begun. The Mass being ended, the letters of Cardinal Amulius were read, who, The letters of Cardinal Amulius concerning the Oriental Christians. as Protector of the Oriental Christian Nations, informed the Synod that Abdisu, Patriarch of Muzale, in Assyria, beyond Euphrates, was come to Rome, who had visited the Churches, rendered obedience to the Pope, and received the confirmation and Cope from his Holiness. He related that the people subject unto him had received the faith, from the Apostles, Thomas and Thaddeus, and one of their Disciples called Marcus, wholly conformable to the Roman, with the same Sacraments and Rites, whereof they had Books written ever since the time of the Apostles. In the end, he told the largeness of the Country, subject to that Prelate, which extendeth itself unto, the further India, with innumerable people, subject, partly to the Turk, partly to the Sophi of Persia, and to the King of Portugal. The letter being read, the Ambassador of Portugal protested, that the Eastern Bishop's subject to his King, did not acknowledge any Patriarch for their Superior, and said that by acknowledging of this Patriarch, they might not do themselves and the King a prejudice. Afterwards the Confession of his faith, made in Rome the Are confuted by the Portugal Ambassadors. 17 of March, was read, in which he swore to maintain the faith of the holy Church of Rome, promising to approve and condemn that which it did approve and condemn, and to teach the same to the Metropolitans and Bishops subject unto him. Afterwards his letters, directed to the Synod, were read, in which he excused his not coming to the Council, by reason of the length of the journey, and prayed them, that when it was ended, the Decrees thereof might be sent unto him, which he promised he would cause to be fully observed. The same things had been read in the first Congregation, but not regarded. The Portugals protestation made men consider diverse absurdities in that narration, and there was a whispering, and the Portugal Prelates began to speak. But the Speaker, by order of the Legates, told them, that this should be spoken of in the Congregation. And proceeding in the acts of the Council, the Mass Bishop read the The doctrine of the Massè. doctrine of the Sacrifice of the Mass, divided into nine heads; which contained in sum: 1. That, for the imperfection of the Levitical Priesthood, another Priest, according to the order of Melchisedec, was necessary; which was CHRIST our LORD: who, although he offered himself but once upon the Cross, to leave in the Church a visible Sacrifice, representing that of the Cross, and applying the virtue thereof, declaring himself to be a Priest after the order of Melchizedec, offered to GOD the Father his body and blood, under the Bread and Wine, and gave them to his Apostles, commanding them and their successors to offer them. And this is that pure offering foretold by Malachi, which Saint Paul calleth the Table of the LORD, and was figured by diverse Sacrifices, in the time of Nature, and of the Law. 2. Because the same CHRIST is sacrificed in the Mass without blood, who was sacrificed on the Cross with blood, this sacrifice is propitiatory, and GOD, appeased with this offering, bestoweth the gift of repentance, and remitteth all sins, the offering, and (by the Priests) the offerer being the same, who formerly offered himself upon the Cross, only in a diverse manner; so that this of the Mass doth not derogate from that of the Cross, yea, by this, the fruits of that are received, which is offered for the sins, punishments, and necessities of the faithful, and also for the dead, not fully purged. 3. And though some Masses be celebrated in memory of the Saints, the sacrifice is not offered to them, but to GOD only. 4. And, to offer him with reverence, the Church hath, for many ages, instituted the Canon, free from all error, composed out of the words of the LORD, tradition of the Apostles, and constitutions of Popes. 5. And, for the edification of the faithful, the Church hath instituted certain Rites to pronounce in the Mass, some things with a low, and some with a loud voice, adding benedictions, lights, odours, and vestments by Apostolical tradition. 6. And the Synod doth not condemn as private and unlawful, but doth approve those Masses, in which the Priest doth communicate alone (which use is common) in regard the people doth communicate spiritually, and that they are celebrated by a public Minister, and for all the faithful. 7. And the Church hath commanded to put water into the wine, because CHRIST hath done so, and from his side did issue water and blood together, by which the union of the people, signified by the water, with CHRIST their head is represented. 8. And howsoever the people do not receive much instruction by the Mass, yet the Fathers have not thought it fit that it should be celebrated in the vulgar. Therefore retaining the use of the Roman Church, that the people may not be deceived, the Priests ought to expound something which is read in it, especially upon Holy days. 9 And to condemn the errors which are spread against this doctrine, it doth add nine Canons. 1. Anathematising him that shall say, that a true and proper sacrifice is not offered to GOD in the Mass. 2. Or that shall say that CHRIST, by these words, Do this in remembrance of me, hath not instituted Priests, and The Canons of the Mass. commanded them to offer. 3. Or shall say, that the Mass is a sacrifice only of praise, or thanksgiving, or a bare commemoration of the sacrifice of the Cross, and not propitiatory, and that it doth help only him that doth receive it, and ought not to be offered for the huing and the dead, for sins, punishments, satisfactions, and other necessities. 4. Or shall say, that the sacrifice of the Mass doth derogate from that of the Cross. 5. Or that it is a deceit to celebrate Masses in honour of Saints. 6. Or that errors are contained in the Canon of the Mass. 7. Or that the ceremonies, vestments, or external signs used in the Mass, are rather incitements to ungodliness, than offices of piety. 8. Or that the Masses, in which the Priest alone doth communicate, are unlawful. 9 Or shall condemn the Rite of the Church of Rome, to speak part of the Canon and the words of consecration with a low voice; or that the Mass ought to be celebrated in the vulgar, or that water ought not to be mingled with the Wine. The Fathers assented to the Decree, except only to that particular, that A decree concerning the abuses of the Mass. CHRIST did offer himself, which three and twenty Bishops did contradict: and some others said, that, howsoever they held it to be true, yet they thought not either the time or place fit to decree it. And there was some confusion in delivering their voices, because many spoke at once. The Archbishop of Granata began to descent, who, having contradicted in the Congregations, that he might not have occasion to do the same in Session, determined to be absent. But the Legates seeing him not at Mass, sent to call him more than once, and constrained him to come; which did more excite him to contradict. Immediately after another Decree was read for instruction of Bishops, concerning abuses to be corrected in celebration of the Masses: And contained in substance; That the Bishops ought to forbid all things brought in by avarice, irreverence, or superstition. It named particularly, for faults of avarice, bargains for reward, that which is given for new Masses, importunate exaction of alms: of irreverence, the admitting to say Mass of vagabond Priests, unknown, and public and notorious sinners, Masses in private houses, & every where else out of the Churches and Oratories, if the assistants be not in an honest habit, the use of Music in Churches, mixed with lascivious songs, all secular actions, profane speeches, noises, and screeches; of superstition, to celebrate out of due hours, with other ceremonies and prayers than those which are allowed by the Church, and received by use, a determinate number of some Masses, and of candles. It ordained also, that the people should be admonished to go to their Parish Churches, at the least on Sundays and great Holidays, declaring that the things aforesaid are proposed to the Prelates, that they may prohibit and correct as Delegates of the Apostolic Sea, not only those, but all that are alike unto them. The decree of reformation contained 11. Heads. 1. That all the Decrees of Popes and Counsels, concerning the life and conversation of the Clergy, be observed hereafter; under the same and greater punishments; at the pleasure of the Ordinary, and those revived which are antiquated. 2. That none be promoted to a Bishopric, but he, who, besides the qualities required by the holy Canons, hath been six months in holy Orders and if there be not notice of all the necessary qualities in Court, information The Decree of reformation. may be taken from the Nuncij, from his Ordinary or neighbour Ordinaries; who ought to be a Doctor, Master, or Licentiate in Theology, or the Canon Law, or declared to be able to teach, by public testimony of an University; and the Regulars shall have the like testimonies from the Superiors of their religion; and the processes and testifications shall be freely given. 3. That the Bishops may convert the third part of the revenues of Cathedral or Collegiate Churches into daily distributions, which notwithstanding those shall not lose, who, not having jurisdiction or other office, do reside in their Parish Church or Church united, being out of the City. 4. That none shall have voice in Chapter, but he that is a Subdeacon; and he that shall hereafter obtain a benefice to which any charge is annexed, shall be bound to receive Orders, within one year, that he may execute it. 5. That commissions of dispensations out of the Court of Rome shall be addressed to the Ordinaries, and those that are for Grace, shall not take effect; until it be known by the Bishops, as Delegates, that they have been justly gotten. 6 That commutations of wills be not executed, until the Bishops as Delegates, do know that they have been obtained by expression of the truth. 7. That superior judges, in admitting appeals, and granting inhibitions, shall observe the constitution of Innocentius 4. in the Chapter Romana. 8 That the Bishops, as Delegates, shall be executors of pious dispositions, as well testamentary, as of the living, shall visit Hospitals, Colleges, and fraternities of Laiques, even those which are called Schools, or by whatother name soever, except those which are under the immediate protection of Kings; shall visit the alms of the Mountains of piety, and all other places of piety; though under the charge of Laymen, and shall have the knowledge and execution of whatsoever belongeth to the service of God, salvation of souls, and sustentation of the poor. 9 That the administrators of the Fabric of any Church whatsoever, Hospital, Confraternity, alms of any Mountain of piety, or any other pious place, shall be bound to give an account every year to the Bishops, and, in case they be obliged to make an account to others, the Bishop shall be joined with them, without whom they shall not have any discharge. 10 That the Bishops shall examine the Notaries, and forbidden them the use of their office in spiritual matters. 11. That whosoever shall usurp the goods, rights, or emoluments of Churches, Benefices, Mountains of piety, or other pious places, whether he be Clerk, or Laique, King or Emperor, shall remain excommunicate, until a full restitution or absolution of the Pope; and, if he be Patron, he shall be deprived of the right of Patronage, and the clerk consenting shall be subject to the same punishment, deprived of all benefices, and uncapable of any more. Afterwards the Decree for the grant of the Cup was read; of this tenor. That the Synod having reserved to itself the examination and definition of two Articles, concerning the communion of the Cup, in the former Session, hath now determined to defer the whole business to the Pope, who, in his singular wisdom, may do what he thinketh profitable for the Christian Common wealth, and for the good of those who demand it. This Decree, as it was approved in the Congregations by the mayor part only, so it The Decree concerning the Cup. happened in the Session, where, beside those who contradicted, because they thought the Cup could not be granted for any cause; there were some who required that the matter should be deferred, and examined again. To whom the Speaker answered, in the name of the Legates, that consideration should be had of it. And finally the next Session was intimated for the twelfth of November, to determine concerning the Sacraments of Order and Matrimony. The matter of the next Session. And the Synod was dismissed, after the usual manner, great discourses between the Fathers about the Communion of the Cup continuing still. Concerning which, some perhaps will be curious to know, for what cause the Decree last recited, was not put after that of the Mass, as the matter seemeth to require, but in a place where it hath no connexion or likeness with the Articles preceding. He may know that there was a general maxim in A Maxim in the Council about the Mayor part. that Council, that to establish a decree of reformation a mayor part of voices was sufficient, but that a Decree of faith could not be made, if a considerable part did contradict. Therefore the Legates knowing that hardly more than half would consent to this of the Chalice, did resolve to make it an Article of reformation, and to place it the last amongst those, to show plainly that they held it to be of that rank. There were also many discourses at that time, and some days after, about the point decided, that CHRIST offered himself in the Supper, some saying that, in regard of the three and twenty contradictors, it was not lawfully decided, and others answering that an eight part could not be called a considerable, or notable part. There were some also who maintained that the maxim had place only in the Anathematisms, and in the substance of the doctrine, and not in every clause which is put in for better expression, as this, which is not mentioned in the Canons. The Emperor's Ambassadors were very glad for the Decree of the Cup, being assured that his Majesty would more easily obtain it of the Pope, and upon more favourable conditions, than it could have been obtained in the Council, where, for the variety of opinions and interests, it is hard to make many to be of one mind, though in a good and necessary matter. The greater part overcometh the better, and he that opposeth hath always the advantage of him that promoteth. And their hope was the greater, because the Pope seemed before to have favoured their Petition. But the Emperor had not the same opinion, aiming not to obtain the communion of the Cup absolutely, but to pacify the people of his own States, and of Germany, who being distasted with the Pope's authority for the things past, could not relish any thing well that proceeded from him; whereas if they had obtained this grant immediately from the Council, it would have given them good satisfaction, and bred an opinion in them, that they might have obtained other requests which they esteemed; so that this motion being stopped, and the infected Ministers casseered, he did hope he might have held them in the Catholic Communion. He saw, by former experience, that the grant of Paul was not well received, and did more hurt then good; and, for this cause, he did prosecute the instance no further with the Pope, and declared the cause of it. Therefore when he received news of the Decree of the Council, turning to some Prelates who were with him, he said, I have done all I can to save my people, now look you unto it, whom it doth more concern. But those people which desired and expected the favour, or, as they said, The censure of the decrees. the restitution of that which was due unto them, were all distasted that their just request having been treated on six months, presented by the intercessions of so many, and so great Princes, and after, for better examination; deferred and disputed, and discussed again with such contention, should, in the end be referred to the Pope, which might have been as well done at the very first, without losing so much time, so many persuasions, and so great pains. They said, the condition of Christians was according to the Prophecy of Isayas, He sendeth, and countermandeth, expecteth, and reexpecteth. For the Pope, who was moved first, referred that to the Council, which now the Council remitteth to him; and both of them do mock both Prince and people. Some discoursed more substantially; that the Synod had reserved the definition of two Articles. Whether the causes which did formerly move to take away the Cup, are such as that they ought to make them persevere in the same prohibition; and if not, with what conditions it ought to be granted. The former being undoubtedly a matter not of fact, but of faith, the Council did confess, by a necessary consequence, that it knew the causes to be unsufficient; and would not, for worldly respects, make the declaration. For if they had thought them sufficient, they must needs persevere in the prohibition; if any doubt had remained they should have proceeded in the examination, and ought not to remit it, but for the insufficiency of the causes. But if they had made the declaration negative, that is, that the causes were not such as that they ought to persevere, and referred to the Pope to do upon information, what remained to be done defacto, they might have been excused. Neither can it be said that this is presupposed by the reference. For in the Decree of this Session, having repeated the two Articles, they resolved to refer the whole business to the Pope; and therefore not presupposing any thing. I do not find, in the memorial which I have seen, that the Decree of the sacrifice did raise any matter of discourse. And the cause perhaps was, for that the words do not so easily declare the sense, as containing many strained Metaphors, which draw the minds of the Readers unto diverse considerations, who, when they are come to the end, know not what they have read. Only concerning the prohibition of the vulgar tongue in the Mass, the Protestants said something. For it seemed a contradiction, to say, that the Mass doth contain much instruction for the faithful people, and to, approve that part should be uttered with a low voice, and wholly to forbid the vulgar tongue, only commanding the Pastors to declare something to the people. Whereunto some answered well, that, in the Mass were some secrets which ought to be concealed from the people, which are uncapable; for which cause they are spoken softly, and in the Latin tongue, but other things which be of good edification are commanded to be taught. But this was opposed two ways; one, that therefore this second sort ought to be in the vulgar; the other, because they did not distinguish the two sorts. For the Pastors being commanded to declare, often, something of that which is read, and conceal the rest, these two kinds being not distinguished, some of them may mistake for want of knowledge, and so abuse the people. The Antiquaries did laugh at these discourses; because it is certain that every tongue which is now brought into Art, was formerly vulgar, in its own Country; and that the Latin, used in the Church, was many hundred years, both in Italy, and in diverse Colonies of the Romans, in diverse Provinces, the common language. And in the Roman Pontifical there remaineth yet a form of the ordination of Readers in the Church, in which it is said, that they must study to read distinctly and plainly, that the people may understand. But he that would know what language is to be used in the Church, needeth only (without any more discourse) read the 14. Chapter of Saint Paul, in the first to the Corinthians, which will sufficiently inform him, though his mind be never so much prepossessed with a contrary opinion. And he that would know what the meaning of the Church was, and when and why the Court made this alteration, may observe, that Pope john the eighth, having severely reprehended the Moravians, for celebrating of the Mass in the Slavonian tongue, and commanded them to do so no more, yet being better informed afterwards, wrote i● the year eight hundred eighty eight, to Sfento-Pulero, their King or Count, a letter, in which, not by way of grant, but of declaration; he affirmeth that it is not contrary to faith and sound doctrine to say Mass, and other prayers in the Slavonian tongue, because he that hath made the Hebrew language, Grecke, and Latin, and hath made others also for his glory, alleging diverse passages of the Scripture, and, in particular, the admonition of S. Paul to the Corinthians. Only he commanded that, for a greater decorum in the Church, the Gospel should first be read in Latin, and afterwards in the Slavonian tongue, as the use already was in some places. Notwithstanding he gave leave to the Count, and his judges, to hear the Latin Mass if it pleased them better. To these things we must add that which Gregory the seventh wrote to Vratislaus, of Bobemia, just two hundred years after, that he could not permit the celebration of divine Offices in the Slavonian tongue, and that it was not a good excuse, to allege, that it was not formerly prohibited. For the Primitive Church hath dissembled many things, which afterwards, Christianity being established, upon exact examination, have been corrected. And he commanded that Prince to oppose the people herein with all his forces. Which things he that shall observe plainly, shall see which were the ancient incorrupt institutions, and how corruptions began for worldly respects and interests. For when men began to place heaven below the earth, good institutions were published to be corruptions, only tolerated by antiquity, and abuses, brought in afterwards, were canonised for perfect corrections. But to return to the Decrees of the Council, that of the reformation displeased many; considering, that in times past the Eccles●as●●call goods belonged to the whole Church, that is, to all the Ch 〈…〉 ans of one Congregation; the administration where of was committed to the Deacons, 〈…〉 cons, and other dispensers, with the superintendency of the Bishop's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to distribute them for the maintenance of Ministers, widows, sick, and other poor persons, for education of children, in hospitality, 〈…〉ing of prisoners, and other workesofpi●ty. Notwithstanding, the Clergy, though ●●fitly, yet tolerably, began to desire to separate, and to know then part, and to use it as they pleased 〈◊〉 afterward the ab●●●s came to the ●●ight. For the people was wholly excluded from all right in the goods, and the Eccleisastics being but administrators before, declared themselves to be 〈◊〉 of them, converting that to their own use, which was destinated for the poor, for hospitality, schools, and other works of piety; whereof the world having a long time complained, and demanded a remedy in va●ne, some Laiques have, in some places, piously erected other hospitals, and Schools, etc. and appointed Administrators of the Ea●ty. Now the world, in this age, demanding a remedy more earnestly, that Hospitals, and schools etc. usurped by Pri●●sts, may be restored, the Council, in stead of granting a demand s● just, and restoring Hospitals, Colleges, Schools, and other places of piety, as was expected, hath opened a way, in the eight● and ninth Articles, to usurp those also which have been instituted since, by ordaining the superintendency of Bishops; which no man can doubt, but that as it hath been a means formerly to divert goods destinated for good works, and to appropriate them to uses not pious, so it will, in a very short time, produce the same effect again. The Parliaments of France spoke much of this particular, and said plainly, the Synod had exceeded their authority, meddling with the goods of Seculars, it being clear, that the title of a pious work giveth no right to a Priest, that every Christian may apply his goods to what good work he pleaseth, without giving the Clergy power to make laws therein, otherwise the Laity would be in extreme seru 〈…〉, if they might do no good but what pleased the Priests. Some con〈…〉 d also the Article, by which power is obliquely given to change w●●ls and 〈…〉ments, by prescribing how and when they may be changed it being plain, that Testaments have their strength from the Civil law, by which only they may be changeth And if any say that their strength is from the law of nature the authority of Priests will be excluded the more, because where that-law is dispensable, none can dispense but he that 〈…〉eth the higher place in the Common uvea 〈…〉 or his ministers. But the Ministers of CHRIST must remember that Saint Paul doth allow them only the administration of the Ministers of God. And 〈◊〉 any Common wealth hath given, at any time, to their 〈◊〉 any jurisdiction concerning Will●s, they are, 〈◊〉 ●his not spiritual judges, and aught to receive laws herein, not ●rom Counsels, but from that Majesty which governeth the Republic, and d 〈…〉, not as ministers of CHRIST, but as members of the Commonwealth; as they are called by diverse names, and a 〈◊〉 in public governments. But the fifth Article, in matter of dispensations, was no less noted. For it is plain, that, in ancient times, every dispensation was administered by the Pastors in their several Churches, and that afterwards in success the Popes reserved to themselves the most principal things; which one might say was done, that the most important matters might not be managed by unsufficient persons, howsoever the reason formerly alleged to the contrary by the Bishop of Five Churches seemeth very strong. But now the Council decreeing that dispensations shall be committed to the Ordinaries, to whom they should belong, if reservations did cease, one may demand to what end power is taken from any person, to be given to the same again? It is plain that, by reserving dispensations, nothing was meant in Rome, but only that their Bulls might be uttered; because this being done, they think it better the work should be executed by him that should have done it, if he had not been forbidden, then by any other. divers other oppositions were made, by those who more willingly censure the actions o● others, when they proceed from eminent persons; which because they be of no great moment, are not worthy of an history. The Pope being advised of the holding of the Session, and of that which happened in it, was very glad, as delivered from the fear he apprehended, that, in the contention about the Cup, his authority would be drawn into disputation; and because this way of composing differences, by referring them unto him, was opened, he hoped the like might be done in the Article of residence, or in any other that should be controversed: by which means the Council would be ended quickly. But he foresaw two causes which might cross his design; one, the coming of the Card. of Lorraine with the French Bishops, which did much trouble him, especially in regard of the vast thoughts of that Prelate, much contrary to the affairs of the The Pope plotteth to make a mayor part in the Council. Papacy, so incorporated in him, that he was not able to conceal them; for which he saw no remedy, but by making the Italians so fare exceed the Vltramontans, that in their voices they should not pass for a considerable number. Therefore he continually solicited all the Bishops, whether titular, or others who had renounced, to go to Trent, offering to bear their charges, and loading them with promises. He thought also to send a number of Abbats, as had been done in some Counsels. But being advised better, he thought it fit not to show so much affection, nor to provoke others to do the like. He feared another cross in regard of the purposes which he had discovered in all Princes to hold the Council open with doing of nothing; in the Emperor, to gratify the Dutchmen, and to gain their favour in the election of his son to be King of the Romans; in the French King, to work his will with the same men, and with the Hugonots. He considered much of the Congregation of the Ambassadors, which seemed to be a Council of Seculars in the midst of that of the Bishops; thinking that the Congregations of the Prelates would be dangerous, without the presence and presidence of the Legates to keep them in order, and therefore, that the Ambassadors much more, might handle things prejudicial, and that there was danger if they continued, that they might bring in some Prelate, in regard there were Ecclesiastiques amongst them, and so use licence, under the name of liberty. In this perplexity he conceived hope, because he saw the greater part of the Ambassadors oppose the propositions, and that none were combined but only the Ambassadors of the Emperor, and of the French King, who having no Prelates could prevail but little. Notwithstanding he thought fit to solicit the conclusion of the Council, and to cherish the division which he saw amongst the Ambassadors. Therefore he wrote immediately that they should hold Congregations often, and digest, and put in order the matters quickly. And because to give one thankes, doth oblige him to persevere, he commanded that the Ambassadors of Portugal, & of the Swisses, and the Secretary of the Marquis of Pescara, should be commended, and hearty thanked, on his part, for refusing to consent with others to an impertinent proposition. He caused thankes to be given to the Venetians, and Florentine, for the good intention they shown in denying to come to the Congregation, praying them not to refuse to come hereafter if they were called, because he knew their presence would ever be serviceable to the Apostolic Sea, and hinder the bad designs of others. Neither was his Holiness deceived in his opinion. For it made them all say, that they had done so, because in those times, the service of God did require that the Pope's authority should be defended, resolving to persevere in that resolution. And they professed they were more obliged by the courteous thankes of his Holiness for doing that, to which their duty did bind them. THE SEVENTH BOOK OF THE HISTORY OF THE COUNCIL OF TRENT. THe custom of those who writ Histories is, The form of this History. to propose, in the beginning, a model of what they mean to handle. Which I have thought fit to defer until this place, making it an abstract of the which is related already, and a design of that which is to follow. Having resolved to give to the memorial, which I had collected, some form, which might not exceed my power, and yet best befit the matter, I considered, that, of all the negotiations which have happened amongst Christians in this world, or perhaps will happen hereafter, this is the most principal, and that most men are desirous to know whatsoever doth belong to that which they do esteem even the least things of all. Therefore I thought first that the form of a Diary would best agree to this subject. But two oppositions did cross mine opinion: One, that that form could not befit the occurrences of twenty nine years, spent in making preparation for the birth of this Council, nor of the fourteen years which passed while it slept, it not being known whether it were alive or dead. Another, that all the matter which a continuate Diary doth require, could not possibly be found. Therefore, fitting the form to the matter, as nature doth, not the matter to the form, as the Schools, I thought it not absurd to write the preparatory and interconciliary times by way of Annals, and in those of the celebration to make a Diary of the occurrences of those days, the knowledge whereof I was able to attain; hoping that whosoever shall read this Treatise, will excuse the omission of those which could not be known. For if of things, the entire memory of which those who have interest do labour by all means to preserve, often times a great part is quickly lost, how much more will it happen in this, which many men of great place, and exact judgement, have used all diligence, and spared no pains wholly to conceal. It is true that matters of great weight ought to be held in a mystery, when it is for the common good; but when it doth damnify one, and profit another, it is no marvel if men who have contrary ends, do proceed in contrary courses. The common and famous saying of the Lawyers is true, that his cause is more to be favoured who laboureth to avoid loss, then as who seeketh gain. For these causes this Treatise of mine is subject to some disequality of Narration; and howbeit I might say, that as much might be found in some famous Writer, yet this shall not be my defence; but this, that if others have avoided it, they have not written the History of the Council of Trent, nor any other like unto it. The Ambassadors of France, so soon as the Session was ended, received The petition, of the French Ambassadors. letters from their King, that they should make instance for the deferring of it. Wherefore though the time was past, they came to the Legates, and told them they had a new commission from the King to make request, that they would labour in the reformation, and, for points of doctrine, expect the coming of his Prelates; adding that, if the matter of Order and Matrimony were disputed by the Divines, and handled by the Prelates, no more points of doctrine would remain, and the coming of the Frenchmen would be to no purpose. Wherefore then request was, that they would be pleased to defer them until the end of October, employing themselves, in the mean space, in the matter of reformation, or one day in that, and another, in matter of doctrine, not deferring as they had done, all the matter of reformation until the last days immediately before the Session, so that there scarce remained time so much as to see the Articles, much less to consult upon them. The Legates answered that their propositions did desire to be weighed well, To which the Legates answered. and that they would be careful to give them all possible satisfaction; demanding a copy of their instructions, that they might resolve the better. The Ambassadors gave them a writing, of this tenor: That the King having seen the Decrees of the sixteenth of july, concerning the Communion Sub utraque, and deferring two Articles in the same matter, and those proposed in the Congregations concerning the sacrifice of the Mass, howsoever he commendeth that which is done, yet he cannot conceal that which is generally spoken, that is, that the matter of discipline and manners is either quite omitted, or slenderly handled, and the controversed points in Religion, in which all the Fathers do agree, hastily determined. Which although he thinketh to be false, yet he desireth that the propositions of his Ambassadors may be expounded, as necessary, to provide for the good of Christendom, and the calamities of his Kingdom. And having found, by experence, that neither severity nor moderation hath been able to reduce those who are separated from the Church, he thought fit to have recourse to the General Council which he hath obtained of the Pope; that he was sorry that the tumults of France did hinder the coming of his Prelates; that he saw well that the constancy and rigour, in continuing the form begun by the Legates and Bishops, was not fit to reconcile peace, and make an unity in the Church; that his desire was, that nothing might be done to alien the minds of the adversaries, now in the beginning of the Council, but that they may be invited, and, in case they come, received as children with all humanity, hoping that by this means, they will suffer themselves to be taught, and brought back to the bosom of the Church. And because all that are in Trent do profess the same Religion, and neither can nor will make doubt of any part thereof, he thinketh the disputation and censure in points of religion to be not only superfluous, but impertinent for the Catholics, and a cause to separate the adversaries the more. For he that thinketh they will receive the Decrees of the Council in which they have not assisted, doth not know them well; neither will any thing be done by this means, but arguments ministered of writing more Books. Therefore the King thinketh it better to omit the matter of Religion, until the other of Reformation be well set in order: and that this is the scope at which every one must aim, that the Council, which now is great, and will be greater by the coming of the Frenchmen; may produce fruit. Afterwards the King demandeth, that in regard of the absence of his Bishops, the next Session may be put off until the end of October, or the publication of the Decrees deferred, or a new order expected from the Pope, to whom he hath written, labouring in the mean while in the matter of Reformation. And because he understandeth that the ancient liberty of Counsels is not observed, that Kings and Princes, or their Ambassadors may declare the necessities of their States, his Majesty demandeth that their authority may be preserved, and all revoked which hath been done to the contrary. The same day the Emperor's Ambassadors came to the Legates, requiring The petition of the Emperor's Ambassadors. that the Articles sent by his Majesty, and presented by them, might be proposed, and were very earnest that the points of doctrine might be deferred until the coming of the Frenchmen; and, that the reformation may be serviceable not only for the whole Church, but for the Church of every particular Kingdom, their desire was that two of every Nation might be deputed, to put them in mind of that which did deserve to be proposed, and discussed in Council. The Legates made a common answer to them both, that they could not alter, without great prejudice, the order set down, which was to handle Doctrine and Reformation both together, and, if they should, that other Princes would oppose; but, to content them, they would ordain that the Divines and Prelates should examine the matter of Order only, and afterwards handle some points of Reformation, observing still the former use, that every one, of what condition soever, may put them, the Legates, in mind, of what they think necessary, profitable, or convenient; which is a greater liberty then to have two deputed for every nation: and afterwards they would treat of Matrimony. The Ambassadors being not one jot contented, the Legates sent all their demands to the Pope. The Frenchmen complained to all men of this austerity, and for that the Pope had lately commanded other Prelates to go to the Council, that he might exceed in number: which the Papalins themselves did not like should be done so openly, and just when the news was spread of the coming of the Frenchmen; desiring to be secured by a mayor part, yet so, as not to have it known for what cause it was done. But the Pope did of set purpose proceed 〈◊〉 openly, that the Cardinal of Lorraine might know that his attempts would be in vain, and so resolve not to come, or that the Frenchmen might take some ●easion to make the Council dissolve. Neither was the Pope o●●ly of 〈…〉 pinion, but all the Court, fearing some great prejudice by the Cardinal's designs; which howsoever they might not succeed (a thing which they could scarce hope hope 〈…〉) yet his coming only would hinder, prolong, and disturb the Council. Ferra●● told Lorraine, his kinsman, 〈◊〉 his journey would be of no moment; and of small reputation to himself, in regard he would arr●ue after all was determined; and Biancheto, a familiar friend of the Cardinal of Armignac, who also had credit with Lorraine, 〈◊〉 as much to them both; and the Secretary of Seripando, who had 〈…〉 ritie 〈◊〉 the Precedent Ferrier, ●olde him the same; all which was though too be do 〈◊〉 by commission from the Pope, or to please him, at the least. But t●●ir care of the actions of the Council was not intermitted for all The Articles of the Sacrament of Order. this. For the Articles; concerning the Sacrament of Order, were presently given forth, to be disputed by the Divines, the disputants elected, and distinguished into four ranks, each of them being to di 〈…〉 two. For they were eigh●. 〈◊〉 Whether Order be truly and properly a Sacrament, instituted by CHRIST, or an humane inventions or Rite, to elect Ministers of the word of GOD, and of the Sao●●ments? 〈◊〉 Whether Order be one Saorament only and all others be means and degrees unto Priesthood? 3. Whether there be an Hierarchy in the Catholic Church, consisting of Bishops, Priests, and other Orders, or whether all Christians be Priests, or whether the vocation 〈◊〉 consent of the people or secular Magistrate be necessary, or whether a Priest may become a Laicke? 〈◊〉 Whether there be a visible and external Priesthood in the new Testament, and a power to consecrate and offer the body and blood of CHRIST, and to remit sins, or only the ba●e Ministry to preach the Gospel, so that those who preach not are not Priests? 〈◊〉 Whether the holy Ghost is given and received in ordination, and a Character imprinted? 6. Whether Unction, and other ceremonies, be necessary in consering Order; or superfluous, or pernicious? 〈◊〉 Whether Bishops be super 〈…〉 to Priests, and have peculiar power to confirm and ordain, and whether those who are brought in by any other means then Canonical ordination, are true Ministers of the Word and Sacraments● 〈◊〉 W 〈…〉 the Bishops called and ordained by the Pope, be lawful & 〈◊〉 the those be true Bishops who come in by any other way then Canonical institution? The 〈◊〉 of the month the Congregations of the Divines 〈◊〉 ga● and were held twice lafoy day, and ended the second of October. I will, according 〈◊〉 use, ●●late those opinions only which are remarkable, 〈◊〉 there for singularity o● 〈◊〉 among themselves. In the first Congregation four Dillines of the Pope spoke, who did all Are disputed in the Congregations. 〈◊〉 in 〈…〉ning that Order was a 〈◊〉, by places of Scripture 〈◊〉 ally by that of S 〈◊〉 The thing ●hich 〈◊〉 from God, are 〈◊〉, then by the tradition of the Apostle, saying of the 〈◊〉, v●●iso 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and above all, by the Council of Florence adding also this reason; that the Church would be a confusion if there were not governnment and obedience. But Friar Peter Soto was copious, in showing that there were seven Orders, and each properly a Sacrament, and all instituted by CHRIST, saying, it was necessary to make a declaration herein, because some Canonists; passing the limits of their profession, have added two more, the first Tonsure, and the Bishopric; which opinion may cause many other errors of greater importance. He likewise shown at large, that CHRIST had, when he was on earth, exercised all these Orders, one after another; all whose life as it was addressed to the last of these Sacraments, so it is plain, that all the others serve only as a ladder, to climb up to the highest, which is the Priesthood. But jerolamus Braws, a Dominican Friar, having protested that he constantly held that there were seven Orders, and each of them a Sacrament, and that the use of the Church ought to be observed, to proceed from the inferior to the superior, and so to the Priesthood, he added, that he was not of opinion that so particular a declaration ought to be made, in regard of the difference between the Divines, amongst which one can hardly find two of the same mind. For which cause Caietan, in his old age, wrote, that he that collecteth the things taught by the Doctors, and in the ancient and modern Pontificals, will see a great confusion in all other Orders but Priesthood. The Master of the Sentences maintained, that Sub-deaconship and inferior Orders, were instituted by the Church, and the Scripture seemed to have instituted the Deaconship, as a ministry of Tables, and not as one of the Altar. The difference concerning inferior Orders in the old Pontificals, where that which is in one is not in another, doth show they are Sacramental, and not Sacraments. And reason doth lead us hereunto. For the actions which one ordained doth, may be done by one not ordained, and are of the same validity, effect, and perfection. Saint Bonaventure also, though he thinketh that all seven are Sacraments, yet he holdeth two other opinions to be probable; one, that only Priesthood is a Sacrament, and the inferiors, being employed about corporal things, as to open doors, read Lessons, light Tapers, and the like, do not seem to express any celestial matter, and are therefore only dispositions to Priesthood. The second, that the three holy Orders are Sacraments, and, concerning the common saying, that the inferior are degrees to the superior, Saint Thomas affirmeth, that in the Primitive Church many were ordained Priests immediately, without passing by the inferior Orders, and that the Church did ordain that this passage should be made for humiliation only. It appeareth plainly, in the Acts of the Apostles, that Saint Mathias was immediately ordained an Apostle, and the seven Deacons did not pass by the Subdeaconship, and the inferior Orders. Paulinus saith of himself, that, having a purpose to apply himself to the service of GOD in the Clergy, he would, for humiliation, pass by all Ecclesiastical degrees, beginning from the ostiary; but while he was thinking to begin, being yet a Laicke, the multitude took him by force in Barcelona on Christmas day, carried him before the Bishop, and caused him to be ordained Priest at the first; which would not have been done if it had not been the use in those times. Therefore this Braws concluded, that the Synod ought not to pass beyond those things which are agreed on by the Catholics, and that it was better to begin with the Order of Priesthood, which would make a connexion between this Session and the last, which handled the Sacrifices, and to pass from Priesthood to Order in general, not descending to any particularity. The Congregation being ended, and most of the Prelates departed, Five Churches, with his Hungarians, and some Polonians, and Spaniards, tarried behind; to whom he made a speech, and said, that the Emperor, being freed from all suspicion of war; by the truce concluded with the Turk, took The Bishop of Five Churches maketh a speech concerning reformation. nothing so much to the heart as the reformation of the Church; which would surely be effected, if some of the Prelates in the Council would assist. Therefore he exhorted and prayed them, for God's sake, and for the charity which every Christian oweth to the Church, that they would not abandon so honest, just, and profitable a cause, that every one would put down in writing what he thought might be constituted for the service of God, without any respect of man, not reforming one part, but the whole body of the Church, both in the head and in the members. Granata did second him, showing the necessity and opportunity thereof, thanking the Bishop of Five Churches for his admonition, and said, they would consult amongst themselves. For this cause the Spaniards, being assembled together, discoursed of And is seconded by the Spaniards. the necessity of reformation, and the hope thereof, in regard of the Emperor's inclination, from which their King also, who was most piously addicted would not disseut, and the French Prelates, who would shortly be there, would undoubtedly promote and assist the work, in earnest. They repeated diverse abuses, and shown that the fountain of them all was the Court of Rome, which is not only corrupt in itself, but the cause of deformation in all Churches; and particularly the usurpation of the Episcopal authority, by reservations, which if it were not restored, and the Court deprived of that which they have taken from Bishops, it would be impossible the abuses should be redressed. Granata considered, that, it being necessary to lay a good foundation for so noble a Fabric, a way was open for them now that they were to speak of the Sacrament of Order, if it be determined that the authority of Bishops is instituted by CHRIST; because it will follow by consequence, that it cannot be diminished; by which means that will be restored to the Bishops, which having been given them by CHRIST, hath by the ambition of others, and their own negligence, been usurped from them. Braganza added, that it was so much the more necessary, because the Episcopal authority was brought to nothing, and the Order erected superior to Bishops, unknown to the Church in former ages, that is, the Cardinals, who at the first, were esteemed in the number of Priests, and Deacons, and, after the tenth age began to exalt themselves above their degree. Notwithstanding they were still accounted inferior to Bishops until the year 1200 since which time they have so fare advanced themselves, that they hold Bishops as servants in their houses, and it will be impossible to reform the Church, until both of them be reduced to their due places. These propositions and discourses were heard with applause; so that they resolved to elect six of them, to put in writing the things necessary and fit, as well for the reformation in general, as particularly for this point of the institution of Bishops, whence they purposed to begin, Oranata, jasper Cornante, Archbishop of Messina, the Bishop of Segovia, and Martin di Cardova, Bishop of Tortosa were named, the last of which was cause why the project did not proceed. For, having secret intelligence with the Papalins, he excused himself, alleging his own insufficiency; and the unfitness of the time, adding that Five Churches was not moved with piety, and had no other end then to make use of them, to constrain the Pope, by means of the reformation, to grant the use of the Cup, wherein they had been averse. And seeing they were disposed to hear him, he prevailed so much with them that they passed no further for the present, but interposed a delay. Notwithstanding it was not long deferred. For Granata, Braganza, Messina, and Segovia, having obtained audience of the Legates, desired that they might handle the Articles proposed heretofore by Cardinal Crescentius in this same Council, and concluded, though not published, that is, that the Bishops are instituted by CHRIST, and are superior to Priest's iure divino. The Legates, after they had conferred together, answered, that the Lutherans having affirmed that a Bishop and a Priest is the something, it was fit to declare that a Bishop is superior, but that it was not necessary to say quo iure, nor by whom a Bishop is instituted, because there is no controversy of it. Granata replied that there was a controversy, and that if the Divines did dispute it, the necessity of deciding this point would be known. The Legates would not consent by any means; and, after some few sharp words on both sides, the Spaniards departed without having obtained any thing; yet resolved still to persuade some of the Divines to bring this particular into The Legates will not sulter the institution of Bishops to be discussed. the discussions, and to make mention of it when they were to give voices in congregation. But the Papalins, understanding hereof, did cause it to be voiced amongst the Divines, that the Legates did forbid all speech of that question. But to return to the congregation, when the second rank spoke, consisting of Divines and Canonists, Thomas Passius, a Canon of Valentia, said, that all doubt made of the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy, did proceed from gross ignorance of antiquity, it being a thing most known that in the Church the people hath always been governed by the Clergy, and, in the Clergy, the inferiors by the superiors, until all be reduced unto one universal Rector, which is the Pope of Rome. And having declared the proposition at large, he added that there was no need to do any thing herein, but to make this truth appear, by removing the contrary errors, which have been brought in by the Schoolmen, who sometimes, by too much subtlety, do make plain things obscure, opposing the Canonists, who place the first tonsure, and the Bishopric in the number of Orders. Of the latter he said, it seemed strange to him, how they could confess, that confirmation, ordination, and so many other consecrations do so peculiarly belong unto it, that they cannot possibly be done by any else, and yet deny it to be an Order, when as they give that name to the keeping of the door, which may as well be done by a Layman. For the first tonsure, he hath ever heard the Divines say, that a Sacrament is an external sign which signifieth a spiritual grace, and that the tonsure is the sign, and the thing signified is the deputation to the service of God; and therefore he wondered why they would not have it to be a Sacrament, and the rather, because one entereth into the Clergy by it, and doth participate of Ecclesiastical exemptions; so that, if it were not instituted by CHRIST, it could not be said, that either Clergiship, or the exemption thereof were de iure Divino; that it was plain that the Hierarchy consisteth in the Ecclesiastical Orders, which is nothing but an holy order of superiors and inferiors, which can never be well established without making, as the Canonists Of Ecclesiastical Hierarchy. do, the Tonsure the lowest, and the Bishopric the highest; which being done the Hierarchy is all established, because the first and last being given, those of the middle will necessarily follow, which cannot subsist without the former. Concerning the other part of the Article, they said, it was very plain by the Canons, that in the choice of Bishops and deputation of Priests, and Deacons, the people of all sorts was present, & gave voice or approbation, but this was by the Pope's tacit or express consent; because no Laicke can have authority in matters Ecclesiastical, but by privilege from him. And this was granted in those times, because the common people, and Grandees also, were devout, and did, by this means, entertain themselves in spiritual things, and shown more obedience and reverence to the Clergy, being more ready to enrich it with oblations and donations, which hath made the holy Church to be in that state in which it now is. But since devotion did cease, the seculars have armed only at the usurpation of the Church goods, & to place their adherents in the Clergy. And now the new Heretics have made a devilish invention, saying, that was due to the people which was granted by favour which is one of the most pestiferous heresies which hath ever been set on foot, because it doth destroy the Church, without which faith cannot stand. He alleged many reasons and congruities, to show that the ordination ought to be in the power only of the Ordainer, which he confirmed by the Pope's Decretals and concluded in the end, that not only the Article was to be condemned as heretical, but that, the voice and consent of the people in ordinations being taken away, for just and necessary reasons, the Pontifical also ought to be corrected, and those places removed which make mention thereof; because, so long as they continue there, the heretics will make use of them, to prove that the assistance of the people is necessary. He said the places were many; but to recite one, in the ordination of Priests, the Bishop ordaining saith, that it hath been constituted by the Fathers, not without cause, that the people should have voice in the ordination of the Rectors of the altar, that they may be obedient to him whom they have ordained, in regard of their consenting to his ordination. If this, and other Rites shall remain, the heretics will always detract from the Catholic Church, saying the ordinations now are but shadows and shows, as Luther did wickedly say. Francis Forrier, a Dominican of Portugal, said the Hierarchy of the Catholic Church, could not be doubted of, it being proved by the Apostolical tradition, by testimony of all antiquity, and by the continual use of the Church. And howsoever the word be not used by all, yet the thing signified hath ever been in practice. Dionysius Areopagita hath made a proper treatise of it, and the Nicen Council hath approved it, and called it an ancient custom: and that which hath been called ancient in the beginning of the fourth age, must needs have its original from the time of the Apostles. Only he thought it not fit to handle this point jointly with the Sacrament of Order, howsoever many of the Schoolmen do handle it in that place, putting the Hierarchy in the superior and inferior Orders; a thing which cannot subsist, it being certain that the Pope is the highest Hierarch, and that the Cardinals do follow, & then the Patriarches, Primats, Arch-Bishops, Bishops, Archpriests, Arch-Deacons, and other inferior degrees under the Pope, as Head. And to omit the disputation whether the Bishopric be an Order, it is certain that the Archbishoprike, Patriarkship, and Papacy are not Orders, and do signify only superiority and jurisdiction over Bishops. Therefore the Hierarchy consisteth in jurisdiction, and the Council of Nice placeth it in that, when it speaketh of the Bishop of Rome, Alexandria, and Antioch. Therefore the handling of Hierarchy must not be joined with that of Order, for fear of giving way to calumny. There was much variety in the discussion of these Articles, those of the second rank returning to the former, and some disputing that the degree of a Bishop was an Order, and others, that above Priesthood, there was nothing but jurisdiction, some alleging Saint Thomas, and some Saint Bonaventure, and some being of a middle opinion, that is, that it is an eminent dignity, or office in the Order. The famous saying of Saint Hierom, and the authority of Saint Austin were alleged, who say that the degree of a Bishop hath been most ancient, but yet an Ecclesiastical Constitution. Michael of Medina did oppose, and say, that the Catholic Church, as Saint Epiphanius saith, did condemn Aerius of heresy, for saying that the Degree of a Bishop is no greater than that of a Priest: into which heresy it is no wonder if Hierom, Austin, and some other of the Fathers did fall, because the matter was not clear in all points. This boldness, to say that Hierom and Austin did savour of heresy, gave great scandal; but he insisted the more upon it, and maintained his position. And the Doctors were equally divided into two opinions in this point. Others placed this Hierarchy in Orders only, alleging Dyonisius, who in naming the Hierarches, maketh mention of none but of Deacons, Priests, and Bishops. Some followed Forrier, that it did consist in jurisdiction. At the last a third opinion came forth, that it was a mixture of both, which afterwards was more generally approved. For placing it in Order, it did not appear how Archbishops, patriarchs, and, which is of more importance, the Pope himself could enter, all being of accord that these Degrees are not Orders above the Degree of a Bishop. Yet some did allege the common saying to the contrary, that the Episcopal Order is divided into four parts, Bishops, Archbishops, patriarchs, and the Pope: and placing it in jurisdiction, none of the holy Orders did enter. There was a great disputation amongst them about the form of the The form of the Hierarchy Hierarchy; some saying it was Charity, some Faith informed, and others, according to Cardinal Turrecremata, Unity. To this last was opposed that unity is a generical quality in all that is one, and is an effect of the form which doth produce it. Those who were for charity brought very many places of the Fathers, which do attribute the unity of the Church unto it. But others said that it was the heresy of Wigles. For, if it were so, a Prelate, losing charity, would be out of the Hierarchy, and lose authority. Notwithstanding they did not avoid the difficulty, by making faith informed to be the form, because a Prelate might externally counterfeit, and be secretly unfaithful, who not being of the Hierarchy, the Christian people could not know whom to obey, because they might doubt of all, and sometimes had cause to do it. And as the Divines, especially the Friars are free in exemplifications, they alleged the Pope, saying, that, in case he should be incredulous, the whole Hierarchy would perish by his default, whether one did make faith or charity to be the form. And therefore they said, Baptism was. But the same difficulties did arise in regard of the uncertainty thereof, because the intention of the Minister, according to the determination of the Council, is essentially required, which is more secret than the other two: for which cause it cannot be certainly affirmed of any that he is baptised. The Articles, whether there be a visible Priesthood? or whether all Christians be Priests? or whether a Priest may become a Layman? or whether his office be preaching? were not handled with any discussion, but with declamations against the Lutherans, who deprive the Ghurch of commerce with GOD, and of the means to appease him, making it a confusion without government, and bereaving her of all her beauty and comeliness. Friar Adamantius, of Florence, a Divine of this rank, belonging to Cardinal Madruccio, said, that the greatest part of those who had spoken, had alleged only probable reasons, and conveniencies, which when Articles of faith are discussed, do not only not force the adversaries, but confirm them more in their opinions; and, for proof hereof he brought a direct place of Saint Austin. He added that discussions in Council should differ from disputations in Schools. For in those how much the more things are minced, and curiously handled, the better it is; but it doth not become a Council to examine any thing, but that which may be cleared and made plain. Notwithstanding many questions were disputed, the knowledge whereof cannot in this life (in which GOD doth not suffer all to be discovered) possibly be attained. For this Article, it is abundantly sufficient that the Church hath an Hierarchy; that the Hierarchy consisteth of Prelates and Ministers, that these are ordained by Bishops, that Order is a Sacrament, and that Seculars have no part herein. Petrus Romirius, a Franciscane Friar, following the doctrine of john Scot, said, that Order ought not to be called a Sacrament, because it is invisible and permanent, whereas all the Sacraments are necessarily visible, and (except the Eucharist) consist in action. Therefore to avoid all difficulties, one must not say that Order, but that Ordination is a Sacrament. But he was much opposed, because all the Divines, and (which is of no less importance) the Council of Florence also do call Order a Sacrament. And it would be a great boldness to tax all the Doctors, a general Council, and the whole Church for speaking improperly. In the third rank, there was no less variety of opinions concerning the Of the holy Ghost given in Ordination fift Article. For howsoever all agreed that the holy Ghost is given and received in Ordination, yet some said, he was given in his proper person, and others, in the gift of grace only. They disputed much on both sides, but those especially who affirmed grace. Another question was, whether grace of justification be conferred, or only a gift to exercise the office. For the former was alleged, that all the Sacraments give grace of justification; for the later, that a man cannot without repentance receive grace, and yet may receive Order. For the Character, as they all agreed that it is imprinted in Of the Character. Priesthood, so they dissented in all the rest. For some said it was imprinted in the holy Orders only, and others in all the seven; both which opinions Saint Bonaventure doth think to be probable. Some were better pleased with the distinction of Durandus, that understanding, by Character, a power to work a Spiritual effect, the Priesthood only hath it, which only can consecrate, and remit sins; and the others have it not, in regard their actions are corporal, which a Layman, without any the least venial sin, may do as well as they. But if by Character be understood a deputation to a special office, so all the Orders have a proper Character. Others opposed that it was a Lutherane opinion, contained in the first Article, and said, that therefore it was necessary to affirm a proper and indelible Character in all. And some said it was in the first Tonsure also, because it was not reiterated in those who are degraded, as would be necessary if a Character were not imprinted; and because, by it, one is invested in the Clergy, and made partaker of Eclesiastical exemptions, and immunities. Neither would it be possible to maintain that Clerkeship, and the immunities thereof were de iure Divino, but by saying, that the first Tonsure is a Divine institution. Concerning the degree of Bishops the controversy was greater, and the question was revived whether it be one of the Orders. For having two properactions so famous, to confirm, and ordain, a Spiritual power is necessary to it, which is a Character, without which ordination and confirmation would be to no purpose. The auditors were weary with hearing so many difficulties, and did willingly give ear to those who said they ought to omit them, and speak only in general terms. But the Friars grumbled, and were angry to see in them a disposition to define Articles, and pronounce Anathemaes, not understanding the points, and abhorring those who would inform them. In the sixth Article they all condemned the Lutherans, for detracting from unctions, and ceremonies used in conferring Orders. Some desired that those which are necessary, and belong to the substance of the Sacrament (as was done in the Council of Florence) might be distinguished from the rest, and him declared to be an heretic, who should say that Order might be given or received without them; and for the others, that he should be condemned in general terms, who did call them pernicious. Hereupon a great contention arose which were necessary, and which were added for ornament, or devotion. Melchior Cornelius, a Portugal, seemed to speak What ceremonies be necessary 〈…〉 ferring Orders much to the purpose; who said, the Apostles did undoubtedly use imposition of hands in Ordination, so that none is mentioned in the holy Scripture without that ceremony; which, in succeeding ages, was thought to be so essential, that Ordination was called by that name. Notwithstanding, Gregory the ninth saith, it was a rite brought in, and many Divines do not hold it to be necessary, howsoever others be of the contrary opinion. It appeareth also by the Decretal of Innocentius the third in this point, that unction was not used in all Churches. And the famous Canonists, Hostiensis, johannes Andreas, Abbas, and others do affirm, that the Pope may ordain a Priest with these words only, Be thou a Priest, and (which is of more importance) Innocentius, Father of all the Canonists, saith; that if the forms had not been invented, it had been sufficient if the Ordainer had used these words only, Be thou a Priest, or others equivalent, because they were instituted by the Church afterwards to be observed. For these reasons Cornelius gave counsel not to speak of necessary Ceremonies, but only to condemn those who hold them to be superfluous, or pernicious. Although the Congregations of the Divines did take up almost all the time, yet the Prelates did more intent, and discourse amongst themselves of reformation, some promoting, and some declining it, then of the points of doctrine discussed by the Theologues; so that the frequent and public speeches which were heard throughout all Trent, cherished by the Ambassadors of the Emperor, and French King, induced the Legates to think it necessary to make show they were not averse from it; especially because they had promised to propose it so soon as the matter of Order was discussed, and understood, that a discourse of the Ambassador Lansac was received with The Legates are much troubled with the speeches that pasted concerning Reformation. great applause made in an assembly of many Ambassadors and Prelates, in which he concluded that if the reformation, proposed and demanded by the Emperor, was so feared and abhorred, yet, at the least, a way ought to be found out without making new constitutions, to cause those things which have been established in ancient Counsels to be observed, by removing the impediments which do nourish the abuses. The Legates caused the propositions of the Imperialists, and all the instances made unto them in matter of reformation until that day, and their own answers to be put together, and an abstract to be made of the Constitutions of the Assembly in France, and of the demands of the Spanish Prelates: all which they sent to the Pope, and told him it was impossible to entertain them any more with And send to 〈◊〉 the Pope. words, and that it was necessary to show the world by some effect, that they have a purpose to handle this matter, and to give satisfaction in some sort to the Ambassdours of Princes, especially in that which they desire for the interest of their Countries; yet with such circumspection as that they may not prejudice the Papal authority, or prerogatives of the Church of Rome. The Pope seeing the instruction of the French King, which did import the prolonging of the Council, was much displeased. For he had conceived hope, that all which did remain to be discussed, might be defined in the next Session of the 12. of November, or if not, yet that the Council would be concluded, suspended or dissolved in the end of the year, at the latest. He therefore answered the French Ambassador residing with him (who desired the points of doctrine might be deferred until the coming of their Prelates, and the matter of reformation handled in the mean time) that he was informed that the Cardinal of Lorraine meant to tarry until the surprise of Burges, & to attend the King to Orlience, so that his departure out of France would be very late, and perhaps never, and that it was not just to entertain so many Prelates in Trent, upon designs so remote, that the demands for delay were not made, because the Frenchmen desired to go to the Council, but to put himself and the Prelates to more charges, protesting, that, if his money were consumed by this means, he should not be able to continue in assisting the King. He made it a greater matter, that their Prelates had been expected eighteen months, and himself lead along with diverse frivolous excuses. He complained of his condition, that if the Council useth any respect towards him, which it doth but seldom, the Ambassadors, there present, say it is not free, and yet themselves to desire him to ordain a dilation, which is a thing more unjust, and more abhorred by the Fathers than any other. His conclusion was, that when he had assurance or likelihood of their coming, he would endeavour that they should be expected, saying, he had given order to be advertised, by an express Currier, of the Cardinal's departure, that he might presently employ himself in the business, and, in the mean while, he thought it not just that the Fathers should be idle. He said the matter of reformation was more fit to be deferred then this of doctrine which doth not concern him, as being a good Catholic, who will undoubtedly not descent from others. But in matter of reformation it is fit to hear him, because it doth concern him, as being a second Pope, having many Benefices, and a revenue of three hundred thousand Crowns of Church liuings, whereas himself hath but one Benefice, wherewith he is content; that notwithstanding he had reform himself, and all parts of the Court, to the hindrance and loss of many of his officers, and would do more, but that he saw plainly, that, by diminishing his revenues, and by weakening the forces and the sinews of his Stae; he encourageth the adversaries, and exposeth all Catholics, who are under his protection, to the injuries of his enemies. And, for the Countries which are not subject to him in temporal matters, he said the overthrow of discipline did arise from themselves, and from the Kings and Princes, who, with unfit and importunate requests, do force him to make extraordinary provisions, and grant unusual dispensations; that his condition was miserable, who if he did deny unfit requests made unto him, every one complained of the injury, if he granted them, all the inconvenience ensuing was ascribed unto him, and men began to speak of reformation, as the King's Ambassadors had done in Trent, in such general terms, that it cannot be understood what they mean. He said, let them come to particulars, and say what they would have reform in the Kingdom, and they shall have satisfaction in four days; that the Prelates in Poisi, have made many constitutions, which he will confirm when he shall be requested: but to stand upon universalities only, and to find fault with all that is done, without proposing any thing, showeth they bear no good affection. The fourth rank of Theologues remained, who were to handle the superiority The superiority of Bishops above Priests. of Bishops above Priests. Those who spoke first followed the doctrine of Saint Thomas and Bonaventure, who say a Priest hath two powers, one to consecrate the Body and Blood of CHRIST, and the other to remit sins, in the former whereof a Priest is equal, in regard a Bishop hath not greater authority than a simple Priest, but inferior in the later, because not the power only of Order, but of jurisdiction also is required. Others added that it was a more excellent action to give authority to consecrate, then to consecrate, and therefore that the Bishop was superior in this also, who cannot only do it himself, but ordain Priests, and give them authority. But this being disputed sufficiently, they returned to handle the Articles of the Hierarchy, as being the same with this point of superiority; and the question being whether it doth consist in Order, jurisdiction, or in both, Antonius of Mont. Alcino, a Franciscan, said, it ought not to be understood of an imaginary superiority, consisting in preeminence, or perfection of action, but in superiority of government, so that it may make laws, give commands, and judge causes, as well in the Court of Conscience, as in the external; which superiority is to be discussed, because it is denied by the Lutherans. He said there must be an authority in the Church to govern it, the unity whereof could not otherwise be preserved. He proved it by the example of Bees, and Cranes, saying, that in enery particular Church a special authority was necessary to govern it, which was in the Bishops, who have part of the charge, the totality whereof is in the Pope as Head of the Church; which containing authority to judge, and to make Processes and Laws, it must needs be a power of jurisdiction. Concerning Order, he said a Bishop was of an higher degree than a Priest, having all the power of him, and two powers more; yet notwithstanding cannot be called his superior; as a Subdeacon is four degrees higher than a doorkeeper, yet not superior unto him. He proved this his opinion by the general use of the whole Church, and all Christian Nations, and alleged diverse authorities out of the Fathers. Finally, he came to the holy Scripture, citing many places of the Prophets, to show that this authority is called the authority of a Pastor, saying, that the universality of it was given to S. Peter, when CHRIST said, Feed my Lambs, and some of it imparted by Peter to the Bishops, when he bade them, Feed the flock which they have in their custody. And this opinion had great applause. But before those of this fourth rank made an end of speaking, the Spanish Prelates resolving the point should be handled whether Bishops are instituted by CHRIST, after they had consulted together, did conclude that it was better the first motion should begin in the Congregations of the Divines, that themselves might with more show of reason, resuming the things spoken before, discourse upon them, and compel others to do the like. Therefore, in the Congregation of the first of October, Michael Oroncuspe, a Divine of the Bishop of Pampelona, said to the seventh, that being to qualify or condemn a proposition which hath many significations, it was necessary to distinguish them, and afterwards to examine them one by one: and he thought the proposition whether Bishops be superior to Priests to be such. For one must distinguish whether they be superiors de facto, or de iure. That they are superiors the facto it cannot be doubted, because present experience, and the Histories of many ages do show, that Bishops have exercised superiority and Priest's obedience. Therefore this Article being without question, the other, de iure, remaineth to be discussed. Wherein there is another ambiguity also, whether jure Pontificio, or Divine. In the first sense the case is clear, that they are superiors, there being so many Decretals which say it expressly: which howsoever it be true and certain, yet the Lutherans are not in this regard to be condemned for heretics, because that cannot be an article of faith which is grounded only upon the law of man, and deserve to be condemned for denying the superiority of Bishops, only in case it be d●iure Divino. He added that he thought this point very clear, and that he could evidently prove it, and resolve anything alleged to the contrary, saying he must not proceed further, being prohibited to speak of it. And here he shown that the Ministry of Confirmation and Ordination is proper to Bishops. And having spoken upon the eighth Article, in conformity of the others, he ended his discourse. johannes Fonseca, a Divine of the Archbishop of Granata, followed; who The institution of Bishops is discussed. entered bravely upon the matter, saying, it neither was, nor could be forbidden to speak of it. For the Article being proposed to be discussed, whether it be heretical or no, it is necessary to understand whether it be against faith, against which it cannot be, if it do not repugn to the Law of GOD. He said he knew not whence the report came, that one might not speak of it, because, by the very proposition of the Article, it was commanded to be discussed. And here he proceeded to handle, not the superiority alone, but the institution also affirming that Bishops are instituted by CHRIST, and by his divine ordination, superiors to Priests. He said, that if the Pope be instituted by CHRIST, because he hath said to Peter, I will give thee the keys of the Kingdom, and, Feed my Lambs; Bishops are likewise instituted by him, because he hath said to all the Apostles, That which you bind on earth shall be bound in heaven, and whose sins you remit they are remitted, saying to them afterwards, Go into the whole world, and preach the Gospel. And (which is more) he said unto them, As my father hath sent me, so I send you. And if the Pope be successor of S. Peter, the Bishops are successors of the Apostles; alleging many authorities out of the Fathers, that the Bishops are successors of the Apostles. And, in particular, he recited a long discourse of S. Bernard in this point to Eugenius the Pope; and a place of the Acts of the Apostles, where S. Paul saith to the Ephesians, that they were made Bishops by the holy Ghost to govern the Church of GOD. He added, that to be confirmed or created by the Pope, did not conclude that they were not instituted by CHRIST, or had not authority from him. For the Pope himself is created by the Cardinals, and yet hath his authority from CHRIST: and Priests are created by the Bishop, who doth ordain them; but receive their authority from GOD: So the Bishops receive the Diocese from the Pope, and authority from CHRIST. Their superiority over Priests he proved to be iure divino, by authority of many Fathers, who say that Bishops do succeed the Apostles, and Priests the seventy two disciples. Concerning other particles of this point, he said the same things which others had spoken before, Cardinal Simoneta was impatient, and turned often to his Colleagues, and was about Which vexeth Cardinal Simoneta. to interrupt the discourse: but being entered into upon so good reason, and heard by the Prelates with such attention, he knew not how to resolve. After him followed Antonius Grossetus, a Dominican Friar, who, having briefly passed over the other articles, insisted upon this. He stood much upon the words of Saint Paul spoken to the Ephesians in Miletum, exhorting them to have a care of the flock; over which the holy Ghost had made them overseers: upon which place he made many observations. He said it was first necessary to declare that Bishops have not commission for their office from men, for so they would be hirelings, to whom the Lambs do not belong, because the man, who had committed the care unto them, being satisfied, they had no more to think on. But Saint Paul showeth that the commission to govern the people of GOD is divine, given by the holy Ghost, to conclude that they could not be excused by any dispensation of man. He alleged the famous passage of Saint Cyprian, that every Bishop is bound to give an account of CHRIST only. Then he added that the Bishops of Ephesus were not of those who were instituted by CHRIST our LORD, while he was in the flesh, but by Saint Paul or some other Apostle, or disciple; yet no mention is made of the ordainer, but all is attributed to the holy Ghost, who hath not given authority to govern, but divided a part of the flock, and consigned it to be fed. And here he made an invective against those, who a few days before, said, that the Pope doth disturb the flock, inculcating that it was not well spoken, and that it would bring again into use that which Saint Paul did detest; I am of Paul, and I am of Apollo. He said the Pope was the ministerial Head of the Church, by whom CHRIST, the principal Head doth work, unto whom also the work ought to be ascribed, saying according to Saint Paul, that the holy Ghost doth give the flock to be governed. For the work is never ascribed to the instrument or minister, but to the principal Agent; that this form of speech hath always been used by the Ancients, that GOD and CHRIST do provide the Church of governors; that Saint Paul wrote to the Ephesians, that CHRIST, ascending to heaven, hath furnished the Church with Apostles, Evangelists, Pastors, and Masters, showing plainly that he did provide Pastors after he was ascended into heaven, and that the institution of Pastors and Masters, in which number Bishops are, aught as much to be ascribed unto CHRIST, as unto the Apostles and Evangelists themselves. The Theologue perceived that he displeased the Legates, and some more beside; and fearing some bad Antonius Grossetus excuseth himself. encounter, as had happened upon other occasions, he added that he had spoken without premeditation, being carried along by consequence of words; and heat of discourse, not remembering that that point was forbidden to be spoken of. And entering again to examine the proper offices of Bishops, and contradicting the Lutherans, who hold them for superfluous, showing they have been very ancient in the Church, and come from Apostolical tradition, he concluded. The Legates did perceive that this was the art of Granata, and the other Spaniards, to give the Prelates a field to enlarge themselves in this matter. Therefore they took order that the contrary opinion should be defended by some of the four Prelates, who only remained to speak the next day; and the Pope's Prelates, used to this art, were prepared to contradict the Spanish Bishops, if they had begun to speak of this matter in the Congregations. The next day, the second of October, two Divines went about to prove, that as the superiority of Bishops was certain, so it was hard to be decided quo iure, and in case it were, would be of no fruit; and therefore was to be omitted. Two others maintained, that it was de iure Pontificio. And Friar Simon, a Florentine, and a Divine of Seripando, discoursed, according to the opinion of Caietanus and Catharinus, in this form, that Bishops are instituted by CHRIST, to govern the Church; that his Majesty did create Bishops all the Apostles, when he said, I send you, as I have been sent by the Father; that this institution was personal, and ended with them; that one of them was constituted, to remain perpetually in the Church, which was Peter, when he said, not to him alone, but to all his succession, Feed my lambs; that Saint Austin did mean so when he said, that Peter did represent the whole Church, which was never spoken of any of the other Apostles; that Saint Cyprian said that Saint Peter is not only a Type and figure of the unity, but that the unity doth begin from him. In this power, given only to Peter and his successors, the care of governing the Church is contained, and of ordaining other Rectors and Pastors, not as Delegates, but as Ordinaries, dividing particular Provinces, Cities, and Churches. Therefore when it is demanded, whether any Bishop be de iure divino, one must answer affirmatively, One only, the successor of Peter. Besides, the degree of a Bishop is de iure divino, so that the Pope cannot take order that there may be no Bishops in the Church, but every particular Bishop is De iure Pontificio. Whence it cometh that he may create and translate them, diminish or enlarge their Diocese, give them more or less authority, suspend them also and deprive them; which he cannot do in that which is de iure divino. For from a Priest, he cannot take away authority to consecrate, because he hath it from CHRIST, but may take jurisdiction from a Bishop, because he hath it from himself. And thus the famous saying of Cyprian must be expounded; there is but one Bishopric, and every Bishop holdeth a part thereof in solidum; otherwise, it cannot be defended that the government of the Church, is the most perfect of all, that is Monarchical, and must necessarily fall into an Holigarchie, which is the most imperfect, and condemned by all those who writ of government. He concluded, that quo iure Bishops are instituted, by the same they are superior to Priests, and that, when this matter is to be discussed, the declaration is to be made thus. He alleged Saint Thomas, who saith, in many places, that every spiritual power dependeth on that of the Pope, and that every Bishop ought to say, I have received part of that fullness. He said that the old schoolmen were not to be regarded, because none of them had handled this matter; but the Moderns, having after that the heresy of the Waldenses arose, studied the Scripture and the Fathers, have established this truth. The last Divine laboured to contradict him, in that he said the Apostles were ordained Bishops, saying, when he sent them, as himself was sent by the Father, that he sent them to preach, and to baptise, which belongeth not to a Bishop, but to a Priest, and that only Peter was ordained a Bishop by CHRIST, who after the ascension, ordained the other Apostles Bishops. Concerning the other parts of this Article, and the next, they all agreed to comdemne them. And so the Congregations of the Theologues were concluded. After which the Legates, being obliged to propose the reformation, considering with themselves what particulars might be proposed not prejudicial, and yet might give satisfaction, were much troubled. For that which would be grateful to the Ambassadors, would damnify the Court, and distaste the Bishops, neither could they meddle with any thing that would please the Bishops, which would not be prejudicial to Rome, or the The Legates demand of the Pope by letters what they shall do concerning the reformation. Princes. Their resolution was to dispatch a Currier to the Pope, and expect an answer, and in the mean time, to draw the business in length, by making the Prelates speak in the matter of Order. In particular, they gave his Holiness an account of the contention which they did foresee, concerning the Article of the superiority of Bishops, in regard of the petition made by the spanish Prelates, and the entrance made by their Divines. And howsoever they knew not their end, yet, observing how earnest their request was, and knowing how the Spaniards do usually aim at things fare off, they could not choose but suspect. They put him in mind that this was the time in which they promised to speak of residence; whereof some motion was made already. For the Archbishop of Mesina demanded of those of Cyprus, and Zara, what their opinion would be, in case it were proposed, and many practices were discovered, though they were not able to penetrate the ground of them. That they gave order to Otranto and Ventimiglia, to learn cunningly of what opinion the Prelates would be in case they proposed to refer it to his Holiness; who, having sounded them exactly, found that 60 would be rigidly opposite, of whom there was but small hope that they could possibly be persuaded. For howsoever the Secretary of the Marquis had, at their instance, dealt effectually with the Spaniards, yet he brought from them no more than this, that they would not oppose with bitterness but deliver their opinions quietly, and without clamour. That they knew the mayor part were of the contrary opinion, because they depend on Rome; but they ought to disburden their conscience. That they were assured that this was not contrary to his Holiness, of whose religious and godly disposition they could not doubt, but unto the Bishop's only who are about him. They added, that the Spaniards, having discovered that there was a purpose to remit the business to his Holiness, said the same was done in the matter of the Chalice, and that it was in vain to hold a Council to handle that which was of no importance, and to refer that which deserveth provision. They advised him of the promise made to the Ambassadors, to propose the reformation, and of the impossibility to defer it any longer, and being advertised of the coming of Lorraine, and the Frenchmen, and understanding that they were full of conceits, and designs of novity, they concluded that they would undoubtedly join with the mal-contents of Trent. Therefore not knowing, in these ambiguities, what course to take, they told him they had resolved to expect the commandments of his Holiness. The Pope being advised, at the same time, from other places of the projects With whose advertisements and others his Holiness is much troubled. of Lorraine, and particularly, that he would reform the election of the Popedom, that the Vltramontans might also be partakers of it, it pierced deeply into his mind. Therefore resolving not to expect the blow, but to prevent, he informed all the Italian Princes hereof, showing them what a dishonour it would be to the Nation, if it should succeed; that he spoke not for himself, whom it did not concern, but for public respects, and for the love of his Country. And knowing that a Spanish Pope could not be acceptable to the King of Spain, in regard of the natural propension that Clergy hath, to free themselves from the exactions of the King, and that a French man would have pleased him less because of the enmity between the Nations, and that the greatest part of his trusty friends were in Italy, he wrote unto his Nuncio, to communicate unto him the design of the French men, to make a Pope of their Nation, that, by his means, they may possess Naples and Milan, to which they pretend right. And, not to be wanting on his part, that he might remove some of the foundations, on which the Cardinal might build, which were the abuses of the times past, lately revived, he made a Bull in this matter; which howsoever it contained only the provisions formerly made by diverse Popes, which were antiquated; yet it might be said there was no need of more reformation in that behalf, because the Bull did remedy all the inconveniences which happened, or, at the least, took all strength from them, so that it could not be pretended they were in force. And to him that would prognosticate that it would not be observed, as others made before, it might be answered, that he who doth evil doth think ill, and that it is the duty of Christian charity to expect good from every on. The Bull was dated the ninth of October 1562. Afterwards news came, that many Congregations were held in Spain, to make a general reformation, and to give commission to the Ambassador, who was to go to Trent, to make the Spanish Prelates join, and aim all at one mark. The news that the King would send another Ambassador did please neither the Pope nor the Legates. For the Marquis of Pescara did much conform himself to the Pope's will, and the Ministers he used were of Milan, much addicted to the person of his Holiness and his kindred, and to Card. Simoneta, who employed them in the Pope's service upon all occasions. But the Count of Luna, who was designed to be sent, had remained with the Emperor, and with the King of the Romans, and was very dear unto them, and had their projects imprinted in him. And they feared him the more because there was a fame (and it was indeed so resolved, though not effected) that he should bear the name of the Emperor's Ambassador, to avoid the difference of precedency with France, but really should be Ambassador of the K. And the Pope did suspect for many causes, the conjunction of those Princes; especially in regard of the K. of Bohemia, who, in diverse things, had showed he was averse from him. And the nomination of the Count of Luna was more displeasing to him, because he could not come before the Diet of Francfort was ended, which being likely to last until the end of the year, he conjectured the King had a purpose to prolong the Council. But having received the last advice from the Legates, he was perplexed most of all, seeing the Prelates, even his own also, were conspired to make it longer, by means of unseasonable persuasions, howsoever their interests did require a quick dispatch. He caused the letters to be read in Congregation of the Cardinals, and gave order that every one should think of the best means rather to oppose an infinity of imminent difficulties, then to take away the present grievance, in regard the Council the longer it continued the harder it was to be managed. Neither could any order be given from Rome, but, because of the great distance, it was unseasonable before it came to Trent, a thing which in continuance of time would produce some great inconvenience. He complained that the Vltramontans did consent to prolong it, for their proper interests; the Emperor to gratify the Duchmen, and to make his son King of the Romans; France, to make use of it, in case of composition with the Hugonots; and Spain, to keep the Low Countries in hope. He repeated all the difficulties which arose from the diverse interests of the Prelates in Council, the arms which were discovered in the Spaniards, and what was suspected of the designs of the Frenchmen, whose coming was expected. At this time, the French King sent the Abbot of Mante, expressly, to Rome, to give the Pope an account of his resolution, to accept the Decrees of the Council, and of the Cardinal of Lorraine his going to Trent, accompanied with many Bishops to propose the means to reunite Religion in his Kingdom; because both himself and his Counsel were of opinion, that none was more sufficient for that charge, as well for learning as for experience. The Pope did seem to be pleased with the resolution, both in sending the Cardinal, and in accepting the Decrees of the Council. He promised the Legates and Fathers should receive the French Prelates honourably and courteously, expecting their assistance in matters of Religion in which they were so much interested, especially the Cardinal, who is the second Ecclesiastical person in the world, not much inferior to a Pope. He said the Bishops had discreetly handled the points of reformation, in the assembly of Poisi, offering to cause the greater part of them to be confirmed by the Council. He added, that he was forced to hasten the end of the Synod in regard of his great charge, which if it did continue long, he could not be able to continue in assisting the King in his war; so that he hoped he would join with him to conclude it. The conclusion of his discourse was, that he had no authority in Council, but to approve, or reject the determinations of it, without which they would be of no force, and that his purpose was to go to Bolonia when the Council was ended, and to assemble all the Fathers there, that he might know them, and thank them, and make the approbation. This French messenger gave the Pope also the letters of the Cardinal of Lorraine, of the same tenor, with an addition of proffers, to preserve by all means, the authority of the holy Sea. The Pope asked him in particular what the Cardinal meant to propose; but receiving only a general answer, that is, necessary remedies for the Kingdom of France, he answered, to make the Cardinal be think himself what to do, that all should be maturely advised on, every thing being decided in Council by plurality of voices. It was resolved, in the Congregation of the Cardinals, to answer the Legates that they should labour to conclude the Article of residence, before the The answer made to the Legates. coming of the Frenchmen, and to refer it to the Pope, without any Decree, if it were possible; but if not, yet, at the least, with a Decree. If neither could be obtained, then to make the declaration with rewards and punishments, not touching the point, whether it were de iure Divino. That the Article of the institution of Bishops seemed difficult, and of great consequence, and therefore that they should procure that it should be remitted likewise; which in case they could not do, yet they should inviolably observe not to suffer a determination to pass, that it was de iure Divino: Concerning reformation, that his Holiness was resolute that none should meddle with the Papacy, and Court, who already had made so many reformations, (which all the world did know) as that every disorder was redressed; and, if any thing remained, was willing to add it; that, for all other matters, they should tell all men plainly that the Pope did remit the reformation freely to the Council; and of those things which were proposed by the Imperialists, and decreed by the Frenchmen in Poisi, they should propose in Council what they thought expedient, but not resolve, before they sent advice again. The proposition, to finish the Council, was esteemed by the congregation to be of greater moment; not because the necessity to do it was not manifest, but because they saw not the means, in regard so many things did remain to be handled, and that the Prelates could not be induced to speak briefly, nor to agree in their discourses; which things were necessary for a sudden dispatch, and, without them, it was impossible to conclude, but in a long time. To suspend it without consent of the Princes, seemed dangerous and scandalous, in regard of the advice, sent by the Legates, that the Ambassadors de Ferriers and Five Churches had said, that if the Council were suspended they would not departed from Trent, nor suffer the Prelates, their adherents, to go, before they had commission from their Princes, To have commission from them did require much time, because they would undoubtedly know one another's mind, before they would answer. Therefore they knew not what to resolve in this matter, but to solicit the Legates, to dispatch the points, which remained to be handled. The coming of Lorraine did trouble them more, being advised, from diverse places, that, besides the business of the election of the Pope, he meant to propose many novities, about the collation of Bishoprickes, plurality of Benefices, and, which was of no less importance, the Communion of the Cup, marriage of Priests, and Mass in the vulgar tongue. And, presupposing he would not begin his journey before he had answer from the Abbot of Mante, sent by the King and himself, they gave counsel to recall the Cardinal of Ferrara, and to offer the legation of that Kingdom to Lorraine, which they The Cardinal of Lorraine had a desire to be Patriarch in France. did think might stop him, because he so much desired to command that Clergy, that he had formerly plotted to make himself Patriarch in France; but if he came, that more Prelates ought to be sent to the Council, and some Cardinals also, to counterpoise him. And the Cardinals of Bordisiera, and Navagero were named. But this resolution was not then taken, because they feared that Lorraine would disdain, and take occasion to do worse, and because it was not so well known whether these were able to make so great an opposition, as also because they were willing to know the opinion first of those who were in Trent, for fear of giving them distaste. They considered the charge which would increase, which was not fit to be endured, without great utility. Therefore they resolved to write to the Legates, not to suffer any the least discourse concerning the election of the Pope; which if they could not resist, yet they should not give any permission, but rather return to Rome, lest they should prejudice the College of Cardinals, and Italy. But, in Trent, the Deputies for composing the Anathematisms and doctrine, having considered the opinions of the Divines, made a draught; and put into it, that Bishops are superiors iure Divino. For the Archbishop of Zara, and the Bishop of Conimbria, chief of the Deputies, were of that opinion. But the Legates did not permit it, saying, that nothing ought to be put into it which was not contained in the Articles; notwithstanding that it should be thought on, if the Fathers did desire it in the Congregations. The Spaniards therefore did immediately resolve to desire it; and the Legates, understanding so much, gave order to their Prelates, who were wont to contradict, that, if this matter were proposed, they should be silent, and not dispute, that they might not give the Spaniards occasion to reply, by which means the Congregations might be drawn in length, and inconveniences arise, which happened in the matter of residence, but if the instance were prosecuted by Granata, or others, the Cardinal Varmiense should interrupt them, answering that it was not a point to be handled in Council, because it was not controversed with the Protestants. The thirteenth of October 1562. when the first Congregation of the The Archb. of Granata discourseth concerning the institution of Bishops. Prelates was held, the Patriarches, and some Archbishops, having approved, in few words, the Anathematisms, as they were composed, the Archbishop of Granata, did so likewise concerning the six first Canons; in the seventh he desired it should be said, that Bishops, instituted iure Divino, are superiors to Priests; saying, that he might with reason desire it, because it was proposed in this form in the Council, by Cardinal Crescentius, under julius the third, and approved by the Synod. For witnesses he brought the Bishop of Segovia, who assisted, as a Prelate, in that Council, and Friar Octavianus Preconius, of Messina, Archbishop of Palermo, who being not then a Prelate, was there as a Theologue. He said they must needs declare both of these two points, that is, that Bishops are instituted iure Divino, and are iure Divino superior to Priests, because it is denied by the heretics: and he confirmed his opinion at large, with many reasons, arguments and authorities. He alleged Dionysius, who saith, that the Order of Deacons is included in that of Priests, that of Priests in that of Bishops, & that of Bishops in that of CHRIST, who is Bishop of Bishops. He added Pope Eleutherius, who, in an Epistle to the Bishops of France, wrote, that CHRIST had committed the Church Universal to them. That Ambrose, upon the Epistle to the Corinthians, saith, that the Bishop holdeth the place of CHRIST, and is Vicar of the LORD. He added also the Epistle of Cyprian to Rogatianus, where he often repeateth that the Deacons are made by the Bishops, and the Bishops by GOD: and that famous place of the same Saint, that there is but one Bishopric, and every Bishop holdeth a part of it. He said the Pope was a Bishop, others are, because they are all brothers, sons of one father, which is GOD, and of one mother, which is the Church. Therefore the Pope doth also call them brethren; so that if the Pope be instituted by CHRIST, so are the Bishops also. Neither can it be said that the Pope calleth them brethren in civility, or humility only, because the Bishops also, in the incorrupt ages have called him brother. There are extant Epistles of Cyprian to Fabianus, Coruelius, Lucius, and Stephanus, Popes, where he giveth them the title of brothers; and of Austin, written in his own name, and of the other Bishops of Africa, in which the Popes, Innocentias', and Bonifacius, are likewise called brothers. But which is most plain, not only in the Epistles of those two Saints, but of many others also, the Pope is called Colleague. And it is against the nature of a College to consist of persons of diverse kinds: and if there were such difference, that the Pope should be instituted by CHRIST, and Bishops by the Pope, they could not be in one College. In a College there may be an Head; as in this College of Bishops the Pope is Head, but for edification only, and, as it is said in Latin, in beneficientem causam. St. Gregory saith, in his Epistle to johannes Syracusanus, that when a Bishop is in a fault, he is subject to the Apostolic Sea, but otherwise, all are equal, by reason of humility; which Christian humility is never separated from the truth. He alleged St. Jerome to Euagrius, that wheresoever a Bishop shall be, whether in Rome, or in Augubium, or in Constantinople, or in Rheggio, all are of the same merit, and of the same Priesthood, and all successors of the Apostles. He inveighed against those Theologues, who said that St. Peter had ordained the other Apostles Bishops. He admonished them to study the Scriptures, and to observe, that power to teach throughout all the world, to administer the Sacraments, to remit sins, to bind and lose, and to govern the Church, is equally given to all: and finally, they are sent into the world, as the Father hath sent the Son, And therefore as the Apostles had authority, not from Peter, but from CHRIST, so the successors of the Apostles have not power from the successor of Peter, but from CHRIST himself. He brought to this purpose the example of the tree, in which there are many branches, but one body only. Then he jested at these Divines, who had said, that all the Apostles were instituted by CHRIST, and made equal in authority, but that it was personal in them, and ought not to pass to their successors, except that of, St. Peter, ask them, as if they had been present, with what ground, authority, or reason, they were induced to make such a bold affirmation, invented within these fifty years only, expressly contrary to the Scripture, in which Christ said to all the Apostles, I will be with you, until the end of the world; which words because they cannot be expounded of their particular persons only, must be necessarily understood of the succession of all, and so they have been understood by all the Fathers and Schoolmen, to whom this new opinion is directly contrary. He argued, that, if the Sacraments be instituted by Christ, by consequence the Ministers of them are instituted also and he that will say that the Hierarchy is de iure divine, and the chief Hierarche instituted by his Majesty, must say that the other Hierarche▪ also have the same institution. That it is a perpetual doctrine of the: Catholic Church, that Orders are given by the hand of Ministers, but the power is conferred by GOD. He concluded that all these things being true and certain, and denied by the heretics, in many places, which the Bishop of Segovia had collected, it was necessary they should be declared, and defined by the Synod, and the contrary heresies condemned. Cardinal Varmiense took occasion hence to interrupt him, saying, as they had agreed, that there was no controversy of this, yea, that the Confessionists did maintain the same. Therefore that it was superfluous, and unprofitable to put it in question, and that the Fathers ought not to dispute of any thing in which the Catholics and heretics do agree. Granata, rising up, replied, that the Augustane Confession did not confirm this, but contradicted it, putting no difference between a Bishop and a Priest, but by humane constitution, and affirming, that the superiority of Bishops was first by custom, and afterwards by Ecclesiastical constitution. And he demanded again, that this definition might be made in the Council, or the reasons and authority, alleged by him, answered. The Cardinal replied, that the heretics did not deny these things, but only did multiply injuries, maledictions, and invectives, against the present uses. And some other replies passing between them, Granata, full of disdain and hear, said, he referred himself to the Nations. After this, there being some tumult raised and appeased, they spoke of the other points, receiving the things as they were proposed, some grounding themselves upon the saying of Varmiense, and some holding that the Pope only is instituted iure divino, until it came to the Archbishop of Zara, who said, it was necessary to add the words (de iure Divino) to condemn that which the heretics say to the contrary, in the Augustane Confession. Varmiense said again, that in that Confession the heretics did not descent in this; and Zara alleging the place, and the words, the contention was so long, that the Congregation did end with it. In the Congregations following, the opinions were diverse also. In particular, the Archbishop of Braga demanded the same adjunct, saying, it could not be omitted. He proved at large the institution of Bishops De iure Divino, bringing reasons and arguments, like to those of Granata, and said, that the Pope could not take from Bishops the authority given them in their consecration, which doth contain in it the power not only of Order, but of jurisdiction also, because, in it, the people is assigned to him to be fed and governed, without which the Ordination is not of force; whereof this is a manifest argument, that to titular and portative Bishops a City is allotted, which would not be necessary if the Episcopal Order could subsist without jurisdiction. Besides, in giving the Pastoral this form is used, that it is a sign of the power which is given him to correctvices. And, which is of more importance, when the Ring is given him it is said, that with it he doth marry the Church; and, in giving the book of the Gospel, by which the Episcopal Character is imprinted, it is said; that he must go to the people, committed to him: and in the end of the consecration, that prayer is said, Deus omnium fidelium Pastor & Rector which since hath been in the Missals appropriated to the Pope, by turning himself to GOD, and saying, that his will is, that the Bishop should govern the Church. Moreover, Innocentius the third said; that the spiritual marriage of the Bishop with the Church is a bond, instituted by GOD, not to be loosed by the power of man, and that the Pope cannot translate a Bishop, but because he hath special authority to do it; all which things would be very absurd, if the institution of Bishops were De iure Divino. The Arch bishop of Cyprus said, that it ought to be declared that Bishops are superiors to Priests jure Divino, but reserving the authority in the Pope. The bishop of Segovia, adhering wholly to the conclusions and reasons of Granata made a long repetition of the places of the heretics; where they deny the superiority of Bishops, and their institution to be De iure divino. He said, that as the Pope is successor of Peter, so the Bishops are of the Apostles: and that it was plain by the Ecclesiastical History, and by the Epistles of the Fathers, that all Bishops gave an account one to another, of all that happened in their Churches, and received approbation thereof from others. The Pope did the same for the occurrences of Rome. He added, that the patriarchs, when they were created, sent a circular Epistle to the others, to give them an account of their Ordination, and faith, which was as much performed by the Popes to others as by others to them; that if the power of the Bishops be weakened, that of the Pope is weakened also; that the power of Order, and jurisdiction, is given to the Bishops by GOD, and that the division of Dioceses, and the application of them to the person proceedeth from the Pope. He alleged an authority of Anacletus, that Episcopal authority is given in the Ordination, with the unction of the holy Chrism; that the degree of a Bishop is as well an Order instituted by CHRIST, as the Priesthood; that all Popes, until Silvester, have either professedly, or incidently said it is an Order, which cometh immediately from God, that the words spoken to the Apostles, Whatsoever ye shall bind on earth, etc. give power of jurisdiction, which is necessarily conferred upon the Successors; that CHRIST did institute the Apostles with jurisdiction, and since that time the Church hath ever instituted Bishops in the same sort. Therefore this is an Apostolical tradition, and, it being defined that points of faith are taken out of the Scripture, and Traditions, it cannot be denied that this of the Episcopal institution is an Article of faith; and the rather, because S. Epiphanius, and S. Austin, do put Aerius in the number of heretics, for saying that Priests are equal to Bishops, which they would not have done if Bishops had not been De iure divino. Fifty nine Fathers were of this opinion, and perhaps the number had been Simoneta useth practices in the point of institution of Bishops. greater if many had not been ill at case at that time, of a defluction of rheum, which then did generally reign, and some others had not feigned the same impediment, that they might be out of the crowd and offend none, in a matter, handled with such passion; especially those, who, for speaking what they thought in the matter of Residence, found they had incurred the displeasure of their Patrons; as also if Cardinal Simoneta, when he saw matters proceed so fare, had not used diverse persuasions, employing herein johannes Antonius Fa●binet●us, Bishop of Nicastr●, and Sebastianus Vantive, Bishop of Oruieto; who persuaded, with much cunning, that the enterprise of the Spaniards was to shake off their obedience to the Pope, and that it would be an apostasy from the Apostolic Sea, to the great shame and damage of Italy, which hath no other honour above the Nations beyond the Mountains, but that which it receiveth from the Papacy. Five Churches said, it was fit that it should be declared quoiure all the Orders and degrees of the Church are instituted, and from whom they receive authority. Some others adhered to him, and, in particular, Pompeius Picholhomini, Bishop of Tropeia; who, making the same instance, added, that when all the degrees of the Church were handled, from the greatest to the least, and declared quo iure they were, he would deliver his opinion also concerning the degree of Bishops, if the Legates would give leave. In this number some briefly adhered to the opinion of others who had spoken in this matter, and some amplified the same reasons, and turned them into diverse forms, so that it would be too long to make a narration of all the suffrages which are come into my hands. That of George Sincout, a Franciscan Friar, Bishop of Segna, doth well deserve to be repeated, who, adhering to Granata, said, that he would never have believed that any could have doubted whether Bishops are instituted, and have authority from Christ. For it they have it not from his divine Majesty, neither can the Council have any from him, which consisteth of BB. that it is necessary that a Congregation, though very populous, have their authority from whom the particular persons have it, that if Bishops are not instituted by CHRIST, but by men, the authority of them altogether is humane, and he who heareth it spoken, that Bishops are not instituted by CHRIST, must needs think that this Synod is a Congregation of profane men, in which CHRIST doth not preside, but a power received precarily from men, and so many Fathers would in vain reside in Trent, to their great charge and trouble, because he who hath given the power to Bishops; and the Council, may, with more authority, handle the same things; and it would be a great illusion generally of all Christendom to propose it, not only as the best, but as the only and necessary means, to decide the present controversies. He added, that he had been five months in Trent, with this persuasion, that never any would have doubted whether the Council hath authority from GOD, and whether it may say as the first Council of jerusalem did, It seemed to the holy Ghost and to us; that he would never have come to the Council, if he had believed that CHRIST had not been in the midst of it. Neither can any one say, that, where CHRIST assisteth, the authority cometh not from him; that if any Bishop should believe and think his authority to be humane, it had been great boldness in him to denounce, in the former difficulties, anathematisms, and not rather refer all to him who hath greater authority. And if the authority of the Council be not certain, it was fit in the year 1545. when this was first assembled, that this matter should have been sifted, and decided what the authority of Counsels is, as is usually done in places of justice, where, in the beginning of the cause, it is disputed, and decreed whether the judge be competent, least in the end, there be a nullity in the sentence, for want of authority. The Protestants, who do take all occasions to detract from, and wrong this holy Synod, cannot have any more fit, then that it is not certain of its own authority. He concluded, that the Fathers should take heed what they did resolve, in a point, which being resolved truly, doth establish all the actions of the Council, and if otherwise, overthroweth all. The nineteenth of October, all the Fathers made an end of speaking in this matter, except Father Laynez, General of the jesuites; who, being to speak last, did purposely absent himself that day, that he might have a whole Congregation for himself alone. And to make the cause hereof understood, Laynez spendeth a whole congregation himself. The importance of this point of the institution. we must return a little back, and remember, that when the question was set on foot in the beginning, the Legates thought that the aim was only to make great the authority of Bishops, and to give them more reputation. But before the second Congregation was ended, they perceived, very late, by the voices given, and reasons used, of what importance and consequence it was. For it did infer, that the keys were not given to Peter only; that the Council was above the Pope, and the Bishop's equal unto him, who had nothing left but a preeminence above others. They saw that the dignity of Cardinals, superior to Bishops, was quite taken away, and that they remained mere Priests, or Deacons; that, by that determination, residence was inferred by a necessary consequence, and the Court brought to nothing; that the preventions and reservations were removed, and the collation of Benefices was drawn to the Bishops. It was noted that the Bishop of Segovia had, a few days before, refused to admit one to a Benefice in his Diocese, to whom it was given in Rome. And these things did still appear more plainly, as new suffrages were daily given, and new reasons alleged. For these causes the Legates did use the solicitations aforesaid, for fear that more Italians might join with the Spaniards. Yet they were not able to prevail so much, but that almost the half were of that opinion. And the other Papalins reprehended the Legates, because they foresaw not what might happen, but suffered such great preiudices to come upon them, saying, they proceeded by chance, and admitted not counsels and advertisements of wise men; that, so soon as Granata delivered his suffrage, they were put in mind to use effectual solicitations, which afterwards they were forced to use, when it was too late; that by their want of care (if not malice in some) matters have been handled of the greatest importance that can possibly happen in Council. They added, that the Ambassador Lausac had, by many solicitations, used to diverse of the Prelates, discovered himself to be not only a favourer, but a promoter of that opinion; and considered what an addition would be made unto it, when the Frenchmen came, who were expected. And they spoke so openly, that some words came to the ears of the Legates themselves; who, seeing now the danger not foreseen, thought (in regard the matter had proceeded so fare, and so many had put themselves on that side) that it was not fit to think of diverting the question, but of finding a temper, to give the Spaniards some satisfaction. And, after long consultation, they determined to compose the Canon, with these words; That Bishops have the power of Order from GOD, and, in that, are superior to Priests; not naming jurisdiction, for fear of making them suspect. For, by such a form of words, it might be inferred, that the jurisdiction remained wholly in the Pope, without saying it. They sent Father Soto, to treat with the Spanish Prelates, concerning this form, not so much with hope to remove any of them, as to penetrate to what they might be brought. Granata gave him audience, but no answer. He laboured with others also, and gained the reputation of a good Courtier of Rome, in stead of the other, of a good Friar, as he was before. And, to win some that wavered, and some who unadvisedly fell into that opinion, being otherwise devoted to the Pope, they resolved to use solicitations unto them, that, understanding the difficulty, they might be content to refer it to his Holiness, or, at the least, to speak more sparingly. To perform this, with the two aforenamed, they joined the Archbishop of Rosano, and the Bishop of Ventimiglia. And, that those who would acknowledge their error might have colour to retire, they gave order that Laynez should make an exact full Lecture on this matter; and, that it might be heard attentively, and make an impression, they would not have him, as hath been said, speak after the others, in the end of the Congregation, but allowed him one wholly for himself. The four jesuits consulted together concerning the opinion, and Caveglione, laboured more than the rest. And, not to omit any good means of diversion, they busied the Prelates in another matter. For, to return to the occurrences of that Congregation, after that the General of the Serui (who was the last) had given his voice in conformity of the Spaniards, the Cardinal of Mantua admonished the Father's deputed for the Index, and shown how important a business they had in hand, in regard all subversions do arise, and all heresies are spread by means of books, he exhorted them to be diligent, and to let the Synod see the end of the work quickly, he said he knew it required much pains and time, but considered withal that all the Fathers would contribute their labours to the assistance of the deputies, saying, that the Congregations were spent in handling questions of no profit, and a work so necessary deferred. He exhorted in the end, that this particular of the Index might be concluded in the next Session. The morning being come, Laynez spoke more than two hours, very fitly, The discourse of Laynez. with great vehemence, and master-like. The argument of his discourse had two parts; the first he spent in proving, that the power of jurisdiction was given wholly to the Bishop of Rome, and that none in the Church beside hath any spark of it, but from him; and the second, in resolving all the contrary arguments, used in the former Congregations. The substance was, that there is great difference, yea, contrariety between the Church of CHRIST and civil societies. For these have first their being, and then they frame their government, and therefore are free, and all jurisdiction is originally in them which they do communicate to Magistrates, without depriving themselves of it. But the Church did not make itself, nor its government, but CHRIST, who is Prince and Monarch, did first constitute Laws, by which it should be governed, and then did assemble it, and, as the Scripture saith, did build it; so that it is was borne a servant, without any kind of liberty, power, or jurisdiction, and absolutely subject. For proof hereof, he alleged places of the Scripture, in which the Congregation of the Church is compared to a sowing, to the draught of a net, and to a building: and where it is said that CHRIST came into the world to assemble his faithful people, to gather together his sheep, to instruct them, by doctrine and example. Then he added that the first and principal ground, upon which CHRIST built the Church, was Peter and his succession, according to the words which he spoke to him; Thou art Peter, and upon this rock, I will build my Church. Which rock howsoever some of the Fathers have understood to be CHRIST himself, and others the faith of Peter, or the confession of his faith, yet the more Catholic exposition is, that Peter himself is understood, who, in the Hebrew and Syriac, is called a stone. And, continuing his discourse, he said, that while CHRIST lived in the mortal flesh, he governed the Church with an absolute Monarchical government, and, being to departed out of this world left the same form, appointing, for his Vicar Saint Peter and his Successors, to administer it as he had done, giving him full and total power and jurisdiction, and subiecting the Church to him, as it was to himself. This he proved of Peter, because the keys of the Kingdom of heaven were given to him only, and, by consequence, power to bring in, and shut out, which is jurisdiction. And to him alone it was said; Feed, that is, govern my sheep, animals, which have no part or judgement in governing themselves. These things, that is, to be a Keykeeper, and a Pastor, being perpetual offices, must be conferred upon a perpetual person, that is, not upon the first only, but upon all his succession. So the Bishop of Rome, from S. Peter to the end of the world, is true and absolute Monarch, with full and total power and jurisdiction, and the Church is subject unto him, as it was to CHRIST. And as when his divine Majesty did govern it, it could not be said, that any of the faithful had any the least power or jurisdiction, but mere, pure, and total subjection, so it must be said, in all perpetuity of time, and so understood, that the Church is a sheepfold, and a kingdom; and that which Saint Cyprian saith, that there is but one Bishopric, and a part of it held by every Bishop, is to be expounded, that the whole power is placed in one Pastor, without division, who doth impart and communicate it to his fellow ministers, as cause doth require. And in this sense Saint Cyprian maketh the Apostolic Sea like unto a root, an head, a fountain, and the Sun; showing, by these comparisons, that jurisdiction is essential in that alone, and in others by derivation or participation. And this is the meaning of the words, so much used by antiquity, that Peter and the Pope have fullness of power, and the others are of their charge. And that he is the only Pastor, is plainly proved by the words of CHRIST, when he said, he hath other sheep which he will gather together, and so one sheepfold should be made, and one Shepherd. The Shepherd, meant in that place, cannot be CHRIST, because he would not speak in the future, that there shall be one Shepherd, himself then being a Shepherd, and therefore it must be understood of another Shepherd, which was to be constituted after him, which can be no other but Peter, and his Successors. And here he noted that the precept, Feed the flock, is found but twice in the Scripture: once given by CHRIST to Peter only, Feed my sheep: again by Peter to others, Feed the flock allotted to you. And if the Bishops had received any jurisdiction from CHRIST, it would be equal in all, and no difference between patriarchs, Archbishops, and Bishops; neither could the Pope meddle with that authority, to diminish or take it all away, as he cannot in the power of Order, which is from GOD. Therefore he advised them to beware, lest, by making the institution of Bishops, de iure Divino, they do not take away the Hierarchy, and bring in an oligarchy, or rather an Anarchy, He added also, that, to the end Peter might govern the Church well, so that the gates of hell might not prevail against it, CHRIST, being near unto his death, prayed effectually that his faith might not fail, and gave him order to confirm the brethren, that is, he gave him a privilege of infallibility in judgement of faith, manners and religion, binding all the Church to hear him, and to stand firmly in that which should be determined by him. He concluded, that this was the ground of Christian doctrine, and the rock upon which the Church was built. Then he censured those who held there is any power in Bishops received from CHRIST, because it would take away the privilege of the Roman Church, that the Pope is the Head of the Church and Vicar of CHRIST. And it is very well known what is constituted by the old Canon, Omnes five Patriarchae, etc. that is, that he who taketh away the rights of other Churches committeth injustice, and he that taketh away the privileges of the Church of Rome is an heretic. He said it was a mere contradiction to say the Pope is Head of the Church and the government Monarchical, and then say that there is a power or jurisdiction not derived from him, but received from others. In resolving the contrary arguments, he discoursed that, according to the order instituted by CHRIST, the Apostles were ordained Bishops, not by CHRIST, but by Saint Peter, receiving jurisdiction from him only; and many Catholic Doctors do hold that this was observed: which opinion is very probable. But the others who say the Apostles were ordained Bishops by CHRIST, do add, that his Divine Majesty in so doing, did prevent the office of Peter, by doing, for that one time, that which belonged to him, giving to the Apostles that power which they ought to receive from Peter, even as God took some of the spirit of Moses, and divided it amongst the seventy judges. So that it is as much as if they had been ordained by, and received authority from Peter; who therefore did remain subject unto him, in respect of the places where, and the manner how to exercise the same. And howsoever it is not read that Peter did correct them, yet this was not for want of power, but because they did exercise their charge aright. And he that shall read the renowned and famous Canon, Ita Dominus, will assure himself, that every good Catholic ought to defend, that the Bishops, successors of the Apostles do receive all from Peter. He observed also, that the Bishops are not successors of the Apostles, but only because they are in their place, as one Bishop succeedeth another, not because they have been ordained by them. To those who inferred, that therefore the Pope might refuse to make Bishops, and so himself remain the only man, he answered, it was God's ordination there should be many Bishops in the Church, to assist him, and therefore that he was bound to preserve them: but there is a great difference, to say a thing is de iure Divino, or that it is ordained by God. Those de iure Divino are perpetual, and depend on God alone, both in general, and in particular at all times. So Baptism, and all the Sacraments are de iure Divino, in every one of which GOD hath his particular work, and so the Pope is from GOD. For when one Pope doth die, the keys do not remain to the Church, because they are not given to it, but a new Pope being created, GOD doth immediately give them unto him. Now it is not so in things of divine ordination, in which the general only proceedeth from GOD, and the particulars are executed by men. So Saint Paul saith, that Princes and temporal powers are ordained by God, that is, that the general precept, that there should be Princes, cometh only from him, but yet the particulars are made by the civil Laws. After the same manner, Bishops are by divine ordination, and Saint Paul saith they are placed by the holy Ghost, to govern the Church, but not the iure Divino. Therefore the Pope cannot take away the general order of making Bishops in the Church, because it is from God, but every particular Bishop, being the iure Canonico; may be removed by the Pope's authority. To the opposition that then the Bishops would be Delegati, and not Ordinarij, he answered, that there was one jurisdiction fundamental, and another derived; and the derived is either delegate, or ordinary. In civil Commonwealths the fundamental is in the Prince, and the derived in all the Magistrates: neither are the Ordinaries different from the Delegates because they receive authority from diverse persons, yea, all do equally derive from the Sovereignty; but the difference standeth, because the Ordinaries are by a perpetual law, and succession, and the others have a particular authority, either in regard of the person, or the case. Therefore the Bishops are Ordinaries, because they are made by the Pope's law a dignity of perpetual succession in the Church. He added, that those places where authority seemeth to be given to the Church by CHRIST (as these, that it is a pillar and foundation of truth, that he who will not hear it, shall be esteemed an Heathen and a Publican) are all understood in regard of its Head, which is the Pope, and therefore the Church cannot err, because he cannot, and so he that is separated from him who is Head of the Church, is separated also from the Church. To those who said the Council could not have authority, if none of the Bishops had it, he answered, that this was not inconvenient, but a very plain and necessary consequence, yea if every particular Bishop in Council may err, it cannot be denied that they may err altogether; and if the authority of the Council proceeded from the authority of Bishops, it could never be called general, because the number of the assistants is always incomparably less than that of the absent. He He proveth that the Pope is above the Council. told them, that in this Council, under Paul the third, principal Articles were defined, concerning the Canonical Books, interpretations, parity of Traditions with the Scriptures, by a number of slew, or a less; all which would fall to the ground if the multitude gave authority. But as a number of Prelates, assembled by the Pope to make a general Council, be it how small soever, hath the name and efficacy to be general from the Pope only, so also it hath its authority; so that if it doth make Precepts or Anathematisms, neither of them are of force but by virtue of the Pope's future confirmation. And when the Synod saith, that it is assembled in the holy Ghost, it meaneth that the Fathers are congregated, according to the Pope's intimation, to handle that, which, being approved by him, will be decreed by the holy Ghost. Otherwise how could it be said that a Decree was made by the holy Ghost, and could be made to be of no force by the Pope's authority, or had need of greater confirmation. And therefore in the Counsels, be they never so frequent, if the Pope be present, he only doth decree, neither doth the Council any thing but approve, that is receive the Decrees; and therefore it hath always been said, Sacro approbante concilio, yea, even in resolutions of the greatest weight (as was the disposition of the Emperor Frederic the second, in the general Council of Lions) Innocentius the fourth, a most wise Pope, refused the approbation of the Synod, that none might think it to be necessary, and thought it sufficient to say, Sacro praesente concilio. And for all this the Council cannot be said to be superfluous, because it is assembled for better inquisition, for more easy persuasion, and to give satisfaction to men. And when it giveth sentence, it doth it by virtue of the Pope's authority, derived from God. And for these reasons, the good Doctors have subjected the Counsels authority to the Popes, as wholly depending on it, without which it hath not the assistance of the holy Ghost, nor infallibility, nor power to bind the Church, but as it is granted by him alone to whom CHRIST hath said, Feed my sheep. There was not any discourse in this Council more praised and dispraised, The censure of this discourse. according to the affections, of the hearers. The Papalins said it was most learned, resolute, and substantial, others did condemn it of flattery, and some of heresy: and many made it known they were offended by his sharp censure, and that they purposed in the Congregations following, to confute him upon all occasions, and to note him of ignorance, and temereity. The Bishop of Paris, who was sick at home when he should have given his voice, told every one that, when a Congregation was held, he would deliver his opinion against that doctrine, without respect, which not being heard in former ages, was, within these fifty years, invented by Caietan, to gain a Cap; that in those times it was censured by the Sorbone; that, in stead of a celestial Kingdom (for so the Church is called) it maketh it not a Kingdom, but a temporal tyranny; that it taketh from the Church the title of the Spouse of CHRIST, and maketh it a servant, prostituted to a man. He will have but one Bishop instituted by CHRIST, and the others not to have any authority but dependant from him, which is as much as to say, that there is but one Bishop, and the others are his Vicars, to be removed at his pleasure. He said this should excite all the Council, to think how the Episcopal authority, so much debased, might be kept alive, and that it may not come to nothing; because every new Cogregation of Regulars which doth arise, doth give it a great shake. The Bishops have held their authority entire until the year 1050. when it received a great blow by the Cluniacensian and Cisterciensian Congregations, and others which arose in that age, because many functions, proper and essential to Bishops, were, by their means reduced to Rome. But when the Mendicants began after the year one thousand two hundred, almost all the exercise of Episcopal authority was quite taken away, and given to them, by privilege. Now this new Congregation, borne but the other day, which is neither secular nor regular (as the University of Paris did well observe eight years since, knowing it was dangerous for matter of faith, a perturber of the Church's peace, and fit to destroy Monastical life) to go beyond their predecessors, doth labour to take away all jurisdiction of Bishops, by saying it is not given them by GOD, and that they ought to acknowledge that they have received it precarily from men. The Bishop having repeated these things to diverse men, moved many to think of the matter, who before did not regard it. But those that were seen in Histories did speak no less of that observation, Sacro praesente Concilio: which being in all the Canonical Texts, seemed new unto them all, because they had not marked it. And some approved the jesuites interpretation, and some, on the contrary, said that the Council had refused to approve that sentence. Some proceeding another way, said, that the question being of a temporal matter, and worldly contentions, the business might pass either one way or other; but that no consequence could be drawn from hence, that the same might be done in matter of faith, or Ecclesiastical Rites, especially it being observed, that, in the Council of the Apostles, which ought to be a rule and pattern, the Decree was not made by Peter, in presence of the Council, nor by him with approbation, but the Epistle was entitled with the names of the three degrees, assisting in that Congregation, Apostles, Elders, and Brothers, and Peter was included in the first, without prerogative. An example, which in regard of antiquity, and divine authority, is of more credit than all those of the times following, yea then altogether. And, for that day, in respect of these other points, the discourse of the jesuite gave matter of talk throughout all Trent, and nothing else was spoken of. The Legates were not pleased that this remedy, applied for a medicine, did work a contrary effect, perceiving that, in the Congregations, the voices would be longer in giving; neither did they know how to hinder it. For that Father having spoken more than two hours, it did not appear how he that would contradict him could be interrupted, especially it being in his own defence. And understanding that Laynez enlarged his discourse, with purpose to publish it, they forbade him to impart it to any, that others might not take occasion to write against it, observing what mischief succeeded, because Catharinus published his opinion concerning Residence, whence all the evil did spring, which still continueth stronger than ever. But he could not forbear to give copies to some, as well to honour himself, and oblige the Papalins to his society, then rising, as also to moderate in writing some particulars, delivered with too much petulancy. Many did make preparation to write against him; and this motion continued until the Frenchmen came, who caused this difference to be forgotten, by bringing in others more considerable, and important. Yet the Papalins The coming of the French men did hinder the answering of it. continued their counsels against the Spaniards, and their practices with the Prelates, whom they thought they might win. And a Spanish Doctor, called Zanel, did fitly offer himself to the Legates, and proposed means to put the Prelates of that nation upon their defence, and give them something else to think on. And he proposed to them thirteen points of reformation which did touch them at the quick. But they could not hence gather the fruit they expected, because those reformations required others also belonging to the Court, which made them desist, lest, according to the proverb, by taking one eye from their adversaries, they might lose both their own, The practices were so manifest, that, in a banquet of many prelate's in the house of the French, Ambassadors, discoursing of the custom of ancient Counsels, not observed in this, that the precedents of the Synod, and the Ambassadors of Princes delivered their voices, Lansac said The Legates give auricular voices. aloud, that the Legates gave auricular voices; and was well understood by all that he meant their practices. When these Congregations were held, Five Churches presented the Emperor's letters to the Legates; who wrote unto them, that, having satisfied The Emperor desireth that the doctrine may be deferred, and only the reformation handled. themselves in publishing the Canons of the sacrifice of the Mass, they would forbear to proceed in the Sacraments of Order, and Matrimony, and handle the matter of reformation in the mean while, referring to their wisdom to handle what part pleased them best, of those things which were proposed to them, in his name. Five Churches spoke in conformity of the letter, and made the same request, that, the matter of Order being so fare proceeded in, they would, at the least, forbear to handle that of Marriage, that, in the mean space, the Emperor might induce the Germans in the Diet to go and submit themselves to the Council. For so long as the Dutch and Frenchmen continue in their resolution, not to go to it, nor acknowledge it, the Fathers do in vain abide there, to their great cost and incommodity; and when his Majesty shall see they cannot be persuaded, he will procure a suspension of the Council, thinking it will be a greater service to God, and benefit to the Church, to leave matters undecided, and in the state they are, expecting a more fit time for the conversion of those who are separated, then by precipitating, (as hath been done until that time) the decision of controversies, in absence of those who have put them in disputation, to make the Protestants irreconciliable, without any benefit of the Catholics; saying, that, in the mean while, they might treat of the Reformation, that the Ecclesiastical goods may be distributed to persons of desert, and all have part of them, and the revenues may be well dispensed, and the part belonging to the poor not usurped by any; and such other things. In the end, he demanded of them, whether, the Count of Luna coming with the title of the Emperor's Ambassador, the difference between Spain and France for precedence will cease. The Legates answered to this last, that they did not see what pretence the Frenchmen could have to contend; and, for the rest, they said they could not forbear to handle the points of doctrine, but that, with them, they would handle the Reformation effectually, according to the order set down by the Synod. They commended the Emperor's intention to desire the Protestants to submit, but added, that, for this hope, the Council ought not to be prolonged. For the Emperor Charles, in the Papacy of julius the 3. made means for the same, and obtained it also; but the Dutchmen proceeded with dissimulation, to the damage of the Church, and of the Emperor himself. Therefore it was not fit the Council should change its pace, before the Emperor was assured of the intentions of the Princes and people, aswell Catholic as Protestant, and what kind of obedience they will yield to the Decrees made already, and to be made in this Council and in the former, requiring the observation of the Synod, with authentical Mandates of the Provinces and Princes, and obligation from them for the execution of the Decrees, that their cost and labour may not be in vain, and laughed at. And in conformity hereof they answered the Emperor. A Congregation was held the 25. of October, to rece●ue Valentinus Erbu●us The Ambassador of Polonia is received. Bishop of Premisa, Ambassador of Polonia, who made a short spe 〈…〉 concerning the King's devotion, the tumults of the Kingdom about religion, the necessity of a good reformation, the using of some remission in yielding to the desires of the people, in matters which are de iure positivo. The Speaker answered in the Synods name, thanking the King and the Ambassador, and offering to give assistance in all the occasions of that Kingdom. The Legates did not permit that any thing else should be handled in that Congregation, for the cause which shall be related. The Court in Rome, and the Pope's Ministers in Trent, were no less troubled with the Spaniards, and their adherents in Council, then with the expectation of the coming of Lorraine; and of the frenchmen; with which they were not so much moved, so long as there was hope that some rub might stop them, as after that certain news came that they would The coming of the French Prelates doth much trouble the Pope and Court. keep the day of All Saints with the Duke of Savoy. The Cardinal, either vainly or of purpose, made it known at the french Court, before he parted, and in many places in the journey, that he would handle diverse things in diminution of the pope's authority and commodities of the Court, which being reported diverse ways, both in Rome and Trent, made an impression in both places, that the general intention of the Frenchmen was, to prolong the Council, and, according to occasions, to discover, and put in practise their particular designs: and they had conjectures to make them believe, that it was not without the knowledge of the Emperor, and of other Princes and Lords of Germany. And howsoever they were assured, that the Catholic King held not full intelligence with them, yet they had strong arguments to make them believe, that his design was to prolong the Council, or, at the least, not to suffer it to end. To cross this purpose, they How the reformation of Princes began. determined to propose the abuses of the Kingdom of France, and to let the Ambassadors understand that they would make provision for them; because all Princes, who desire a reformation in the Church, would not willingly endure any at all of themselves, so that they thought, that if any matter of importance were handled to their prejudice, they would forbear, and make their Prelates forbear also to speak of things prejudicial to the Apostolic Sea. Therefore after some packets had passed between Rome and Trent, it being judged a good course, the abuses were collected, which were said to be principally in France, and partly in other Dominions. And hence the reformation of Princes began, which, in the relation of the things that follow; will afford us much matter. Besides, in Rome it was thought to be a good remedy, that the Legates should bridle the transcendent boldness of the Prelates, using their authority and superiority, more than they had done. And, in Trent, it was thought to be a good course, to keep the Prelates, their adherents, united, well edified, and satisfied. For howsoever the voices of the contrary part might increase, yet they should ever exceed in number, and be Lords of the resolutions. And they thought fit also proceed to finish the Council, or suspend, or translate it. They wrote also, and made many of the popish Prelates to write to their friends and Patrons in Rome, that there could be no better resolution or provision, then to give occasion, (which might easily be done) that some Prince might desire the suspension, not suffering any to slip: and, for this end, they demanded diverse Briefs to be sent from Rome, in matter of translation, suspension, etc. that they might make use of them, as occasion was offered. They counselled the Pope also to go to Bolonia in person. For besides the receiving of more frequent and fresh advices, and the sudden making of incident, and necessary provisions, he might have a colourable reason to translate the Council to that City, upon every small occasion, or to suspend it; desiring him that, as they had imparted nothing to the Cardinal Madruccio, so nothing might come to the ears of the Cardinal of Trent, his uncle, who, for many respects, and particular interests would certainly use all means that it might not be transferred from Trent. To quench the boiling heat in the controversy about the institution of Bishops, that it might not increase, by means of so many who were prepared to contradict Laynez, they would not hold any Congregation for many days. But this leisure did strengthen their opinions, and they spoke of no matter but of this, in every corner, and almost every day three or four of them joined together, and went to some of the Legates, to renew the instance. And, one day, the Bishop of Gadici with four more, having, after the proposition made, added, that as they confessed that the jurisdiction belonged to the Pope, so they were content it should be expressed in the Canon. The Legates believed that the Spaniards, acknowledging their error, would confess that all jurisdiction was in the Pope, and derived from him: but, desiring a further declaration, that Bishop said, that as a Prince doth institute in a City a judge of the first instance, and a judge of appeal, who though he be superior, yet cannot take authority from the other; nor usurp the causes belonging to him, so CHRIST, in the Church, hath instituted all Bishops, and the Pope superior, in whom the supreme Ecclesiastical jurisdiction was, yet so, that others had theirs, depending on CHRIST alone. Five Churches complained to every one, that so much time was lost without holding any Congregation, which might be profitably spent, but that the Legates did, according to their use, purposely suffer it to be spent in vain, that they might give forth the Articles of reformation the last day, that there might not be time to consider, much less to speak of them. But the Legates were not idle, still thinking how they might find a form for this Canon, which might be received, and changed it more than once a day: which forms going about, and showing the hesitation of the Legates, the Spaniards were not only encouraged in their opinion, but spoke also with more liberty; so that, in a meeting of many Prelates, Segovia was not afraid to say, that one word would be cause of the ruin of the Church. Seven days being passed without any Congregation, the thirtieth of October, the Legates being in consultation, as in the days before, all the Spaniards, with some others, required audience, and made a new instance, that the institution and superiority of Bishops De iure Divino, might be defined, saying, that if it were not done, they should fail to do that which is just and necessary in these times, for clearing of the Catholic truth, and protesting they would assist no more in Congregation or Session. This being diuulged, many Italian Prelates agreed together in the house of Cardinal Simoneta, in the Chamber of julius Simoneta, Bishop of Pescara, and came to the Legates the next morning three patriarchs, six Arch bishops, and eleven Bishops with a request, that it might not be put into the Canon, that the superiority is De iure Divino, in regard it savoured of ambition, and was unseemly that themselves should give sentence in their own cause, and because the greater part would not have it put in, the occasion might not be given to speak of the Pope's authority, which they would, and aught to confirm. When this was known in Trent, many did believe that this instance was procured by the Legates themselves: whereupon after Evensong, a greater number assembled themselves in the vestry, in favour of the Spanish opinion, & others in the house of the B. of Modena, for the same end: and there were four other assemblies in the houses of the Archbishops of Otranto, Taranto, Rosano, and of the Bishop of Parma. The tumult proceeded so fare, that the Legates were afraid of some scandal, and thought they could by no means hold the Session at the time appointed, and that there was a necessity to discuss some points of doctrine, and propose some matter of reformation, before they came to the resolution of the Article which was the cause of so great a motion. And Simoneta complained often that he had little assistance from Mantua and Seripando, who howsoever they did some thing, yet could not hide their thoughts, which did incline to the adversaries. Letters of credence came from the Marquis of Pescara, to the principal The letters of the Marquis of Pescara. Spanish Prelates, with commission to his Secretary, to use the strongest persuasions with them, and to advice them not to touch any thing in prejudice of the holy Sea, assuring them that the King would be displeased, and that great inconveniences in his kingdoms would ensue; saying, it could not be expected from their wisdom that they would resolve in any particular, before they understood his Majesty's pleasure. And he gave him order to advice whether any of the Prelates made small account of this admonition, or were refractory in obeying, because it was the King's pleasure that they should stand united in the devotion of his Holiness, and should dispatch The answer of the Archbishop of Granata. express Curriers: if there were occasion. Granata answered, that he never meant to say any thing against the Pope, and thought that whatsoever was spoken for the authority of Bishops, was for the benefit of his Holiness, being assured, that if their authority were diminished, the obedience to the holy Sea would decrease also, though by reason of his oldage, he knew that it would not happen in his time; that his opinion was Catholic, for which he would be content to die; that, seeing such contrariety, he was not willing to remain in Trent, because he expected but small fruit, and therefore had demanded leave to departed of his Holiness and his Majesty, much desiring to return; that at his departure out of Spain, he received no commandment from the King and his Ministers, but to aim at the service of God, and the quiet & reformation of the church, which he had truly performed; that he thought he had not crossed the Kings will, though he made not protession to dive into it but he knew that Princes when they are requested, especially by their Ministers, do easily content them with general terms. Segovia answered, that his meaning never was to do the Pope any The answer of Segovia. ill office, but that he could not gainsay his opinion, because it was for the Catholic truth, nor could speak more than he had spoken already, having never since seen or studied any thing concerning this matter. Afterwards they retired all together, and sent to the King a Doctor, of the family of Segovia, with instruction, to inform his Majesty that neither they, nor any other Prelates could be reprehended, if they knew not how to promote the projects of Rome, because they could not propose any thing, but only deliver their opinion concerning that which was proposed by the Legates, as his Majesty did well know; that it would be hard so interrogate them, and bind them to answer against their conscience; that they were assured they should offend GOD and his Majesty, if they should do otherwise; that they could not be blamed for speaking out of season, because they did not propose, but answer; that when they did commit any error, they were ready to correct it, according to the commandment of his Majesty; that they had spoken according to the Catholic doctrine, in such plain terms, that they were ●●re he would approve all, beseeching him to vouchsafe to hear them, before he did conceive any finister opinion of them. Those Prelates were not deceived in belcoving it did proceed rather from The Leagues use mean, to curb the Spanish Prelates. the Ministers, than the King. Simoneta used persuasions, at the same time, to another Spanish Secretary of the Count of Luna, that the Count being to assist at the Council, it was necessary he should come prepared, to keep those Prelates within their bounds, otherwise there would ensue, not only prejudice to the Church of GOD, but to the dominions of his Majesty also, because their principal intent was to assume all authority to themselves, and to have free administration in their Churches. And he persuaded the Secretary of Pescara to meet Luna on the way and to inform him of the designs, and boldness of those Prelates, and to persuade that it would be good service for the King to repress them. In conformity whereof Varmiense wrote a long letter to Petrus Canisius to the Emperor's Court, that he would use the same persuasion to the Count The doctrine collected out of the voices, delivered in the former Congregations, being given forth, they began again to speak their opinions concerning it the third of November. But Cardinal Simoneta forewarned his adherents to speak reservedly, and not to run out into words of provocation, because that time did require that men's minds should rather be pacified. Having spoken hereof three days, and returning often to the controversy, by reason of the connexion of the matter, the Legates thought it necessary to propose some matter of reformation, especially because, the Frenchmen approaching the Bishop of Paris said publicly, that it was time to begin to give satisfaction to the French, and other Nations, deputing some Prelates of each, to consider of the necessitles of those countries', because the Italians, neither in Trent; nor in Rome, could know them; that until then no reformation had been made, because that which was decreed was to no purpose. But the Legates being to propose some thing of reformation, thought it necessary, that they might not give occasion of many inconveniences, to begin with residence. It hath been related already what the Pope wrote in this business. Afterwards, the Legates and their adherents were in continual cogitation how to compose a Decree, that might satisfy his Holiness, without prejudice of the promise which Mantua made to the Prelates. For to propose at the first, the reference of it to the Pope, seemed contrary to that promise; and there was great difficulty what Decree to propose, which not being accepted, might give them occasion to return to the business of reference. They made a calculation of those who might be drawn to their side, and of those who were totally opposite, and found that the Council was divided into three parts, almost equal, that is, into these two, and a third, who desired a definition to be made in Council, without offence of his Holiness: of which there was hope to gain the mayor part, and so to overcome the adversaries. Therefore they divided themselves, and persuaded so effectually, Some Prelates are overcome by practices. that, besides others they gained seven Spaniards, amongst whom were Astorga, Salamanca, Tortosa, Patti, and Elma, the Bishop of Macera labouring strongly herein. Four courses were proposed to come to the execution; one, to make a For courses proposed concerning Residence. Decree, only with rewards and punishments; another, that many Prelates should desire the Legates, that the business might be remitted to the Pope, which request should be read in Congregation, hoping that, by persuasions, so many would come unto them, that their number would exceed the other, by one half; the third that the Legates should propose the remission in Congregation; the fourth, that the Pope should presently make an effectual provision, which should be printed immediately, and published every where before the Session, that the opposites, being prevented, might be The objections against them. forced to yield. To the first was objected, that all those who demanded the declaration de iure Divino, would be contrary, and think that rewards and punishments cannot be so effectual as the declaration, especially there being already Decrees of Counsels and Popes, which have never been esteemed: and there would be difference also concerning the rewards and punishments. That the Prelates will make impertinent demands; that, at the least they will desire the collation of Benefices with Cure. That they will demand the abolition of the Privileges of the Regulars, and other exorbitant things; and that they shall ever be in danger of mutation after the proposition made, until it be passed in Session, especially when the Frenchmen come, who may demand a retractation. It was opposed to the second, that the Prelates could not be brought to make request, without clamour; that those who were not called, would disdain and go to the adverse part; that the adversaries also would make unions, and clamours, and complain of the practices. To the third was objected that the opposites would say, that the consent was not voluntary, but for fear of seeming to distrust his Holiness, and because there was not liberty to speak, and if it were refused, it were as much as to call the Pope's authority into question: beside it would be said that this reference was desired by his Holiness. Against the fourth was said, that the Pope's Bull being not read in Council, occasion was given to the Fathers to demand the definition, and if it were, it might be feared that some would demand a greater provision, and so all would succeed with small reputation. Seeing so many difficulties they prolonged the business, which did not give satisfaction, because it had been published, that the Fathers should speak of it. Finally, being forced to resolve, the sixth of November, embracing that course to propose a Decree with rewards and punishments, after that some of the Fathers had spoken concerning the business of that Congregation, the Cardinal of Mantua proposed it in good terms, saying in substance; that it was a thing necessary, desired by all Princes, and that the Emperor had often made request for it, and complained that this point was not immediately dispatched; and that, by troubling themselves with vain questions, which be of no importance, the principal conclusion hath been deferred; that this is not a matter which needeth disputation, but a means only remaineth to be found, to execute that which every one thinketh to be necessary; that the Catholic and most Christian Kings had made instance for the same, and that all Christendom did desire to see the provision; that this matter was spoken of in the time of Paul the third, and passed over by some, very impertinently, with superfluous questions, which then were wisely buried in silence; that it appeareth, by the same reasons, that there is no need to handle any thing now but that which was proposed in the Decree. And, amongst other things, he said, that they were confirmed by the speech of the Ambassador Lansac, who had often showed by good reasons, that nothing was to be required, but that residence should be executed, and that it was to no purpose to show whence the obligation came. Amongst other particles, there was in the Decree, that the Bishops residing should not be bound to pay Tenths, Subsides, or any other Tax, imposed by what authority soever, though at the instance of Kings and Princes. This moved all the Ambassadors very much; but Lansac, dissembling, complained that the Cardinal of Mantua had named him, without telling him of it before, granting he had spoken so much unto him, but as a particular friend, not as an Ambassador. And to make his complaint the more grievous, he found fault also, that the Catholic King was named before the most Christian. Of the Tenths he said nothing, hoping that, by that which he had said, and by some opposition, which the favourers of ius divinum would make, that form of Decree would be hindered. Five Churches said only, that he did not believe that the Emperor's mind was as the Cardinal had proposed. But the Secretary of the Marquis of Pescara demanded openly, that the words might be amended, so that they might not prejudice the grace granted by the Pope to his Catholic Majesty, for the Subsidy of the Galleys. The Legates did believe they had by this means gained the Prelates: but after they understood the exception for Spain, they began to say amongst themselves, that they were favoured in that which could not be granted. For in Spain and France, and unden every other Prince they should be forced to pay; and in the state of the Church also, with a Non obstantibus, the grace would be made of no force. The next day they passed from residence, to Episcopal Order. And Segovia replied, that the institution of Bishop's de iure Divino, was handled, and A difference between the Cardinal of Mantua and the Bishop of Segonia. resolved, in the same Council under julius the third, with a general consent and that himself had delivered his opinion therein, and specified the day and hour● when it was. The Cardinal of Mantua caused the acts of that time to be searched, and that to be read by the Secretary which was then defined to be published, expounding them so, as that he concluded that it was neither decided, nor examined, nor proposed in that manner, as it was said by Segovia. The Bishop answering, though reverently in appearance, there passed so many replies, that they were forced to break up the Congregation. And because some will perhaps desire to know which of them spoke with most reason, it will be fit to recite here that which was then decided in the Congregations, though not published in Session, by reason of the sudden dissolution of that Council, before related. Three heads of doctrine were then composed, the third where of was inscribed, of the Hierarchy, and of the difference of Bishops and Priests: and having spoken much of the Hierarchy, it saith thus afterwards, as it is translated verbatim out of the Latin. Besides, the holy Synod doth teach, that those are not to be hearkened unto, who say that Bishops are not instituted jure divino, it appearing manifestly, by the words of the Gospel, that CHRIST our Lord hath himself called the Apostles, and promoted them to the degree of the Apostleship, into whose place the Bishops are subrogated; neither ought we to think that this, so eminent and necessary a degree, hath been brought into the Church by humane institution; for so we should detract from, and disesteem the divine providence, for failing in the most noble things. These were the words used in that point of doctrine. There were noted also eight Canons; the last whereof said thus: He that shall say that Bishops are not instituted iure Divino, or are not superior to Priests, or have not authority to ordain, or that this doth belong to Priests, let him be anathema. Every one being prepossessed with an opinion, doth find it in all this that is read; and it is not wonder, if each of those two Prelates did find his own in the same words, which the Papalins did interpret only of the power of Order, and the Spaniards of all, which containeth order and jurisdiction. Yet some of the Popish Prelates did believe that Mantua, studiously feigning to think as they did, caused the old determination to be read, not to confirm his own opinion, but the Spanish, which secretly he defended. The Cardinal of Lorraine being entered into Italy, the Pope could not deny the Frenchmen, to cause that he should be expected. And he wrote to Trent, that they should prolong the Session, yet not so as to pass November. The Legates receiving advice that the Cardinal was upon the Lago di Garda, in the Congregation of the ninth of November, Mantua proposed the deferring of the Session until the 26. of the same month, which Lorraine not knowing, sent Carlo de Grassi, Bishop of Monte Finscove, and wrote letters also to the Legates, that, if it would please them to tarry for him, he would be in Trent within a few days. And they resolved to make no more Congregations until his coming, to give him the more satisfaction. The Bishop related, that the Cardinal did show a good intention in all his discourses, and that he would send his opinions to his Holiness, that he might see them; that the Prelates in his company came for the service of God, and with a good mind toward the Apostolic Sea, and did hope that their coming would make a concord in the Council, and cause them to be diligent in making a fruitful reformation, without any respect of their own interest; and many such things he said: which though they were testified by Grassi, and confirmed by the Ambassador de Ferriores, yet the Popish Prelates did believe them only in compliment, and purposed to use all the remedies, desseigned both in Trent and Rome. Lorraine entered Trent, and was met a mile on the way by Card. Madruccio The entry of the Cardinal of Lorraine into Trent. and many Prelates, and by all the Legates at the gate of the City; from which place he was accompanied to the house where he was lodged. He road between the Cardinals Mantua and Seripando, which honour they thought necessary to do unto him, because the same was done unto him by Monte, and Sancta Croce, Legates in Bolonia, when the Council was held in that City, at the time when he went to Rome for the Cap. In the evening he went to visit the Cardinal of Mantua, and had audience the next day before the Legates, He visiteth the Card. of Mantua, had audience the next day, and maketh a speech. with the Ambassadors, Lansac and de Ferrieres. He presented the King's letters directed to the Council, and then made a long discourse, to show his inclination to serve the Apostolic Sea, promising to communicate all his designs to the Pope, and to them the Legates, and not to desire any thing, but to the good satisfaction of his Holiness. He said, he would not be curious in unprofitable questions, adding, that the two controversies, of the institution of Bishops, and of residence, which were spoken of every where, had diminished the authority of the Council, and taken away the good opinion the world held of it. For his own part he professed he was more inclined to the opinion which doth affirm them de iure divino, yet though it were certainly true, he saw no necessity, or opportunity to proceed to the declaration thereof; that the end of the Council ought to be to reunite those to the Church who were separated; that himself had been at a parley with the Protestants, and had not found them so different, but that they may be reduced, if the abuses were taken away; and that no time is more fit to win them then this, because it is certain they were never so united to the Emperor, as now; that many of them, and in particular, the Duke of Wittenberg, was willing to assist in Council: but it was necessary to give him satisfaction, by a beginning of reformation, in which the service of GOD did require that their Excellencies should employ their labour; he shown the desire of the King, that fit remedies might be applied to the necessities of his people, seeing that, as he had war now with the Hugonotes, so if the abuses were not provided against, he should have more to do with the Catholics, whose obedience will be quite lost; that these were the causes why his Majesty had sent him to the Council. He complained that, of all the money which the Pope promised to lend the King, he could receive but five and twenty thousand crowns, disbursed by the Cardinal of Ferrara, in regard of the limitations, put in the Mandates, because they could not be exacted but upon certain conditions, to take away the Pragmatikes of all the Parliaments of the kingdom, a thing of so great difficulty, that there was no hope ever to receive one penny. In the end he said he had brought new instructions to the Ambassadors; and therefore when he had spoken to the Synod, in the King's name, in the first congregation, he would afterwards only deliver his suffrage as an Archbishop, not meddling with the affairs of the kingdom, but leaving the care thereof to them. The Legates answered, without consultation, as every one thought good, The answer of the Legates. commending his piety and devotion towards the Apostolic Sea, and offering to impart all their affairs unto him. They shown what patience they used in suffering the liberty, or rather the licence of Prelates, in their speeches, who went up and down, and moved new questions: but now, his excellency being joined with them, they doubted not but by his advice and assistance they might be able to repress this great boldness, and compose the differences risen, and proceed hereafter in so comely a manner, that the world might receive edification, which before had conceived a bad opinion, that the evil will of the Protestants was too much known, who when they show themselves not averse from concord, than it is to be doubted that they invent new occasions of greater difference; that it is certain that they have demanded a Council, because they thought it would be denied them, and at the same time when they required it, they endeavoured by all means to hinder it, as now those, who are assembled in Francfort, labour that it may not proceed, and use means to the Emperor to interpose some impediment; that they hate the very name of the Council, as much as of the Pope, neither have they formerly made any other use of it, then to cover and excuse their apostasy from the Apostolic Sea, that there was no hope of their conversion, and therefore means only was to be used to preserve the good Catholics in the true faith. They commended the piety and good intention of the king, and shown the desire of the Pope for reformation and what he had done to reform the court, not regarding the diminution of his own revenues, and that he had always written to the Council, that they would labour in the same business, whereunto themselves the Legates were much inclined and disposed, but were hindered by the contentions of the Prelates, which consumed almost all the time; that if in France there be danger to lose the obedience of the Catholics, it is a matter to be treated of with his Holiness. Concerning the loan of money, they said the paternal charity of the Pope towards the King and Kingdom was so great, that they might be assured that the conditions were put in for pure necessity. And after diverse compliments, they concluded that on Monday he should be received in the general congregation, to declare to the Fathers the occasion of his coming, and to read unto them the King's letters. The Legates were troubled with these words of the Cardinal, that he would not meddle with the affairs of the Kingdom, but leave them to the Ambassadors, which were not conformeable to those which Lansac and de Ferrieres had uttered a little before; saying, they were glad of the Cardinals coming, because they should be eased of all pains, all being (as they said) to depend upon his Honourable Lordship. They concluded that they were to take heed of those dissimulations, and the rather, because Cardinal Simoneta had received certain advice from Milan, that the French Abbots, lodged in Saint Ambrose, said they would join with the Spaniards, Dutchmen, and Vltramontanes, and treat of matters which would not please the Court. Besides, the Frenchmen were heard to say in all their discourses, that time was not to be lost in questions, but the reformation to be spoken of; that they ought to begin with taking away plurality of Benefices, and that the Cardinal would be the first to leave them, to give example; that dispensations are to be given gratis; that the Annates, preventions and small dates ought to be removed, and only one provision made for a Benefice: amplifying also the matter, that the Pope had a most excellent occasion to gain immortal glory, by making the foresaid provision, to satisfy Christian people, and to unite, and appease them by providing against these abuses and inconveniences; and that in recompense they would pay unto his Holiness an half Tenth; that they were come thither, resolute not to departed, before they had attempted to make all these provisions, how long soever they tarried there; that in case they saw they could not prevail, they would make no clamour, but return quietly into France, and make the same provisions at home. The Legates also had notice, that the Cardinal held great intelligence with the Emperor, and (which was of more importance) with the King of Bohemia, who were manifestly inclined to give satisfaction to the Princes of Germany, who did undoubtedly hate the Council, and would be glad it might not proceed, but dissolve in some advantageous manner for them, and dishonourable for the Apostolic Sea and the Synod. They suspected also the Catholic King in regard of an advice which came to the Secretary of the Count of Luna, that the instruction being already made in Spain for that Count, it was resolved to send Martin Gazdellone, who had been Secretary to Charles the fift, to bring him, instruction by word of mouth, which they would not commit to writing, by reason of diverse advices which lately had come unto them. And confronting this with another advice received out of France, that the Cardinal of Lorraine had, before he departed, communicated to his Catholic Majesty the petitions, he purposed to handle in Council, and knowing assuredly that he had been solicited by Germany, to make instance for the reformation, they doubted that the coming of that Cardinal might hatch some great novity, and were not pleased one jot with his speech in the audience, concerning the coming of the Dutchmen to the Council, considering the conference he had with the Duke of Wittenberg. In sum, presupposing that a person of so great authority and wisdom would not have come, without a sure ground to build his designs upon, they resolved to send presently all these considerations to the Pope. And having observed that whensoever any extraordinaries came to Trent, or departed, the Prelates took occasion to talk, to seek out the cause, to whisper, to make a noise, and to lay plots also, which, now that the Cardinal was come, might produce more dangerous effects, they dispatched secretly, and wrote that order might be given to the Curriers to leave their guide and baggage at the next Post to Trent, and enter slowly into the City, with the dispatch only. The Cardinal went not into the congregation at the day appointed, by reason of a small fever, which had seized on him; and therefore he desired they would proceed slowly, that he might be present before the resolution. The Legates desired the order should be given to the Curriers to enter secretly into Trent. The Legates resolved to give him satisfaction, and therefore they began the Congregation later than they were wont. In which the French Bishops and Abbats being present, a general muster was made (the number of the Prelates being found to be two hundred and eighteen) and a place assigned to every one. The next day, there being some difficulty about precedence, they made a new assignation of places, making all the Prelates to enter into the Congregation one by one, and conducting every one to his seat. In those Congregations none of the Frenchmen spoke, either because they expected the Cardinal to begin, or because they were willing to see the manner first. The nineteenth of November the Archbishop of Otranto appointed a banquet at night for many Prelates, and he that had A factious banquet. the charge to invite them, saying, that they ought not to fail, in regard of the service they might do the Apostolic Sea, by coming thither, it was immediately published in Trent, that the Popish prelate's, were assembled, to make a combination against the Frenchmen. This distasted them much, and the more, because after the banquet, they were assured that such discourses had been used at the table, and observing that since their coming, some new Prelate did arrive every day, they thought they were mistrusted, and held to be opposites. Therefore the Legates, to make show of all confidence, and respect of honour to the Cardinal, in the Visitations which each of them made while he was sick, they persuaded him to take so good an occasion to compose the controversies which the questions have made; a thing which would be easy for him, and of great reputation, because no man hath been able to effect it. The Cardinal seemed to be willing, and offered his endeavours. The Pope, who in those days had been in some danger, by reason of A plot of the French Ambassador when the Pope was sick. a great unexpected accident, having recovered his health, received advices from the Legates, and from diverse other places, by which the Frenchmen had passed, all uniformly full of their designs. Besides, when he was sick, Monsieur de l' Isle used practices, and laid plots, that, if he had died, the Pope might be created in Trent by Nations, and the Sea held vacant until the reformation were made. For so the Council would be free, and the new Pope would accept the reformation, which was established before his creation. This moved him most of all, as well because every man, and Princes especially, are displeased when any thing is desseigned to be Troubleth his Holiness. done after their death, as also because he was by this most assured, that the Frenchmen were resolved to reform the Court, and the Popedom. These things, and the differences in Trent about the institution of Bishops and residence, caused him to hold a Congregation every day, and he could not forbear to tell every one, that he had no business more important, and dangerous to him then the Conncell. And relating in Consistory the differences in Trent about the institution, and the new proposition of residence, he break out into this exclamation, that all the Bishops beneficed by him were his opposites, and that he maintained an army of enemies in Trent. There was an opinion that he secretly wished some good success to the Hugonots in France, and some advantage to the Protestants in the Diet of Germany, that the Council might be dissolved, and not by his means. But, And maketh him exclaim. being wholly bend to provide remedies, he gave order to the Bishops who He sendeth some Bishops to Trent, and withholdeth others. were not parted from Rome as yet, to departed immediately, and caused Marcus Antonius Boba, Bishop of Asti, Ambassador for the Duke of Savoy, residing with him, to go thither also. On the other side, he forbade the Archbishop of Turris, and the Bishop of Cesena to go thither; the former, because he had defended residence to be de iure divino; with more constancy than the times did comport, in the Council under Paul; the other because he was a familiar friend of the Cardinal of Naples, of whom he doubted much, by reason of the slaughter of his two uncles, and of the executions made against his person: and he feared, because it was said, that the Count of Montebello; father of the Cardinal, had, in his custody, an obligation under Fearing to be accused of S●monie. his hand, by which, being Cardinal in the Conclave, he promised a sum of money to the Cardinal of Naples for his voice to be Pope. But howsoever his greatest diffidence was in the Frenchmen, yet he thought fit to dissemble it. He sent into France forty thousand Crowns, the residue of the hundred thousand which he promised. And he caused Sebastianus Gualterus, Bishop of Viterbo and Ludovicus Antinori to go to Trent, who, having been in France, had some acquaintance with some of those Prelates, and had made themselves known to the Cardinal, under colour to honour him. And he wrote to this Cardinal and to Lansac letters full of compliment, and confidence. Yet they thought that these men were sent to discover the Cardinal's intention, and to observe his proceed; and the rather because they had received advice from Rome, that the Bishop had exhorted the Pope not to be so much afraid, in regard the Cardinal also would find difficulties and impediments, more than he believed he should, and said that himself would make more to arise. The 22. of November, the Cardinal resolved to enter into the Congregation the day following; and it was agreed that the King's letters should be read, and himself make a speech. But Lorraine proposed also, that the Ambassador de Ferrieres should make another. To this the Legates did not consent, because if this had been once permitted, both he and all other Ambassadors, would still be desirous to speak, and propose, with danger of making greater confusion; but, concealing this cause, they said, that neither in this Council, nor under Paul or julius, it was ever permitted to Ambassadors to speak in Congregation, but only when they were first received; and that without the Pope's consent they could not yield to such a novity. But Lorraine answered, that the King's letter, and the instruction being new, it might be called a new Ambassage, and that, the first entrance. After many answers and replies, Lorraine having given his word, that they should not desire to speak any more, the Legates, to give him satisfaction, and that he might not have cause of open distaste, were contented. Therefore the next day, the Congregation being assembled, the King's letter was read, with this inscription. To the most holy and most reverend Fathers, assembled in Trent to celebrate the sacred Council. In which he said, that, it having pleased God to call him to the Kingdom, it hath pleased him also to afflict him with many wars; but hath so opened his eyes, that, howsoever he be young, he knoweth that the principal cause of the evils is The French Kings leters. the diversity of religion. By means of which divine illumination in the beginning of his Kingdom, he made instance for the celebration, of the Council, in which they were then assembled, knowing that in them the ancient Fathers have found the most proper remedies to the like infirmities, and, that he was grieved, that being the first to procure so good a work, he had not been able to send his Prelates with the first; the causes whereof being notorious, he thought he was sufficiently excused; and the rather, because the Cardinal of Lorraine was now arrived; accompanied with other Prelates. That two principal causes hath moved him to send that Cardinal; the first, his own great and frequent instance, to have leave to satisfy his duty, in regard of the place he holdeth in the Church; the second, because, being of his Privy Council, and exercised from his youth, in the most important affairs of the Kingdom, he knoweth the necessity thereof, better than any other, and whence the occasions do arise: so that he will be able to make a relation unto them, conformable to the charge which is given him, and demand in his name the remedies which are expected from their wisdom, and fatherly affection, as well for the tranquillity of the Kingdom, as for the general good of all Christendom. He beseeched them to proceed herein with their wont sincerity, that they may come to an holy reformation, and that the ancient lustre of the Catholic Church may appear, in the union of all Christendom in one religion; which will be a work worthy of them, desired by the whole world, recompensed by God, and commended by all Princes. In conclusion, for the particulars; he referred himself to the Cardinal, praying them to believe him in whatsoever he● should say unto them on his part. After this the Cardinal spoke. In the beginning, he shown the miseries The speech of the Cardinal of ●oraine. of the Kingdom, deplored the wars, the demolitions of Churches, occisions of religious persons, conculcation of the Sacrament, burning of the libraries, images and relics of Saints, overthrowing of the monuments of Kings, Princes, and Bishops, and expulsion of the true Pastors. And, passing to civil matters, he shown the contempt of the King's Majesty, usurpation of his rents; violation of the laws, and seditions raised amongst the people. He attributed the cause of all this to the corruption of manners, to the ruin of Ecclesiastical discipline, and negligence in repressing heresy, and in using remedies instituted by God. Turning to the Ambass. of Princes, he told them that that which they do now behold at leisure in France, they shall find at home, when it will be too late to repent, if France, tumbling down with its own weight, shall fall upon places near unto it. He spoke of the virtue and good disposition of the King, the counsels of the Queen, and King of Navarre, and of the other Princes, but said, the principal matter was expected from the Synod, whence the peace of God, which passeth all understanding, aught to come. That the most Christian King being assured hereof, in regard of his observance towards that Synod, and of his sorrow for the differences of religion, did demand two things of them. The first, that they would avoid new discords, new and unprofitable questions and cause a suspension of Arms amongst all Princes and States, that scandal may not be given to the Protestants, and occasion to believe, that the Synod doth more labour to incite Princes to war, and to make confederations and leagues, then to keep the unity of peace. That King Henry hath first established it, and then Francis continued it, and that the present King, under age, and his mother, have always desired it; which how soever it hath unhappily succeeded, yet they might fear that the accidents of the war would be more unfortunate. For all the states of the Kingdom being in danger of shipwreck, one cannot help another. He therefore desireth that some account may be held of those who are gone astray from the Church, pardoning them as much as may be done without offending God, and holding them for friends, as much as is possible, even as fare as unto the Altars. The second request, common to the King with the Emperor and other Kings and Princes, was, that a reformation of manners, and of Ecclesiastical discipline, should be handled seriously; wherein the King did admonish and conjure them by CHRIST our LORD, who will come to judgement, that, if they meant to restore the authority of the Church, and retain the Kingdom of France, they would not balance the incommodities of the French men with their own. He said he was glad, that Italy was all in peace, and that Spain did govern the Helm; but that France was fallen, and scarce held it with one finger. He added, that, if they will demand, who hath caused this tempest and fortune, he can say nothing but this, that this fortune is come by our own means, cast us into the Sea. Therefore that there was need of boldness, and courage, to look unto themselves, and the whole flock. In the end, he said, he had ended his Legation, and, that the Ambassadors would say the rest; but himself and the Prelates who came with him, did protest that, after God, they would be subject to the most blessed Pope Pius, acknowledging his Primacy on earth, above all Churches, whose commands they will never refuse; that they do reverence the Decrees of the Catholic Church, and of the general Synod, that they did honour the Legates, offer concord and union to the Bishops, and were glad that the Ambassadors were witnesses of what they said, all for the honour of the divine Majesty. Having made an end of speaking, the Cardinal of Mantua, in few words, commending him for the pains he had taken for the service of God, said, that The answer. all the Synod was glad of his coming, made honourable mention of his brothers, who in their profession shown no less readiness in the service of God and the kingdom, and referred himself to the answer which the Arch bishop of Zara, deputed hereunto, should make, in the name of the Council. Who said that the Synod was sorry to hear of the seditions and differences of religion in France, whose quiet and tranquillity was always dear unto them, and the more then, because by the narration of his Excellency, they were so lively set before their eyes, but hoped that shortly the King, imitating the virtue of his predecessors, would be able to repress them, that the Synod will labour, by all means, to make the true worship of God known, to reform manners, and restore tranquillity to the Church, which end they might more easily attain, if they were assisted by his Excellency, and the Prelates who came with him. He spoke largely in commendation of the Cardinal, and concluded that the Synod thanked God for his coming, and gave him joy of it, and offered to give care to whatsoever should be delivered by the Ambassadors, in fit time and place, not doubting, but that it would be for the glory of God, benefit of the Church, and great dignity of the Apostolic Sea. Afterwards the Ambassador de Ferrieres spoke. He began with the commendation The speech of de Ferrieres the French Ambassador. of the King's disposition, inclined to Religion, which appeared more by the coming and discourse of the Cardinal; by whom it might be known, how great care France did take of the good of the Catholic Church, because every on might see that most potent reasons had induced the King to send him, in regard he had ever employed him in his counsel, in the greatest affairs of the Kingdom, that the King could appease all the seditions in three days, and keep all his Subjects in their natural obedience, if he aimed only at his own good, and did not desire to maintain the Catholic Church, and retain the dignity and authority of the Pope in France; for which he exposeth to danger the Kingdom, his life, and the goods of all the Grandees and Nobles. And, descending to the requests, he added, that they would not be troublesome, nor obstinate in them, that they did demand nothing but that which all the Christian world demandeth that the most Christian King doth request that which Constantine the great requested of the Fathers in the Council of Nice, that all his demands are contained in the holy Scripture, in the old Counsels of the Catholic Church, and in the ancient Constitutions, Decrees, and Canons of the Popes and Fathers; that the most Christian King doth demand the restitution of the Catholic Church to its integrity, by means of them the Fathers, constituted by CHRIST as the chief judges, not by a Decree with a general clause, but according to the form of the express words of that perpetual and divine Edict, against which, neither usurpation nor Prescription can take place, so that those good orders which the devil hath taken away by force and concealed a long time, may be restored, as it were, out of captivity to the holy city of God, and to the sight of men. He exemplified in Darius, who composed the tumults of judea, not by arms, but by executing the ancient Edict of Cyrus; in josias, who reform Religion, by causing the book of the Law to be read and observed, which had been concealed by the malice of men. Then he spoke acutely, and said, if they shall demand why France is not in peace, he could answer nothing, but that which jehu say to joram; How can there be peace, there remaining? and concealed the words following, but added, you know the text. Then he said, that if they do not seriously labour in the reformation, the assistance of the King of Spain, of the Pope and of other Princes, will be in vain, and the blood of those who perish, though justly, for their own sins, will be required at the hands of them the Fathers. He concluded, that, before they would descend to the particulars which they meant to demand, they desired that the things which they had begun to handle, might be dispatched quickly, that they might, as soon as was possible, apply themselves to other matters of more weight, and of greater necessity in that time. The biting liberty of this Ambassador did no less displease, then that of his Colleague Pibrac, at their first coming to Trent; but the fear they had of the Frenchmen made them forget all. The next day the Congregations were continued, and the first was all spent by Friar jaspar of Casal, Bishop of Liria: who, to inform the Cardinal of Lorraine of all the reasons of the Spaniards, did recapitulate, with great eloquence, whatsoever they had said in this matter. He added beside, that nothing was more in favour of the Lutherans, then to say that Bishops are instituted by the Law of man; that by this means, their novity is approved, in making Preachers, or Predicants, or Ministers to govern the Church, in stead of Bishops instituted by CHRIST. He said that to him that readeth the Epistles of Saint Gregory, to john of Constantinople, and to others against him, for calling himself Universal Bishop, it doth plainly appear, that it cannot be said, that the institution of the Pope is from Christ, if it be not said that the institution of Bishops is from him also. The Cardinal of Lorraine made a congregation of Prelates and French Divines in his own house, to understand their opinion concerning the jurisdiction of Bishops; in which it was uniformly resolved amongst them, that they did receive it from GOD, and that it did belong unto them iure divino. The Papalins are distasted with the French Congregations. And this singularity of congregation was used afterwards by the Cardinal in all occurrences to the great distaste of the Papalins, who said he held a Council apart, and feared that the Spaniards would imitate the example, which might in time make a manifest schism, as it happeneth in the first Council of Ephesus, by the Congregations which Egyptians and Syrians held apart. But the Papalins had, amongst the Spaniards Barthomeus Sebastianus Bishop of Patti, who a Spaniard by nation, because he had a Bishopric in Sicily, had great intelligence in Rome, and had discovered all the Spanish practices and counsels. Amongst the Frenchmen, about the time jacobus Hugonius betrayeth the French Prelates. when the Cardinal of Lorraine put himself in order for the journey, the Nuncio in France did gain jacobus Hugonius, a Franciscan Friar, a Divine of the Sorbone, elected by the Cardinal for his company; with whom he had some cause of acquaintance because he was constituted Proctor for the Council, by johannes 〈◊〉, Bishop of Triguier, where of he sent news to Rome, and addressed him for correspondence in Trent, with his letters to Lactantius Rovereda Bishop of Ascoli. But Simoneta was not willing to put such confidence in that Bishop, nor would suffer him to know the intelligence which was to be held with that Divine. Therefore when Lorraine was near unto Trent, he caused the Bishop of Ventimiglia to send another Friar of S. Francis, called Pergola, to meet Hugonius, to tell him from him, that he was informed by the Nuncio of France, of a letter which he brought to the Lord Bishop of Ascoli, who had written also unto him that he should speak with him before he did deliver it. Pergola did this business cunningly, so that the Divine promised to do so, and accordingly went to Ventimiglia a few days after he came to Trent; and after that they knew one another, and the tokens that they were to treat together; the Friar made him a relation of the state of all things, and said, that one ruin of the kingdom did especially proceed from the Queen, who favoured the heretics, as himself saw plainly, in the dispurations which he often had with them in her presence. Concerning the Ambassadors in Trent, he said they were corrupted also. The Cardinal he held to be a good Catholic, but inclined to impertinent reformations of Ecclesiastical Rites, of the use of the Cup, of taking away images, of bringing in the vulgar tongue, and such other things, whereunto he was persuaded by the Duke of Guise his brother, and others of his kindred, and that the Queen at his departure, had effectually persuaded him to it, and given him twenty thousand crowns. He said, that amongst the Bishops there were three of the same faction; but, above all, that the Bishop of Valence held intelligence with the Queen, and was sent expressly by her, as the prime man to whom the Cardinal was to bear respect. In the end, they set down an order how to meet, and treat together, Ventimiglia gave him fifty crowns in gold, as the Legates had appointed, which at the first he refused to accept; but Ventimiglia persuaded him with good terms to be content. Notwithstanding himself did not take them, but called his servant, who was with him, and gave him order to keep them in the name of his Religion. I have often rehearsed, and continue still, many particulars, which I am sure many will think not worthy of mention, as I have thought myself; but finding them preserved and noted in the memorial of those who were present in the actions, I persuade myself, that for some respect, unknown to me, they have deemed them worthy of commemoration, and therefore, according to their judgement rather than mine own, I have thought fit to relate them. Perhaps some sharp wit may discover in them some thing which is not penetrated by me, and those who do not esteem them will lose but a little labour in reading them. The six and twentieth of November, destinated for the Session, Cardinal Seripando proposed in Congregation, that it might be deferred, in regard the Decrees which they were to publish were not established. And he admonished the Prelates of their long discourses, by means whereof they could not determine any certain day for the Session, which therefore was necessarily to be deferred during pleasure. He told them that many of them spoke of abuses, not remembering that to spend so much time, in vain disputations without any fruit, was the greatest abuse of all, which was necessarily to be taken away, if they desired to see the end of the Council, with edification. Lorraine confirmed the same, and exhorted the Fathers to leave those questions, which were nothing to the purpose in that time, and to be brief and diligent in dispatching the things already proposed, that they may come to things of more importance and necessity. Many of the Prelates did not consent that the Session should be deferred during pleasure, and required a determinate time. To whom it being replied, that it was not possible, because they knew not when they should end the matter now in hand, which was so much controversed amongst them, it was concluded that the determinate time should be set down within eight days. The same day the Senator Molines arrived, sent by the Marquis of Peseara, to renew and give strength to the persuasions, used to the Spanish Prelates, in favour of the Pope, which having been made by the Secretary resident, had done no good. He brought new letters of credence to them all from the Marquis, and laboured with great diligence▪ Which wrought a contrary effect. For the Prelates did interpret it to be a practice of the Cardinal of Arragon, brother of the Marquis, without any express commission from the King. It appearing now, that the further they proceeded about this point of the institution, the more difficulty did arise, the Ambassadors of France used means, that a temper might befound, that they might rid themselves of those superfluities and come to the business of the Reformation, that they might know what they might hope for from the Council. And the Bishop of Nismes told them, when he gave his voice, that if the Fathers were delighted to decide a curiosity, which in conclusion will be nothing but words, yet they ought not to entertain others with it, but deferring it until another time, to handle that now which is more necessary. Diego Covarrwias, Bishop of Citta di Rodrigo, who spoke after him, excusing the Fathers for spending time in that question, said, that, it having been proposed by the Lords the Legates, the Prelates could not choose but deliver their opinions. Wherewith Cardinal Simoneta being moved, did deny that the proposition was made by them; and Seripando did second him more fiercely, and said, that themselves assuming too much licence, did not think it sufficient to discourse of the superiority of Bishops which was proposed, but had set on foot also the other of the institution, and added Ius divinum unto them both; and not contented with the patience used in suffering them to say what they will, they began also to lay the blame upon the Legates. He sharply reprehended their too much liberty in entering into these questions, and their boldness in treating of the Pope's power, vainly and superfluously repeating the same things, more than ten times, some also using frivolous reasons, and foolish, unworthy of that assembly. And, in the progress of his speech, perceiving he had been too bitter, he began to set them down a form how every Prelate should give his voice in Council. Speaking of the questions proposed, he shown that both the opposite opinions were probable, and that in case that de iure Divino had more probability, yet it was not a thing to be decided in Council. He could not by this means pacify the minds of many that were moved; neither did he absolutely please the Cardinal of Lorraine, who made all possible demonstration to gain a good opinion. For he made means to know the men, and to inform himself what was possible to be done, that he might not undertake the business before he knew it would succeed; and he affected also to be the man who should compose the differences, and be judge of the question. For dispatch of the matter, a proposition was made to depute some Prelates of every nation, as it were to compromise the resolution by them. But it could not be done, because the French and Spaniards desired an even number of every nation, and the Italians, as they were more in number then the others, so they would have a greater number in this deputation. Simoneta was the first to oppose this proposition, for fear of reviving the custom of the Council of Basill. At this time a new matter of contention was prepared. For the Count of Luna gave the Legates to understand, that he was to come to Trent Ambassador of the King of Spain, and not of the Emperor, but would first know what place would be allowed him. The Legates called the French Ambassadors, and told them of it, desiring them to find some means to compose the difference for precedence. They answered that they were not A question about precedence between France and Spain. sent to compose differences, but to hold the place due, and always granted to their King; that they meant not to prejudice the King of Spain in any thing belonging to him, but to do him all honour and service, as being a cousin, and a friend to their King, and that they had charge, if their place was not given unto them, to make protestation of the nullity of the acts of the Council, and to departed with all the French Prelates. The Cardinal of Mantua proposed this course, to make the Spanish Ambassador set apart from the others over against the Legates, or under the Ecclesiastical Ambassadors, or under the Secular Ambassadors. But the Frenchmen were contented with none of these courses, saying that by all means he should have his place after them, and no where else. In the Congregation of the first of December Melchior Auosmediano, Bishop The Bishop of Guadice causeth a great stir in the Council. of Guadice, speaking of that part of the last Canon, where it was determined that Bishops, called by the Pope, are true and lawful, said, that the manner of expressing it did not please him, because there were also Bishops not called by the Pope, nor confirmed by him, who notwithstanding were true and lawful. For example he brought four suffragans, elected and ordained by the Archbiship of Salzburg, who take no confirmation from the Pope. Cardinal Simoneta did not suffer him to proceed, saying, that whatsoever the Bishop of Slazburg, or other Primats did, was all by the Pope's authority. Friar Thomas Castello, Bishop of Cava, and the Patriarch of Venice stood up both at once, and said that he ought to be put out of the Council, as a Schismatic. And Egidius Falceta, Bishop of Caurle, cried aloud, Out with the Schismatic. And there followed a great noise amongst the Prelates, as well of whispering, as of feet, partly in offence of the Prelate that gave his voice, and partly in defence: which gave but small satisfaction to the Prelates beyond the mountains. The Cardinal of Lorraine was dipleased, The Card, of Lorraine saith the Council was not free. but made no demonstration of it; and the Legates did hardly appease the stir, by making others proceed who were to speak in that Congregation; which being ended, the Cardinal of Lorraine said, in presence of many of the Popish Prelates, that the insolency had been great, that the Bishop of Guadice had not spoken ill, and that, if he had been a Frenchman, he would have appealed to another Council more free, and that in case provision were not made that all might speak freely, the Frenchmen would return, to make a Nationall Council in France. And indeed it was found that the Bishop had not spoken ill, and the Canon was corrected; for whereas it said, The Bishops called by the Pope of Rome, it was altered thus, The Bishops assumed by authority of the Pope of Rome. The next day, in which they were to determine the just time for the Session, the Cardinal of Mantua proposed, that it might be prorogued until the seventeenth; and if, in the mean while, the Decrees of reformation, beloging to the matter which was handled, could not be put in order, it should be deferred until the next Session. The Cardinal of Lorraine consented for that day, but with condition, that the whole matter might be handled, and nothing deferred until the next Session, in which it was necessary to begin the general reformation. The Arch bishop of Prague, Five Churches, and the Orator of Polonia, agreed in the same opinion. and, after much contention, between those, who (as the Bishop of Nismes had said) would have those questions deferred until another time, and others, who would have them decided, it was resolved to appoint the Session for the day aforesaid, with order, that, to dispatch all the matter, they should hold two Congregations every day, and if they would not decide all, yet they should publish those Decrees which could be made by that time, deferring the undecided points until another, handling the reformation in the next Session, before they entered into matter of doctrine. Mantua did also reprehend the noise made with feet, and words, the day before, concluding that, if hereafter they would not speak with that respect and reverence which might beseem their own dignity, the presence of them the Legates, who represent his Holiness, and of the Cardinals and Ambassadors, who represent the Princes, they would go out of the Congregation, that they might not endure so great disorders. The Cardinal of Lorraine commended the admonition, and said, that as the Legates ought not to go out of the Congregation for any occasion whatsoever, so it was most just that the perturbers of it should be punished. The Bishop of Cava would neither excuse himself for that which he had said, nor receive the admonition with silence, though it was in general, but said, that the causes ought to be removed that the effects might cease; that if the words of the Bishop of Guadice had offended his own person, he would have endured it, for Christian charity, which as it requireth patience in wrongs committed against one's self, so it maketh men sensible of the injuries done unto CHRIST, whose divine Majesty is offended, when the authority of his Vicar is touched, that he had spoken well, yea, as well as might be, and confirmed the same with other words of the same sense, which were generally condemned of petulancy. jacobus Gilbertus, of Nogueras, Bishop of Aliffe, in delivering his voice, The suffrage of the Bishop of Aliffe concerning the institution of Bishops. said, that, concerning the institution of Bishops, one could not speak with better ground, then considering well and understanding the words of Saint Paul to the Ephesians. For as it is most true that CHRIST did rule the Church with an absolute government, while he lived in mortal flesh, as others had judiciously said, so it was a great untruth which was added, that is, that, being in heaven, he hath abandoned the same government, yea, he doth exercise it rather more than before. And this is it which he spoke to his Apostles, at his departure; I am with you until the end of the world; adding also the assistance of the holy Ghost; so that now also not only the inward influence of graces cometh from CHRIST, as from the Head, but an external assistance also, though invisible to us, which doth minister occasions of salvation to the faithful and driveth away the temptations of the world. Notwithstanding, besides all these things, he hath instituted also some members of the Church for Apostles, Pastors, etc. to defend the faithful from errors, and to direct them to the unity of faith, and knowledge of GOD. And upon these he hath best owed a gift, necessary for the exercising of this holy office, which is the power of jurisdiction, which is not equal in all, but so much as every one hath, is given him immediately by CHRIST. Nothing is ●ord contrary to Saint Paul, then to say, that it was given to one only, to impart it to whom he listed. It is true that it is not equal in all, but according to the divine distribution, which, as Saint Cyprian saith, that the unity of the Church might be preserved, did ordain, that the supreme should be in Peter and his successors; not that it should be absolute, and, according to the Proverb, that the will may be a law, but, as Saint Paul saith, for edification of the Church only, not for destruction so that it cannot be extended to abrogate laws, and Canons, made by the Church, for a foundation of government. And here he began to allege the Canons cited by Gratian, in which the ancient Popes do confess themselves to be subject to the Decrees of the Fathers, and to the constitutions of their predecessors. The Cardinal Varminese interrupted him, and said, that the subject to speak on was the superiority of Bishops; so that this discourse was beside the matter. The Bishop answered, that the authority of Bishops being handled, it was necessary to speak of that of the Pope. And Granata stood up, and said, that others had spoken of it superfluously, not to say perniciously, meaning Laynez, and therefore that Aliffe might speak of it likewise. The Bishop of Cava stood up, and said, that others had spoken of it, but not in that manner; and whisperings beginning to arise amongst the Prelates, Simoneta made a sign to Cava to hold his peace, and admonishing Aliffe to speak to the point, he quieted the noise. But he continuing to allege the Canons, as he had begun, Varmiense interrupted him again, not speaking unto him but making a formal discourse to the Fathers, concerning that matter. He said the heretics pretend to prove, that Bishops, elected by the Pope, are not true and lawful, and that this is the opinion which ought to be condemned, but whether true Bishops are instituted iure Divino, or not, there is no difference between the heretics and the Catholics, and therefore the question doth not belong to the Synod, which is congregated only to condemn the heresies. He advised the Fathers to abstain from speaking things which might give occasion of scaudall, and exhort them to leave these questions. Aliffe desired to reply; but Simoneta with the assistance of some other Prelates, did pacify him, though with some difficulty. And after him spoke Autonius Maria Saluia●●, Bishop of Saint Papulo; who said, that all were assembled for the service of GOD, and proceeded with a good intention, though some one way, and some another. And, having said many things which served partly to accord the opinions, but principally to reconcile their minds, was a cause that the Congregation did quietly end; and that words of humanity and reverence did pass between the Cardinal and the Bishop. The fourth of December, the Cardinal of Lorraine delivered his opinion The suffrage of the Card, of Lorraine. concerning the same matter, and spoke at large, saying, that jurisdiction was given by God immediately to the Church. He alleged the place of Saint Austin, that the keys are given to Peter, not unto one person, but unto the unity, and, that Peter, when CHRIST promised him the keys, did represent all the Church, who if he had not been a Sacrament; that is, representing the Church, CHRIST would not have given them unto him. And he shown a great memory in reciling the places word by word. Then he said, that that part of jurisdiction which is joined with Episcopal order, the Bishops do receive immediately from God; and declaring in what it doth consist, amongst other things, he specified, that power of excommunication is contained in it, enlarging himself much in the exposition of that place of Saint Matthew, in which CHRIST doth prescribe the manner of brotherly correction, and judicial of the Church, with authority to separate the disobedient from the body thereof. Then he disputed against that opinion, alleging diverse reasons taken out of the words of CHRIST, spoken to Saint Peter, and from the exposition which S. Leo the Pope doth give unto them in many places. He exemplified in many Bishops who had acknowledged all their jurisdiction to come from the Apostolic Sea, and spoke with so much eloquence, and in such sort, that it could not clearly be discovered, what his opinion was. Afterwards he said, that Counsels had authority immediately from God; alleging the words of CHRIST, Where two or three shall be assembled in my name, I will be in the midst of them, and the Council of the Apostles, which ascribeth the resolution to the holy Ghost; and the style of all Counsels, in saying they are congregated in the holy Ghost and, in particular of that of Constance, which saith plainly, that it hath authority immediately from CHRIST. But he added, that speaking of Counsels, his meaning was that the head should be joined with it, and that nothing was of more service for the union of the Church, then to confirm well the Pope's authority; that himself would never consent to determine any thing in diminution thereof, and that all the Prelates and Clergy of France were of the same opinion. And returning to the institution of Bishops, and speaking still with the same ambiguity, he concluded in the end, that the question was boundless. Afterwards exhorted the Fathers to leave it, and himself gave a form to the Canon, in which the words, iure divino, were omitted; and, instead of them, it was said, Instituted by CHRIST. The French Prelates, who spoke then after Lorraine, and the days following, used not the same ambiguity, nor the same respect towards the Apostolic Sea, but maintained openly, that the authority of Bishops was, de iure divino, alleging the reasons, delivered by the Cardinal, and expounding them; who howsoever, while they spoke, leaned his head upon his hand, as if he had been displeased, yet they noted him for ambition, as if he had purposely procured a Comment to be made upon his opinion. But the Spaniards were not satisfied with the French men; though they did openly defend their opinion, as well because the Cardinal had spoken ambiguously, as for that he and the other Prelates did not hold the institution and superiorritie of Bishop's de iure divino to be necessary to be determined in Council, but rather that it ought to be omitted. And they were more displeased with the form of the Canon, proposed by the Cardinal, in which the words de iure divino, were left out, howsoever, more for their satisfaction, then for any other respect, these words were put in, That they are instituted by CHRIST. The Frenchmen and Spaniards had the same end, to provide against the ambition and avarice of the Court, which did domineer at their pleasure, with precepts, unprofitable, and of no fruit, and drew a great quantity of money from Christian nations, by collation of Benefices, and dispensations. But the Spaniards judged, in regard of the devotion which the people of their Country bear to the Pope, and of the inclination of the King, and of his counsel, abhorring novities, if this had been done directly, and openly, it would have raised a scandal, and could not have been effected, and that the Pope would easily have interposed so many difficulties with the Princes, that they should never have been able to come to the declaration thereof; but that according to the custom of that nation, they ought to take their aim afar off, and, by declaring that jurisdiction and residence are from CHRIST, and de inre divino, to put that order in reputation with the people, to withstand the violent courses which the Court of Rome might take against their persons, that so in progress of time, they meght have means to reform the Churches, for the service of GOD, and tranquillity of the people, restoring the liberty usurped by the Romans. But the Frenchmen, who by nature do proceed openly, and with passion, esteem these arts vain. They said, there would not want means at Rome to make them unprofitable, and that they required so much time before they could be brought to effect, that no good hope could be conceived of them; that the true means was, without art, directly and plainly to rush down the abuses, which are too clear and manifest, and that there was no greater difficulty to obtain this which was the principal end, than there was to obtain the pretence, which, being obtained, would be as much as nothing. And their counsels were no less different in another particular also. They all agreed; in judging it necessary that the execution of the Decrees of the Council should be so firm and stable, that it might not be altered. But there was some difference between the Frenchmen and Spaniards, about the manner how to order that the Decrees of that Council might neither be derogated from, nor altered by the Pope, by dispensations; non obstanties, and such other clauses of Rome. And therefore the Frenchmen disseigned that the superiority of the Council above the Pope should be decided, or a constitution made, that the Decrees thereof could nither be derogated from, nor dispensed with, which would be an absolute remedy. The Spaniards thought it a hard point, and therefore not to be attempted, because the Pope would always be favoured by Princes, when he should complain that his authoritiy was diminished, and would be assisted by the greater part of the Italian Prelates, in regard of the dignity of their Country, and for many private interests. And, for themselves, they thought it sufficient that the Council should make the Decrees, purposing afterward to obtain a pragmatique from the King upon them, by which means they would so be established, that the Pope's dispensations to the contrary could not enter into Spain. The Legates dispatched an express Currier, with a copy of the proposition of the Cardinal of Lorraine, and of the animadversion of some Canonists made upon it; showing that the Papal authority was in question, demanding that order should be sent them what to do. Whereof the Cardinal, when he knew it, was very sensible, and complained that having given the copy before he spoke in the Congregation, and the Legates seeming to be pleased, they had afterwards showed so much distrust of him. He The Legates send the proposition of the Card, of Lorraine to Rome said he thought it strange, that fear was apprehended by every thing that either himself, or any of the French Prelates said, or did. He complained that his Nation was wronged by the Italians, affirming, that, with his Wherewith he is displeased. own ears, he had hard some Italian Prelates scornfully use that scurrile proverb, which was already made common throughout all Trent, that is; That from the Spanish scab, we are fallen into the French pox: of which the other Frenchmen did complain upon every occasion, and the Spaniards also. Whose complaints, as the custom is did more incite the curious; and A disgrace full proverb in Trent. the suspicions and diffidences btweene the Nations did, with very great danger, increase: neither were the Legates and wiser sort of Prelates able to stop the motion, though they opposed both with authority and with persuasions. The, Frenchmen, being provoked, did resolve to make proof of their liberty, and agreed that, in the Congregation of the seventh day, the Cardinal of Lorraine should not be present, and that their Prelates who were to speak should use freedom, and that, if they were reprehended, their Ambassadors should protest; and Lansac, that they might know it and beware, in presence of many of them, said to Antonius Lecius, Bishop of Orange, one of the speakers, that he ought to speak freely, and without fear, and that the King's protection was sufficient to maintain him. This being reported to the Legates, was a cause that they were heard with much patience, though they said that the institution and jurisdiction of Bishops The French opinion concerning the Pope's authority. was de iure divino, as well as that of the Pope, and that there was no difference, but in degree of superiority, and that the Pope's authority is confined within the limits of the Canons, relating, and commending the style of the Parliaments of France; that, when any Pope's Bull is presented which containeth any thing contrary to the Canons received in France, they pronounce it to be abusive, and forbidden the execution. This liberty made the Papalins use more respect in their speeches, though the proverb pleased them so well, that sometimes some of the merry Prelates could not forbear to use it. The pretence for the absence of the Cardinal of Lorraine, was the advice of the death of the King of Navarre, which came to Trent that day. This The death of the King of Navarre made a great change in Trent, and in France Prince, wounded with a bullet at the siege of Rouen, in September, was never well cured, and at the last, died. near unto his death, he received the Communion after the Catholic manner, at the persuasion of his Physician Visentius Laurus, and afterwards wavered towards the doctrine of the Protestants, and so died the tenth of November. This accident made a great mutation in the Council; and Lorraine did suddenly change all his designs. For that King had a principal hand in the Commissions given to the Cardinal at his departure, so that he was uncertain whether, after his death, the Queen, and others, would continue in the same heat. Besides, he saw a manifest change in the whole government, and therefore desired to be in France, that himself might bear part of it also. For the Prince of Conde being in open dissension, distrusting the Queen and those who had power with her, the Cardinal of Bourbon uncapable, Montpensier in small credit, the Constable old, of whom many also were emulous, he had a great conceit that his brother might be the Chief for Arms, and himself for counsel. And he ruminated these things in his mind, thinking but little of the Council, and of Trent, where he was. The other Frenchmen said openly, they ought to thank God for the death of the King, because he began to waver, and to join his own interests with those of his brother, and of the other Hugonots. The next day, being the eighth of December, was all spent in ceremonies, for the election of Maximilian King of the Romans. The Arch bishop of Prague sang the Mass of the holy Ghost, with the assistance of the whole Council: the Bishop of Tininia made a sermon, in commendation of the Prince, and the Cardinals and Ambassadors were invited by Prague. So soon as the Diet was assembled in Francfort, the Prince of Conde sent, not only to demand assistance from the Protestant Princes, but also to treat an union of the Hugonots, with those of the Confession of Ausburg; and in particular, to make a joint demand for a free new Council, in which the resolutions of Trent might be examined, the Frenchmen of the old Catholic Religion giving hope also that they would agree unto it, because it had been promised to the Ambassador of France, (who afterwards was created Cardinal della Bordissiera) that it should be done. But the Dutch Protestants were most averse from the Council, so long as Germany might be in peace without it. And therefore a book was printed in Francfort, full of excuses, and reasons, why they neither would, nor could come to Trent, with protestation of the nullity of all that was, and would be done in that place. The King was first anointed, and crowned King of Bohemia, in Prague, The coronation of the King of Bohemia. in presence of his father, the Emperor, by that Archbishop who went from Trent into Bohemia, to perform that ceremony, that the King might have a voice in the Imperial Diet. Being come to Francfort, they were forced to expect until the Canons of Colon had elected their Archbishop, because that Sea was then void; so that the Princes had much time to handle many matters, expecting still in that place, that the number of seven might be full, by the Coronation in Bohemia, and the election in Colen. They were troubled in Rome with these thimgs, and afraid, that the Diet would send to Trent, to protest, and that some new form would be used in the coronation, and the old abolished, which would show an inclination to departed from the ancient Rites; or that some promise would be made, by the new King, prejudicial to the Pope's authority. But the Emperor, and the King used much art to divert the handling of points of Religion before the Election, which was made the 24 of November, and the coronation the last The election of the King of the Romans. of that month. In which the Electors, and other Protestant Princes stood at the Mass until the Gospel was read, and then they went forth. This only was new. But the Pope's Nuncio took place above the Electours and Ambassadors. The coronation being past, the Emperor began to practise with some of the Protestants, that they would adhere to the Council of Trent; who, not to be prevented, assembling themselves together, presented to the Emperor the answer, promised 20. months before to his Ambassadors, in the assembly at Namburg, which was deferred until then. Conditions required by the Protestant's of Germany, before they would assist the, Council. In which having declared the causes why they had, inmany Imperial Diets, appealed and did appeal again unto a free Council, they added the conditions, which they held to be necessary, with which they offeredto assist in a future general Council. 1. That it should be celebrated in Germany. 2. That it should not be intimated by the Pope. 3. That he should not preside, but be part of the Council, subject to the determinations thereof. 4. That the Bishops and other Prelates should be freed from their oath given to the Pope, that they may freely, and without impediment, deliver their opinions. 5. That the holy Scripture might be judge in the Council, and all humane authority excluded. 6. That the Divines of the States of the Augustan Confession, sent to the Council, might not only have a consulting, but deciding voice also, and might have a Safeconduct, both for their people, and for the exercise of their religion. 7. That the decisions in Council, should not be made, as in Secular matters, by plurality of voices, but the more sound opinions preferred, that is, those which were regulated by the word of God. 8. That the acts of the Council of Trent should be made void, because it is partial, celebrated by one part only, and not governed according to promise. 9 That if a concord in religion cannot be concluded in the Council, the conditions of Passau may remain inviolable, as also the peace of religion, made in Ausburg, in the year 1555. may continue in strength and force, and every one bound toobserue it. 10. That, concerning the foresaid conditions, a fit and sufficient caution be given. The Emperor, having received the writing, promised to labour for concord, and to use means that the Council may be celebrated, where they cannot refuse, with reason, to assist, so that on their part they would lay aside hatred and passion, which are contrary to Christian peace. And, to this end, he offered to go in person to Trent, and resolved to pass to Ispruc, so soon as the Diet was ended, where being distant from Trent but four small days journey, he might in a short time effect whatsoever was necessary. But in Council the Prelates having made an end of giving voices concerning the Institution, so much discussed: no resolution was made, because the Legates did expect it from Rome: But they gave forth the Canon of Residence, having first imparted it to the Cardinal of Lorraine, which was, as was said before, without the declaration whether it was de iure divino, or no, but with rewards and penalties. And Lorraine, giving his voice first, said it was necessary to grant power to the Bishops to absolve from cases reserved In caena Domini: which he protested he spoke, not to diminish the authority of his Holiness, but because, having seen in France that no transgressor thereof did care to go or send to Rome for absolution, he thought it worse, both for the souls of the people, and for the dignity of the Apostolic Sea, to leave them in those censures. He added also that he thought it not fit so to tie Bishops to residence, that they might not be absent for just causes, which were to be referred to the judgement of his Holiness. He said moreover, that the public employments in the affairs of Kingdoms, and republikes, were to be accepted, because they seem not to be alien from the Episcopal charge, especially in Kingdoms, where the Ecclesiastical order is a member of the State, as in France, and the Kingdoms, of Spain also. The Cardinal was very prolix; and howsoever he repeated often that Residence was necessary, and that it was fit to make provision for it, yet he interposed so many exceptions, and excuses, that, in the end, no man could judge whether he would have any constitution to be made for it or no. The Legates imparted the Articles of reformation for the future Session to the Ambassadors also, according to promise, before they were proposed in Congregation; which were all for remedies of the abuses in the Sacrament of Order. And therefore the French Ambassadors and Bishops met in the house of Lorraine, to consider of them, and deputed four Bishops to examine whether any thing was contained in them prejudicial to the privileges of the French Church, or whether any thing might be added for the service of their Country, and withal they gave order to the Ambassador de Ferrieres, to collect, in Congregation of the same Bishops, all the reformations, formerly proposed in Trent, under Paulus, and julius, and in the present Council also, and in the Congregation of Poisi, to make an abstract of them, and, adding unto them those which were contained in the King's instructions, and whatsoever seemed good unto them beside, should compose Articles for all Christendom, and France especially. But the Imperialists, seeing that none of the Reformations mentioned by them were proposed, called together all the Ambassadors. Prague spoke unto them, and told them, that much time was consumed in Council with doing of nothing; that the Legates had often promised to handle Reformation, and yet they were entertained with speculations, or with provisions against small abuses; that it was time to make an effectual instance that they would begin to handle important and urgent matters, and that if all would join in requesting the execution of so many promises, made by the Pope and the Legates, there might be hope to obtain. All consented; but when they came to particulars, they were so different, that they could not agree but in the general, only to demand a Reformation. Whereupon it was resolved, that Prague, in delivering his voice, should desire it, in the name of all; and so he did. And, in the matter of residence, he said in few words, that the entertainments being taken from the Prelates, which they enjoy in the Courts of Rome and other Princes, any Decree would suffice. The opinion of the Archbishop of Otranto was, that the Decree of the said Council under Paul the third was sufficient, adding only the Pope's Bull, dated the fourth of Sept. 1560. Others demanded that the causes of absence, which the Synod deemeth to be lawful, should be expressed, because the greatest difficulty is like to arise upon this point. The Bull, named by Otranto, did contain a command of personal residence, under the penalties, declared by the Council, and four graces to those which reside. That is, that they may not be cited to the Court, but with Commission signed by the Pope. That they shall be free from all impositions, ordinary and extraordinary, though imposed at the petition of Princes. That they may exercise jurisdiction against every Secular Clerk, or Regular, dwelling out of his Cloister. That no appeal may lie from their sentences, but only from the definitive. Others were content with the Decree; as it was porposed by the Legates, but with some alteration, all fit for their own respects, which were as many as there were persons. Some required that the declaration de iure divino, might be made. And there was a fourth opinion, that although it be de iure divino, yet it was not fit to make declaration thereof. The Cardinal of Lorraine assembled the French Prelates to dispute upon this point; who concluded uniformly, that it was de iure divino. The Bishop of Angiu, was the first that gave his opinion so, and all the rest did follow him. But in the general Congregation of the Synod, the Prelates were unspeakeably tedious; whereof the Cardinal of Lorraine complained to the Legates, desiring to have those matters dispatched, that they might come to the reformation, repeating the words so often used, that if satisfaction be not given them in Trent they will take it at home. Friar Albertus Duimius Bishop of Veglia, alleging that the point of Residence The suffrage of the Bishop of Veglia concerning residence was discussed in the Council under Paul the third, and the decision deferred until another time, said, that therefore it was necessary to see the reasons then alleged by the Prelates; that now they had given their voices without alleging reasons, which himself would not do, esteeming reasons more than authority and multitude of opinions. And then he began to recite all the reasons for proof that it is de iure divino, and to resolve the contrary. He insisteth much upon the saying of CHRIST, A good shepherd goeth before the flock, calleth every sheep by name, runneth through the desert to seek that which is lost, and layeth down his life for them. He showeth that this was understood of all those whom CHRIST hath instituted Pastors; which are all those who have cure of souls, especially the Bishops, as Saint Paul, said and wrote to the Ephesians; that whosoever did hold himself not to be bound by the Decree of CHRIST to perform these offices, or was more fit for the affairs of Kingdoms, or Commonwealths, aught to leave the charge of a Pastor, and apply himself to those matters only; that it is very much to perform one charge well, but to perform two, which be contrary, is impossible. His prolixity did not please the Cardinals, because he was the first that disputed that matter with reason. He spoke with great vehemency, using many phrases and words, taken out of Saint Hierome. Simoneta would willingly have interrupted him, but forbore, in regard of the occurrence of the Bishop of Guadice. But he called him, in the presence of many Prelates, and reprehended him sharply for speaking against the Pope. The Bishop defended himself humbly, and with reasons: and a few days after, alleging indisposition, asked leave to departed, and had it, and departed the one Who quieteth Trent for fear. and twentieth of the month. After this time the controversy about residence changed state, and those The Prelates are terrified with the Pope's authority. who did abhor it, did labour no more to demonstrate by reasons or authority, as until then they had done, that it was of the law of man, but began to terrify those of the contrary opinion, by saying, that to maintain that it was de iure divino, was to diminish the Pope's authority; because it would follow that he could not enlarge or diminish, divide or unite, change or transfer Episcopal Seas, nor leave them vacant, or gave them an administration, or commenda; that he could not restrain, much less take away the authority to absolve; that, by this determination, all dispensations granted by Popes, were condemned at once, and power taken away to grant them hereafter. The other part, who saw the necessity of those consequences, which they thought were not unfit, but that it was the truth, and the lawful use of the ancient Church, and that the declaration was proposed for no other end then to remove those inconveniences, themselves also omitting to use reasons and authority, to prove it to be de iure divino, began to show, that residence being restored by that declaration, it would turn to the enlargement of the Pope's power, and increase the reverence towards the Clergy, and especially towards the Pope, who hath lost authority in so many Provinces, because Bishops, not residing, but governing by unable Vicars, have left a way open for the sowing of new doctrines, which, with so much detriment of the Pope's authority, have taken root. If Bishops do reside, his authority will be preached every where, and confirmed where it is acknowledged as yet, and restored where it hath been shaken. Neither of the parties could speak with such terms, but that their dissimulation was perceived on both sides, and their inward thoughts, which they would have concealed, were but too manifest. They were all masked, and yet all known. Being assembled again the sixteenth of December, one half of the Prelates having not as yet given their voices, Cardinal Seripando proposed the prorogation of the Session; and being not able then to foresee when they could dispatch, they resolved to prefix a certain time, within fifteen days. And the Cardinal admonished the Prelates of their great prolixity, in giving their voices, which did aim only at ostentation, took away the reputation of the Council, and did prolong it, to the great in commodity of them all. The Pope was much afflicted with the death of Frederick Boromeo his nephew, which happened in the end of the last month; upon whom thinking to confer all the greatness of his house, he had married him to a daughter of the Duke of Urbin, made him general governor of the Church, and purposed also to give him the Dukedom of Camerino, and because he was old, and oppressed with grief, he fell into a dangerous sickness; out of which being recovered, he applied his mind to the affairs of the Council. He held diverse Congregations, to find a temper concerning the two Canons, of the Institution, and of Residence, which were thought by all the Court to be very dangerous for the Pope's authority; as also to make some provision against the prolixity of the Prelates, in delivering their opinions, because it did prolong the Council, and left a gate open for all those to enter, who would attempt any thing against his dignity. Above all, that which was desseigned by the Frenchmen did trouble him, especially, because he did never receive Letters from Trent; in which it was not said, that either the Cardinal of Lorraine, or some of the Ambassadors did make request for reformation, with this addition, that if they could not obtain those provisions they demanded, they would make them at home, making mention often of providing against the annats, preventions, and other things properly belonging to the Pope of Rome. He resolved to deal plainly with the Frenchmen; and to those which were in Rome he said, that, having so often offered to treat with the King concerning his own rights, and to come to a friendly composition, and seeing that his ministers in the Council do always make show that they will speak of them in the Synod, he was resolute to see whether he would break out into an open dissension with him. He gave order, by an express currier, to his Nuncio in France to speak hereof; and wrote to the Cardinal of Lorraine, that those matters could not be proposed in Council, without breach of the King's promises, expressly made unto him, by Monsieur d' Auxerres. He complained in Consistory of the impertinency of the Bishops in Trent, in making every thing long, to no purpose. He exhorted the Cardinals to write to their friends, and himself wrote to the Legates, to use threats and authority, seeing that persuasions did no good. Concerning the Articles of the Institution he wrote, that to make the institution of Bishops absolutely the iure divino, was a false opinion, and erroneous; because the power of Order was from CHRIST, but of jurisdiction from the Pope, which, in this respect, may be said to be from CHRIST, because the Papal authority cometh from his Divine Majesty, so that whatsoever the Pope doth, CHRIST doth by him. And, for a resolution, he wrote, that either the words de iure divino, should be quite omitted, or they should be used in that form which he sent, in which it was said that CHRIST did institute Bishops to be created by the Pope, who may distribute to them what and how much authority it pleased him to give them, for the benefit of the Church, having absolute power to restrain and amplify that which is given, as seemeth good unto him. Then he wrote, that, in the particular of Residence, it being a clear case that the Pope hath power to dispense, they should, by all good caution of words, reserve his authority in the Decree, in which the words de iure Divino, could by no means be put; as Catharinus had well proved, from whose opinion, being Catholic, they ought not to departed. For holding the Session, he wrote confusedly, that it should not be deferred above fifteen days, nor celebrated before the matter were in order, that the envious might not take occasion to calumniate. A solemn Ambassage from the Duke of Bavaria passed by Trent to go The Duke of Bavaria sondeth Ambassadors to Rome. to Rome, to obtain of the Pope the communion of the Cup. They had audience with the Legate, and secret conference with the Cardinal of Lorraine. This wakened the controversy in that matter, which was asleep; and the Spaniards, and many Italians, (howsoever the matter was referred to the Pope by the mayor part) said it would be a prejudice to the Council, if, while that lasted, that use should be permitted. And all the Fathers were in a hurly burly, because letters came from Rome to diverse Prelates, that the Council should be suspended, which report was confirmed by Don john Manriques who passed by Trent, from Germany to Rome. But the Legates, having received the Pope's letters, thought it impossible to execute the orders he had sent, and that it was necessary to give him a more particular account of the occurrences, than could be done by writing, and make him understand that the Council cannot be governed as at Rome they think it can, that they might receive a more plain instruction from his Holiness what they should do. And it being necessary to send a man of judgement, well informed, and of credit with the Pope; they found none better than the Bishop of Ventimiglia, whom they resolved to dispatch with speed. The Holidays The Legates send the B. of Ventimiglia to the Pope. of Christmas approaching gave them fit occasion first to proceed slowly, and afterwards to intermit the congregations and so to have leisure to make that dispatch; which was done the six and twentieth of December. The eight and twentieth, news came to Trent, of the battle in France, which happened the seventeenth of the month, in which the Prince of Conde The battle & other troubles in France. was taken prisoner. That Kingdom was very turbulent all that year, for the differences of religion, which gave a beginning first unto a gentle, and afterwards unto a furious war. For the Hugonots increasing in Paris, to the great discontent of the Catholics, who are many in the City, and adhering to the Prince of Conde, the Constable, with his sons, and the house of Guise, with some others, to hinder the greatness unto which that Prince did aspire, made a league, and desseigned to make themselves leaders of the people of Paris, and to chase, by their means, from that City and the Court, the Prince and his followers. Each of them departing from his house, to go towards Paris, and in the journey slaying and dispersing the Hugonots, whom they found assembled in diverse places, they entered into Paris; and, having drawn the King of Navarre to their side, and caused the city to arm in their favour, the Queen was constrained to join with them. Hereupon the Prince going out of Paris, and retiring, with his adherents, to Orlience, manifests and writings passed on both sides, each protesting they did nothing but for the liberty and service of the King. But the Constable and Guise waxing every day stronger, in April the Prince wrote to all the reformed Churches of France, demanding soldiers, and money, and declaring war against the defenders of the Catholic party, calling them perturbers of the public quiet, and violaters of the King's Edict, published in favour of the Reformatists. The Prince's letters were accompanied with others of the ministers of Orleans, and of some other cities, which caused those of that Religion to arm. And there fell out an accident which did incite them more▪ For at the same time the Edict of january (whereof we have already made mention) was published again in Paris, with an addition, that neither in the suburbs of the City, nor within the space of a league any assembly of Religion should be held, or Sacraments administered but after the old Rite. And in the end of May the King of Navarre made all the Reformatists go out of Paris; but proceeded with such moderation, that none of them were offended. War broke forth in all the Provinces of France, between these parties; and that summer there were at the least, ●●urteene formal Armies, all at one time, in diverse parts of the Kingdom. The sons fought against their fathers, brothers against brothers, and even women took Arms on both sides, for defence of their religion. There was almost no part in Dolphinie, Languedoc, and Gascoigne, which was not vexed oftentimes, the Catholics, remaining conquerors in some places, and the Reformatists in others, with such variety of accidents, that it would be redious to repeat them, and besides our purpose, which requireth that nothing should be related by us but concerning Trent, except those which have a connexion with the Council, as the things following have. Where the Hugonots overcame, the images were beaten down, the altars destroyed the Churches spoiled, and the ornaments of gold and silver melted, to make money for soldiers pay where the Catholics were conquerors, they burned the Bibles in the vulgar tongue, rebaptised children, and remarried those who had been married according to the new ceremonies. And the condition of the Clergy on both sides was most miserable, who, whensoever they were taken, were cruelly murdered, without all humanity. In julie the Parliament of Paris made a Decree, that it should be lawful to slay all the Hugonots, which, by public order, was read every Sunday in every Parish. Afterwards they added another, declaring them rebels, public enemies, themselves infamous, and all their posterity, and the goods of those who took Arms in Orliens confiscated, A bloody decree made by the Parliament of Paris. except Conde, upon pretence that they held him by force. And howsoever there were many treaties between the parties, and a verbal conference also between the Queen Mother, and the Prince, yet such was the ambition of the Grandees, that it was impossible to find out any means of composition. But the King of Navarre being dead, who perhaps would not have suffered them to proceed to an open war, the Queen resolving to regain obedience The Low Countries do ●●itate France. with arms, demanded aid of all the Princes. And because the people of the Low Countries did learn, by this example, to be more contumacious, and obstinate, the King's authority diminished every day, and could not be repaired by the Governors. And the King refused to go thither to oppose his person against the ill disposition of the people, and the dessignes of the Grandees, as Granuel, the chief in that Government, had given him counsel▪ For that wise King knew how dangerous it was to be contemned to his face, and doubted that, in stead of gaining Flanders he should make it more contumacious, and, in the mean while, lose Spain. But he thought The Queen mother resuseth the Spanish army. that by subduing the Frenchmen, who rebelled against their King, he might make an absolute provision against the contumacy of his own. Subjects. And therefore he offered the Queen great assistance of men and money, sufficient to subject the whole Kingdom unto her. But the Queen refused the men and demanded the money, knowing that if she had received a Spanish army, she should have been forced to govern France, not according to her own interests, but of the King of Spain. Yet taking a middle course, she received six thousand men, with which, and with her own forces, conducted by the Constable, and the Duke of Guise, the battle was made the seaventeenth day aforesaid, in which three thousand Hugonots; and five thousand Catholics were slain, and the Generals on both sides Conde, and the Constable taken prisoners. Neither of the armies was discomfited, by venue of the Lieutenants on both sides, Guise for the Catholics, and Colignie for the Hugonots. The Queen did make Guise the General, which did not deter Collignie from maintaining his army, preserving the places he possessed, and making some progress also. For this victory (for so it was called, though it deserved not the name) thankes were given to God in Trent, by all the Fathers assembled together making a procession & singing a Mass, Franciscus Belcarrus Bishop of Metz, made an Oration also, in which, relating all the story of the confusions of France, since the death of Francis the second, and the success of the last war●e, Solemnities are used in Trent for the victory in France. he gave the praise of all that was well done to the Duke of Guise only. He said Martin Luther was cause of all those troubles, who, though but a little spark, had raised a great fire, first in Germany, and afterwards in all the Provinces of Christendom, except Italy and Spain. He exhorted the Fathers to assist the Christian commonwealth, because they only were able to extinguish that flame. He told them that this was the six and twentieth year since Paul the third began to heal this disease, by intimating the Council there; which was first deferred, then dissembled, and finally celebrated with diverse factions, until it was transferred to Bolonia, where there were many dilations, and greater contentions, and more bitter factions then before. Afterwards it was recalled to Trent, and, by reason of the wars dissolved. Now that they were come to the last, there was no more place for dissimulation, because the Council would either reconcile the whole world, or cast it headlong into an infallible ruin. Therefore it was fit that the Fathers should not regard their private interests, nor have particular designs, nor speak in favour of others, in regard the cause of religion was in question, which will be utterly overthrown, if they cast their eye upon any thing beside. This liberty of speech he tempered with flattery, first towards the Pope, then towards the Emperor, kings of the Romans, and of Polonia. He passed to the commendations of the Queen Mother of France, and of the King of Portugal, and, in the end, exhorted them to reform the Ecclesiastical discipline. The Cardinal of Lorraine, having received news of the imprisonment of the Prince; was very glad, particularly for the honour of his brother, and desired the more to return quickly into France, to assist him in the Court and in the King's Council, and to raise himself also one degree higher, in regard Navarre and the Constable, to whom he was neccessarily to yield, were both taken away. The Pope was full of suspicion for the journey to Ispruc, which the Emperor The Pope is troubled that the Emperor will go to Ispruc. had published, thinking he would not go thither without great designs, and without assurance to effect them. He believed he had secret intelligence with France and Spain, but knew not to what end, but only in general, that it was a plot against him. Therefore he resolved to go in person to Bolonia, to send eight or ten Cardinals to Trent, to make greater alliance with the Italian Princes, and to confirm the Prelates his adherents in Council, until be could find some occasion to dissolve or suspend it. And ●o hinder all treaties in Trent of reforming the Court, he laboured much himself in that business. He reform the Rota, publishing a Brief, dated the seven and twentieth of December, in which he ordained, that no Audit●r should proceed to a definitive, howsoever the case might be plain, before he made the proposition to the whole College, without 1563 PIUS 4. FE●●INAND.— ELIZABETH. CHARLES 9 PHILIP 2. consent of the parties; that the sentences propounded in writing, should be produced within fifteen days; that the causes of the Auditors themselves, or of their kinsfolk unto the second degree, or of any of their family, shall not be heard in the Rota, that the parties shall not be forced to receive an Advocate; that no decision shall be made against those which be printed, except two thirds of the voices do consent: that they shall be bound to remit every cause which seemeth to be criminal. In the same Bull he made also a tax for moderation of fees. He reform likewise by other Bulls, published the first of the next januarie, the signature of justice, the tribunals of Rome, the office of the Friscall Advocate, ordaining what fees they should have. But the usual extorsions were so fare from being redressed by those provisions, that by transgressing the new orders, they learned to violate the old which were in some use. The Courtiers in Rome thinking the Catholics in France had gotten an absolute victory, and that the Hugonots were reduced to nothing, were exceeding glad. For believing that France had obtained that by Arms which it expected from the Synod, and there being no further regard to be had of Germany, which protested against it, they thought that all causes of holding the Council were ceased, so that it might be suspended or deferred, and themselves delivered from fear, which had increased every week, by reason of the novities which happened in Trent. But the Pope made no great matter of it. For being informed that the Catholic forces were not augmented, nor the Hugonots diminished, and that this battle would give occasion to treat a peace, which could not be without his prejudice, nor without giving matter of more novities in Trent, he was more afraid and troubled then before. And the year 1562. ended thus; a congregation in Trent having been held the thirtieth of the month, in which it was resolved to prolong the Session, and appoint a day for it within fifteen days. The year 1563. began in Council with the presentation of the articles, of reformation made by the French Ambassadors, which seemed very hard to the Legates and all the Papalins; especially in those particulars in which 1563 The Articles of reformation. they would have the Rites of the Roman Church altered, and in which the emoluments and profits, which the Apostolic Sea received from other Churches, were touched. The Ambassadors added the usual Appendix, not to call it a protestation, that if their propositions were not embraced, they would provide for their necessities in France. The Legates were sure the Pope would be vexed herewith, in regard of the promise made unto him, that they would not treat in Council of the Annats, and other pecumarie Rites; but friendly compose the matter with him. Therefore they thought it necessary to send them to him by a Prelate, and to inform The Bishop of Viterbois sent to the Pope. his Holiness. And they elected the Bishop of Viterbo, as being well instructed in the affairs of France, where he had been Nuncio many yeeresand in the designs of the Cardinal and French Prelates of the Council, with whom he had conversed since their arrival. The Cardinal of Lorraine, informed hereof, persuaded them to do so, and himself gave him instructions, to speak with the Pope. The Bishop was so nimble, that howsoever the Cardinal held that he was sent unto him for a spy, and an observer, yet he carried himself so well, that he gained the confidence of him and the Ambassadors, without losing that which the Pope and Legates had in him. The Prelate went with instruction to represent to the Pope all the difficulties which the Legates found, and to bring back a resolution how they should govern themselves in every particular. He had instructions from Lorraine to desire his Holiness to take in good part that which was desired by the King for the necessity of his Kingdom, and by them to execute the commands of his Majesty, and to offer his endeavours to accommodate the differences of the institution of Bishops, and of residence, which held the Council employed in small matters. The Emperor's ministers, seeing the Reformation of the Frenchmen, and considering the Proheme, thought they were noted to have but small authority. They complained to the Legates that the Articles of reformation, mentioned by the Emperor and by them, had not been proposed, though they had given copies of them, sent them to Rome, and spread them throughout Trent; desiring they may be put together with those of the Frenchmen. The Legates excused themselves, in regard of the liberty which the Emperor by letters, and themselves by word of mouth had given them, to propose and omit what seemed them good, adding, that they did expect a fit time, and that indeed the Frenchmen had not found a good conjecture, while the differences of the two Canons doth continue, which giveth much trouble to his Holiness. The Amdassadours were not so satisfied, saying, there was a great difference between omitting all, and a part; and between deferring, whiles in the mean space things are concealed with due respect, and diuulging them, and putting them in derision. And Simoneta replied, that it was hard to discern which were fit to be proposed, but easy to know which were to be omitted, in the end they were content to expect what the Pope would say to the French propositions, so that afterwards theirs might be proposed. The French Prelates had consented, in general terms, to the Articles belonging to Rites, and to the grievances of Bishops, which in their secret thoughts they did not approve, because they believed that, in the discussion of them, they should have the Spaniards, and many of the Italians their opposites; but seeing they were sent to Rome, they were afraid that the Pope opposing those which touched his revenues; would yield to the others, and by composition be content to give way to those which were prejudicial to them, to avoid others which concerned his own interest. For this cause they made secret practices with the other Prelates, persuading a moderation; which being done after the French fashion, without much caution, was known to the Ambassadors. Therefore Lansac assembled them all, and reprehended them sharply, for daring to oppose the will of the King, Queen, of the whole council, and of the Kingdom. He exhorted them, not only not to labour against, but to promote the King's determination. And the admonition was very rigorous. But before we relate the negotiation in Rome, it will not be amiss to declare the substance of the French proposition, which presently was printed in Ripa and Milan, and contained: That the Ambassadors had determined long since, in performance of the King's command, to propose to the Council the things contained in that writing; but the Emperor having proposed almost the same things, not to importune the Fathers, they had expected to see what the Pope would resolve concerning the propositions of his Imperial Majesty. Now having received a new commandment from the King, and seeing the instance of the Emperor deferred longer than they thought, they resolved not to make any more delay, not desiring any thing singular, or separate from the residue of Christendom; and that the King, expecting that esteem should be held of his propositions, doth notwithstanding refer the judgement and knowledge of them all to the fathers. The points were four and thirty. 1. That Priests The French propsitions. should not be ordained before they were old, and had a good testimony of the people, that they had lived well, and that their carnalities and transgressions should be punished according to the Canons. 2. That holy Orders should not be conferred at the same time when the inferior were, but that every one should be approved in these, before he ascended to those. 3. That a Priest should not be ordained, before he had a Benefice, or ministry, according to the Council of Chalcedon, at which time a presbyteral title without an Office was not heard of. 4. That the due function should be restored to Deacons, and other holy Orders, that they may not seem to be bare names, and for ceremony only. 5. That the Priests and other Ecclesiastical Ministers should attend to their vocation, not meddling in any office, but in the divine ministry. 6. That a Bishop should not be made but of a lawful age, manners, and doctrine, that he may teach, and give example to the people. 7. That no Parish Priest should be made but of approved honesty, able to instruct the people, celebrate the sacrifice, administer the Sacrament, and teach the use and effect of them to the receivers. 8. That no Abbot or Conuentual Prior should be created, who hath not studied divinity in some famous University, and obtained the degree of Master, or some other. 9 That the Bishop, by himself, or by other preachers, as many as are sufficient, according to the proportion of the Diocese, should preach every Sunday and Holiday, & in Lent, on fasting days, and in Aduent, and as often as it shall be fit. 10. That the parish Priest should do the same as often as he hath auditors. 11. That the Abbot and Conuentuall Prior shall read the holy Scripture, and institute an Hospital, so that the ancient Schools and hospitality may be restored to the Monasteries. 12. That Bishops, Parish Priests, Abbats, and other ecclesiastics, unable to perform their charge, shall receive Coadjutors, or leave their Benefices. 13. That concerning the Catechism, and summary instruction of Christian doctrine, that should be ordained which the Emperor hath proposed to the Council. 14. That no man should have more than one benefice, taking away the differences of the quality of persons, and of Benefices compatible and incompatible, a new division not heard of in the ancient Decrees, and a cause of many troubles in the Catholic Church; and that the regular Benefices should be give into regulars, and secular to seculars. 〈◊〉 That he who now hath two or more, shall retain that only which he shall choose within a short time, or shall incur the penalty of the ancient Canons. 16. That to take away all note of avarice from the Clergy, nothing be taken, upon any pretence whatsoever, for the administration of holy things; but that provision be made that the Curates, with two Clerks or more may have whereon to live and maintain hospitality, which may be done by the Bishops by uniting benefices or assigning tenths unto them, or, where that cannot be done, the Prince may provide for them by 〈◊〉 or collections, imposed upon the Parishes. 17. That in parish Masses, the Gospel be expounded clearly, according to the capacity of the people, and that the prayers which the Parish-Priest maketh together with the people be in the vulgar tongue, and that, the sacrifice being ended in Latin, public prayers be made in the vulgar tongue likewise, and that at the same time, or in other hours; spiritual hymns or Psalms of David, approved by the Bishop, may be sung in the same language. 18. That the ancient Decree of Leo and Gelasius, for the Communion under both kinds, be renewed. 19 That before the administration of every Sacrament, an exposition be made in the vulgar, so that the ignorant may understand their use and efficacy. 20. That according to the ancient Canons, benefices may not be conferred by the Vicars, but by the Bishops themselves, within the term of six months, otherwise that the collation may be devolved to the next Superior, and, by degrees to the Pope. 21. That the Mandates of Provision, expectatives, regresses, resignations in confidence, and commendaes be revoked, and banished out of the Church, as contrary to the Decrees. 22. That the resignations in favour be wholly exterminated from the Court of Rome, it being as it were an election of ones self, or a demanding of a successor, a thing prohibited by the Canons. 23. That simple Priories, from which the cure of souls is taken away, contrary to the foundation, and assigned to a perpetual Vicar, with a small portion of tithes, or of other renenue, be restored to their former state at the first vacancy. 24. That benefices, unto which no office of preaching, administering the Sacraments, nor any other Ecclesiastical charge is annexed, may have some spiritual cure imposed upon them, by the Bishop, with the council of the chapter, or be united to the next parishes, because no Benefice ought or can be without an office. 25. That pensions be not imposed upon benefices, and those abolished which are imposed already, that the Ecclesiastical revenues may be spent in maintaining the Pastors, and poor, and in other works of piety. 26. That Ecclesiastical jurisdiction throughout the whole Diocese be restored to the Bishops, all exemptions being taken away, but of the chief governors of the Orders and Monasteries subject unto them, and those who make general Chapters, to whom exemptions are granted by a lawful title, but yet with provision that they be not exempted from correction. 27. That the Bishop may not use jurisdiction, and handle matters of great weight concerning the Diocese, without the counsel of the Chapter; and that the Canons may reside continually in the Churches, be of good conversation, learned, and at the least 25. years of age, in regard the laws, not giving them the free disposition of their goods before that time, they ought not to be made counsellors to Bishops. 28▪ That the degrees of affinity, consanguinity, and spiritual kindred be observed, or reform, and that it may not be lawful to dispense therein, but with Kings and Princes, for the public good. 29. That, in regard many troubles have risen by means of images; the Synod would make provision, that the people may be taught what they ought to believe concerning them; and that the abuses and superstitions, if any be used in the worship of them may be taken away: and that the same be done concerning indulgences, pilgrimages, relics of Saints, and of companies or confraternities. 30. That the public and ancient penance in the Catholic Church forgrievous & public offences, be restored and brought into use as also fastings and other exercises of sorrow, and public prayers to appease the wrath of God. 31. That excommunication be not decreed for every sort of offence, or contumacy, but only for the greatest, and in which the offender doth persevere after admonition. 32. That, to abbreviate or quite take away suits of law for benefices, by which the whole Clergy is blemished, the distinction of petitory and possessory, newly invented in those causes, may be taken away, nominations of Universities abolished, and a commandment given to Bishops, to give benefices not to those that seek them, but to those that avoid them, and are worthy of them: and their merit will be known, if, after their degree received in the University, they shall have spent some time in preaching, with the consent of the Bishop, and approbation of the people. 33. That there being a suit for a benefice, an Economique may be created, and arbitrators elected by the litigants; which in case they refuse to do, that the Bishop may nominate, and that these may determine the controversy within six months, and that no appeal may lie from them. 34, That the Episcopal Synods may be held once a year at the least and the Provincial once in every three years, and the General, if th' ere be none impediment, every tenth year. The first of januarie Vintimiglia arrived in Rome, having made the journey The negotiation of the Bishop of Vintimiglia in Rome in seven days. He presented the letters to the Pope, and declared his credence, relating the cogitations and diverse ends and humours which were in the Council, and in what sort the Legates and other good servants of his Holiness thought the difficulties ought to be managed. The Pope held a congregation the third day, and gave account of the relation of Vintimiglia, shown he was satisfied with the diligence and wisdom of the Legates, and commended the good will of Lorraine, and gave order that they should consult upon the point of the institution of Bishops, which did then especially press them. The sixth day being the anniversary of his coronation, he held another Congregation, in which he published Cardinals Ferdinando de Medici, and Frederico Gonzaga; the former to consolate his father for the miserable death of another son, who was Cardinal also, and the other to gratify the Legate Mantue, and others of the family nearly allied to him by a marriage of the Legates nephew to a sister of Cardinal Borromeo. Yet the Pope did not omit to assist at the Consultation concerning the affairs of the Council, and resolved to write to the Legates, that the Canon of the institution of Bishops should be thus composed: That the Bishops do hold the principal place in the Church, depending of the Pope of Rome, and that they are by him assumed, in partem solicitudinis. And in the Canon concerning the Pope's power, that it should be said; that he hath authority to feed and govern the Universal Church, in place of Christ, from whom all authority hath been communicated to him, as General Vicar: but in the Decree of doctrine they should enlarge the words of the Council of Florence; which are, that the holy Apostolic Sea, and Pope of Rome hath the Primacy in all The Pope's 〈…〉 tter to the Legates. the world, and is Successor of Saint Peter Prince of the Apostles, the true Vicar of CHRIST, the Head of all Churches, Father and Master of all Christians, to whom, in Saint Peter, by CHRIST our LORD, hath been given full power to feed, rule, and govern the Universal Church: adding, that by no means they should departed from that form, which he was certain would be received. For the substance of it being taken out of a general Council, he that should oppose, would show himself to be a Schismatic, and fall into the censures, which, by the providence of God, having always been inflicted upon the contumacious, with the greater exaltation of the Apostolic Sea, he was confident that the cause of the Church would not be abandoned by the Divine Majesty, nor by the good Catholics; and he hoped that in the mean space Vintimiglia would be returned, whom he meant to dispatch shortly, with more ample instructions. He resolved to go to Bolonia, that he might be near, and so the better embrace all occasions of finishing or translating the Council, which, before they could be advised to Rome, did vanish. He caused a Bull to be made, and in case he should die before his return, the Election should be made in Rome by the College of Cardinals. The Currier was not so soon dispatched for Trent with these Letters, The negotiation of the Bishop of Viterbo. but Viterbo arrived with the French Reformation, and revived his trouble. The Pope, when he heard it first read, was extremely impatient, and broke out into these words, that the end of it was to take away the datary, the Rota, the Signatures, and finally all the Apostolic authority. But afterwards he was much pacified 〈…〉 the Bishop, who told that his Holiness might be able to divert some things, and moderate others, granting some few of them. He delivered to him the instruction of Lorraine; which was, that Princes demand many things, to obtain those of which they have most need; which do not much concern the Apostolic Sea; as the use of the Cup, use of the vulgar tongue, and marriage of Priests, in which, if his Holiness would give satisfaction, it would be easy for him to receive honour from the Council, and to obtain his wished end. He shown that many of those Articles did not please the French Bishops themselves, who endeavoured to cross them. The Pope understanding these things, gave order that the Articles should be discussed in Congregation, and that Viterbo and Vintimiglia should be present, to inform the occurrences at large; in which it was resolved, that the Divines and Canonists should write concerning those propositions, and every one deliver his opinion in paper; And to make some diversion in France, he gave order to Ferrara to release those forty thousand Crowns to the King, without any condition, and to tell him that the Proposition of his Ambassadors in Trent, were fit in many parts for the Reformation of the Church, which he desired not only to have Decreed, but to be put in execution also, yet so, as that he did not approve them all, because some were to the diminution of the King's authority, who will be deprived of the collation of Abbeys, which is a great help to his Majesty to reward his good servants; that the ancient Kings, having their Bishops too potent, in regard of their great authority, and con 〈…〉 acious against the Regal power, did desire the Popes to moderateiy; but now the Ambassadors by their propositions, would restore that licence, which the Predecessors of his Majesty did wisely procure to be cur●ed. Concerning the Pope's authority, that it could not be taken away, because it was given by CHRIST, by whom Saint Peter and his successors were made Pastor● of the universal Church, and Administrators of all eclesiastical goods, that, by taking away the pensions, he shall not have power to give alms, which is one of the most principal charges which the Pope hath throughout all the world; that faculty to confer some Benefices hath been by favour granted to Bishops, as Ordinaries, which is not fit to be extended to the prejudice of the Universal Ordinary, which is the Pope, that as Tithes are due to the Church de iure divine, so the tenth of the Tithes of all Churches is due to the Pope, that, for more commodity, this hath been changed into Annats; that in case they were incommodious for the Kingdom of France, he did not refuse to find a temper, so that the right of the Apostolic Sea were in some convenient manner, preserved; but that, as he had often given him to understand, this could not be handled in Council, nor by any but himself. In the end he gave the Cardinal charge, that having put all these things to the King's consideration, he should exhort him to give new Commissions to his Ambassadors. The Pope sent also to Trent the censures concerning those Articles, made by diverse Cardinals, Prelates, Divines, and Canonists of Rome, with order The Pope writeth again to the Prelates. that they should defer to speak of them as long as was possible; that the Article of Residence, and the abuses concerning the Sacrament of Order, might entertain them many days; that when there was necessity to propose them, they should begin with those which were least prejudicial, as those which appertain to manners, and doctrine, deferring to treat of those which concern Rites, and Benefices; that, in case they were forced to propose them, imparting their objections to the Prelates their adherents, they should put them in discussion and controversy, and that, in the mean while, he would give order for that which he had resolved beside. And this he wrote to the Legates. In the end of the month, he delivered in Consistory, that the greatest Princes of Christendom did demand reformation, which could not be denied them, neither by true reasons, nor by pretences: and therefore that he was resolved to give a good example, and, not to fail of his duty, to begin with himself, providing against the abuses of the Datary, taking away the coadiutories, regresses, resignations in favour, and that the Cardinals ought not only to consent unto it, but to publish it to all. The good intention of his Holiness was generally commended. But some considered that those uses were brought in to take away greater abuses of manifest Simony, and unlawful bargains, and that they were to take care, that, removing those tolerable inconveniences, which indeed are but against the law of man, a gatebee not opened for the return of those which are against the Law of GOD. The Cardinal of Trent said, that it would be a great prejudice to take away the Coadiutories in Germany, because those Bishoprickes being annexed to principalities, if Coadiutories could not be had for both together, they must be had for the principality alone, and so the temporal would be divided from the spiritual, which would be the utter overthrow of the Church. The Cardinal Navaggiero opposed the making of Germany different, saying that the Dutchmen being the first that demanded reformation, they ought to be comprehended at the last. Afterwards the Pope related how many enterprises were used in Council against the privileges of the Roman Church, and spoke of Annats, Reservations, and preventions. He said they were necessary Subsidies, to maintain the Pope, and College of Cardinals, whereof as themselves were partakers, so it was fit they should labour to defend them, and that he would send a number of them to Trent, for this service. In which place, the next day after the arrival of the currier, who brought The Canons sent from Rome. from Rome the canons of the institution, which was the fifteenth of januarie, a day appointed to resolve on the certain time of celebrating the Session, a Congregation was held, and a resolution made to defer the determination until the fourteenth of February. And a copy was given of the decrees of the Institution, with order that the Congregations should begin, in which they should be discussed. And the care of reforming the decree of Residence was committed to Lorraine, and Madruccio, together with those Fathers whom they pleased to take unto them. In the congregations following the forms which came from Rome were, with facility, approved by the Patriarches, and the most ancient Archbishops, but many difficulties were alleged against them by the Spaniards, and more by the Frenchmen. This passage (That Bishops do hold the principal place depending of the Pope) was questioned, Do not absolutely please the Fathers. because the form of speech was ambiguous, which ought to have been plain. After long discussion, they were content to admit that it should be said, Chief under the Pope, but not dependent. Some also oppugned those words, that Bishops were assumed by the Pope into part of the charge, but would have it said. That they were appointed by CHRIST, to take part of the cure: alleging the place of Saint Cyprian: There is but one Bishopric, of Which every one holdeth a part in solidum. And for the point of the authority to feed, and to govern the Church universal, they said that the Church was the first, tribunal under CHRIST, to which every one ought to be subject, and that Peter was addressed to it as unto a judge, by the words of CHRIST Go, tell it to the Church, and he that will not hear the Church, let him be accounted an Heathen, and a Publican. And they were content it should be said that the Pope hath authority to feed, and govern all the Churches, but not the Church universal: wherein there was small difference in the Latin between Vniuersa●em Ecclesiam, and Ecclesias universas. And Granata said, I am Bishop of Granata, and the Pope Archbishop of the same City; inferring that the Pope hath the superintendency of the particular Churches, as the Archbishop hath of the Churches of his Suffragans. And it being alleged, that this word, Church Universal, was used in the Council of Florence, it was replied, that the Council of Constance, and Martin the fifth, in condemning the Articles of john Wiglef, doth condemn the Article against the supremacy of the Apostolic Sea, only for saying, that it is not set over all particular Churches. And here a disputation began between the Frenchmen and the Italians, these saying that the Council of Florence was general, that of Constance partly approved, and partly not, and that other of Basil schismatical; A difference between the Italians and the Frenchmen about the Counsels of Constance, Basil, and Florence. and the others maintaining that those of Constance and Basil were general Counsels, and that this name could not agree to that of Florence, celebrated only by some few Italians, and four Grecians. Neither did they grant that the Pope had all the authority from CHRIST, no not with the restrictions and limitations, as he was a man, and in the time of his mortality; but they were content it should be said that he had authority equal to that of Saint Peter. This manner of speech was suspected by the Papalins, who saw they would make the life and actions of Saint Peter a pattern for the Pope, which would, as they said, reduce the Apostolic Sea to nothing; which they defended to have an unlimited power, to be able to give a rule for all emergents as the times do require, though contrary to the actions of all his predecessors, and of Saint Peter himself. And the contentions were like to proceed further. But the Legates, to give some intermission, to have time to send the Pope the corrections of the Vltramontans, and receive his command how to govern themselves in the business, that they might set another matter on foot which might make this to be forgotten, returned to the point of Residence, concerning which, Lorraine and Madruccio had composed a form, and presented it some days before to the Legates, who without considering of it, did approve it, upon the first sight. Afterward, having consulted with the Canonists, they disliked one part, in which it was said, that Bishops are bound by the commandment of God, to attend and watch over the flock, personally; and doubting that those words would not please in Rome, they changed them, and so proposed the form in congregation. Lorraine The Cardinals of Lorraine & Trent are offended with the Legates. and Madruccio were much offended with this mutation, and thought they were disparaged: and Lorraine said, that hereafter he would take no more care in those things, nor treat with the Prelates, but only give his voice with modesty, and serve the Legates out of his love, in any honest work, as fare as he was able. And Madruccio did not forbear to say, that there was a secret Council within the Council, which did arrogate more authority. A Council within the Council The Legates perceiving that every thing turned against them, caused the Congregations to be omitted, Neither was this sufficient. For the Prelates Practices to dissolve the Council. made private congregations amongst themselves, and the Legates continual consultations. The Archbishop of Otranto, and others, who aimed at the Cardinalitie, of which they thought themselves assured if the Council were separated, agreed together to oppose every thing to make some tumult arise, and went passionately about, even in the night also, making practices, and causing men to set their hand to papers. Which, though in effect, it pleased the Legates, yet, for the manner, it displeased the most of them, as being of bad example, which might give scandal. And, on the contrary side, there wanted not those who desired a dissolution. But each party expected an occasion that the cause of it might be attributed to the other: so that the suspicions did increase on both sides. The Cardinal of Lorraine complained to all, that plots were laid to dissolve the Synod, and especially to the Ambassadors of Princes, desiring them to write to their Masters, to persuade the Pope that the Council may be continued, that the practices might be moderated, and the Fathers left to their liberty; saying, that otherwise a composition would be made in France, that Of which the Card of Lorraine complaineth. every one might live as he would until a free Council, as this was not, in which nothing could be resolved but as pleased the Legates, nor by the Legates, but as the Pope listed; that he would be patiented until the next Session, And of the want of liberty in Council. and then, if he saw not things go better, he would make his protestations, and, together with the Ambassadors and Prelates, return into France, to make a Nationall Council, in which perhaps Germany would concur with them; a thing which would be displeasing unto himself, in regerd of the danger that the Apostolic Sea would not be acknowledged any more. In those days many Curriers passed between Rome and Trent. For the Legates As did also the Frenchmen in Rome advised the frequent contradictions, and the Pope solicited the proposing of the Canons which he sent. And the Frenchmen in Rome made the same complaint to the Pope, which Lorraine had done in Trent, and used the same threats of a Nationall Council, and the assistance of Germany. But The Pope answereth resolutely. the Pope, who had been used to these things, said he was not daunted with words, was not afraid of Nationall Synods, did know that the French Bishops were Catholics, and that Germany would not subject itself to their Counsels. He said that the Council was not only free, but might be called licentious; that the practices of the Italians in Trent were not with his knowledge, but did arise because the Vltramontans would tread the Pope's authority under their feet; that he hath had three good occasions to dissolve the Council, but was willing it should continue, hoping that GOD would not abandon his Church, and that every attempt against it would come upon the head of the Innovators. Five Churches departed, and went to the Emperor's Court, in the time of these confusions, to give his Majesty an account of the state of the Council, and of the combination of the Italian Prelates; and it was discovered that Granata, and his adherents, had desired him to persuade the Emperor to write to the Catholic King concerning the Reformation and Residence, that both in those, and in other occasions they might speak freely, according to their conscience; all which the Legates did believe to proceed from Lorraine. And therefore, for a counterpoise, themselves also, a few days after, sent the Bishop Commendone to the Emperor, upon pretence to excuse, and render the causes why the demands of his Majesty could not as yet be proposed. And they gave him commission to exhort the Emperor to be content not to demand of the Council, bot of the Pope himself, those points of his petition which concern his authority; as also other instructions, such as seemed them good. But Martinus Crame 〈…〉, Bishop of Vormis, Ambassador of the King of Polonia to the Emperor, being come to Trent, upon pretence to visit the Cardinal of Varmia, his ancient and in ward friend, there was a great suspicion that he was sent by the Emperor, to be an eye-witness of the proceed in Council, and to relate them to him. All these things made the Legates doubt that the Council would be dissolved, in some manner dishonourable to the Pope, and themselves, observing that it was desired by many, even by some of the Papalins themselves, and that disorders were purposely procured by others, to justify themselves, in case it should happen. They sent unto all the Ambassadors a writing, which contained the present difficulties, and desired their counsel. But the French Ambassadors answered, upon this occasion, that which they desired to say many days before; that as the Council was assembled to remedy abuses, so some were willing to make use A free speech used by the French Ambassadors. of it to increase them; that before any thing else were done, it was fit to withstand such manifest practices; that they were intolerable; that if they were removed, and every man had liberty to speak freely what he thought a good accord would easily be made; that the Pope was Head of the Church, but not above it; that he was to govern and direct the other members, but not to domineer over the body; that to remedy the differences, it was necessary to follow the Council of Constance, which having found the Church most disorderly by means of these opinions, did reduce it into tolerable terms. They said that one cause of discord was, because the Secretary Seconded by the Imperialists. did not set down their voices faithfully, so that the greater part seemed in the acts to be the lesser, and that could not be taken for a resolution which was concluded by the common opinion; and therefore that it was fit to join another with him. The Imperialists said almost the same things, and were more earnest for another Secretary. The other Ambassadors stood upon general terms, desiring a continuation of the Council, and an union of minds. Things standing thus, Ventimiglia, redispatched by the Pope, returned The B of Ventimiglia returneth to Trent. to Trent the nine and twentieth of january, who made a relation of his credence to the Legates, and by their advice, sought to remove two opinions spread in the Council: one, that the Pope could not live long; the other that he desired a dissolution of the Council. He testified the desire of his Holiness, that laying aside all contentions, they would labour for the service of God, and to end the Council quickly. He spoke of Bulls, of offices, and Benefices, conferred upon some of the kinsmen of some Prelates, and a Referendariship to the Secretary of the Portugal Ambassador, and a very great pension to the son of the Spanish Secretary, and diverse promises to others, according to their pretensions. But to the Cardinal of Lorraine he made great compliments, in the Pope's name, showing that he had confidence in him only, for a sudden and a good end of the Council. The coming of the Bishop of Asti, the Ambassador of the Duke of The Legates use persuasions to the-Card. of Lorraine by the B. of Sinigaglia. Savoy, gave a fit occasion to reassume the Congregations: in which the Legates designing, after they had received him, to renew the proposition of the Canons, they sent the Bishop of Sinigaglia to the Cardinal of Lorraine, to pray him to find a means that the frenchmen might be satisfied. The Bishop shown him, that those words (to govern the Church Universal) were used in many Counsels; that the other (that they were assumed into part of the care) Who answereth. were used by S. Bernard, a writer much commended by his exce 〈…〉. The Cardinal answered, that the whole world was a spectator of the actions of the Council; that the opinions and voices of every one were known; that one ought to beware what he saith; that writings had been sent out of France, against the opinions maintained in Trent in the questions that were handled; that many complained of him that he proceeded with ●do much respect, especially in that matter, and in that other of residence; that he 〈◊〉 not been so earnest as he ought for the declaration that they are the 〈◊〉 divino; that by a word used by an Author one cannot presently conclude what his meaning was, because the antecedents and consequents must be considered, which may infer a contrary sense; that the words do not trouble him, but the sense, which they would cano 〈…〉; that to say the Pope hath authority to govern the Church universal, could not be admitted by the French men by any means; that if it were proposed again, the Ambassadors would protest in the name of the King, and of the twenty French Prelates, from whom they should always have authority to do it; that this would be a prejudice to the opinion which is generally held in France, that the Council is above the Pope. Sinigaglia relating these things to the The French opinion is that the councel is above the Pope. Legates, in presence of many Italian Prelates, assembled to consult upon this matter, made them fear that it was impossible to reduce the Frenchmen. The coming of Martin Guzdellun of whom we spoke before, which Martin Guzdellun complaineth that the Council is not free. happened at the same time, gave great courage to the Spaniards; who, having seen the passages of one day, said he understood plainly that the Council was not free. He praised Granata, and said the King had a very good opinion of him, and that if the Bishop like of Toledo were void, he would bestow it upon him. Things being thus managed, sunday, the last of january came, when the general congregation was intimated, to receive the Ambassador of Savoy, who made a short speech, to show the dangers in which The Ambassador of Savoy is received in Congregation. the state of his Prince was by the vicinity of the heretics; and what charge he was put unto; he exhorted them to finish the Council quickly, and to think of some means to make the contumacious receive the Decrees thereof, and offered all the forces of his master. In the answer made, the piety and wisdom of that Duke was commended, and joy gived the Ambassador of his coming. As the congregations continued, so the dissensions increased, and many demanded that the Decree of residence, composed by the two Cardinals, should be proposed. But the Legates, seeing such variety of opinions, after long consultation amongst themselves, and with the Prelates their friends, resolved it was not a time to make any decision, but necessary to interpose so great a delay, that the humours might cool of themselves, or some means might be found to compose the differences, by prolonging the time of the Session. And to make Lorraine agree to it, they went all to his house, to impart their purpose unto him, and to demand his counsel and assistance. He complained of the conventicles, and that they sought by unlawful means, to give the Pope that which belongeth not unto him, and to take from Bishops that which is given them by CHRIST: he said he did not like the deferring of the Session so long though he was con 〈…〉 to yield unto then; but prayed them, that in regard this was done to moderate 〈…〉 ens minds, they would endeavour effectually to curb those who were unquiet and ambitious, In the congregation of the third of February Mantua proposed, that, in regard Lent was near, and that the holy days and feasts of Easter would follow quickly, they would defer the Session, until after that time, and, in the mean while, in the congregations, handle the reformation belonging to holy Order, and the matter of the Sacrament of marriage. But the proposition had much contradiction. The French and Spaniards, almost all, were earnest that a short prorogation should be determined, and the matter of Order, together with its reformation, defined, before they treated of Matrimony; to which opinion also some Italians did adhere. Others desired that the Session should be held with the things decided already, and in particular, that the Decree of recidence, composed by the Cardinals, should be established: and some added that it was a great indignity to the Council, to have the Session so often deferred, showing there was a desire to violence the Fathers by weariness, to consent to those opinions, which they did not believe in their conscience; and therefore that it ought to be held, and matters to be resolved by the mayor part. Some did not forbear to say, that the distinction of Session and general congregation was not real, and that, in regard No real difference between a Session and a general congregation. the persons, and the same number were in both, that aught to be held for decided in the one which was determined in the other. After great contention, the dilation until the two and twentieth of April was concluded by the mayor part, the others still contradicting. The Cardinal of Lorraine, howsoever he seemed to consent only to content the Legates, yet he was willing, in regard of his own interest; and that for four causes. To know whether the Pope would recover his health. To have commodity to treat with the Emperor. To understand the Catholic King's mind. And to see the success of the affairs of France, that he might resolve what to do, upon better ground. The next day the French Ambassadors made a great and long instance to the Legates, to handle the reformation, and to propose their petitions, before they began to treat of Matrimony. They answered, that the Synod was not to receive laws from others; that if things convenient be proposed by Princes, consideration is to be had of them, at such times as the Precedent shall think fit; that if, in their petitions, any thing be found belonging to Order, they will propose it together, and afterwards the other things in their time. This answer not contenting the Ambassadors, they desired, that if they would not make the proposition, they would be content that themselves might do it, or else give them a plain negative; adding, as it were in form of a protestation, that, if they continued to give these ambiguous answers, they would hold them to be equivalent to a scornful negative. The Legates took three days time to give a more precise answer, and, in the mean while, desired Lorraine to pacify them, and to make them contented to expect until they had received an answer from Rome concerning the Articles which they had sent thither. The next day the Articles of Matrimony were given forth, to be discussed The Articles to be disputed by the Divines, the week following; in which a dispute presently arose between the French and Spaniards, about precedence, which could not be composed to the satisfaction of both parties, but by changing the order observed until then, and by giving precedence according to promotion unto the doctorship. The Pope's Divines, opposed saying, that, the difficulty being between the French and Spaniards, the provision should be made for them alone, and their place not altered, which was undoubtedly the first. The Legates, saying they had reason, concluded that the first rank, in which the Papalins were, should speak as formerly they had done, and the other A question of precedence between the French and Spanish Prelates. three according to the order of promotion: wherewith the Frenchmen were not content, except one of them were put into the first rank. The Spanish Secretary desired that a public instrument might be made of the decree, that it might appear, that if any Frenchman speak before the Spaniards, it was not by reason of precedence of the Kingdom. In conclusion, to give satisfaction to all, an instrument was made, and a grant to the Frenchmen, that, after Salmeron, the first of the Popish Divines, the Dean of Paris would speak, and the others of the first rank should proceed according to promotion. The Articles were eight, upon which they were to dispute whether they were heretical, and aught to be condemned. 1. That Matrimony is not a Sacrament instituted by God, but an humane introduction in the Church, and that it hath no promise of grace. 2. That the Parents may make void secret marriages, and that those which are so contracted are not true marriages, yea, that it is expedient that hereafter they should be made void in the Church. 3. That it is lawful, in case the wife be divorced for cause of fornication, to marry another, in the life time of the former, and that it is an error to make a divorce for any cause but fornication. 4. That it is lawful for Christians to have many wives, and that the prohibition for marriage in certain times of the year, is a tyranny, which proceeded from the superstition of the Gentiles. 5. That Matrimony ought to be preferred before chastity, and that God giveth more grace to those that are married then to others. 6. That the Priests of the West may lawfully contract Matrimony, notwithstanding the vow of Ecclesiastical law, and that to say the contrary is to condemn Matrimony, and that all those who have not the gift of chastity, may marry. 7. That the degrees of consanguinity, and affinity, mentioned in the eighteenth of Leviticus, aught to be kept, and neither more nor less, 8. That inability to carnal copulation, and ignorance in the contract of marriage are only causes to dissolve Matrimony contracted, and that the causes of Matrimony do belong to Secular Princes. Of which Articles that they might briefly speak, they were divided into four parts, according to the four ranks of Divines, and two appointed for each. The Bishop of Renes, Ambassador of France to the Emperor, arrived in Trent, who, having treated with Lorraine, that Cardinal went to the Legates, and told them, that, ever since his departure out of France, he hath had commission from the King to go to the Emperor, which he would do within a few days, because he would be in Ispruc, and because Renes was come to fetch him. He gave an account also of the journey to the Pope by letters, in which he touched the manner of the proceeding of the Italians in Council; adding, that if they so continued, he would pray God that he might do some thing for his holy service. They had talked of this journey a month before, and therefore when it was published, the suspicions were not so great as if it had not been foreseen. All men assured themselves, that it was to make a combination concerning the Council, and, particularly, to bring in the use of the Cup; and the rather, because the Cardinal had said to many Prelates, upon diverse occasions, that the Emperor, Discourses about the Cardinal of Lorraine his going to Ispruc. Kings of the Romans, and of France, would never leave to make petitions for Reformation, until they had obtained the use of the Chalice, though they were to remain two years in Council; but that favour being granted, they would easily be quieted, and that to give satisfaction to those Princes, was the best means to retain those Kingdoms in obedience; that it was impossible to obtain it of the Pope, in regard of the opposition of the Cardinals, who abhorred the grant; that it was not hitherto obtained in Council, because the business was not well managed, and that there was hope, that using good means, it might be gained. But those who did more attentively mark the Cardinals proceed, observed a great variety in his speeches, For sometimes he said, that, in case matters were not resolved, he should be forced to departed at Easter or at Whitsuntide; sometimes, that he would remain in Trent two years; sometimes proposing means to dispatch the Council, and sometimes taking courses to make it everlasting; manifest arguments, that as yet he knew not his own intention. And they suspected his cautelous proceeding, which did argue a desire to justify his reasons by Art, and make his cause honest. And considering that in Ispruc would be the King of the Romans, the Duke of Bavaria, the Archbishop of Salzburg and the Archduke Ferdinand, it was thought that this conference must needs produce some novities; especially in regard of the small satisfaction which the Council had hitherto given the Emperor, and of the union, in all matters between France and him. And it might be thought also that the King of Spain, so near unto him in blood, would adhere to that party; and the rather, because it was diuulged, that, by his letters of the eight of june, he had given commission to the Count of Luna to hold intelligence with the Emperor, and the King of France, in matters of reformation and liberty of the Council. In these day's Friar Felicianus Ninguarda, Proctor of the Archbishop of Salzburg, presented the letters of that Prince, and made instance, that the Proctors of the Bishops of Germany might give voice in Congregations; affirming, that, if it were granted, other Bishops of Germany would send Proctors, if otherwise, both himself and others would departed, because they would not be idle. It was answered, that consideration should be had of it, and a resolution taken according to right. And they gave an acount hereof to Rome, and would not resolve so much as this small particular without advice from thence. But in regard of greater businesses in both places, there was no more speech of it. The ninth of February the first Congregation of Divines was held, to dispute of Matrimony. Salmeron spoke in a very lofty style; and concerning the first Article, delivered the usual sayings of the Schoolmen. For the second, he alleged the determination of the Council of Florence, that Matrimony receiveth perfection only by the consent of the contractors, neither hath the Father; or any other, any authority over it. He defended; that they ought to be condemned for heretics, who attribute power to the father to make it void; that the authority of the Church was very great concerning the matter of Sacraments, that it can alter whatsoever is not of the essence; that the condition of public and secret being accidental, the Church had power therein. He shown the great inconveniences of secret marriages, and innumerable adulteries which follow, and concluded that it was expedient to use a remedy, by making them void. He insisted much upon this inextricable case; if, after matrimony contracted and consummated in secret, one doth contract in public with another, from which being desirous to departed, and return to the first lawful wife, is forced by censures to remain in the public contract; the poor man is entangled on both sides, either in perpetual adultery, or in censures, with scandal of his neighbour. The next day the Dean of Paris followed; who spoke copiously out of school doctrine, of the institution of marriage, of the grace which is received in it, and of condemning him that doth affirm it to be an humane invention. But upon the article of clandestine matrimony, having disputed, that they were true marriages and sacraments, he put a doubt whether the Church hath power to make them void. He contradicted the opinion, that there is authority in the Church over the matter of Sacraments; he discoursed that the Church cannot make any Sacrament which is now lawful, to be of no force for hereafter, he exemplified in the consecration of the Eucharist, and went through all the Sacraments. He said the Ecclesiastical power was not such, as to be able to hinder all sins; that the Christian Church hath been 1500. years subject to that which is now described to be intolerable, and, (which is of no less importance) secret marriages have been accounted good even from the beginning of the world, and no man hath ever thought to make a nullity in them, howsoever a public contract hath often followed them; that it seemeth to be insoluble, though it hath inconveniences on both sides; that the marriage of Adam, and Eve, a pattern for all other, was without witnesses. The opinion of the Doctor was not disesteemed; but the Italian Prelates were well pleased, that having once named the Pope, he gave him this Epithet, with the exposition following, Governor and moderator of the Roman Church, that is, of the Universal. And this did minister much discourse. For the Papalins concluded, that it might likewise be said in the Canon of the institution, that the Pope hath power to govern the Universal Church. But the French men answered, that there was great difference between saying absolutely the Church Universal, by which is understood the Universality of the faithful, and saying the Roman Church, that is the Universal, where the word Roman doth declare the word Universal, inferring that he is Head of the Universal, and that all places, in which authority is given to the Pope over all the Church, are understood disiunctively, not coniunctively, that is, over every part of the Church, not over all together. The eleventh of February, the Frenchmen presented, in Congregation, a letter from their King, of the eighteenth of january; in which he said, that howsoever he was assured that the Cardinal of Lorraine had imparted to the Synod, the happy victory against the enemies of religion, whose boldness he hath and doth daily oppose without respect of difficulty, or danger, even exposing his own life, as becometh the eldest and most Christian son of the Church, yet himself was willing to make them partakers of the same joy also, knowing that the wholesome remedies, for the evils Letters from the French K. are presented in Congregation. which do afflict Christian Provinces, have always been expected from Counsels. He desired of them, in the name of CHRIST, an emendation and reformation, answerable to the expectation the world hath conceived of them; and that as himself, and so many beside, have consecrated life and blood to God in those wars, so they, in respect of their charge, would, And de Ferrieres maketh a speech. with sincerity of conscience, be careful of the business for which they are assembled. The letters being read, the Ambassador de Ferrieres spoke to the Fathers in this substance. That they having understood by the King's letters, and before by the orations of the Cardinal of Lorraine, and Bishop of Mentz the desolation of France, and some victories of the King, he would not relate them again, but only say, that the last, in regard of the forces of the enemy, was miraculous; whereof this is an argument, that being overcome, yet he doth live, and committeth spoils, running through the very bowels of France. But he said, he would turn his speech to them only, who are the only refuge of the miseries, without whom France will not be able to preserve the tables of shipwreck. He exemplified in the army of Israel, which had not been able to overcome Amalec, if the hands of Moses, lifted up to God, underpropped by Aaron and Vr, had not assisted the combartants; that the King of France doth not want forces, a valiant Captain the Duke of Guise, the Queen Mother, to manage the affairs of war and peace; that there is no other Aaron and Vr but themselves, to hold up the hands of the most Christian King, with Decrees of the Synod, without which the enemies will never be reconciled, nor the Catholics preserved in the faith; that the humour of Christians now, is not the same as it was fifty years since; that all Catholics are now like to the Samaritans, who did not believe the woman's relation of CHRIST, until they had inquired, and informed themselves; that a great part of Christendom doth study the Scriptures, and that the most Christian King, had given no instructions to his Ambassadors, but conformable to them, which they have presented, to the Legates, who presently will propose them, as they have promised, to them the Fathers, to whom the most Christian King doth principally send them, expecting their judgement upon them; that France doth not demand any singular thing, but common to all the Catholic Church; that if any marvel that the most necessary things are omitted in the propositions, he may assure himself that they begin with the smaller matters, that they may propose the other of more weight, in their fit time, as also to give an easy execution to those; which if they the Fathers will not begin before they depart from Trent, the Catholics will cry out, the adversaries will laugh, and will both say, that the fathers of Trent do not want knowledge, but a will to do good, and that they have constituted good laws, without touching them so much as with one of their fingers, but leaving the observation of them to their posterity. And if, in the demands exhibited, any do think that some thing is contained conformable to the books of the adversaries, he holdeth them unworthy of answer: to those who hold them immoderate, he will say nothing but that of Cicero, that it is an absurdity to desire temperance of mediocrity in the best things, which are so much the better, by how much the bigger they are. He said the holy Ghost did say to lukewarm moderators, that he would cast them out of the body; that they should consider the small good the Church had, by the moderate reformation of the Council of Constance, and of the next, which he would not nominate, for fear of offending the ears of some, and likewise of the Counsels of Ferrara, Florence, the Laterane, and the first of Trent, and how many sorts of men, how many Provinces, Kingdoms, and Nations, have since departed from the Church. He turned his speech to the Italian and Spanish Fathers, that a serious emendation of Ecclesiastical discipline was more for the good of them, then of the Bishop of Rome, the chief Vicar of CHRIST, and successor of Peter, who hath the highest authority in the Church of God, that their life and honour was in question, and therefore that he would say no more. In the answer to the letters and the Ambassador's Oration, the King The answer. was commended for his pious & noble acts, and exhorted, as if he had been present, to imitate his predecessors, turning all his cogitations to the defence of the Apostolic Sea, and preservation of the ancient faith and to give ear to those who preach unto him the Kingdom of God, and not to those who preach a present utility, and an imaginary tranquillity, which will never be a true peace; adding, that the King would surely do so by the help of GOD, and in regard of the goodness of his disposition, of the Counsel of the Queen Mother, and of the Nobility of France; that the Synod will labour to define things necessary for the reformation of the Church universal, and for the good and interests of the particular of the Kingdom of France. In the end of the Congregation, the Cardinal of Mantua proposed, that, to make a more quick dispatch, the Congregations of the Divines might be held twice a day, and Prelates deputed to propose the correction of the abuses, in the matter of Order; and so it was decreed. The biting speech of the Ambassador did pierce the minds of the Papalins; and particularly, when he said, that the Articles were addressed principally to the Synod: Which words they thought were contrary to the Decree, that the Legates only should propose, a principal secret to preserve the Pope's authority. But they were moved more, that he said that he had deferred the proposition of more important matters, until another time, whence they drew great consequences, especially having always feared, that they had not as yet discovered their designs, and that they did plot greater matters. As also to speak unto the Italian and Spanish Fathers, as if they had other interests than the Pope, seemed a seditious manner of treating. The Ambassador gave a copy of his Oration; and by those words which he spoke of the Pope, That he hath supreme authority in the Church of God, some Popish Prelates noted, that, in reciting them, he had said, Who hath full power in the Church universal; drawing them to the favour of their opinion, and disputing that it was as much to have full power in the Church-universall, as to govern the Church-universall, which the Frenchmen did so much abhor, in the Decree of the institution. But himself and the other Frenchmen affirmed, that he had pronounced them as they were written. The next day Lorraine went to Ispruc, to visit the Emperor and King of The Card of Lorraine goeth to Ispruc. the Romans, accompanied with nine Prelates, and four Divines of the most learned amongst them. He had first a promise from the Legates, that while he was absent, the Article of the marriage of Priests should not be handled, which he did instantly desire, that nothing might be determined or preconceived contrary to the commission which he had from the Kings, to obtain of the Council a dispensation for the Cardinal of Bourbon to marry. Cardinal Altemps also went to Rome, recalled by the Pope, to be General of the A dispensation to marry for the Card of Bourbon. Card. Altemps is to be ene●●ll of the Pope's army. soldiers, which he purposed to raise for his own security. For understanding that levies were made in Germany, by the Dukes of Saxony and Wittenberg: and by the Landgrave of Hassia, howsoever it was generally believed, that all was done to assist the Hugonots of France, yet considering that the Count of Luna had written, that the Dutchmen had a great desire to invade Rome, and did remember the Sack six and thirty years since, he thought it was wisdom not to be unprovided, and, for the same cause, revived the treaty of making a combination with all the Italian Princes, for the defence of Religion. In the congregations, the Divines of the first rank did uniformly agree in condemning the first article, & every part thereof, as heretical; as also the second saying that secret marriages were true marriages. But there was the difference before metioned between Salmeron and the Dean of Paris, whether the Church hath power to make them void. Those who held the negative, stood upon that ground, that the matter, form, minister, & receiver are essential in every Sacrament, in which, as being instituted by God no Ecclesiastical power hath any thing to do. They said that the Council of Florence having declared, that the consent of the parties only is necessary to Matrimony, he that would infer the word, Public, for a necessary condition, doth infer, that the consent only is not sufficient, and that the Council of Florence hath failed in a necessary declaration. That CHRIST said in general of Matrimony, that man cannot separate that which GOD hath joined, meaning both the public and the secret conjunction. That in the Sacraments nothing ought to be affirmed without authority of the Scriptures, or tradition, neither of which do allow this authority to the Church; yea, by tradition we find the contrary, because all Churches in all nations throughout the world are uniform; in not pretending any power herein. On the contrary, it was said to be a clear case, that the Church hath power to make any man uncapable of marriage, because many degrees of consanguinity and affinity are made hindrances by the Ecclesiastical law only; and likewise the impediment of a solemn vow was made by the Pope's law; and therefore secrecy may be likewise made an impediment, by the same authority. The other part answered, that the prohibition by reason of kindred, is de iure divino, as Saint Gregory the Pope, and many of his successors have determined; that matrimony cannot be contracted between two, until it be known in what degree of kindred they are joined, and if other Popes have restrained this universality to the seventh degree, & afterwards to the fourth, this was a general dispensation, as Divorce was to the jews, and that a solemn vow doth hinder the iure divino, not by the Pope's authority. But Camillus Campeggius, a Dominican Friar, agreeing with the others, that no humane power is extended to the Sacraments, added, that whosoever can destroy the essence of the matter, can also make it uncapable of the Sacrament; that no man can make water not to be the matter of Baptism, or some bread of wheat not to be the matter of the Eucharist; but he that shall destroy the water, turning it into air, or shall burn the bread, turning it into ashes, shall make those matters not to be capable of the form of the Sacraments: So in Matrimony, the civil nuptial contract is the matter of the matrimonial Sacrament, by Divine institution; which being destroyed, and made of no force, can no more be the matter of it. Therefore it cannot be said that the Church can make a nullity in the secret marriage, for so it would have authority over the Sacraments, but it is true that the Church can nullify a secret nuptial contract, which, as being void, cannot receive the form of a Sacrament. This doctrine did much please the generality of the Fathers, because it was plain, easy, and resolved all the difficulties. But Antonius Solisius, who spoke after him, did contradict, saying, the speculation was true, but could not be applied to this purpose. For the reason, as it is meant of Baptism and the Eucharist, that whosoever doth destroy the water and the bread, doth make them uncapable of the forms of those Sacraments, doth not argue an Ecclesiastical power, but a natural, so that whosoever hath virtue to destroy the water, may, by this means, hinder the Sacrament; whereby it would follow, that he that can nullify a civil nuptial contract, may hinder Matrimony, but the annullation of such contracts belongeth to the civil Laws, and to secular Magistrates; therefore they must take heed, lest while they would give authority to the Church to make void secret marriages, it be not rather given to the secular power. Amongst those who attributed this power to the Church, it was disputed whether it were fit that the Church should use it. And there were two opinions. One, to make void all the secret, in regard of the inconveniences which ensue. The other, that the public, made without consent of parents, in whose power they are, should be made void also. And these alleged two reasons; one, that as great inconveniences did follow by these, in respect of the ruins which happen to families, by marriages unadvisedly, contracted by young men, the other that the Law of GOD, commanding obedience to parents, doth include this case as principal. That the Law of GOD doth give this particular authority to the Father, to give his daughter in marriage, as it plainly appeareth in Saint Paul and Exodus. That there are examples of the patriarchs in the old Testament, all married by their fathers. That the humane civil Laws have esteemed the marriages void, which have been contracted without the father. That as than it was judged expedient to nullify secret marriages, so now, seeing that the Pope's prohibition is not sufficient, which hath forbidden them without addition of nullity, there is more reason, in regard the malice of man will not obey the Law of GOD, which forbiddeth to marry without consent of parents, that the Synod should add unto it a nullity also; not because the Fathers have authority to make void the marriages of children, which is heresy to affirm, but because the Church hath authority to nullify both these and other contracts, prohibited by divine or humane Laws. This opinion, as honest, pious, and as well grounded as the other, pleased many of the Fathers. And so was the Decree framed, howsoever the publication was omitted, for causes which shall be related hereafter. But the Prelates did not for bear to discuss the controversies about the Pope's authority, and institution of Bishops. And the Frenchmen did persevere in their resolution, not to admit the words, Church-vniversall, lest they should prejudice the opinion held in France, of the superiority of the Council; and if it had been proposed, would have made protestation of the nullity, and departed. The Pope wrote it should be proposed, whatsoever did The Legates dare not propose the Article of the institution of Bishops. follow. But the Legates fearing that every little stir would be much out of season now the Emperor was so near, wrote back, that it was better to defer it until the Article of Matrimony was finished. The seventeenth of February Father Soto was the first that spoke in the second rank; who, upon the Article of Divorce, did first distinguish the matrimonial conjunction into three parts: the bond, the cohabitation, and the carnal copulation; inferring that there were as many separations also. He shown at large that the Ecclesiastical Prelate had authority to separate the married, or to give them a divorce, in respect of cohabitation, and carnal copulation, for all causes which they shall judge expedient and reasonable, the matrimonial bond still standing sure, so that neither can marry again; saying, that this was it which was bound by GOD, and could not be loosed by any. He was much troubled with the words of Saint Paul, who granteth to the faithful husband, if the unbelieving wife will not dwell with him, to remain separated. He was not contented with the common exposition, that the Matrimony of the unbelievers is not insoluble, alleging, that the insolubilitie is by the law of Nature, as also the words of Adam, expounded by our SAVIOUR, and the use of the Church, that married unbelievers, after they have been Baptised, are not married again; and that their matrimony is not different from that of the faithful. And he refolued to approve the exposition of Caietan, that the separation, mentioned by Saint Paul, of the faithful from the unbeliever, is not understood of the matrimonial bond, and that it was a thing worthy to be considered by the holy Synod. For Fornication he said, that it ought not to be a cause of separation from the bond, but from copulation, and cohabitation only. But he found himself much entangled, because he had said first that divorce might be granted in many respects, and for many causes, whereas the Gospel doth admit but one, which is Fornication, which must needs be understood in respect of the bond, because Divorce in the other two respects may have many causes. He gave many expositions of that place of the Gospel, without approcuing or disproouing any of them; and concluded that the Article ought to be condemned, because the contrary is made an Article of faith, by Apostolical tradition, howbeit the words of the Gospel are not so plain as that they are sufficient to convince the Lutherans. Concerning the fourth Article of Polygamic, he said it was against the law of Nature, nor could be permitted so much as to infidels, who are subject to Christians. He said the ancient Fathers had many wives by dispensation, and the others, who were not dispensed with by GOD, did live in perpetual sin. For the prohibition of marriages at certain times, he briefly alleged the authority of the Church, and the disconuenience of marriage with some times: and took this occasion to say, that no man had reason to be grieved, because the Bishop might dispense. He returned to the causes of Divorce, and concluded that the world would not complain of any of these things, if the Prelates did use their authority with wisdom and charity. But the cause of all the evils is, because they do not reside, but give the government to a Vicar, and oftentimes, without convenient maintenance, so that justice is ill administered, and graces not well bestowed. And here he spoke at large of Residence, saying, that if it were not declared to be de iure divino, it was impossible to remove those and other abuses, and to stop the mouths of heretics, who not observing that the evil cometh from the bad execution, lay the blame upon the Pope's constitutions; and therefore the Pope's authority will never be defended well, but by Residence well established; nor that well executed without the declaration, de iure divino; and that they did notoriously err, who thought it prejudicial to the authority of the Pope, whereas it is the only foundation to uphold and preserve it. He concluded, that the Council was bound to determine the truth, and spoke with such efficacy, that he was willingly heard by the Vltramontans, but did displease the Papalins, who thought the time impertinent to touch that matter. And it gave occasion to both parties to renew their practices. In the Congregation of the twentieth of February, john Ramirez, a Franciscan Friar, after he had spoken upon the same Articles, according to the common opinion of Divines, of the insolubilitie of marriage, said, that the same reasons which are between man and wife, are also between the Bishop and the Church, and that as the man ought not to departed from his wife, so ought not the Bishop to departed from his Church, and that this Spiritual bond was of no less force than the other which was corporal. He alleged Innocence the third, who decreed that a Bishop could not be transferred but by the divine authority because the matrimonial bond, which is less (said the Pope) cannot be dissolved by any power of man. And he was copious in showing that the Pope's authority was rather increased then diminished hereby, who, as a general Vicar, might make use of Bishops in an other place, where there was more need: as the Prince may employ married men for public occasions, sending them to other places, without dissolving the matrimonial bond. And he laboured to resolve the cotrary reasons with much prolixity. In the Congregation of that afternoon, Doctor Cornisius said, that both these Aricles, the third and fourth, were heretical, because they were condemned by many Decretals of Popes, and oxalted the authority of the Apostolic Sea in many words, saying, that all ancient Counsels, in the determinations of faith, did perpetually follow the authority and will of the Pope: He exemplified in the Council of Constantinople in Trullus, which followed the instruction sent by Pope Agathone, the Council of Chalcedon, which did not only follow, but worship the sentence of St. Leo the Pope; calling him also ecumenical, and Pastor of the Universal Church. And after he had alleged many authorities and reasons, to show that the words of CHRIST, spoken to Saint Poter (Feed my sheep) do signify as much as if he had said, rule and govern the Church Universal, he amplified very much the Pope's authority in dispensations, and other things also. He brought the authority of the Canonists, that the Pope may dispense against the Canons, against the Apostles, and in all the law of GOD, except the Articles of faith. In the end, he alleged the Chapter, Si Papa, that every one ought to acknowledge that his salvation doth depend, after GOD, upon the holiness of the Pope; amplifying these words, because they proceed from a Saint, and a Martyr, of whom no man can say that he did respect any thing but the truth. At this time Commendone returned from the Emperor, whose negotiation had not that success as the Legates desired. For the Emperor, hearing his propositions, answered, that he must have time to think on them because of their importance, and that he would consider of them, and answer The relation of Commendone returned from the Emperor. the Council by his Ambassador. He presently gave an account here of by letters, adding, that he found the Emperor was grieved, and had an ill conceit of the actions of the Council. Being now returned, he said further, that by the words of his Majesty, and by that which he had understood by his counsellors, and observed by their proceed, he thought he knew that he was so firm in that bad opinion, that he feared some disorder would ensue. That as fare as he could comprehend, the cogitations of his Majesty were wholly bend to obtain a great reformation, with such provisions as that it might be observed; and that he could certainly affirm, that he would not be content that the Council should be finished. That he had understood, that Delphinus, the Nuncio resident, having named suspension or translation, the Emperor was offended. Then he related that there was an opinion in that Court that the Catholic King held intelligence with the Emperor concerning the affairs of the Council, which he did believe, because he was assured that the Spanish Prelates had sent letters to him, in which were complaints against the proceed of the Italians, and many Articles of Reformation, which 'tis like they would not dart to do, except they knew their King's mind. He said also, that the Count of Luna, when the Pope's ministers had spoken of the too much licence of the Spanish Prelates in their speeches, answered thus, what could be done if those Prelates should say that they spoke as they thought in their conscience; He laid moreover, that in the conference he will have with the Cardinal of Lorraine, he was of opinion that they would conclude to make their petitions to be proposed by the Ambassadors; and that his Majesty had caused his Divines to consult upon them, and upon other conciliarie affairs; and that howsoever himself and the Nuncio Delphinus had used much diligence yet they were not able to learn the particulars. But within a short time they came to light. For the jesuite Canisius do rote to the General Laynez, that the Emperor was ill affected towards the Council and made many points to be consulted on, that he might resolde how to proceed, in case the Pope did prefevere in refusing to propose the reformation or in giving words contrary to his deeds. One point was, what Points consulted on in the Emperors cour. the Emperor's authority might be in Council; and that Fredericus Staphilus, Confessor to the Queen of Bahemia, was the chief man in the consultation. Canisius desired that one of the Society might be sent unto him, whom he might bring into the consultation, and by him discover all. Whereupon Laynez having conferred with Cardinal Simoneta, they resolved to send Father Natalis, by whom all was discovered. And the Articles consulted on were seventeen. 1. Whether a general Council, lawfully In number 17 assembled by the favour of Princes, may change the order determined by the Pope to be observed in handling the matters, and bring in a new manner. 2. Whether it be profitable for the Church that the Council should handlematters, and determine them as it is directed by the Pope or Court of Rome, so that it may not do otherwise. 3. Whether, if the Pope die in time of the council, the Fathers thereof ought to choose another. 4. What the Emperor's power is, the Sea of Rome being void, and the Council open 5. Whether, when matters are handled concerning the peace and tranquillity of the Christian common wealth, the Ambassadors of Princes ought to have a deciding voice, howsoever they have it not concerning matters of faith. 6. Whether Princes may recall their Orators and Prelates from the council, without imparting it to the Legates. 7. Whether the Pope may dissolve or suspend the Counsel without the participation of Princes, and especially of the Emperor. 8. Whether it be fit that Princes should interpose, to cause more necessary and expedient matters to be handled in Counsel. 9 Whether the Orators of Princes may expound to the Fathers in person, those things which the Princes commit unto them, to be expounded. 10. Whether a means may be found, that the Fathers, sent by the Pope and Princes, may be free in giving their voices in Council. 11. What course may be taken, that the Pope and Court of Rome may not interpose in ordaining that which is to be handled in Council, that the liberty of the Fathers may not be hindered. 12. Whether a means may be found that no fraud, violence, or extortion be used in delivering the opinions of the Fathers. 13. Whether any thing may be handled, be it point of doctrine, or reformation of the Church, before it be discussed by the learnell. 14. what remedy may be found, if the Italian Prelates doecont inve their obstinacy in not suffering matters to be resolved. 15. What remedy may be used to him 〈…〉 the con〈…〉 of the Italian Prelates, when the Pope's authority is in question. 16. Now the practices may be removed which hinder the determination of the point of residency. 17. Whether it be seemly that the Emperor should personally assist in Council. But a long and serious consultation was held in Rome, whether the petitions A consultation in Rome. of the Frenchmen ought to be proposed? and they consideredred not so much the weight of the things themselves, as the consequences thereof. For observing what the Ferrieres had said in his Oration, that the petitions exhibited were of the lighter sort, and that others remained of more weight, they conjectured that the Frenchmen, having not made those demands because they desired to obtain them, they aimed to make entrance by that way, to propose others which they had in their mind, and that, by these which they call light, the gate being opened, passage might not be denied them what attempt soever they would make beside. For these and other respects it was resolved to write to the Legates, that, absolutely, they should not be proposed, nor a negative given, but only a delay interposed; and the means they were to use, were written also. At the same time, a writing of an uncertain Author came from Rome, in answer of those petitions, A writing published in Rome against the French petitions. which immediately was spread in Trent, and in the Emperors Court. And it was believed in Rome, that, by these means, they had given a good counterpoise to the instances of the Frenchmen. But the Pope was more troubled with the novity at the Emperor's Court to consult of matters so prejudicial to him, knowing well that the Papal dignity is preserved by the reverence, and certain persuasion of Christians that it cannot be called into question, that when the world doth begin to examine matters, apparent reasons will not be wanting to disturb the best things. He observed that his predecessors had used potent remedies in like occasions, and that when the foundation of faith is questioned, that precept, to resist the beginnings, taketh place. For as, in the breaches of rivers, if the smallest ruptures be not stopped, the channel cannot be kept full, so when there is but a small overture against the supreme authority, and not stopped, it is easily carried to an absolute downfall. He was counselled to write a Brief to the Emperor, concerning this his distaste, as Paul the third did to the Emperor Charles, about the Colloquies of Spira, and reprehend him for questioning those Articles, as things that are most clear, and in another Brief to reprove the Counsellors, for persuading him to it, and to admonish the Divines who have assisted in the business, to seek an absolution from the censures. But having thought well on it, he considered that the state of things was not then as it was under Paul. First, because that disputation was public, whereas this was private, and concealed of purpose that it might not be known, so that he might dissemble all notice of it, whereas if it should continue after his public reprehension of it, he should put himself into greater danger; that it was convenient for Charles to stand united with the Pope that he might not subject himself to the Dutch Princes, whereas this Emperor is, as it were, subject unto them already; finally that this remedy might be deferred, because it would always be in season, but by dissembling a while, he might obliquely make trial to hinder the resolution of the consultations which were made, by sending the Cardinal of Mantua to his Majesty. The writing which went about against the petitions of the Frenchmen, did not one displease them, who took it for an affront, but the Emperor Displeaseth the Frenchmen, and the Emperor. also very much. And the Legates having received commission from Rome concerning them, were but ill satisfied, and thought that this was not to give commission to Precedents of Council, but advertisments rather to ministers to make use of entreaties by way of negotiation. They wrote back only to demand what they should do, in case the Imperialists should make instance to have their petitions proposed: and they caused Gabriel Paleotto, Auditor of the Rota, to write a full information of the difficulties, which they sent. But the Cardinal of Mantua, in regard the Emperor had told Commendone, that he would give answer to the Council by his Ambassador, thought it not convenient to go unto him before they received that resolution: beside, the Cardinal of Lorraine being at the Emperor's Court, and the effect of his negotiation not known, he should be doubtful in what manner to proceed. Upon these reasons he excused himself to The Card. of mantua writeth freely to the Pope. the Pope, and beside wrote to him with his own hand, that he had not a face to appear any more in Congregation, to give words only, as he had done two years together; that all the Ministers of Princes do say, that howsoever his Holiness doth promise much for reformation, yet seeing nothing to be executed, they do not think he hath any inclination to it; who if he had performed his promises, the Legates could not have been Wanting to give satisfaction to the instances of so many Princes. Neither ought any to marvel that this Cardinal, a Prince conversant so many long years in many great affairs, and of a most complete conversation, should use this passage with his Holiness, it being a thing natural to men that are near their grave, for some intrinficall cause, unknown even unto themselves, to be distasted with humane matters, and to neglect pure ceremonies; to which gaol he was then very near, there remaining but six days of his life from the date hereof. But in the Congregation, the last that spoke in the second rank was Adrian, a Dominican Friar; who, touching but lightly the matter in question, discoursed at large of dispensations, and, with Theological terms and forms defended the things mentioned by Doctor Cornisius, and speak of them, not without scandal. He said that authority to dispense in humane laws, was absolute, and unlimited in the Pope, because he was superior to them all; and therefore when he did dispense, though without any cause, the dispensation was notwithstanding to be held for good: that in divine laws he had power to dispense, but not without a cause. He alleged Saint Paul, who saith, that the Ministers of CHRIST are the dispensers of the mysteries of God; and that to him the Apostle, dispensation of the Gospel had been committed. He added, that howsoever the Pope's dispensation concerning the Divine Law be not of ●orce, yet every one ought to captivated his understanding, and believe that he hath granted it for a lawful cause, and that it is temereity to call it into question. Then he discoursed of the cause of dispensations; which he reduced to public utility, and charity towards private men. This discourse gave occasion to the French men to speak of the matter, with the ill satisfaction of the Papalins. The secondranke having made an end of speaking, for observation of the promise made to Lorraine, not to handle the marriage of Priests in his absence, they changed the order, and made the fourth rank speak next. john Verdun, handling the seventh Article of the degrees of affinity and consanguinity, passed immediately from it, and came to the matter of dispensations, and seemed to have none other aim, then to contradict Friar Adrian, labouring to weaken the Pope's power. First he expounded the places of Saint Paul, That the Ministers of CHRIST are the dispensers of the mysteries of God, and of the Gospel, and said the gloss was contrary to the text. For the place doth not prove a dispensation, that is, a disobligation from the Law, but a publishing and declaring the divine mysteries, and the word of God, which is perpetual, and remaineth inviolable for ever. He granted, that in humane laws a dispensation might lie, in regard of the lawmakers imperfection, who could not foresee all cases, and, making general laws, must needs reserve power to him that governeth the Commonwealth, because of Sundry occurrences, which may bring acceptions in particular matters. But where God is the Lawgiver, from whom nothing is concealed, and by whom no accident is not foreseen, the law can have no exception. Therefore the law of God and Nature ought not to be called a written Law, which in some cases ought to be expounded, and made more gentle, but all that Law is even equity itself. In humane laws, in which some cases by reason of particular accidents, if they had been foreseen, would not have been comprehended, a dispensation may well be granted. But the dispenser cannot, in any case, free him that is bound, and if he deny a dispensation to him that deserveth it, the party refused shall notwithstanding remain without all obligation. That the world hath conceived a wrong opinion, that to dispense, is to bestow a favour, and that the dispensation is requisite to be given, as any other part of distributive justice to be exercised; that the Prelate doth offend if he give it not to whom it is due. And, in sum, he said, that when a dispensation is desired, either the case is such, as, if it had been foreseen, it would have been excepted, and here there is an obligation to dispense, or would have been comprehended, though it had been thought on by the Lawmaker, and to this the power of dispensing is not extended. He added that flattery, ambition, and avarice have persuaded, that to dispense is to bestow a favour, as the master would do to his servants, or one that giveth of his own. The Pope is not Lord, and the Church a servant, but he is servant of him who is spouse of the Church, and by him set over the Christian family, to give, as the Gospel saith, to every one his own measure, that is, that which is due unto him. And, in conclusion, he said, that a dispensation was nothing but a declaration or interpretation of the Law, and that the Pope could not, by dispencing, unbind any that was bound, but declare only to him that is not bound, that he is exempted from the Law. The last day but one of February, the Cardinal of Lorraine returned to Trent, having remained five days in Ispruc, which he sent in continual The Card. of Lorraine returneth. negotiation With the Emperor, King of the Romans, and their Ministers. At his return he found the Pope's letters to him; in which he said, that he did desire a reformation should be made and not deferred any longer, and that they might have time to labour therein, the words of the decree of Order, which were in difficulty, should be taken away. The Cardinal did publish these letters purposely in Trent, where it was generally known that the Legates had a contrary Commission. But the Papalins used all diligence to find what business the Cardinal had by means of those who were in his company and in particular, what resolution was taken concerning the seventeen Articles; and the rather because Count Frederick Massei, who came from Ispruc but the day before related that the Cardinal was every day in private conference, more than two hours, with the Emperor and King of the Romans. The Frenchmen made show to understand nothing of the Articles, and said that none of the Dutch divines had treated with the Cardinal but Staphilus only who presented him with a book which he had made in matter of residence, and Canisius when he went to see the College of the jesuites, that the Divines had not spoken to the Emperor, but only when going to see the Library, they overtook him and the King his son, who demanding what they thought concerning the grant of the Cup the Abbot of Claneval, who was first of them, answered, that he thought it could not be granted; then the Emperor, turning to the King of the Romans, spoke this verse of the Psalm in Latin; Forty years have I endured this generation, and have always found them to err in their will. But Lorraine, in visiting the Legates, said nothing, but that the Emperor was very well and zealously affected towards the Counsel desiring it might produce some fruit, and that if occasion were, he would assist in person, and go to Rome also, to pray the Pope to have compassion of Christendom, and to suffer a reformation to be made, which might not diminish his authority, to which he bore exceeding great reverence nor would have any thing spoken of touching his Holiness and the Court of Rome. But to others in private he said, that if the Council had been governed with that wisdom as was convenient, it would have had a sudden and prosperous end; that the Emperor was resolved, that a good and a strong reformation should be made, which if the Pope would continue to cross, as hitherto he had done, some great scandal would ensue, that his Majesty purposed to go to Bolonia, in case the Pope came thither, with design to receive the crown of the Empire; and such other things. It is not to be doubted, that the Cardinal spoke of the affairs of the The points on which the Cardinal of Lorraine treated with the Emperor. Council, and informed the Emperor of the disorders, and delivered his opinion what remedies might be used, to oppose the Court of Rome, and the Italian Prelates of Trent, to obtain in Council the communion of the Cup, the marriage of Priests, the use of the vulgar tongue in holy matters, the relaxation of other precepts of positive law, a reformation in the Head and the members, and a means to make the Decrees of the Council indispensable, and how in case they were not able to obtain, they might have a colourable occasion to justify their actions, if, of themselves, they should make provision for the necessities of their people, by making a Nationall Council, assaying also to unite the Germans with the Frenchmen, in matters of religion. But this was not his negotiation only. For he treated a marriage also, between the Queen of Scotland and the Arch duke Ferdinand, the Emperor's son, and another between a daughter of his Majesty and the Duke of Ferrara, and to find a means to compose the differences of precedence between France and Spain, which things, as domestical, do touch Princes more nearly than the public. After the return of Lorraine the Congregations continuing, james Alan, a French Divine, entered likewise into the matter of dispensations, and said, that authority to dispense was immediately given to the Church by Christ, and by it, distributed to the Prelates, as need required, according to times, places, and occasions. He extrolled the authority of General Counsels, which represent the Church, and diminished the Popes, adding that it belongeth to the General council to enlarge or restrain it. The second of March, the Cardinal of Mantua, having been sick a few, The Cardinal of Mantua dieth. days, passed to another life; which was cause of many mutations in Council. The Legates did presently send advice hereof to the Pope; and Seripando, who remained prime Legate, beside the common letter, wrote in particular, that he would be glad his Holiness would send another Legate, his superior, to govern the Council, or remove him: but in case he would The three Legates remaining write to the Pope. leave him prime Legate, he told him he would proceed as God should inspire him; and that otherwise it were better to remove him absolutely. The Cardinal of Varmia wrote a part also, that his Church had great need of the presence of a Pastor, and that the communion of the Cup was brought in, and other notable abuses, desiring leave to go thither, to make provision herein, and that generally in all Polonia, there was need of a person, who might keep the residue of the people in obedience, saying, he should do the Apostolic Sea more service in those quarters, than he could by remaining in the Council. But Simoneta, desirous that the weight of the whole business should lie upon his shoulders; hoping to guide it with satisfaction of the Pope and his own honour, considering that Seripando was satiated with it, and not inclined to govern it, and that Varmiense was a simple man, fit to beled, he wrote to the Pope, that, the affairs of the Council being not in a good state, every novity would shake it much, and therefore did think fit to continue without sending other Legates, and promised a good issue. In those day's advice came from Rome, that a cause of the Bishop of Segovia, which was to be proposed in the Rota, was refused, and that one of the Auditors told his Proctor, that the Bishop was suspected of heresy. This made a great stir, not only amongst the Spaniards, but all the Oltramontanes also, complaining that, in Rome, calumnies and infamies were raised against those who did not absolutely adhere to their wills. The fourth of March the third rank began to speak: and, for the fift Article all agreed that it was heretical, and to be condemned; and so they did of the sixth. Yet there was a difference, because some said, that howsoever the Oriental Church and the Occidental did differ, in regard this did admit to Priesthood and holy Orders continent persons only, and that did admit married men, yet no Church did ever grant that Priests might marry and that this is so by Apostolical tradition, not by reason of vow, or of any Ecclesiastical constitution; and therefore that, absolutely, they were to be condemned for heretics, who say it is lawful for Priests to marry, though they restrain not themselves to the West, nor make mention of vow or law of the Church. And others said, that no disp 〈…〉 could be granted for Priests to marry for any cause whatsoever. Some said that matrimony was forbid to two sorts of persons, for two causes. To secular Clerks, in regard of holy Orders, by Ecclesiastical law; to regulars, in regard of their solemn vow. That the prohibition of marriage by constitution of the Church, may be taken away by the Pope, or, in case that remain in force still, the Pope may dispense with it. They alleged the examples of those who have been dispensed with, and the use of antiquity, that, if a Priest did marry the marriage was good, but the man was separated from the Ministry; which hath continually been observed until the time of Innocenntius the 2. who, first of all the Popes, ordained that there should be a nullity in the marriage. But with those who are bound to continency by solemn vow, this being the iure divino, they said the Pope could not dispense. They alleged Innocentius the third, who affirmed that the observation of chastity, and the abdication of the propriety of goods, doth so cleave to the bones of Munkes, that the Pope cannot dispense therein. Then they added the opinion of Saint Thomas, and of other Doctors, who affirm, that the solemn vow is a consecration of the man to God, and that, because no man can make a thing consecrated to return to humane uses, no man likewise can make a Monk to return to the power of marrying, and that all Catholic Writers do condemn Luther, and his sectaries of heresy, for saying that Munkship is an humane invention; and do affirm that it is by Apostolical tradition: whereunto the opinion that the Pope may dispense, is directly contrary. Others did maintain that the Pope might dispense, even with these also, and marvelled at those, who, granting the dispensation of simple vows, did deny that of solemn, as if it were not most clear, by the determination of Boniface the vl, that every solemnity is de iure positivo, making use also of the examples of things consecrated to prove their opinion. For as a thing consecrated, remaining so; cannot be employed in humane uses, but yet the consecration may be removed, and the thing made profane, whereby it may lawfully return to a promiscuons use, so a man consecrated to Munkship, remaining so, cannot marry, but, the Munkship and consecration, arising from the solemnity of the vow, which is de iure positivo, being removed, he may, without any hindrance, live as others do. They brought places of Saint Austin, by which it doth manifestly appear, that in his time, some Munkes did marry. And howsoever it was thought they offended in it, yet the marriage was lawful, and Saint Austin reprehendeth those who did separate them. They said moreover it was necessary to dispense with Priests, or to take away the precept of continency. And the Duke of Bavaria having sent to Rome, to demand of his Holiness the Communion of the Cup, requested also that married men might have leave to preach, under which name all the Ecclesiastical ministry was understood, exercised by Parish-Priests, in the cure of souls. Many reasons were alleged to persuade the grant, which were resolved into two; scandal given by incontinens Priests, and want of continent persons, sit to exercise the ministry. And the famous saying of Pope Pins the second, was in the mouth of many that Priests were by the Occidental Church forbidden to marry for good reason, but there was stronger reason to restore marriage to them again. Those of the contrary opinion said, that it is not the part of a wise Physician to cure one disease; by causing a greater, that if Priests are in continent and ignorant, yet the Priesthood is not to be prostituted to 〈…〉 d 〈◊〉 And here many Popes were alleged, who did not permit it; because they said it was impossible to attend to the flesh and to the spirit, and that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was a carnal estate; that the true remedy was to make provision of continent and learned persons, by education, by diligence, by rewards and punishments, and, in the mean time, not to ordain any but m●n of an approved life; and, for doctrine to cause Homilies and Catechisms to be printed in the Dutch and French tongues, composed by learned and religios men, to be read to the people out of the book by the 〈…〉 learned Priests, by which means the Parish Priests, though unsufficient, might satisfy the people. The Legates were blamed for suffering this Article to be disputed; as being dangerous; because it is plain that married Priests will turn their affections The principal reason why Priests are forbid to marry. and love to their wives and children, and by consequence to their house and Country, so that the strict dependence which the Clergy hath on the Apostolic Sea, would cease, and to grant marriage to Priests, would destroy the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy, and make the Pope to be Bishop of Rome only. But the Legates excused themselves, that, to please the Bishop of Five Churches, who had made this request in the name of the Duke of Bavaria, and of the Emperor also, & to make the Imperialists not to be so earnest in the matter of reformation, which was of more importance, they were forced to yield to this disputation. The Frenchmen, perceiving it was the more common opinion that the marriage of Priests might be dispensed with, consulted together whether it were fit to demand a dispensation for the Cardinal of Borbon, as Lorraine and the Ambassadors had commission. Lorraine was of opinion, that it was not fit; saying, that, without doubt, the Council would hardly be persuaded that the cause was reasonable, and urgent, in regard it was not necessary he should have posterity, the King being young, there being two Brothers, and other Princes of the blood, Catholics: and for governing, during the minority of the King; he might do it, remaining in the Clergy, that, in regard of the differences between the French and Italians, about reformation, and the authority of the Pope and Bishops, their opposities would diligently oppose this demand; that it was better to go to the Pope, or expect a better occasion, and that it was sufficient for that time, to provide that no doctrine should be established in prejudice of it. Some thought that Lorraine did not like, in his private opinion, that Borbon should marry, in regard it might cause an emulation, or diminution of his house; but others did not think it probable. First, because by this means all hope was taken from ●onde, whom he ●●ist●●sted much more; yea that he did much desire that Borbon should return to the secular state, that himself might be the prime 〈…〉 France, and that, if a Patriarch were made, as he much desired, he might undoubtedly be the man, which could not be, if Borbon did still remain in the Clergy. The Pope having received advice of the death of Mantua, and consulted with his inward friends, thought it necessary to send other Legates, who being new, not entangled with promises and treaties, might follow his instructions with more ease. And therefore the seventh of March, the second Sunday in Lent, not intimating a Congregation, as he was wont, but the Two new Legates are created. Cardinals being assembled in the Chamber where they put on their robes to go to the Chapel, according to the use, he stayed, and, excluding the Courtiers, caused the doors to be shut, and created Legates, the Cardinals, john Morone, and Bernardus Navaggerus, that, by the persuasions of Princes or Cardinals, he might not be forced to name others that pleased him not. The Pope thought to do it secretly; but it came to the ears of the Frenchmen, and the Cardinal of Bordissiera spoke to the Pope before he went out of the Chamber, and told him many reasons, that, in case he would create new Legates, he could not commit the charge to a more worthy person than the Cardinal of Lorraine. But the Pope being resolute, and displeased that the matter was not so secretly carried, answered freely, that the Cardinal of Lorraine came to the Council as Head of one of the pretendent parties, and that he would depute those who were Neutrals, and without interests. The Cardinal being about to reply, the Pope made haste away, and went down out of the Chamber so fast, that there was not time to make answer. The Congregation being ended, the Pope let the Cardinals go to the Chapel, and himself returned to the Chamber, because he would not be in ceremony, when he was so much vexed with the words of that Cardinal. The ninth of March news came to Trent, that the Duke of Guise, brother The Duke of Guise is slains under Orlience. to the Cardinal of Lorraine, as he returned from the trenches under Orlience, was shot, by john Poltrot, a private Gentleman of the reformed religion, and six days after died, to the great discontent of all the Court, and that, after he was wounded, he exhorted the Queen to make peace, and said openly, that he was an enemy to the kingdom who was against it. The Homicide being interrogated of his complices, named Coligni, the Admiral, and Theodore Beza, and afterwards excused Beza, but persevered in accusing the other. Yet he wavered so, that one could not tell what to believe. The Cardinal advertised hereof, provided a greater guard then formerly he had: and, being exceedingly grieved for the death of his brother, who was so dear unto him, first of all he wrote a consolatory Letter to Antoniette de The Card. of Lorraine writeth to his mother. Borbon, their common mother, full of exquisite conceits, to be compared, or rather as his friends said, to be preferred to those of Seneca, in the end whereof he said, he was resolved to go to his Church of Reims, and to spend the residue of his life in preaching the word of GOD, instructing the people, bringing up his brother's children in Christian piety, and never to cease performing of these offices, but when the Kingdom, for some public affairs, had need of his pains. The Letter was no sooner parted from Trent, but the City was full of copies of it, rather importunely offered by his friends, then requested; so hard it is for the affection of self love to be quiet, though in the occasion of greatest sorrow. After this, the Cardinal, thinking of the change of things by this variation, altered all his designs. And this caused a change also in the affairs of the Council. For he being the man which the Emperor and Queen of France had, until then, wholly employed, they were forced, for want of so fit a minister, to be more remiss in their purposes, and to proceed more slowly. But it happeneth in humane affairs, as it doth in fortunes at Sea, where, the winds being ceased, the waves do tumultuate, for some hours after. So the great weight of the affairs of the Council could not easily be appeased, in regard of their former impetuous motion. But it is certain, that the death of that Duke The death of the Duke caused a great alteration in the Council. was a great beginning of the quiet which succeeded some months after, especially after the death of the other brother, great Prior of France, and the peace made with the Hugonots, and the instances of the Queen to the Cardinal to make his peace with the Pope, and return into France: of which things we will speak in due place. Hereby the Cardinal saw, that the affairs as they stood, would not be profitable, neither for himself, nor his friends. The death of Guise was lamented both in Trent and Rome, because every one thought he was the only maintainer of the Catholic party in the kingdom of France; neither did it appear what other person could succeed, in supporting that weight; the rather, because every one was daunted by the example of his death. The French Prelates in the Council were troubled in mind, because they understood that an accord was treated with the Hugonots, who pretended, amongst other things, that the third part of the Ecclesiastical revenues should be employed for maintenance of the reformed Ministers. In this variety of businesses, and perplexity of minds, Five-churches returned to Trent, and, with the other Ambassadors of the Emperor, had audience with the Legates, and presented to them the Emperor's letter which The Emperor's letters to the Legates and the Pope. he brought, and the copy of another written by his Majesty to the Pope. They all made request for the reformation, but in general terms only, and very remissely. The Emperor's letter to the Legates, did signify his desire to see some fruitful proceeding of the Council, for which it was necessary to remove some impediments, whereof having written to the Pope, he prayed them to labour in Council, and to use persuasions to his Holiness, that the future progress might be for the service of GOD, and benefit of Christendom. In his letter to the Pope he said, that, having dispatched great businesses with the Electors, and other Princes and States of Germany, nothing was more precious unto him, being Advocate of the Church, then to promote the affairs of the Council; that he was come to Ispruc for that cause, where, to his grief, he understood that matters did not proceed as he hoped, and as the public tranquillity did require; that he feared, if better order were not taken, the Council would end with scandal of the world, and laughter of those who had forsaken the obedience of the Church of Rome, who would be incited to retain their opinions with greater obstinacy, there had been no Session held of a long time; that while Princes did labour to unite the adversary's differing in opinions, the Fathers came to contentions, unworthy of them; that there was a fame that his Holiness meant to dissolve or suspend the Council, perhaps moved thereunto by the present state thereof: but that his opinion was to the contrary. For it had been better it had never been begun, then left unperfect with the scandal of the world, contempt of his Holiness, and of the whole Clergy, prejudice of this and other future general Counsels, loss of that small remainder of Catholics, and opinion of the world, that the end of the dissolution or suspension was only to hinder the reformation; that, in the intimation of it, his Holiness did desire his consent, and of other Kings and Princes, which he did, in imitation of his predecessors, who always have thought it necessary, for many respects; that the same reason doth conclude, that it cannot be dissolved or suspended without the same consent. And he exborted him, not to hearken to those who would have him to dissolve it, a thing shameful and unprofitable, which undoubtedly would be a cause of Nationall Counsels, so much abhorred by his Hol. as contrary to the unity of the Church, which as they have been hindered by Princes to preserve the Pope's authority, so they cannot be denied, or deferred any more. He persuaded him to maintain the liberty of the Council, which was impeached principally by three causes. One because every thing was first consulted of at Rome, another, because the Legates had assumed to themselves only the liberty of proposing, which ought to be common to all; the third, because of the practices which some Prelates, interested in the greatness of the Court of Rome, did make. He said, that a reformation of the Church being necessary, and the common opinion being, that the abuses have their beginning and growth in Rome, it was fit, for common satisfaction, that the reformation should be made in Council, and not in that City. And therefore desired his Holiness to be content that the demands exhibited by his Ambassadors, and by other Princes, might be proposed. In the conclusion, he told him, he purposed to assist in Council personally, and exhorted his Holiness to do the like. This letter was dispatched the third of March, and it gave much offence With which his Holiness is offended. to the Pope. For he thought that the Emperor did embrace much more than his authority did reach unto, and passed the terms of his Predecessors, men more potent than himself. But he was displeased more when he was advised by his Nuncio, that he had sent copies of the same Letter to other Princes, and to the Cardinal of Lorraine also; which could be done to no other end, but to incite them against him, and to justify his own actions. Besides, Doctor Scheld, great Chancellor to the Emperor, persuaded Delphinus, the Pope's Nuncio in that Court, that he would be a means that the words, Vniversalem Ecclesiam, might be taken away, which did infer the superiority of the Pope above the Council, saying, that these times did not comport they should be used, and that the Emperor and himself also did know, that Charles the fift, of happy memory, did hold the contrary opinion in this article, and that they should take heed of giving occasion to his Majesty and other Princes to declare what they think 〈◊〉. The Pope considered that Lorraine also had written, that it was not 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 the difficulty of the words, Vniversalem Ecclesiam, &c, and the advice which came from Trent, that the Cardinal said, that neither himself, nor the French Prelates could endure them, that they might not canonize an opinion, contrary to all 〈…〉 ance, which, when men came to speak plainly in the discussion of this point, would have more favourers than was believed, & that they were deceived who thought she contrary; which shown clearly, that he had treated hereof at the Emperors Court. These things considered, the Pope thought fit to make a good answer, and to send about also, to justify himself. Therefore he wrote, to the Emperor, that he had called the Council with the participation of him, and of other Kings and Princes, not because And answereth the letter thus. the Apostolic Sea had need, in governing the Church, to expect the consent of any authority whatsoever, because he had plenitude of power from CHRIST; that all the ancient Counsels have been assembled by authority of the Bishop of Rome, nor any Prince ever interposed, but as a mere executor of his will, he had never had any purpose either to dissolve or to suspend the Council, but hath always purposed to give a complete end; for the service of GOD; that, by consulting Rome of the same matters which were disputed in Trent, the liberty of the Council was not only not hindered, but promoted rather, that no Council was ever celebrated in absence of the Pope, but that he hath sent instructions, which the Fathers have also followed; that the instructions do still remain, which Pope Celestinus sent the Ephesine Council, Pope Leo to that of Chalcedon, Pope Agatho to than of Trullus, Pope Adrian the first to the second of Nice, Pope Adrian the second to the eighth general Council of Constantinople, that, for proposing in the Council, it hath always belonged to the Pope whensoever he hath been present, yea, he alone hath resolved, and the Council done nothing but approve; that in absence of the Pope, the Legates have ever proposed, or others, deputed by them; in conformity whereof, the Council of Trent hath determined, that the Legates should propose; that this is necessary for the keeping of order, in regard there would be a great confusion, if the Prelates, 〈…〉 iltuously and one against another, might set on foot matters seditious, and in convenient; that the Legaes have never refused to propose any thing that is profitable, that the practices, made by dide●s against the authority of the Apostolic Sea, hath much displeased him; that all the books of the Fathers and Counsels are full, that the Pope, successor, of Peter, and Vicar of CHRIST, is Rastor of the universal Church, that many conventicles and 〈◊〉 have been made in Trent, against this truth, how soever the Church hath always used this form of speech, as his Majesty might feel 〈◊〉 the place which he sent him cited in a paper enclosed, 〈…〉 present A paper full of quotations. 〈◊〉 have 〈◊〉 because his Legates, using 〈…〉 bad 〈◊〉 〈…〉 g take occasion to speak against the libert of the Council, had 〈…〉 to be contemned, so that the Council might be● 〈…〉 that; for reformation, he de 〈…〉 it should 〈…〉 and absolute, and hath continually solicited his Legates to resolve upon 〈◊〉, concerning the Court, the world knew how any pro 〈…〉 with the diminution of his rents, and that, if any thing 〈…〉 Would no 〈…〉 it, that 〈◊〉 could not be done in 〈…〉, being no● informed well, instead of reforming, would 〈◊〉 more, that, in the mean while, he desired to second it 〈…〉 formation in other Courts also, which had no less need of it, in the affairs of the Church only, and that perhaps from the abuses therein the evil doth principally arise; that, concerning the petitions proposed by his Majesty's Ambassadors, and others, he hath always written they should be examined and discussed, each of them in its fit time, and that an oder being instituted, and continued to handle in Council matters of faith, and reformation of the abuses concerning them, both together, it could not be altered, without confusion and indignity; that his Majesty having touched diverse disorders of the Council, had omitted the principal, and fountain of the others, which is, that those who ought to receive law from Counsels, would give it unto them; that if the piety of Constantine, and the two Theodosi●j were imitated, and their examples followed, the Council would have had no division between the Fathers, and been in great reputation with the world; that he desired to assist personally in Council, to remedy the disorders thereof, but in regard of his age, and of his important affairs, it was inpossible for him to go to Trent, and would not speak of translating it to a place whither he might go for fear of giving suspicion. The Pope thought that the interests of the Emperor and of France could not be united with his, and therefore could promise himself but little, and hope less of them. For they did not think of the Synod but for the interests of their estates, & therefore did desire nothing from it but what might give satisfaction and contentment to their people, and in case they cannot obtain it, to hinder the ending of the Council, and so to keep their subjects still in hope. But these interests could not move the King of Spain, whose people are Catholics, and therefore he might conform himself to his will, without prejudice to his states, yea that it was good for him to stand united with him, that he might obtain graces; and therefore he thought it necessary to solicit him, with continual persuasions, and to give him hope of all satisfaction. And Lewis d' Auola did opportunely arrive in Rome, sent expressly by his Catholic Majesty. The Pope honoured him above measure, lodged him in the palace, in the rooms formerly inhabited by Count Frederic A Spanish Ambassador cometh to Rome. Boremeo, his nephew, and used him with all effectual courtesy. The causes of his coming were, to obtain of the Pope a prorogation for five years more of the Subsidy of the Clergy, granted unto him, and power to sell five and twenty thousand crowns of the Fees of the Churches. He had commission also to procure a dispensation of marriage between the Princess, Sister of the King and his Son Charles, which, in Spain, was thought easy, because many, even private men, were dispensed with to marry the daughter of their brother or sister, which is as much as to take the sister of the father, Besides, Moses and Aaron were borne of such a matrimony. For the marriage, the Pope said he would do as much as his authority would stretch unto, and would cause the matter to be consulted on. But the Treaty did not proceed, in regard of the infirmity of the Princess which succeeded, and made her unfit for marriage. Concerning the Subsidy, and alienation, the Pope shown a willing mind, but made difficulty to do it while the Prelates were at charges in the Council, promising to gratify the King if he would assist him to finish it, and to free him from it. For matters of the Council, Don Lewis did not proceed fare in the first audiences, only he offered to procure the preservation of the Pope's authority, and exhorted his Holiness not to treat a league between the Catholics, lest the heretics should do the like, and France run headlong to any accord with the Hugonots. In the mean while diverse assemblies were held in Trent: the Emperor's Ambassadors called together the Spanish Prelates, in the house of the Archbishop of Granata, to persuade them to consent that the use of the Cup might be granted in Council, purposing to propose it again: but they found them so averse, that they were forced to bury it in silence. The Cardinal of Lorraine held many congregations with his Prelates and Divines to examine the places, sent by the Pope to the Emperor, in the paper before mentioned, and by the Emperor to him, concerning the words, Vniversalem Ecclesiam, to see whether they were justly cited, and whether the true sense was given them, that they might, as they did, make another writing, in confutation of it. The Emperor gave order that these places might be imparted to the Spanish Prelates, that he might know their opinion; which Five Churches having done, when they were all assembled to this end, Granata answered that his Majesty needed not to have taken such pains with them who do receive the Council of Florence, but should ask the Frenchmen, who receive that of Basil. Upon this occasion some of them, when Five Churches was gone from them, did persuade, that a letter should be written to the Pope, to take from him the bad opinion he had conceived of them. But Granata refused, and said, it was sufficient that he knew by their voices that they were not opposite herein; yet so, as it was not fit they should imitate the flattery of the Italians. And he used these very words. Let him restore unto us our own, that we may leave unto him more than is his; and it is not just, that of Bishops we should be made his Vicars. Another day the Ambassadors of the Emperor and French King met together, to set down an order that the Decree of residence, composed by the Cardinal of Lorraine, might be proposed: which neither they, nor Lorraine could obtain of the Cardinal of Varmia, and Simoneta, Seripando being sick, and absent. In the congregation of the seventeenth of March, one of the Divines, finding opportunity to digress from the continency of Priests to residence, spent his whole large discourse therein. He brought authority and examples to persuade that it was de iure divino, and to answer that objection, that many Canons and Decrees do command it, which needed not, if it were commanded by God. He used this conceit, that Ius divinum is the foundation, or pillar of residence, and Ius Canonicum the Edifice or roof, and that as the building is overthrown when the foundation is removed, and as the roof falleth when the pillar is taken away, so it is impossible to preserve residence with Ius Canonicum only, and those who ascribe it only unto that, have no other aim then to destroy it. He brought the examples of ancient times, noting that residence was exquisitely observed by all, before any Canons or humane Decrees were made, because every one held that he was bound by God. But since that some have persuaded themselves, that there was no obligation but that which is derived from humane Laws, howsoever these have often been renewed, and fortified with penalties; yet all hath still grown worse and worse. The same day Cardinal Seripando died, to the great grief of all the Prelates, and of all Trent, having in the morning received the Sacrament of the Eucharist, which he took out of his bed upon his knees. After that he returned into his bed, and in the presence of five Prelates, and of the Secretaries of Venice and Florence, and of all his family, he made a long Oration The death of Seripando. in Latin, until his spirits did fail him; he confessed his faith, wholly comfortable to the Catholic of the Roman Church; spoke of the works of a Christian, of the Resurrection of the dead, of the affairs of the Council, recommending the progress of it to the Legates, and the Cardinal of Lorraine; but striving to set down the means, his spirit did fail him, and he said, that GOD had forbid him to proceed further, but that his Divine Majesty would speak himself in time and place: and so passed, without saying any more. The Count of Luna wrote from the Emperor's Court, to Martin Gusdelun, the Secretary, and sent a copy of a letter, written to him from the King, in which his Majesty did advice, that the Pope had complained to him of the Spanish Prelates; and howsoever he believed that his Holiness was not well informed, thinking that the Prelates would show devotion towards the Apostolic Sea, yet he gave order to the Count, that, at his coming to Trent, he should cause them to favour the Pope, as fare as their conscience could permit, and so to carry themselves, that his Holiness might not have cause to complain of him. And to this purpose the Count wrote also to Granata, Segovia, and Leon. The eighteenth of March, in which no Congregation was held, by reason of the obsequies of Seripando, the French Ambassadors appeared solemnly before the two Legates, and complained that, these eleven months, since the first day of their arrival in Trent, until then, they had made known the desolations of France, and the dangers of Christendom, for the differences of Religion, and declared that the most unecessary and principal remedy was a good entire reformation of manners; and s 〈…〉 moderation of positive Laws, and had always received good hope, and gracious words, but could never see any effect of them; that the reformation is avoided, as much as is possible; that the greater part of the Fathers and Theologues are now more hard and severe th' 〈…〉, i● 〈◊〉 yielding to the necessity of the time; they prayed them to consider how many good men died, before they were able to do any good work for the public service; whereof the Cardinals of M 〈…〉 and Seripando were examples; desiring them to do something for the discharge of their conscience, while they had ti 〈…〉 The 〈◊〉 answered that they were displeased with this long deferring of matters 〈…〉 〈◊〉 and Seripando were cause; that themselves 〈…〉 so great a weight, praying them to expect 〈◊〉 and N 〈…〉 〈◊〉 would presently arrive. They were 〈◊〉 with the 〈…〉 the 〈◊〉 there, because the Imp 〈…〉 made instance 〈◊〉 would 〈…〉 lie, expecting the negotiation of the Emperor's Ambassadors in Rome, who together with Lewis 〈…〉, made request to the Pope, that a general reformation of the whole Church in the Head, and in the members, might be made not in Rome, but in the Council, and also that the Decree, that the Legates only might propose in Council should be revoked, as contrary to the liberty of the Ambassadors and Prelates, in propounding what they thought profitable, these for their Churches, and those for their States. The negotiation of the Ambassadors of the Emperor & King of Spain in Rome. This instance the Emperor the tied fit should be first made to the Pope and afterwards to the Council. Notwithstanding, these Princes were not absolutely of one mind. For howsoever Don Lewis made the same demands apart, yet afterwards, he desired the Pope to persuade the Emperor not to seek the communion of the Cup, and marriage of Priests, saying, that the King had given commission to his Ambassador to go to Trent, and persuade that it should not be spoken of, or, if it were, that the Spanish Prelates should oppose it. He exhorted the Pope to endeavour to win the heretics by gentleness, not sending Nuncij, but using the means of the Emperor, and of other Princes of authority, to accept the demands of the Frenchmen, and to leave the Council free, that all may propose, and no practices be used in making the resolutions. The Pope's answer to the Ambassadors was, that the decree, The Pope's answer. Proponentibus Legatis, should be so expounded; that every one might propose what he would, and that to the Legates, which parted lately, he had given liberty to resolve all things, which might occur in Council, without writing at all; that the reformation was desired by him, and that he had often made instance for it, and that, if the world would have had it from Rome, it should have been done by this time, and put in execution also; but seeing they would have it from Trent, if it were not effected, the cause ought to be as 〈…〉ed only to the difficulties which were amongst the Fathers, that he desired to see an end of the Council, and did procure and solicit it, nor had ever any thought to suspend it; that, in conformity hereof, he would write to the Legates, and did write, that the Decree, proponentibus Legatis, was made to take away confusion; but that his will was, that 〈◊〉 of the Prelates should be hindered to propose what he thought fit and that they should dispatch the 〈◊〉, according to the voices of the Fathers, without expecting any order from Rome. But this letter was to give satisfaction, and not to work any effect. For Morone, the prime Legate, Secret instructions given to Cardinal Morone. had instructions apart, to give a 〈◊〉 to the orders also which should come from Rome. The Pope answered Don Lewis in particular, that he had opened the Council upon promise of his Majesty that he would protect it, and pre●●rue the authority of the Apostoli 〈…〉 Sea, but that he found he was decerted, in regard he had 〈…〉 his Prelates, then from he was not pleased it should have licence, nor be in servitude to those Princes, who preach liberty, and are desirous to command, that every one made request to him for the liberty of the Council, but he did not know whether they had all well considered of what importance it would be, if the Prelates had the raines laid on the neck; that howsoever there were amongst them, some men excellent for integrity and wisdom, yet there were of those also, who wanted either one of them or both; all which would be dangerous if they were not kept in order, that perhaps it did least of all concern him to think of it, because, his authority being grounded upon the promises of God, he did trust in those; that Princes had more need to beware, in regard of the preiudices which may ensue, and that, if the Prelates had such superfluous liberty, perhaps his Catholic Majesty would have cause to be sorry for it, that, for reformation, the impediments did not proceed from him; that he would continue to defer the demands of Princes concerning the communion of the Cup, and marriage of Priests, desiring his Majesty to consider, that as he dissented from others in these particulars, so in every thing else there are some who make requests for it, and others who oppose. He concluded, that it was in the power of his Majesty to see a fruitful, and a sudden end of the Council, from which so soon as he was free, he might promise himself all favour from him. The twentieth of March, the Divines made an end of the Articles of Matrimony; and the Legates consulted privately, whether it were good to propose the doctrine, and canons thereof in the congregations of the Fathers. But, considering that the Frenchmen and Spaniards would oppose, and that greater controversies might be raised then ever were, and that if they should propose the abuses only, they should give the Emperors and French Ambassadors fit occasion to enter again into the matter of reformation, they were much perplexed what to do. Varmiense thought good to make trial, to accommodate some of the difficulties: but Simoneta▪ feared that some great prejudice might ensue, in regard of the instability of his colleague; and attributing the blame of all the disorders, which have happened in Council, to the two Legates dead, who proceeding in the matter of residence rather according to their own opinion, than the necessities of the Church, have, by too much integrity, caused all the mischief, and said it was not fit to put themselves in danger of raising greater, and therefore did not consent that any of them should be spoken of. Finally, they concluded to intermit all discussions, until the coming of the new Legates. In the mean time, The Cardinal of Lorraine resolveth to go to Venice. Lorraine resolved to go to Venice, to recreate his mind possessed with grief, for the death of his brother, the great Prior, which also had revived his former sorrow, for the death of the Duke, his other brother. The difficulties which were spoken of, were six. One concerning the The 6. difficulties which trouble the Council. Decree, made long before, that the Legates only should propose. 〈◊〉. Whether residence were de iure divino. 3. Whether Bishops are instituted by CHRIST. 4. Concerning the authority of the Pope. 5. To ●ncrease the number of the Secretaries, and to hold an exact account of the Suffrages. 6. (Which was of most importance) concerning the general reformation: which I was willing to repeat 〈…〉, as a recapitulation of that wherein the Council hath been troubled until this time, and a pro 〈…〉 of the troubles which shall be related hereafter. The news was now stolen in Trent, of the instance made in Rome to the Pope. For the Emperor's Ambassadors and the French, had published it should be done, and that afterwards they would make the same requests to the Council. The Cardinal of Lorraine, who was wont to speak variously, said, that if those Princes did receive satisfaction, by proposing their petitions of reformation, and the reformation made, without diminution of the Pope's authority, those instances would immediately cease. And he added afterwards, that the Pope might have a good proceeding in the reformation, and a quick dispatch of the Council, if he would declare himself plainly what points he would not have to be discussed, that they might labour in discussing the others; by which means the contentions would be taken away, which have caused all the delays. For some, who desire to show their affection to his Holiness, supposing that a part of those petitions may be prejudicial to the Apostolic Sea, do oppose them all: and others, denying that any of them do prejudice, do cause the business to be drawn in length. But if his Holiness would declare himself, the difficulties would cease. The Emperor's Ambassadors gave a copy to many in Trent, of his Majesty's letter to the Pope; which made the Legates resolve to spread also the copy of the letter which themselves had written in answer to the Emperor, when he sent them that which he had written to the Pope; which letter being composed according to the instructions sent from Rome, did contain the same conceits, as the letters of his Holiness did. The Pope, comparing the propositions of all the Ambassadors with the speech of Lorraine, whereof advice was sent him, was so much the more resolute, not to consent to the propositions of reformation, made by the Frenchmen. And indeed, not only a person of a great spirit, and experienced in the world, as the Pope was, but every mean capacity might discover the cunning used, to draw him into the net, in case he had not been wary. He considered, that to say he should declare which of the petitions did not please him, did signify nothing but that, by suffering the others to be discussed, he should leave a way wide open to bring in the others afterwards, which were to his prejudice. And who could doubt that to obtain the first would not be an end, but a degree to pass to that at which they aimed; and that to release the Ecclesiastical precepts, belonging to thrites, as the communion of the Cup, marriage of Priests, use of the Latin tongue, which seem, at the first view, not to derogate from the Pope's authority, would notwithstanding cause immediately a total destruction of the foundations of the Church of Rome. Some things make a fair show, and seem that they may be admitted without loss; but a wise man must consider the conclusion of things, rather than their beginning. Being therefore resolved to stop these first passages, and considering what other remedies there might be, he returned to his first cogitations, that the King of Spain had neither interest; nor any affection to prosecute the instances made, that the Emperor and French men did 〈…〉 bour in them, hoping by this meane● to satisfy their people, and to appease the discords; not knowing that the heretics do inculcate the reformation that they may have a pretence for their separation from the Church, and would not be reduced though it should be made. He thought therefore, that if the Princes were made to understand this, they would abandon their instance, and suffer the Council to end quietly. Wherefore he wholly bend his endeavours to overcome the difficulties, by this means. And considering well all respects, he thought it more easy to persuade the Emperor, who could determine of himself, and was of a more gentle and sweet disposition, fare from any cunning, and not entangled with war, whereas in France, the King being a child, many that were partakers in the government, using many artifices, and having diverse interests, it would be very hard to do any good. Where-upon he resolved that Cardinal Morone before he entered into the affairs of the Council, should go to the Emperor for this end. And remembering what Lorraine The Pope resolveth to send Cardinal Morone to the Emperor. said in Trent, that the Emperor would go to Bolonia to receive the Crown, he resolved to try whether he could induce that Cardinal to be a mediator herein, and so to translate the Council to that City. He gave order to the Bishop of Vintimiglia to insinuate with him, and to persuade And hath a plot upon the Cardinal of Lorraine. him to it; and, to give him a means of entrance, he caused Boromeo to give him commission, to condole with him, for the death of his brother the great Prior. But before this order came, the Cardinal was gone for Milan. The Bishop therefore conferring with Simoneta, concluded that the importance of the matter did not admit any loss of time, nor could be negotiated but in presence. Wherefore he resolved to follow him, pretending to see a Nephew of his, who was very sick in Milan. Being come thither, he visited the Cardinal, presented the letters of Boromeo, and condoled with him making no show of any other business. Talking together, the Cardinal demanded what news there was in Trent, since his departure, and whether Cardinal Morone would go to the Emperor, as was reported. After many discourses on both sides, the Bishop began to put him in mind that his Excellency had formerly told him in Trent, that, in case the Pope would go to Bolonia, the Emperor would go thither also, and would make it an occasion to receive the Crown, which would turn to the great advantage of his Holiness to maintain the possession of coronation, which Germany did oppugn. The Cardinal affirming this again, the B. added, that he had then sent advice thereof to Rome, and now had received an answer by which he did conclude that a very fair occasion was presented to his Excellency of doing much good to the Church of GOD, by labouring to bring so profitable a design to effect. For in case he could persuade his Majesty to go to Bolonia, calling also the Council thither, he might assure himself that his Holiness would resolve to be there likewise, and that, by the assistance of them both, the affairs of the Synod would have a quick dispatch, and a happy success. The Cardinal desired to see what was written to him; and the Bishop, making demonstration to proceed freely with him, shown him the letters of Cardinal Boromeo, and a writing of Ptolemeus Gallus; the Pope's Secretary. The Cardinal having read all, answered, that at his return to Trent, bot should better understand the Emperor's mind, and what answer the Pope had sent to his Majesty, whereby he might resolve better, and would not fail to bestow his pains, if there were occasion. The Bishop replying, that he might plainly understand the Pope's mind, by the letters which he shown him, and that there was no cause to expect better information, the Cardinal entered into other discourses, neither could the Bishop, though he often returned to the same matter, draw any other answer from him. He said indeed, that the Emperor had spoken of his going to Bolonia, because the Pope had told him of his purpose to make the reformation; but seeing that it is now plain, by long experience, that howsoever his Holiness promiseth many things, yet nothing is executed in Council, his Majesty and other Princes do believe, that he hath no true meaning of performance, and that, otherwise, the Legates would not have failed to have executed his will. He said the Emperor was not satisfied, for that the Pope having, in january, shown a purpose to go to Bolonia, was cooled on the sudden, and that when his Majesty told him of of his desire to assist personally in Council, his Holiness laboured much to dissuade him, using his wont variety of speeches. He said also that the Emperor would not resolve to go into Bolonia, lest he should displease the Princes, who might doubt; that when he was there his Holiness would govern all after his own manner, & conclude the Synod as he listed, without making any reformation. He said he had received advice of the instance, made by Don Lewis d' Auila in the name of the Catholic King, and was glad to hear it. And speaking at large of the particulars, he added, that it was necessary it should be performed, even from Alpha to Omega, and that it was fit to remove from the Council fifty Bishops at the least, who do always oppose all good resolutions. He said that formerly he thought there were more abuses in France, then else where, but now he knew that there were enough in Italy also. For the Churches are in the hands of Cardinals, who, aiming at profit only, do wholly abandon them, and leave the cure to a poor Priest; by which means the Churches are ruined, and Simonies, and an infinity of other disorders committed. For remedy whereof, the Princes and their ministers did proceed moderately, hoping that, at the last, the desired reformation would be made. That himself also had proceeded with respect; but now, seeing that it was time to labour in earnest for the service of GOD, he would burden his conscience no more; but, in the first voice he should give, was resolved to speak hereof. That his family had suffered, as every one knoweth, the loss of two brothers; that himself would spend his blood in the same cause, though not in Arms, as they did; that his Holiness ought not to hearken to those who would divert him from so pious an intention, but to resolve to obtain a reward at the hands of GOD, by the merit of removing the abuses of the Church. He said also, that, when the new Legates came, who no doubt would be well informed of the Pope's mind; it would he known what his purpose was concerning the reformation, in regard they could have no cause to delay it, if they meant to make it at all. And howsoever the Bishop did often assay to bring him back to speak of the journey to Bolonia, yet he always turned the discourse another way. Vintimiglia sent advice of all to Rome, and gave his censure, I that, howso ever the Car 〈…〉 had here to fore made mention of this journey, his mind was contrary, and spoke it only in cunning, to discover the intention of his holiness and of the County and that he was glad he had found his purpose. For if he had promised to labour herein, he might have prolonged the business, and caused diverse prejudicial inconveniences to arise. Advise came to Rome that, the French King had made peace with the News out of France. Hugonots, the particular conditions being not known as yet. And the Pope thinking it proceeded from some Prelates, who, though they did not openly declare themselves to be Protestants, yet did follow that party, he resolved to discover them, and was wont to say, that he was wronged more by the masked heretics, then by the bare-faced. Whereupon, the last of March, having caused first the Emperor's letter written to him to be read, as also his own answer, he passed from that business, and related the confusions of France, adding, that the Cardinal Chastillion, having changed his name of Bishop of Beawois, into Count of Beawois, had also pronounced himself deprived of the Cardinal's Hat, all the disorders to him, to the Archbishop of Aix, the Bishop of V 〈…〉 and some others. Which things, how soever they were notorious, and needed no further proof to come to the declaration thereof, yet he gave order that the Cardinals, who governed the Inquisition, should proceed against them. The Cardinal of Pisa answering, that there was need of proper and special authority, the Pope ordained, that a new Bull should be made, which was dated the seventh of April, and contained in substance; That the Pope of Rome being Vicar of CHRIST, to whom he hath recommended the feeding of his sheep, to reduce those that wander to bridle with temporal penalties those who can not be gained by admonitions, he hath not, find the beginning of his assumption, omitted to execute this charge. Notwithstanding some Bishops are not only fallen into heretical errors, but do also favour 〈◊〉 heretics, opposing the faith. For provision wherein, he commandeth the general Inquisitors of Rome, to whom he hath formerly 〈◊〉 ended this business, 〈◊〉 proceed against such, though Bishops and Cardinals, inhabiting on places where the Luther 〈…〉 sect is potent, with power to one them 〈◊〉 Rome, 〈◊〉 Edict, or to the confines of the Church, to appear personally, or, if 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 appear,, to proceed to sentence, which he will pronounce 〈…〉 onsistorio. The Cardinals, in conformity of the Popes or inaud, cited, by Edict, to appear personally in Rome, to purge themselves from imputation of heresy, and of being 〈◊〉 of heretics, 〈◊〉 Cologui, Cardinal de Chastilion, Saint Maine, Archbishop of 〈◊〉 john 〈…〉 luc, Bishop of Valence, johannes Antonius 〈◊〉, Bisop of Tr●jes, john Blankan son, Bishop of Apo 〈…〉 〈◊〉, Bishop of 〈◊〉. But the absence of Lorraine in Trent, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉 of the new Legates, with opinion that the form of pro 〈…〉 council should be changed, and the days of the Passion and Easter approaching, gave some 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 negotiations. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cardinal 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to hon 〈…〉 the Lagate, M 〈…〉, who was th' 〈…〉 expected, The entry of Card. 〈◊〉 into Trent. and arrived the next day late at night. He made his entry pontifically under a canopy, was met by the Legates, Ambassadors, and Fathers of the Council, and Clergy of the City, and conducted to the Cathedral Church, where the ceremonies used in receiving Legates, were performed. The morrow, which was Easter day, he sung the solemn Mass in the Chapel. The Count of Luna came to Trent also this day and was met by the Prelates, and Ambassadors. He entered into the City between the Ambassadors of the Emperor and of France, with many demonstrations of friendship. He was also visited by the French, who told him, they had commission from the King and Queen to communicate all their affairs unto him, and offered to join with him in all the services of the Catholic King his Master. Luna answered, that he had the same order, to communicate with them and that he would hold good correspondency. He visited the Legates, using many loving words, and general offers. The thirteenth of April there was a congregation, to receive Cardinal Card. Morone is received in congregation Morone, where, after the Brief of his Legation was read, he made a speech, fit for the occasion, and said, that the wars, seditions, and other calamities, present, and imminent, for our sins, would cease, if a means were found to appease GOD, and to restore the ancient purity, for which and the Pope had, with great judgement, assembled the Council, in which are two Cardinals, Princes, famous for nobility and virtue, Ambassadors of the Emperor, and of so many great Kings, Princes, free Cities and Nations, and Prelates of excellent learning and integrity, and most skilful Divines. But, Mantus and Seripando being dead, the Pope had substituted him, and joined Navaggero with him, which he had refused, knowing the weight of the burden, and the weakness of his strength. But the necessity of obedience hath over come fear, that he was commanded to go to the Emperor; and would return shortly, to treat with the Fathers, in company of the other Legates, that which doth concern the salvation of the people, the honour of the Church, and the glory of CHRIST; that he brought with him two things one, a good meaning of the Pope to secure the doctrine of faith, to correct bad manners, to provide for the necessities of Provinces, and to establish peace and union, even with the adversaries, as much as piety and the dignity of the Apostolic Sea can permit the other, his own readiness, to do what his Holiness hath commanded him. He prayed the Fathers, that contentious and discord; and unprofitable questions being laid a side, which do grieously offend Christendom, they would handle seriously the things that are necessary. The Count of Luna used persuasions to all the Prelates, vessals of his Persuasions of the Count of Luna. King, Spaniards or Italians, or beneficed in his states, exhorting them in the name of his Majesty, to stand united in The service, of God and reverence towards the Apostolic Sea, and not to do themselves wrong, saying he had commission to advice particularly of the proceed of every one, and that his Majesty will keep a particular 〈◊〉 come of those who will carry themselves according to his desire, and that he would not have them say any thing against their conscience. And he spoke to, that every one understood, that these last words were spoken seriously, and the other in Ceremony. Morone was willing to see Lorraine, before he went to the Emperor, who because he would not speak with him, deferred his return. For having spoken in Venice with Navaggero, and understood a good part of the Pope's instructions, he was willing to avoid occasion, that Morone, communicating unto him all, or part of that which he was to treat with the Emperor, should put him into some obligation. Whereupon Morone parted the sixteenth of April. He said, he was sent only to justify the Pope's good intention, The negotiation of Morone with the Emperor. that the Council might proceed, and an absolute reformation of the Church be made without any exception. Notwithstanding his other commissions were known, which were to dissuade his Majesty from coming to Trent, because many impediments of the reformation would be caused thereby; to excuse the Pope, that he could not personally assist in Council, and to pray him to hasten the end of it, proposing the translation to Bolonia, where his Majesty and the Pope might meet, which would be a good means for him to receive the Crown of the Empire in so famous an assembly; a favour which never had been done to other Emperors. He had charge also to pray him to maintain the authority of the Apostolic Sea, against all the plots, made to diminish it, or rather to bring it to nothing; and that the reformation of the Court of Rome might not be made in Trent, but by the Pope himself; that no mention might be made of renewing the things determined under Paul and julius, in the same Council, that his Majesty would be content, that the Decrees should be made in Council, by the proposition of the Legates only, first imparting them, and having the consent of the Ambassadors of his Majesty and of other Princes. He had commission also to give the Emperor hope of a particular grant of whatsoever he would demand, for his people, and to dissuade him from holding intelligence with the French King, in this matter of the Council, showing him that as the State of France and Germany was not the same, so the ends of his Majesty and of that King must needs be diverse, and their counsels different. The Legates, remaining in Trent, did willingly give the Prelates leave to departed, and especially those who held the institution of Bishops and residence to be de iure divino. The 20. of April Lorraine returned, and was met by the Ambassadors of the Emperor, of Polonia, and of Savoy; and the same day news came of the peace concluded by the French King with the Hugonots, which was more for the advantage of the Catholic party. For after the battle before mentioned, the factions were equally balanced, until the death of Guise. Afterwards Colignie took, by assault, the fort of Cadome, with so much reputation to himself, and diminution of the Catholics, that it was resolved in the King's Council to conclude the treaty of peace, which was continually managed ever since the battle. To this end, the seventh of March an assembly was made, to which the prisoners, Conde and the Constable, were brought. And; after some speech, they being released upon promise, to conclude the 〈◊〉 conditions, the Hugonote Ministers assembled, and resolved not to consent to any agreement, except the Edict of january might be observed, without any exception, or condition; adding also, that hereafter their religion should not be called new; that children baptised by them should not be rebaptised; that their marriages should be esteemed lawful, and their children legitimate. From which conditions because they would by no means departed, Conde and the Nobility, weary of war, without calling the Ministers any more, did make the agreement. And the capitulations, concerning religion, were these. That where the Noblemen of the Hugonots have high justice, they may live in their houses, in liberty of conscience, and exercise of the reformed religion, with their families, and subjects. The conditious of the accord in Frace. That other Gentlemen, who hold in fee, not dwelling under other Catholic Lords of high justice, but immediately under the King, may exercise the same in their houses, for themselves, and their families only. That, in every Bayliweeke, an house shall be appointed, in the Suburbs, in which the reformed religion may be exercised, by all of that jurisdiction. That every one may live in his own house without being enquired into, or molested for his conscience. That in all Cities, where that religion hath been exercised until the seventh of March, it shall be continued in one or two places of that city, so that the Catholic Churches be not taken for that use, which also shall be restored to the Ecclesiastiques, in case they have been surprised by them, yet so as that they shall not pretend any thing for demolitions made. That, in the City and Precincts of Paris, there shall be no exercise of that religion, but those who have houses or revenues there, may return and enjoy them, without being molested for matters either past or to come, concerning their consciences. That all shall repossess their goods, honours, and offices, notwithstanding the sentences to the contrary, and executions of them, since the death of Henry the second until now. That the Prince of Conde, and all his followers shall be said to have a good end and intention, for the service of the King. That all prisoners of war, or justice, for matter of religion, shall freely be set at liberty. That an oblivion of things past shall be published, and injuring and provoking one another, as also disputing and contending about religion shall be forbid, and that they shall live as brothers, friends, and fellow Citizens. This accord was established the twelfth of March, to the discontentment of Colignie, who said, their affairs were not in state to make such advantageous conditions. That it was proposed unto him in the beginning of the war, to make peace with the Edict of january, and now that they might require more advantage, the conditions were worse. To say that in every Bayliweeke there shall be one place for the exercise of religion, is to take away all from GOD, and to give him a portion. But the common inclination of all the Nobility did force him to be content. Concerning these conditions the King's letters were dispatched, the nineteenth of the same moneth● in which it was said; That it having pleased God to permit, for some years, the kingdom to be afflicted with seditions and tumults, raised for matter of religion, for which cause arms were taken, with infinite slaughters, sacking of cities, ruins of Churches, and now, by continuance of the evil, having experience that war is not the proper remedy for this malady, the King hath thought fit to reunite his Subjects in good peace, trusting that time, and the fruit of an holy, free, general, or Nationall Council will establish the same. And here the Articles, concerning religion, were added, besides the others in matters of State: which letters were published, and registered in Court of Parliament, and publicly proclaimed in Paris, the seven and twentieth of the same month. This was blamed by the greater part of the Fathers in Council, who said it was to prefer the things of the world, before the things of GOD, yea to ruin both the one and the other. For the foundation of a state, which is religion, being removed, it is necessary that the temporal should come to desolation; whereof the Edict made before was an example, which did not cause peace and tranquillity, as was hoped, but a greater war than before. And some of the Prelates did dare to say, that the King and the whole Counsel had incurred the excommunications of many Decretals, and Bulls, for having given peace to the heretics; and that there was no hope that the affairs of that Kingdom would prosper, where there is a manifest disobedience unto the Apostolic Sea, until the King and the Council did cause themselves to be absolved from the censures, and did persecute the heretics with all their forces. In defence whereof the Frenchmen said, that the tribulations, continually supported by all France, and the manifest danger of the ruin of the Kingdom did sufficiently justify this action against the opposition of those, who, regarding only their own interests, do not consider the necessity in which the King was, which is more potent than any law● alleging that of Romulus, that the good of the people is the most principal law of all. But these reasons were not esteemed, and the King was blamed above all, because he said in the proheme, that the time, and the fruit of an holy, free, general or Nationall Council would cause the establishment of tranquillity; which they said was an injury to the general Council, to be put in alternation with a Nationall, and that the Cardinals of Borbon, and of Guise should be named amongst the Authors of the Council to make peace, saying it was a great injury to the Apostolic Sea. The Synod began also to be troubled amongst themselves, for a small cause, which did give much matter of discourse. Friar Peter Sota about The letter of Soto to the Pope. this time, and three days before his death, did dictate and subscribe a letter to be sent to the Pope, in which, by way of confession, he declared his opinion concerning the points controverted in Council, and did particulary exhort his Holiness to consent, that residence, and the institution of Bishops might be declared to be de iure divino. The letter was sent to the Pope, and Friar Ludovicus Sotus, his companion, kept a copy of it; who thinking to honour the memory of his friend, began to spread it. This caused much speech. Some were moved with the action of a doctor of an honest life, and at the time of his death. Others said he did it not by his own motion, but at the instigation of the Archbishop of Braganza. Simoneta laboured to get in all the copies; which did increase curiosity, and made them published the more, so that they were in the hands of all. And it is certain that the maintainers of these opinions were encouraged by this accident. The Spaniards did often meet in the house of the Count of Luna, where Granata informed him of the present and past occurrences of the Council; and, the Bishops of Leria, and Patti being departed, he said, these are forlorn men, who, like to animals, suffer the burden to be laid upon them, and themselves to be governed by the will and opinion of another, who are good for nothing but to make a number: adding, that if in their resolutions they proceeded by number of voices, as hitherto they had done, little good could be hoped for; and that it was necessary that matters should be handled by way of Nations. The Count said, it was necessary to provide for that and many other things, beginning from the revocation of the Decree that the Legates onelymay propose, and from establishing the liberty of the Council; for which things he had special commission from the King; which being well settled, the residue would be provided for with ease. The Legates and other Papalins were displeased to see that the Spaniards, their opposites, did never go from the Count: and as it happeneth when oneentreth new in a place where are contrary factions, every one hopeth to gain him, the Legates also did strive to put him on the side of the Prelates the King's Subjects, whom they called their well-willers, because they had intelligence with them, that they might do a good office, and, as they said, undeceive him, and make him to know the truth. They employed also herein the Ambassador of Portugal, who, having much opportunity to speak often with him, because those Kings had almost the same interest in respect of matters Ecclesiastical, did cunningly (because he was much obliged to the Pope) lay before him the things which the Pope's ministers had suggested to him, for the service of the Court of Rome. The 22. of April, appointed for the Session, drawing near, a congregation was held the day before, to consult about the prorogation of it. The Legates did propose the deferring of it until the third of june. But Lorraine said it was a great scandal to all Christendom to prorogue the Session so often, and never to hold it? which would be increased also if it were put off to another day, and afterwards deferred again? therefore, seeing that none of the things proposed and handled concerning Residence, and the Sacraments of Order and Matrimony were resolved, it was better not to prefix a certain day, but to expect until the twentieth of May, and then to resolve upon the time, because the progress of all things would then more plainly appear; and, in the mean while, not to lose time, voices may be given concerning the Articles of the abuses of the Sacrament of Order, before the end whereof Cardinal Morone would be returned from the Emperor, with ample resolution, whereby the matters in controversy may be composed, and diligence used to finish the Council within two or three months. Cardinal Madruccio and so many of the Fathers followed that opinion, that it prevailed, and it was decreed that the day to celebrate the next Session should be prefixed the twentieth of May. The Congregation being ended Antonius Chierelia, Bishop of Budua, who, in delivering his voice, was wont to entertain the Father, with some witty conceit, and oftentimes to add some merry Prophecies, which were spread abroad in diverse parts, did then also deliver one concerning the city of Trent. He said in substance; that Trent had been favoured, and elected for the city; in which the general concord of Christendom was to be established, but being made unworthy of that honour, by reason of the inhospitality thereof, would shortly incur a general hatred, as the seminary, of greater discords. The sense was covered with diverse enigmas, in a Poetical Prophetical form, yet not so but that it was easily understood. Lorraine having obtained the general consent, with so much reputation, the Papalins grew jealous; who, considering the honour which was done to him the day before by those who met him, and now by the receiving of his opinion, thought it not only an indignity to the Legates, but an entrance also to break the Decree, that only the Legates should propose. And they speak Publicly, that the Pope said well, that the Cardinal was Head of a party, and that he prolonged the quick dispatch of the Council, and hindered the journey to Bolonia. But Lorraine, not caring what was said in Trent, and intending his negotiation with the Emperor, dispatched a Gentleman to him, with the opinion of the Doctors, concerning the Articles put into consultation by his Majesty, Lorraine sendeth a gentleman to the Emperor. whom he caused to tell him, that, for the good proceeding of the Council, it was necessary he should speak earnestly to Morone, and show his great desire to see good resolutions, for the glory of God; as also of the desire of all the good Fathers that he would not remove further from the Council, in regard of the fruit which they hoped for, by means of his vicinity, which will keep every one in his duty, and hinder the attempts of those who would translate it into another place, as he was advised that some did lay plots to do, and that before he parted from Ispruce, his Majesty would be assured that the liberty of the Council, whereof he is protector, might be preserved. He sent him a copy of the Edict of Pacification in France, and of a letter of the Queen of Scotland, in which she gave account of her delivery from a great conspiracy, and of her resolution to live and die in the Catholic Religion. In the end, the Cardinal prayed his Majesty to use some means that there might be no dispute in Council for the precedence, between France and Spain, that the good proceeding thereof might not be hindered. The two Legates, that they might not do nothing in the absence of Morone, did, the 24. of April, impart to the Ambassadors the Decrees composed concerning the abuses of Order, that they might consider on them: and the 29. day they gave them to the Prelates. The first, of the election of Bishops, in which were expressed their qualities conformable to the ancient Canons, the Ambassadors did not approve, because it seemed to restrain too much the authority of their Princes in the presentation or nomination of them. And they all laboured very much, especially the Count of Luna, that it might be amended, or rather quite omitted; a thing which did likewise much please the Legates. And the Emperor's ministers made difficulty also in regard of their design to make an occasion arise of handling the election of Cardinals, and by consequence, of the Pope. The same day at night Cardinal Navaggero (having given out, to avoid The Legate Navaggero cometh to Trent. meetings and ceremonies, that he would enter the next day) arrived in Trent; who said, that, at their departure from Rome, the Pope had told them, that they should make a good and a rigorous reformation, preserving the authority, of the Apostolic Sea, which is absolutely necessary, to keep the Church in good form and order. But not with standing all this, his Holiness in his speeches to the Ambassadors residing with him, desired them to tell him what reformation their Princes would have. And his end was, that, their demands being given to him, they might forbear to present them to the Council, and so have means, by showing the invincible difficulty in every particular, to pacify the raging humour of reformation. And he said often to the Ambassadors, that their Princes were deceived if they thought a reformation would reduce the The Pope's discourse to the Ambassadors. heretics, who first of all made themselves Apostates, and then alleged the abuses and deformations, for a pretence; that the true causes which have moved the heretics to follow their false teachers are not the abuses of the Clergy, but of civil governements; that if all defects of the Ecclesiastiques were wholly corrected, yet they would not return, but would invent other colours, to persevere in their obstinacy; that these abuses were not in the primitive Church, nor in the time of the Apostles, and yet as many heretics, in proportion of the faithful, were then as now; that himself did desire, in sincerity of conscience, that the Church might be amended, and the abuses removed, but saw plainly that those, who do procure it, do not aim at this good mark, but at their particular profit, which in case they should obtain, greater abuses would arise, and the present not be taken away, that the reformation is not hindered by him, but by the Princes, and by the Prelates in Council; that himself would make one, and that very rigorous also, but in case he should come to the conclusion, the contentions between Princes, some desiring it after one manner, some after another, and those of the Prelates, who are no less opposite, would hinder all; that he knoweth very well that it is unseemly to attempt that which would only discover the common defects and wants, and that those who desire reformation, moved with zeal, do, as Saint Paul saith, use it without Christian wisdom, and nothing would be effected, but as now it is known that the Church hath defects, so it would appear that they are incurable, and which is worse, men would begin to defend and to justify them, as lawful use. He did expect, with impatience, the end of the negotiation of Morone; from whom he had advice that the Emperor took time to answer, and still continued in consulting upon the Articles. He thought that all the orders and resolutions which came out of France to Rome, and to the Council, did proceed from the opinion and counsel of Lorraine; and therefore, The Pope's plot to gain the Cardinal of Lorraine. not to omit any means of gaining him, the Cardinal of Ferrara being to return into Italy very shortly, with whom Lorraine was to speak, for many causes concerning their common nephews, he wrote unto him to use persuasions that he would be content with the translation of the Council to Bolonia; and, that he might be well informed of the affairs of Trent, he gave order that Vintimiglia should meet Ferrara, before his parley with Lorraine, and carry with him the instructions of the Legates, besides that which himself did know. The month of May did begin with new discourses of the peace of France, For the King's letters came to Lorraine and the French Ambassadors, to inform them thereof, with commission to impart all to the Fathers of the Council either in general or in particular, as seemed them best. The letters were dated the fifteenth of the last month, and did show principally, that by the peace he had no intention to favour the introduction or establishment of a new religion in the kingdom, but that, with less contradiction and difficulty he might reduce all his people into one holy Catholic religion, by laying down of arms, and removing, the civil dissensions and calamities. But he added, that a pious and serious reformation (alway expected from a general and free Council) would assist him most of all, in this good work; for solicitation of which, he was resolved to send the Precedent Birague to Trent. But, in the mean while, he gave 〈…〉 to the Ambassadors already in that City, to let the Fathers know, upon 〈◊〉 good occasion, that he was sensible still of the ruins and afflictions which the diversity of opinions in religion have caused in his kingdom, with the apparent decay, and greater danger of the State; that rather than he would return to that extremity, he was resolved, in case the general Council would not perform its duty, and that which is expected from it, by so holy and necessary a reformation, to call a Nationall having first given satisfaction to GOD and men, by continual persuasions used to the Fathers and the Pope to obtain of them a remedy against the common evil; that, to effect this with greater ease, he had dispatched the Lord of Oysel to the Catholic King, and the Lord d' Allegres to the Pope, and commanded Birague, that after he had performed his charge with the Fathers of the Council, he should pass to the Emperor, to try, if, by means of these Princes, be might gain so great a benefit. It is certain that the Pope was much distasted with the peace, as well for the prejudice of his authority, as because it was concluded without his knowledge, having made so great contributions to the war. But the King of Spain was displeased more. For being, by his soldiers, a party in the wars, and the victory, and having spent so much, he thought all was lost, and that it was not just to conclude a peace without him, to the prejudice of religion, which he undertook to defend and maintain; especially having so great interests therein; in respect of the damage he did receive in the government of the Low Countries: it being plain, that every prosperity of the Hugonots in France; would encourage the people of Flanders, and strong than them more in their contumacy. For these reasons, the Catholic Ambassador in France, made great complaints; which was the principal cause, why these extraordinary Ambassages were sent to Rome, and into Spain, to make known that the King and his Council were not induced to make this accord by their own will, but by mere necessity, and for fear that gross Armies would be sent out of Germany to the Hugonots, which, as was reported; were prepared about Strasburg, and in other places. For those Dutch men, who had made war in France, being returned home, loaden with spoils they invited others to go thither and make themselves rich. Neither were they without fear that the Princes, of the Empire would, upon that occasion assay to 〈◊〉 Monte 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉; and other Cities of the Empire, and that the Queen of England would assist 〈◊〉 Hugonots more potently than she had done; to possess some other places, 〈◊〉 already she had possessed Haure de Grace. But, besides this principal end of both the Ambassages, d'Oysel was afterwards to make a proposition for translating the Council from Trent to Constance, Worms, Ausburg, or some other place in Germany, and to represent to the King, that, in regard it ought to be celebrated for the Dutch, English, Scottish, and part of the Frenchmen, and other Nations, who were resolute not to adhere to, nor ever to accept that of Trent, it was in vain to continue in that place. Conde was author of this negotiation; who hoped by this means, if it did succeed, to strengthen his party, by uniting it to the interests of so many Kingdoms and Princes, and to weaken the Oatholiques, by promoting difficulties against the Council of Trent. But it did not take effect. For the King of Spain having heard the proposition (which I say by way of anticipation that I may not return to this matter) did perceive what the aim was; and made a full answer that the Council was assembled in Trent with all the solemnities, with consent of all Kings, Princes, and at the instance of Francis the French King; that the Emperor had superiority in that City, as in the others that were named, and might give full security to all, in case the former Safe conduct were not sufficient, that he could not choose but favour it in the place where it was, and accept the determinations thereof. And he advised the Pope of all, assuring him he would never change that resolution. The French men in Trent thought it superfluous to make instance to the Fathers, as the King had commanded, before the return of Morone, it being generally resolved that all Conciliary actions should be deferred until then. But the Emperor had not dispatched that Cardinal, and informed Lorraine at the same time, that, for diverse accidents, and because the propositions were of the weight and importance, as that they did deserve mature deliberation and consultation, he had not been able as yet, to give a resolute answer but he hoped it should be such, as to make all men know, that his actions were answerable to his desire, to see the affairs of the Council set strait, for the common benefit. Therefore, notwithstanding the occasions and urgent necessities of his other Provinces, he resolved to continue his residence in Isprue, to favour the liberty of the Council, by his presence, until he had hope to see some good fruit. This delay did not please Morone, not that the Emperor should refer, as he did, all the negotiations to the Divines, and Counsellors: and both he and the Pope did doubt that the answer would be deferred until he had heard Birague, who as they were informed, was to propose the translation of the Council into Germany, to give satisfaction to the Hugonots; whereunto the Pope was resolute not to consent, as well by his own inclination, as in regard of the instance made unto him by the College of Cardinals and all the Court. And he marvelled at the humour of the Frenchmen, who demanded reformation and a translation at the same time, and desired to have a supply from the Clergy, for payment of the King's de●ts, and yet would make show to be favourers of the Church. But the truth was that the Frenchmen, being assured they could obtain nothing fit for their 〈…〉 ce, so long as the Italians did make the mayor part, began to despair, and to hold no esteem of the Council while it remained in Trent. Therefore they took from the Divines, sent by the King, their public allowance, and gave them all leave either to departed, or 〈…〉 in there; so that almost all went away, one after another. The two Benedictines remained until the end, who were ●haintained by chest Monasteries, as also Hugonius, whom the Papalins caused to be lodged, and defrayed, in the Monastery, and gave him fifty crowns every three months. Lorraine, having 〈…〉ed the all●gations sent by the Pope to the Emperor, and made a conjure upon them, sent it to his Majesty: 〈◊〉 thought The conjure of 〈…〉 upon the 〈…〉 allegations. he had done all secretly, but Hagonots had not only discoured it, but given a copy to the Legates, who, expecting Morone shortly, wrote, by order from the Pope, to the Bishops departed from Trent, that they should return, to resume the actions of the Council. In the mean while a congregation was made the tenth of May, to read the letters of the Queen of Scotland, presented by the Cardinal of Lorraine, in which she declared, that she did submit herself to the Council, made mention of her succession to the Kingdom of England, promising that in case it did happen, she would subject both those Kingdoms to the obedience of the Apostolic Sea. The letters being read, the Cardinal made an cloqnent Oration to 〈…〉 use the Queen, for sending neither Prelates nor Ambassadouts to the Council, because they were all heretics, and promised that she would never vary from the true Religion. For answer, thankes were given, in the name of the Synod. Some laughed, because the negotiation was as if it had been of a private person, not of a Prince, and marvelled that she had not so much as one Catholic subject to send. But the wiser sort did believe this was begged, and extot●ed from her, because she was able to do like a Prince, in regard she had ever many Catholics about her. The Secretary of Lorraine was returned whom he sent to Rome, to clear him of the imputation that he was a Head of a faction; whom the Pope received with demonstration of love, and seemed to believe his exposition, and wrote to the Cardinal that he was content that the contentious matter● should be omitted, the doctrines of Order and Residence not spoken of, but the reformation only treated on. Lorraine, imparting this letter to 〈…〉, that order might be taken to begin, was deferred until the return of Morone; where with he was distasted, as if he had been mocked by the Pope. And, joining this with the advice which came unto him, that Morone, speaking with the Emperor of the liberty of the Council, said that himself and the French Ambassadors did hinder it more than others, he complained upon every occasion to all with whom he spoke; that the Council had no liberty, and that not only the resolution of every little particular was made a● Rome, but that the Fathers, and especially the Gardinall M 〈…〉, and himself were not thought worthy to know what was commanded by the Pope, that they might conform themselves to the will of his Ho 〈…〉, and that it was 〈◊〉 that so many 〈◊〉 should be disparched from Trent to Rome by the Lega●s, for every shall 〈…〉, and sometimes 〈…〉 concerning the same matter, and yet it could hever be know 〈…〉 what resolution or answer came from the 〈…〉 The 〈…〉 hereat, because the things went so apparent, and public, that they could neither be denied, no● 〈◊〉 Lorraine, full of these ●ll satisfactions, being called the 〈…〉 consultation, to treat of beginning the Congregations, because Morone had w 〈…〉 would be in Trent within eight days, 〈…〉 t party's steel a good, while without speaking one word, & afterwards entering into compliments, they 〈…〉 from another, without talking of the bus 〈…〉 sse. The Proctor 〈…〉 the French Prelates, who remained in the Kingdom, being 〈…〉 in Trent, they dessired the Ambassadors that they might be admitted in Congregation, which 〈◊〉 refusing, Lansae replied, that they La 〈…〉 spor 〈…〉 had doth anded it in reverence, not because they did acknowledge the Legates for judges, and that he was resolive that the difficulty should be proposed in Council. This made the Legates a● per their perpose to expect Morone, and appointed a Congregation for the fourteen the of May, to handle the abuses 〈…〉 Where Lorraine, giving his voice 〈…〉 the first point (which The Cardinal of Lorain, in delivering his sus●rage. afterwards was taken away for the causes which shall be related hereafter) spoke at large of the abuses 〈…〉 ring in that matter. And, that he right more 〈…〉 gh against the disorders of Rome, he begain with France, not sp●ring the King, he could 〈◊〉 the Concordate, said that the distribution of the Benefits of the Kingdom, which ought 〈◊〉 belong to the Chapters, was divided between Pope 〈◊〉, and King F 〈…〉, scareely forbearing to say, as the prey is divided amongst Hunters. He disliked that the King and Princes● all the nomination of Prelatures, and that Cardinals did possess Bishop 〈…〉 also the vaccord lately made by the King with the Hugonots, But, leaving France, he said that Rome was the fountain whence all di 〈…〉 that no Cardinal was without a Bishopric, yea, without 〈…〉 how 〈…〉 charges were incompatible; that the invention of Commendaes', Unions for life, administrations, by which, against all law, many Benefic 〈…〉 with appearance that he had but 〈…〉, was 〈…〉 king of the Majesty of GOD. He often allead 〈…〉 that place of Saine P 〈…〉 Take heed of errors, for God is not mocked, and one shall reap only that which he hath so●ed. He spoke much against dispen 〈…〉 by which the strength of all laws, is taken away; as also against many other abuses, and with such cloquened, that he spent the whole Congregation. His discourse was not 〈…〉 taken by the Papalins. Simoneta, did openly treats with 〈◊〉 Preiats' 〈…〉 said he spoke like the Lu. 〈…〉, and God grant that he were not of their opinion, wherewith Lo 〈…〉, was 〈…〉 to the Pope. In the Congregations following one thing 〈◊〉 ordinary, 〈◊〉 of memory, was spoken, except 〈…〉 obliquely used, by those who had vn〈…〉 by Lorraine. In this inter i● Cardinal Morone had his dispatch, in writing from the Emperor, very general terme●; that bee would defend the authority of Is thought to speak like a Lutheran. and Hope against heretics 〈…〉 would remain at 〈◊〉 and pass further, that the 〈…〉 no● to be made without 〈◊〉, of the King 〈…〉 for 〈◊〉 〈…〉 because being done on the sudden, 〈…〉 much matter of discourse 〈…〉 many that be would ●est satisfied with the proceeding in 〈…〉 upon the 〈◊〉 conditions, that the reformation 〈…〉 Trent, and that every one might propose: desiring they would presently begin to handle the Articles exhibited by him and France. Concerning this negotiation of the Cardinal, and of the answer made, I have related what I have found registered in public monuments; but I ought not to omit the fame, then diuulged in Trent, and believed by men of the greatest understanding, that the Cardinal had treated with the Emperor, and with his son, King of the Romans, more secret matters, and shown them, that in respect of the diverse The secret negotiation of the Cardinal Morone with the Emperor. ends of Princes and Prelates, and of their diverse and important interests, which were contrary, it was impossible the Council should have such an end as some of them did desire. He told them, that, in the matter of the Chalice, marriage of Priests, and of the vulgar tongue, things desired by his Majesty and the French King, neither the King of Spain, nor any Prince of Italy would ever consent; that, in matter of reformation, every sort of persons would remain in their present state, and reform others; whence it cometh that every one demandeth reformation, and yet, when any Article thereof is proposed, more do oppose then favour it; that every one thinketh of himself only, and doth not consider the respects of another, that every one would have the Pope a minister of his designs, not thinking whether others will remain offended for it; for whom it is neither honest, nor profitable, to favour one with the disservice of another; that every one would have the glory, to procure the reformation, and yet persevere in the abuses, laying the burden upon the Pope only. The Cardinal discoursed also, that, for the reformation of the Pope himself, he would not say what the mind of his holiness was; but for that which neither doth nor can touch him, how can any one persuade himself that he would not condescend, but that he knoweth that which is unknown to others, because the respects of all are referred unto him alone. He said moreover, that the experience of these fifteen months since the opening of the Council, hath showed, that the pretensions are multiplied, and the diversity of opinions increased, and do still proceed forward to the height; that, in case it should continue long, some notable scandal must necessarily happen. He told him of the jealousy which did possess the Princes of Germany, and the Hugonots of France, and concluded that seeing it was plain that the Council could do no good, it was expedient to finish it in the best manner it was possible. It was said that those Princes were persuaded that they could never obtain any thing that was good by means of the Council, and therefore thought it better to bury it with honour, and that they gave their word to that Cardinal to use connivency hereafter, and not to take it ill if the Council were ended. And he that shall observe what end the Who giveth his word to connive hereafter. Council had, and that those Princes had no satisfaction in any of their demands, will easily believe that the fame was true; but considering, on the other side, that the instances of the Emperor's ministers did not cease after this negotiation, he will think it a vain rumour. But to avoid both the absurdities, one may believe that those Princes did then lay hope aside, and resolve not to oppose the ending of the Council; yet so, as that they held it not honourable to make a sudden retreat, but to remit their instances by degrees, that they might not publish their want of judgement, for conceiving hope of good by that means, and for not believing the observation of Saint Gregory Nazianzen, who testifieth, that contentions have always been increased by the Episcopal assemblies. The truth of this particular I put in the number of those things, the knowledge whereof I cannot attain unto. But it is certain that the catastrophe of the Council, which it was thought could not possibly have a quiet conclusion, had beginning in this time. THE EIGHTH BOOK OF THE HISTORY OF THE COUNCIL OF TRENT. THe seventeenth of May, Cardinal Morone returned to Trent from his Legation in Ispruc; and the Legates presently began to treat amongst themselves about the certain day of the Session, because the twentieth was near when it was to be determined. And, because they knew not when the matters would be in order, in the Congregation of the nineteenth day, a prorogation was made until the tenth of june, to determine then the prefixed time. In that Congregation two notable things did happen. One was the contention; whether it did belong to the Legates, or to the Council, to determine A question about the authority of the Legates. whether the Proctors of the Bishops ought to be admitted in Congregation, begun (as we have said) by Lansac. The French Prelates did maintain, that the Legates had no other prerogative but to be the first, and had no authority, as they were separated from the Fathers of the Council; alleging the Council of Basil, and other monuments of antiquity. On the other side, it was said, that the Council could not be lawful, except it were called by the Pope, and that it belongeth to him only to determine who may assist and have voice in it; and that to give this power to the Council, would be to give it authority to generate itself. After some contention, the matter did remain undecided. In giving of voices concerning the abuses of Order another question succeeded. For the Bishop of Philodelphia made a great and a long exclamation, that Cardinals have Bishopriques without maintaining so much as a Suffragan; which was much derided by many, as if the Bishop, being but titular, had spoken for the interest of himself, and of such as he was. In the Congregation of the 21. of May the Count of Luna was received, The Count of Luna is received in Congregation. forty days after his arrival, in regard of the difficulties for precedence with the French Ambassadors. In the mean while, many consultations were held to compose them; but the French would by no means yield that he should have any place but below, and after them. Whereupon he thought to stand on his feet in the midst of the place amongst the Emperor's Ambassadors (who had order from their Master to accompany him,) and to stand by them until he had finished his oration, and then to return presently to his house. But this seemed dishonourable for the King. Therefore he laboured to persuade the French not to enter in Congregation that day; whereunto they not consenting, He thought to force them to it, by making some Spanish Prelate demand, that Secular Ambassadors might not assist in the Congregations, because they were never admitted in the ancient Counsels. But thinking that this would offend all Princes, he purposed to use means that some Prelates should propose the handling of some things, at which it would not be reasonable that the French Ambassadors should be present; as might be, the preiudices which might come to Christendom by the capitulations made with the Hugonots; or some such thing. This, coming to the ears of the Cardinal of Lorraine, put another course in his head; and, consulting with the other French men, they resolved not to contest any more, if a place were given him a part out of the order of the Ambassadors. Therefore the Count, entering into the Congregation the day before mentioned, and coming to the place assigned for him, which was in the midst of His protestation about place. the assembly over against the Legates, he presented the Mandate of his King; which being read by the Secretary, he immediately protested, that, howsoever, in that and all other places, he ought to be next after the Emperor's Ambassadors, yet because that place, the cause which was handled, and the time did not comport that the course of divine matters, and of the public welfare should be hindered by humane contentions, he did receive the place given him, but protesting that his modesty, and the respect he had not to hinder the progress of the Council ought not to be prejudicial to the dignity and right of his Prince, Philip, the Catholic King, nor of his posterity, but that they remain entire, so that they may always make use of them, as if his due place had now been given unto him; requiring that his protestation might be written in the Acts, and that they may not be published without it, and a copy thereof given unto him. After this the French Ambassadors did protest also, that if they should set in any other place than next to the Ambassadors of the Emperor, and before the Ambassadors of other Kings, which their Predecessors have always held, and namely in the Council of Constance, and the Lateran, they should be wronged; and if the new place in which the Ambassador of his Catholic Majesty did set, should bring any prejudice to them, or to the Orators, the Fathers of the Council, representing the Church universal, should reduce them to the ancient order, or give them the Evangelicall admonition. But the Father's holding their peace, and the Emperor's Ambassadors saying nothing, whose interest is common with those of France, because they sit next unto them, and so preserve the ancient possession of their King, the French Ambassadors in regard of the amity and alliance between the Catholic and most Christian Kings, demanded nothing but that the Fathers of the Council would declare that the Count his fact could not prejudice the ancient prerogative and perpetual possession of his most Christian Majesty, and register this in the Acts. The Oration was made, in the name of the Count, by Petrus Fontidonius, a Divine; who said in substance. That, the end of the Council drawing near, his Catholic Majesty had sent that Ambassador, to show himself ready to do for it that which Martianus the Emperor did in the Council The Oration made in his name. of Chalcedon, that is, to maintain and defend the truth, declared by the Synod, to pacify the tumults, and to conduct to an happy end that Council which his Father, Charles the fifth, Emperor hath protected in its birth and growth, for the cause whereof he hath made most difficult and dangerous wars, and which his Uncle, the Emperor Ferdinand doth maintain, that his King hath omitted no office of a Catholic Prince, that it might be called and celebrated; that he hath sent the Prelates of Spain, and most learned Doctors beside; that he hath preserved religion in Spain; that he hath hindered the entrance of heresy at all the passages of the Pirenies, nor suffered it to pass to the Indies, whither it hath laboured to penetrate, to infect the roots of Christianity, springing in that new world; that, by means of that King, faith and purity of doctrine doth flourish in that kingdom, so that the holy mother the Church, when she seethe other Provinces infected with errors, taketh great consolation, that Spain is the holy anchor for refuge of all her calamities. He added, would to GOD that other Catholic Princes and Christian commonwealths would imitate the severity of that King, in bridling the Heretics, that the Church might be delivered from so many miseries, and the Fathers of Trent from the care of celebrating the Council; that his King married with Mary, Queen of England, for no other end then to reduce that Island to the true religion. He repeated the late assistance sent to the King of France, adding, that, by the virtue of his Soldiers, though but few, sent for defence of religion, the victory inclined to the Catholic party. He said the King desired the establishment of the doctrine of religion and the reformation of manners. He commended the Fathers, because in the handling of these two, they would not separate the one from the other, howsoever great instance was made unto them to cause them to omit the doctrine, and proceed in the reformation only. He said the King's desire was they should examine well the petition, more pious than circumspect, of those, who say that some thing ought to be granted to the protestants, that, being overcome with kindness, they may return to the bosom of the Church; saying, that they have to do with persons, who cannot be bowed neither with benefits nor with pity. He exhorted the Fathers, in the King's name, to proceed in such sort, as to show they have a greater care of the Majesty of the Church, then of the desires of those that wander, and that the Church hath always used this gravity and constancy in repressing the boldness of her enemies, not to grant them so much as that which it honestly might. He said, the King desired that superfluous questions might be omitted; and concluded, that the Father's being assembled to do so good a work, as to cure the diseases which afflict Christendom, if this were not effected, posterity would blame none but them, and wonder, that, being able, they would not also be willing to apply the remedy. He praised the virtues of the Ambassador, and the glory of his house; and so ended. Answer was made, in the name of the Synod, that, in their grief for the common miseries, they received consolation, hearing the piety of the Catholic K. related, and, above all, that his promise to defend the Decrees of the Council was most acceptable; which the Emperor, and other Christian Kings and Princes being willing to do also, the Synod was stirred up to take care that The answer. her actions may be answerable to their desires, as it hath done already, both by their own inclination and by the exhortation of the Pope, always employing themselves in the emendation of manners, and in the explication of the Catholic doctrine; that it gave the King many thanks, as for his singular affection towards religion, and good will towards the Synod, so for sending such an Orato, from whom they did hope for honour and assistance. The Oration displeased all the Ambassadors, because it was a manifest reprehension of all Princes, for not imitating the Catholic King; and they complained thereof to the Count, who answered, that those words did as much displease him, yea that he gave order to the Doctor to leave them out, and not to speak them by any means, and that he would be sensible of his disobedience. The Frenchmen in Rome blamed much those in Trent, for The Frenchmen in Rome complain of the Cardinal of Lorraine. consenting to the place given to the Spanish Ambassador. They said that Lorraine, for his own interests, and to gratify the Catholic King had done this great prejudice to the Crown of France, as also because he had counselled the Pope not to grant the King the alienation of 100000. crowns of Ecclesiastical goods, as he demanded. They added that in all things he aimed only at his own interests, and therefore because neither he, nor his brother, did manage the money, he did not care though the King should receive none at all. But the difference for precedence was not as yet well ended. For howsoever there was a place found for the Spanish Ambassador in the congregations, the same could not be given him in the Sessions. Where-upon the Legates wrote to the Pope, to have order how to govern themselves. After the Spanish Ambassador was received, Lorraine parted to meet with the Card. of Ferrara; who, being arrived in Piedmont, found the affairs of that The state of religion in Piedmont. Country in no better state than those in France. For in diverse places of the Marquisate of Saluzzo all the Priests were hunted away; and in Cherie, and Cuni, places belonging to the Duke of Savoy, and in many other Cities near unto them, many were of the same opinions with the Hugonots, and many even in the Duke's Court also did profess them, and more were discovered every day. And howsoever the Duke had set forth a Proclamation, a month before, that all that followed those opinions should within eight days part out of the Country, and some also were departed, yet afterwards he commanded that there should be no proceeding against them, yea pardoned many condemned by the Inquisition, and made their processes void, as also of those who were in the Inquisition, and not condemned, and gave leave to some that were departed, to return. But the Cardinal, understanding the reasons of the Duke, was forced to believe that which he was used to say of the affairs of France, that to do so, would turn to the service of the Church. This Cardinal received institution in the same place, from the Bishop of Vintimiglia, who went expressly to inform him (as hath been said before) of the affairs of the Council, and how to treat with Lorraine. Both the Cardinals met in Asti the four and twentieth of May. Ferrara having related the estate of France, and of their family, since the death of the Duke of Guise, and of the Prior, exhorted him to a Sudden return, showing what necessity the family had of his presence. He told him, that, since the peace The Cardinals of Lorraine and Ferrara meet in Ostia. was made with the Hugonots, there formation would not produce those good effects in France as was believed. But he found (which he could not have believed before) that he had a great impression, that his honour did require that he should abandon the negotiation. Lorraine complained that Morone, turned from the Emperor, had acquainted him with no part of his business, saying that he had been advised of all by his Majesty. He said that the Catholic King was well united with the Emperor, and that there was good intelligence between the Count of Luna,, and him. In the matter of residence, he said it was necessary it should be declared, and that this was the opinion of the Emperor, and of almost all the prelate's, except some few Italians, and that the declaration was demanded, that the Pope might not dispeuce; so that the labour of the Cardinal of Ferrara did little good. And the Cardinal of Lorraine returning to Trent; did diuulge, that the Cardinal of Ferrara had persuaded him, in the name of the Pope and Legates, that the residence might be determined with a penal. Decree, without declaring that it is de iure divino; whereunto he said he would never assent. But Cardinal Morone; to pacify Lorraine before he entered seriously into the affairs of the Council, knowing it was necessary to make show of referring And their conference was to no purpose all matters unto him, went to visit him, pontifically; with the Cross before; accompanied with many Prelates; and after compliments told him that his desire was he should give counsel, and command, and proceed● as if he were one of the Legates; that the Pope did desire reformation and had famous. Articles, very severe; and written, that those which were mentioned by the Emperors and French Ambassadors, should be proposed also, leaving those which belong to the Court of Rome, which his Holiness will 〈◊〉 himself, for the upholding of the authority of the Apostolic Sea. But Lorraine suspecting that Morone had a purpose to lay some bad matter upon him, and to make the Spaniards mistrust him, answered, that the weight of a Legate was too heavy for his strength, who was not able to 〈◊〉 then to give his voice a● an Archbishop, that he commended the deal of his Holiness to reform other Churches, and desired he would be content that the Bishops should give as many Articles also for the Cardinals and the residue of the Court, that the Apostolic Sea was worthy of all 〈◊〉; and respect, but the abuses ought not to be covered with that 〈◊〉. The answer of this Cardinal made the Legates resolve 〈…〉 in order. And, in the meaned while, 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 Prelates were secretly and seriously persuaded hot 〈◊〉 that the Decree of residende etc. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, might be 〈◊〉. There fell out an accident which was sufficient to confound and divide the Popish Prelates amongst themselves. For advice came to Trent that Cardinals should be created the next Ember week, and a list of those who were in Rome was sent. The pretendants, who were many, were ill satisfied, and, as passionate men use to do, did not contain themselves within such bounds, but that their words did show their affections, and that they were very sensible of it. In particular, Marcus Antonius Columna, Archbishop of Taranto, and Alexander Sforza Bishop of Parma, (who, in regard of the great power of their families in Court, had more hope than others) were noted to have said, that they would hold intelligence with Lorraine; which Simoneta believing, did advice it to Rome: wherewith they were both much offended, and spoke very feelingly of it. The distastes did continue certain days: but no promotion of Cardinals being made, and satisfaction being given to these bishops, all things were finally well accommodated. After this time Lorraine began to remit his rigour. For France, being now, by observation of things past, assured, that nothing fit for the service Lorraine doth remit his rigour. of that kingdom could possibly be obtained in Trent, and seeing also that the peace was accommodated with great facility, so that there was hope to restore absolute obedience to the King, without meddling with Religion, and perhaps being informed by the Emperor of the treaty with Morone, as also in regard of the persuasions which the Pope used to the Queen mother by his Nuncio, did resolve not to labour anymore, with such affection, in matters of the Council, but rather to gain the good will of his Holiness; and if any good came from Trent, to receive it, and only to take care that nothing should be done to their prejudice. Therefore the Queen The Queen mother writeth to the Pope and the Cardinal of Lorraine. wrote to Rome, and offered the Pope to join with him to finish the Council quickly, to curb Lorraine, and the French Prelates, that they may not impugn his authority, and to cause all the Huguenot Soldiers to departed from avignon, and the territory thereof. She wrote likewise to the Cardinal of Lorraine, that the affairs of France did proceed exceedingly well, and that to give them perfection, nothing wanted but his presence, where being able to do more good then in Trent, in which place he had found by experience that no profitable thing can be done he should use means to quit himself of those affairs, and return as soon as was possible, seeking to give the Pope all satisfaction, and to make him his friend and, for matters of the council, not to think on them, more than his conscience and honour did compel him. She added, that he should have the same authority in the kingdom as he had before; and therefore should hasten his return. The Queen's letters came to Rome and Trent in the end of May; which, as they were very grateful to the Pope; and made him believe he should see a good end of the Council, so an other accident did much displease him. For, in France, consultation being had how to pay the debts of the Crown, the Ecclesiastical goods are aliened in France without the Pope's leave. Decree, for aliening the value of one hundred thousand crowns of Ecclesiastical immovable goods, was confirmed by the King's Edict; and sentence of the Parliament. This raised a great tumult of the Priests, who said, their privileges and immunities were violated, and that sacred things could not be aliened for any cause whatsoever, without the authority and decree of the Pope. To pacify which noise, the Ambassador desired his Holiness to give his consent, alleging, that the King was exhausted by the last wars, deseigning to put his affairs in order, that he may begin, as his purpose ever was since the making of the peace, to reunite all the Kingdom in the Catholic religion; and, that he might be able to force whosoever should oppose, he meant to impose a subsidy, and to cause the Clergy to contribute their part also; whereunto the Church was so much more bound than others, by how much her interests were more in question; that, all being considered, nothing was found to be more easy then to supply that necessity with the alienation of some few Ecclesiastical revenues; wherein he desired the consent of his Holiness. The Pope answered, that the demand was painted forth with a fair pretence Which maketh the Pope angry. of defending the Church, but was the only way to ruin it, for the avoiding whereof, his securest course was not to consent to it. And howsoever some might think that the French would proceed to execution without him; yet he was of opinion that leave would not have been demanded, in case they could have found buyers without it, thinking that none would dare to adventure their money, fearing (as the affairs of the world are uncertain) a time might come in which the Ecclesiastiques would resume their rents, and not restore the price. Therefore, having proposed the business in Consistory, by the deliberation of the Cardinals, he resolved not to consent, but, by diverse excuses, to show it was impossible to obtain that demand at his hands. Lorraine, bearing an irreconciliable hate to the Hugonots, not so much for religion, as for faction, which himself and his house had always with them, being assured it was impossible to reconcile friendship, was much displeased that the matters of the peace did proceed. For his return into France, he thought fit to consider very well when and in what manner it ought to be; and, for his particular affairs, he thought it necessary to hold good intelligence with the Pope, and Court of Rome, and with the Ministers of Spain also, more than formerly he had done. Therefore he began from that day not to be so severe in procuring the reformation, and to show greater reverence to the Pope, and to have good correspondence with the Legates. But besides the trouble for the demand of the alienation, the Pope had another, of no loss weight. For, having often promised the French Ambassador Agreat difference in Rome about precedence between the French and Spanish Ambassadors to give him his due place at Whitsuntide, and desiring to perform it, he assembled some Cardinals to find a means to give the Spanish Ambassador satisfaction. The courses were proposed, one to give him place under the Deacon on the left hand; another, upon a stool at the top of the Deacons bench. But these did not take away the difficulty. For there remained still matter of our currencie in bearing the train of his Holiness and giving water for his hands, when he did celebrate the Mass, and in receiving incense and the pax. The difficulty of the train and the water did not press the 〈…〉 because the Pope was not to celebrate, and the Emperor's Ambassador was to be there. For the incense and the pax, a temper was found, that they should be given to all on the right side, even to the Ambassador of Florence also, who was the last, and then to those on the left. The French was not content with this, and said, that the Pope had promised him his place, and that the Spaniard either should not come, or should stand under him; and would departed from Rome, if this were not performed. And it pleased the Spanish Ambassador as little: whereupon the Pope sent him word that he was resolute to give the French Ambassador his place. The Spaniard answered, that, if the Pope were resolute to do him that grievance, he would read a writing to him. The Cardinals, who treated with him in the Pope's name, shown him it was not good to do so, before his Holiness had seen it, lest, not being known before some inconvenience might arise. The Ambassador was unwilling to give it, but, in the end, was content. Which the Pope having read, was very angry at the form of words, which The Protestation of the Spanish Ambassador. he said were impertinent. Finally, he was brought into the Pope's Chamber with four witnesses, where he read his protestation, on his knees; which did contain. That the King of Spain ought to precede the French King, in regard of the antiquity, power and greatness of Spain, and of the multitude of his other Kingdoms, by which he is the greatest and most potent King of the world; because the Catholic faith, and Church of Rome, have ever been defended, and preserved in his states; that, if his Holiness will declare, or hath declared, in words or writing, in favour of France, the grievance and injustice was notorious. Therefore he, in the name of his King, doth contradict all declaration of precedence, or equality, in favour of France, as frustrate and void, against the notorious right of his Catholic Majesty: and, if it hath been made, there is a nullity in it, being done without knowledge of the cause, and citation of the party, and that his Holiness doing this, will because of great inconveniences in all Christendom. The Pope answered admitting the Protestation, Si, and in quantum, excusing himself for the citation omitted, because he gave nothing to the French men, but preserved the place in which he had ever seen● them, next the Emperor's Ambassadors; but offered notwithstanding to commit the cause to the College of Cardinals, or to the whole Rota, adding, that he loved the King and would do him all the good offices he could. The Ambassador replied, that his Holiness had deprived himself of doing the King any good office, by giving him so great a grievance. The Pope answered again, not for out cause, but your own and for the benefits 〈◊〉 by us to the King, these words were not worthy to be put into the protestation made unto 〈◊〉. The Precedent Birague arrived in Trent at the same time, whom (as we said before) the French King had sent to the Council and the Emperor, who 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Trent. was received in Congregation the second of 〈◊〉; where no Ambassadors inferior to the French were present that he might 〈◊〉 them place, because Is received in congregation. he had not the title of Ambassador in the King's 〈◊〉 He presented the letters of the King, dated the fifteenth of April which saiel in substance. That the troubles and 〈◊〉, raised in the kingdom, for cause of religion, were very well knowe●● also his 〈◊〉 with the 〈◊〉 and assistance of Princes and 〈◊〉 his friend's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by arms; that it pleased God, in his incomprehensible judgements, not to suffer those remedies of arms to produce any thing but 〈◊〉, slaughters, sackings of cities, ruins of Churches, loss of Princes, Lords, Knights, and other calamities and desolations, so that it is easy to know that they were not fit to heal the infirmity of Spirits, which are overcome only by reason, and persuasion; that this hath caused him to make a Pacification, according to the contents of his letters, dispatched upon that occasion; not to permit the establishing of a new faith in the kingdom, but that, arms being laid aside, he might, with less contradiction, make an union of all his Subjects in the same holy and Catholic religion; a benefit which he did expect from the mercy of God, and from a good and serious reformation, which he did promise himself from the Synod. And because he had many things to represent to them, and to desire of them, he resolved to send Monsieur Renaut Birague, who would inform them of all by word of mouth, praying them to receive and hear him with courtesy. The letters being read, the Precedent spoke, relating very particularly the And maketh an oration. discords, wars, and calamities of France, the State and necessity into which the King and kingdom were reduced, the imprisonment of the Constable, and death of the Duke of Guise, which made them to be as it were without arms. He justified the accord at large, as being made for pure and mere necessity, and with more advantage to the Catholic party, then to the contrary. That the intention of the King and Council was not to suffer an introduction, or an establishment of a new religion, but, on the contrary, arms and disobedience being removed, to reduce, with less contradiction, and by the ways observed by his ancestors, to the obedience of the Church those that were out of their way, and to reunite all in an holy Catholic profession, knowing very well that the exercise of two religions cannot long subsist and continue in one kingdom. Then he said that the King did hope to reunite quickly all his people in one opinion by the singular grace of GOD, and by means of the Council, a remedy used always by the ancients against such evils as those were, which did then afflict Christendom. Heprayed the Fathers to further the King's good intention, by a serious reformation, by reducing manners to the 〈◊〉 and purity of the ancient Church, and by composing the differences in religion, promising that the King would always be Catholic, and devoted to the Church of Rome, according to the example of his ancestors. He said, in conclusion, that the King did trust in the goodness and wisdom of the Fathers, that they would compassionate the miseries of France, and labour to cure them. The Precedent had commission to demand, that the Council might be translated to a place where the Protestants might have free access. For, notwithstanding all the security given by the Pope and the Council, they held Trent suspected, and desired a place where the Emperor might secure their. But he touched not this point, by the aduie● of Lordiu● and the French Ambassadors, who ●●ought it not fit to make 〈◊〉, and held it 〈…〉 of which 〈…〉 ker should answer Birague in the name of the Synod, condoling the misfortunes and calamities of the kingdom of France, and exhorting the King, that having been forced to make peace, and to grant something to the Hugonots, to restore religion entirely, he would, for the service of GOD, when the kingdom was in peace, labour without any delay, that this good end might be obtained. And they shown this answer to Lorraine after the Mass, before they entered into the Congregation. Who said, he did not like they should approve the King's fact, whereof they should rather complain, as prejudicial to the faith; and therefore that it was better to take time to answer, as the use is in matters of importance. Whereupon they gave order that Birague should be answered thus insubstance. That in regard the things related and proposed by him were of great weight, and had need of much consideration, the Synod would take a fit time to answer him. The French Ambassadors were much displeased with this fact of Lorraine, thinking that, if the Legates had not been disposed to commend the King's actions, he ought to have incited them, yea to force them as much as he could, whereas on the contrary, they judging a commendation of the fact to be just and reasonable, as indeed it was, he had dissuaded them. But consulting amongst themselves, they resolved not to write thereof into France, for many respects; and Lansac, being to return shortly, might make that relation which should be thought necessary. The month before there happened a great tumult and popular commotion in Bavaria, because the Cup was not allowed, nor married men suffered A tumult in Bavaria for the Cup, and marriage of Priests. to preach; which disorder proceeded so fare, that, to appease them, the Duke promised in the Diet, that, if in all june a resolution were not made in Trent, or by the Pope, to give them satisfaction, himself would grant both the one and the other. This news coming to the Council, made the Legates dispatch in diligence Nicolaus Ormonetus, to persuade that Prince not to make such a grant, promising that the Council would not be wanting to his necessities. To whom the Duke answered, that, to show his obedience and devotion to the Apostolic Sea, he would use all means to entertain his people as long as he could, expecting and hoping that the Council would resolve that which they saw to be necessary, notwithstanding the determination made before. But the Congregations proceeding in handling the Conciliarie matters, The Bishopof Nimes speaketh against Annates. in one of them the Bishop of Nimes, speaking of the abuses of Order, discoursed of Annates. He said, that howsoever it could not be denied that all Churches ought to contribute to the Pope for maintenance of his Court, yet he could not commend that payment, as well for the manner, as the quantity; because it would be enough if the twentieth part were paid, whereas this is perhaps more than the tenth; and for the manner, that no man ought to be forced to pay them but after the year was ended. And seeing that the Court of Rome must be maintained by the contributions of all Churches, it is just that they should receive some profit thence, whereas many, and almost all the abuses of Christendom do arise, by means of the Officers thereof; of which the Synod ought to advertise his Holiness, that 〈◊〉 might make pro●uision therein. He descented to speak in particular of the ordina●● of Priests made at Rome; saying, that the Canons and decrees are not observed in them, and that it would be necessary to decree, that in case the Priests ordained in Rome were not sufficient, the Bishops (notwithstanding the ordination) might suspend them, and that the suspended might not, by way of appellation or other recourse, hinder the determination of the Prelate. The last that spoke in that Congregation, was the Bishop of Osmo; who said, that as the abuses of Order are collected, so it were good to handle penances, and Indulgences also, because all those three matters are of affinity, and go hand in hand. In another Congregation the Bishop of Guadice spoke very long; and, amongst other things, made, as it were, an invective against the ordination The Bishop of Guadice speaketh against titular Bishops. of titular Bishops, upon occasion of speaking on the fourth Article of the abuses, in which he said, that to redress the great scandals which do arise by means of such Bishops, there should be no more created without urgent necessity, and in that case, before they were ordained, the Pope should make provision that they might live according to the dignity of a Bishop. He said, that to the dignity of a Bishop is annexed the having of a place and a Diocese, and the Bishop and Church are relatives, as man and wife, of which one cannot be without the other; and therefore it did imply a contradiction, to say, that titular Bishops were lawful. He said their ordination was an invention of the Court, and used these words, Figmenta humana; that there is no mention of them in antiquity; that if any Bishop were deprived, or did renounce, he was not held to be a Bishop, as he is not an husband who wanteth a wife, that the old Canonists do write, that there is a nullity in the ordinations made by him who hath renounced his Bishopric; that the Simonies and indecences which do arise by means of these Bishops, and the other corruptions of discipline, are nothing in comparison of this abuse of giving the name of Bishops to those who are not, and to alter the institution of CHRIST, and the Apostles. Simon de Negri, Bishop of Sarzava, entering into the same matter, said, Who are defended by the Bishop of Sarzana. that in a Bishop are to be considered Order, and jurisdiction; in respect of Order he hath nothing, but that he is minister of the Sacraments of Order and Confirmation, and, by Ecclesiastical constitution, hath authority of many consecrations and benedictions, which are forbid to simple Priests. But in respect of jurisdiction, he hath authority of government in the Church, whereas titular Bishops have the power of Order only, without in risdiction; and therefore it is not necessary they should have a Church. And if a Bishop was not consecrated in former times, except he had a Church given him, this was because no Deacons or Priests were consecrmed without a ●itle. Afterwards, it appearing that more service was done to God, and to the greatness of the Church having Priests without title, the same aught to be concluded of Bishops; yet so, as that, to avoid abuses, it was convenient not to ordain any, without giving them where on to live, that they may not be forced to indignities; but otherwise it is necessary they should be created to supply the places of unable Bishops, or of those who have a lawful cause to be absent from their Churches, or of great Prelate's,, employed in greater affairs, and therefore he did approve the Article as it was unfolded. The Bishop of Lugo discoursed of Dispensations, saying, that there were many matters, concerning which if the Synod would make decrees, declaring them to be indispensable, it would be a great service to God, and benefit to the Church. Which he did not say, because the Synod might give a Law to his Holiness, but because they are things in which dispensations of Pope's cannot be admitted; and if in a rare case, in a whole age, a reasonable cause to dispense, might happen once, yet the dispensation would not be just Of Dispensations. in that case neither. For it is convenient that a private person should support some grievance, when there is a great public benefit, as also, where many cases deserving dispensations may occur, to take away occasions of obtaining surreptions, supplications, and graces, it is better to be avaricious then liberal. One of the difficulties of the Council; which was about Bishop Tilefius, the Secretary, in regard of whom frequent instance was made, that the Acts of the Council might be written by two, did cease of itself. For he, not able to support the pain of the stone any longer, resolved to be cut. After he was retired, that charge was given to the Bishop of Campania, whose first action was in the Congregation of the seventh of ●une, to read the answer The answer to Birague. which the Legates had made, to give to the Precedent Birague, which, being long and proposed on the sudden, not assisted in voice by any of the Legates, and very ambiguous, with words which might be drawn to the commendation or the dispraise of the accord made by the King, was not understood by all in the same sense; whereupon there were diverse opinions amongst the Prelates. The Cardinal of Lorraine first spoke at large of it, and was not understood whether he did approve it or not. The Cardinal of Varmia, urged to it by Morone, desired him, after he had made an end, to declare, plainly what he thought; and he answered that it did not please him: to the great distaste of Morone, who had showed it to him before, and he seemed to be content. Madruccio, who followed, referred himself to the Fathers; of the others some did approve it, and some not. The French Prelates complained, that, against the orders observed in the Synod in like occasions, the answer was deferred and disputed. The Bishop, Ambassador of the Duke of Savoy, when it was his turn to speak, said, that the matter ought to be referred absolutely to the Legates, and the two Cardinals. When all the voices were delivered, the Archbishop of Lanciano stood up, and said, that howsoever he had concluded otherwise in his suffrage, yet having heard the Ambassador, he was of his opinion, and the same was approved almost by the voice of all together. The eleventh of june a consultation was held by the Legates; Cardinals, and 〈…〉 tie 〈…〉 s, to find a means to establish the doctrine of the Institution of Bishops, Lorraine, in delivering his mind, touched the opinion of the Frenchmen, that the Council is above the Pope, alleging also, that it was so defived in the Counsels of Constance and Basille He concluded that he did not do sure another declaration from that Council, but said, that if they would be o● accord with the Frenchmen, it was necessary that no words should be put in the Decrees, which were to be composed, which might prejudice that their opinion. The Archbishop of Otranto, coming to speak, enlarged himself with many words to convince that Cardinal, resuming and refuting whatsoever he had said in favour of the superiority of the Council. He added, that some held opinion of the superiority of the Council to be as true as Verbum caro factum est, saying he knew not how they could secure themselves in their conscience; wherein he meant Lorraine, who was said to have used this comparison. And, descending afterwards to discourse of the Institution of Bishops, he said there had been no controversy A contestation between the Arcbishop of Otranto, and the Cardinal of Lorraine. in this matter, if the form proposed by the Cardinal of Lorraine had not given occasion. The Cardinal answered, that, at his coming to Trent, he found the difficulties already moved; that he had composed that form, being requested, with intention to make peace and concord, and to remedy the differences; that this not succeeding, he would be glad that the Archbishop might obtain that honour which himself could not do; thanking him beside, that, as his master, he had put him in mind of that wherein he had failed. And, for the question of the superiority of the Council, he said, that being borne in France, where this opinion is common, neither he nor the other Frenchmen could leave it, and did not believe, that, for holding it, they should be forced to make a Canonical abjuration. The Archbishop replied, that he disliked the form, because it was imperfect, whence the difficulties did arise; but, for the rest, it was not a place to answer him, and that he did little esteem the injuries he did him. But he complained of some who did profess to accuse the actions of the Legates, wherein they did not show a good mind. The Cardinal was silent, and made no show he was offended. The Count of Luna, whether of his own accord, or at the instance of the Frenchmen, reprehended the Archbishop, saying, that if it came to the ears of his Catholic Majesty, it would certainly displease him. And a French Prelate, either by order from Lorraine, or of himself, did advertise Morone, that the Archbishop did much pass his bounds; that he used bad speeches, in handling the matter of Residence; and that the Cardinal was advised, that he was continually abused in his house, and that the most honourable title he gave him, was, a man full of poison; so that, in regard of these things, and of this last accident also, it would not be good to call them both together to consultation, because the Cardinal would not rest satisfied. Morone answered precisely, that he had order from Rome to call that Archbishop to all consultations, and that it was convenient to hold esteem of him, because he had at the least forty voices which did The Archbishop of Otranto had 40 voices at his command. follow him. This, being related to Lorraine, did make him exceeding angry against Cardinal Morone; and the rather, because a few days before the Legates and Cardinals consulting together about the answer to be given to Birague, referred to them by the Congregation, Morone did upbraid him, that he was content with the answer first made, afterwards said the contrary in the general Congregation. And Lorraine considered very much with himself, in what manner he might show himself sensible of the small account was made of him, especially being advised from Rome, that the Pope did accuse him for a man scandalous, and desirous to unite the Catholics and Protestants. But weighing his own interests, which did move him not to separate himself from Rome, but rather to seek means to be reunited, his profit overcame his passion, and so he resolved to continue in promoting the conclusion of the Council, and giving the Pope satisfaction. But the Precedent Birague, having expected an answer as long as he thought his honour would permit, the thirteenth day parted from Trent, to go to Ispruc, to negotiate the other part of his instructions with the Emperor; which was to give him joy of the election of the King of the Romans, and an account for what causes the Peace was concluded with the Hugonots, Birague parteth from Trent without his answer. and to answer him concerning the restitution of Metz, and of other Imperial Cities. He had instruction also, that, jointly with the King of Spain, they should use persuasions for the translation of the Council into Germany. His negotiation with the Emperor. This particular being imparted to Lorraine, to receive advice from him in what manner to proceed in it, or whether he should omit it, as he had done in Trent, the Cardinal resolved for the same reasons, that he should make mention of it, as of a thing rather to be desired, then hoped for, or attempted. The Count of Luna had express order in his instructions, to demand a The Spanish Ambassador maketh instance that the Decree, Proponentibus Legatis, may be abrogated. retraction of the Decree, Proponentibus Legatis; and after his arrival in Trent, he received a letter from the King, which told him, that he was desired by the French Queen, that the Council might be translated into Germany, that it might be in a free place, and that he had answered, that he did not think it necessary, in regard there was means to procure the liberty of it in the place where it was; therefore he gave him commission to labour, that it might have full liberty, beginning from the revocation of that Decree; because, that continuing, the Council could by no means be called free. The Ambassador, thinking he could not defer any longer, imparted this commission to the Legates, and, in conformity thereof, made effectual instance in the King's name, that the Decree might be abrogated, or expounded, saying, it was convenient so to do, because the Germans did forbear to come to the Council for this cause amongst others, and because the Emperor did think it necessary, that he might be able to induce them to receive the Council. They answered, that the Decree was made by common consent of all the Fathers, notwithstanding, they would consider on it, and resolve that which should seem just, after he had presented the instance in writing. The Ambassador gave it, and the Legates sent it to the Pope: howsoever Morone said, it was superfluous, and that nothing was to be done but to delay the answer, without troubling his Holiness. In the negotiation of Princes, especially those which do not touch the substance of their State, it happeneth, that howsoever they do change opinion by the change of occurrences, yet by the persuasions made before the change, things contrary to their new will do fall out. And so it was that the persuasions made by the Queen mother to the King of Spain, before she resolved to give total satisfaction to the Pope concerning the Council, did produce the effect of that Letter of the King. Therefore Morone, who did penetrate the bottom, did not hold that esteem of it as some thought. The fifteenth of ●une Morone proposed in Congregation, that the fifteenth of july might be appointed for the determinate day of the Session. Segovia, and some few others said, they saw not how the difficulties which were upon their hands could be resolved in so short a time, of Hierarchy, of Order, of the institution of Bishops, of the pre-eminence of the Pope, and of Residence; and that it was better to decide the difficulties first, and afterwards to appoint a short term for the day of the Session, then to appoint it now, and afterwards to prolong it with indignity. But the contradictors being but few, the proposition was established, as it were without difficulty. The next day Laynez, General of the jesuites, in giving his suffrage, bend all his forces The suffrage of Laynez. to answer whatsoever had been said by others, not conformable to the doctrine of the Court, with so great affection, as if his salvation had been in question. In the matter of dispensations he was exceeding copious; saying; it was spoken without reason that there is no other power of dispensing but interpretative and declarative, for so the authority of a good Doctor would be greater than of a great Prelate; and that to lay the Pope cannot by dispensation, disoblige him who is obliged before God, is nothing but to teach men to prefer their own conscience before the authority of the Church; which conscience, because it may be erroneous, as it is for the most part, to refer men to that, is nothing but to cast every Christian into a bottom less pit of dangers; that as it cannot be denied, that CHRIST had power to dispense in every law, nor that the Pope is his Vicar, nor that there is the same tribunal and consistory of the Principal and the Vicegerent, so it must be confessed that the Pope hath the same authority, that this is the privilege of the Church of Rome, and that every one ought to take heed, in regard it is heresy to take away the privileges of the Church, because it is nothing but to deny the authority which CHRIST hath given it. Then he spoke of reforming the Court; and said, that it is superior to all particular Churches, yea to many joined together; and if it doth belong to the Court of Rome to reform each Church, which doth appertain to every Bishop in Council, and none of them can reform the Roman, because the scholar is not above his master, nor the servant above his Lord, it followeth, by necessary consequence, that the Council hath none authority to meddle in that business; that many did call those things abuses, which, if they were examined and sounded to the bottom, would be found to be either necessary, or profitable; that some would make the Sea of Rome, as it was in the time of the Apostles, and of the Primitive Church, without distingushing the times; not knowing what doth belong to those, and what to these, that it is a plain case, that, by the providence and goodness of GOD, the Church is made rich, and that nothing is more impertinent then to say that God hath given riches, and not the use. For Annates he said, that it is de iure divino that Tithes and first Fruits should be paid to the Clergy, as the jews did to the Levites: and as the Levites paid the tenths to the high Priest, so ought the Ecclesiastical order to the Pope, the rents of Benefices being the Tithes, and the Annates the Tithes of the Tithes. This discourse displeased many, and particularly the Frenchmen; and there were Prelates who noted some things which they meant to answer, if occasion served, when their turn was to speak. The Spaniards and Frenchmen thought, that that Father spoke thus, by Favours done unto him. order, or by consent of the Legates, alleging for an Argument the many favours which were done unto him, upon all occasions, and especially, because, whereas other Generals were wont to stand on their feet, and in their place when they gave their voice. Laynez was called into the middle, and made to sit down, and many times a congregation was made for him only, to give him commodity to speak what he would; and howsoever none was ever half so prolike as he, yet he was praised, and those against whom he spoke could never be so brief, but they were reprehended for being too long. But Laynez, knowing what offence the Frenchmen did pretend His excuse. to have received, sent his companions, Torre and Cavillone, to make an excuse to Lorraine, saying, that his redargutions were not meant of his Excellency, or any of the French Prelates, but of the Divines of the Sarbone, whose opinions are not conformeable to the Doctrine of the Church. This being related to the Cardinal, in a Congregation of Gives distaste to the Frenchmen. Frenchmen, held in his house, the excuse did much distaste the Prelates, some saying it was petulant, and others scornful, and those few Divines which remained were sensible of it; so that Hugonias himself, whom they had bought, did think it unsufferable. Verdun thought he was touched in particular, and obliged to reply, and prayed the Cardinal to give him leave, and occasion. He promised to speak modestly, and to show that the doctrine of the Sorbone was orthodox, and that of the jesuite new, and never heard of in the Church before, that is, that the key of authority is given by CHRIST, without the key of knowledge; that the holy Ghost, given for the government of the Church, is called, by the holy Scripture the spirit of truth, and the operation thereof in the governors of the Church, and Ministers of CHRIST, is to lead them into all truth, that, for this cause, CHRIST hath made his Ministers partakers of his authority, because he hath withal imparted to them the light of doctrine; that Saint Paul to Timothy, writing that he is constituted an Apostle, doth expound it thus, that is, a Doctor of the Gentiles, who, in two places, prescribing the conditions of a Bishop, saith, he must be a Doctor; that, observing the use of the primitive Church, it will appear, that the faithful did go to Bishops for dispensations, and declarations, because those only were assumed to that charge who were most of all instructed in Christian doctrine; that, to omit antiquity, the Schoolmen and greater part of the Canonists have constantly said, that the dispensations of Prelates are good, Clavae non errante, and not otherwise. Hugonius also did offer to prove that assertion, that there is the same tribunal of CHRIST and of the Pope, to be impious and scandalous making mortality equal to immortality, and corruptible judgement of man, to the incorruptible judgement of GOD, and that it did proceed from ignorance, that the Pope is that servant, which is set over the family of CHRIST, not to perform the office of the Master of the family, but only to distribute to every one, not arbitrarily, but that which is ordained by the Master; that he was amazed that Christian cares could endure to hear that the whole power of CHRIST is imparted to any. They all spoke, some censuring one, some another of the jesuites assertion. But the Cardinal told them, that it would be no small matter if they could obtain that, in the public Decrees of the Council, way might not be given to that doctrine; at which it was convenient that all should aim; to which end they should more easily come, if the matter were passed over in silence, and suffered to dye in oblivion, which, by contradiction, might do some prejudice to the truth. They were pacified; yet not so, but that, in their private meetings, they spoke of it very much. But the Legates did so accommodate the two Articles of the Institution of Bishops, and of Residence, with general terms, that they The Decrees of the Institution, and of Residence. gave satisfaction to both parties, and to Lorraine also. But having consulted on them with the Popish Divines, and some Canonists, Prelates, these said, that they did admit an interpretation, prejudicial to the authority of the Apostolic Sea, and the uses of the Court. The Bishop of Nicastro, who had often contended in this matter in favour of Rome, said plainly, that, by that form of speech, it was inferred that all jurisdiction of Bishops did not proceed from the Pope, but a part of it immediately from CHRIST; which was by no means to be endured. Other Papalins maintained the same, and made a bad interpretation of all, if it were not plainly said, that Bishops have all jurisdiction from the Pope. Therefore the Legates sent the Articles thus reform to the Pope, not so much that they might be examined in Rome, as because, in a matter of so great importance, they would propose nothing without the Pope's knowledge. The Cardinals deputed for these affairs, having seen and examined them, did judge that the form was sufficient to make all Bishops in their Dioceses equal to the Popes. And the Pope reprehended the Legates for sending them, because he knew that the mayor part in the Council were good Catholics, and devoted to the Church of Rome, and in confidence hereof, was content that the propositions and resolutions should be determined in Trent without his knowledge. Notwithstanding he thought he ought not to consent to any prejudicial thing, for fear of giving bad example to them, and being a cause that they also should assent unto it against their conscience. At this time they had another very hard negotiation also. For the King A difficulty whether the King of the Romans ought to promise obedience to the Pope. of the Romans being to send Ambassadors, to give him an account of his election, would not do as other Emperors and Kings had done, who, having no cause to make difficulty, did promise and swear whatsoever the Popes would have them. But he having respect not to offend the Princes and Protestants of Germany, would first know what words must be used. The consultation hereof being committed in the Cardinals, they resolved, that he must demand confirmation of the election, and swear obedience, according to the example of all other Emperors. Whereunto he answered that they were deceived, and that he would consent to nothing which might prejudice his successors, as the actions of his predecessors were alleged against himself, and that it was to confess he was Vassal. And he proposed that his Ambassador should use these words, that his Majesty will perform all reverence, devotion and duty to his Holiness and the Apostolic Sea, with promise not only to preserve, but to enlarge as much as he can the holy Catholic faith. This negotiation continued this whole year without agreement; and, finally, in Rome they thought they had found a temper for it, proposing that he should swear obedience not as Emperor, but as King of Hungary and Bohemia, because it could not be denied, they said, that King Steven did give the kingdom to the Apostolic Sea, in the year of our LORD 1000, acknowledging to receive it from the said Sea, and making himself vassal; and that Vlad●slaus, Duke of Bohemia, did receive from Alexander the second power to wear a mitre, binding himself to pay an hundred marks of silver every year. These things being considered of in Germany, because there was no proof of them but the bare affirmation of Gregory the seventh, were derided, and answer was made, that they desired more fresh examples, and more certain, and more lawful titles. Messengers went to and fro, with diverse propositions, answers, and replies, of which we will now relate the issue, that we may return no more to them: Which was; that, twenty months after Count Elfestain, Ambassador of that King, arrived in Rome, with whom the same treaties were renewed, to demand confirmation, and swear obedience. He answered that the Oration, which he was to recite punctually, was in writing and that he had commission not to alter one jot. The Pope therefore proposed the business to the Cardinals, in a general Congregation; who after long consultation, concluded, that, howsoever the confirmation were not demanded, nor obedience promised, yet, in the answer to the Ambassador, it should be said, that his Holiness did confirm the election, supplying all defects thereof the facto & de iure, and did receive the King's obedience, without saying it was demanded, or not demanded, promised or not promised. This ceremony gave but small content to the Pope, and less to the College of Cardinals. But to return to the time whereof I writ, the Pope was to answer the frequent instances, made unto him by the Ambassadors, resident in Rome, and by the Count of Luna in Trent, for abrogation of the Decree of Propoventibus Legatis. And, being satiated with this trouble, he wrote to the Legates, that the suspension of it should be proposed in Congregation. But Morone answered the Ambassadors, who urged the Pope's order, that rather than he would condescend unto it, he desired that his Holiness would remove him. This answer being given without participation of the other Legates, and many other things resolved by him alone, Morone is thought to take too much upon 〈◊〉 by the other Legates. put them in a jealousy, that he took too much upon him; saying, that howsoever he might have instructions apart, yet he ought not to execute them without advising them first, and communicating all unto them, at least in the execution. In the Congregation of the one and twentieth of june, the answer to be made to the Precedent Birague, composed by the Legates and Cardinal of Lorraine, was read; which passed without difficulty. And because he was not present, that it might not be given him by word of mouth, they sent it after him in writing. And Adamus Fumanis was deputed Secretary, joined with Tilesius, who continued in his indisposition. But the differences about the Articles of the institution of Bishops, and of the authority of the Pope remaining still, or rather increasing, and it being plain, that to speak of them in Congregation, would augment them more, the Prelates, as it were, with a common consent, began to handle them particularly, and to propose courses to find a temper for them. Some, desirous to bury these controversies, and to proceed, seeing no means of concord, gave counsel to omit both the matters absolutely: which opinion, howsoever in conclusion it was received, in the beginning had much contradiction. The Spaniards did oppose; who, by all means would have the Episcopal jurisdiction to proceed from CHRIST; and the Cardinal of Lorraine went further, and, would have it defined, that their vocation and place were immediately from God. And the Frenchmen did desire, that the Pope's authority might be so declared as that it might neither contradict, nor dispense with the Decrees of the General Council. Others said that this course served only to defer, without assurance that the delay would do any good. For when they came to the conclusion of the Council, it would be necessary to define all matters which have been examined; so that the difficulty would return; and, in case the Frenchmen should departed first, as they resolved to do, there would be danger of schism, if afterwards any controversed point should be handled. Besides, in regard of the intelligence of Lorraine with the Emperor, those who knew not their new thoughts, did believe, that the Frenchmen being gone, his Majesty would recall his Ambassadors also: in which case it would be small reputation to continue the Council, and, to determine any thing, would be thought to be a thing done without authority. Another difficulty as great as this was in the election of Bishops. For many of the Fathers would have it said, that there is an obligation to elect the most worthy, and, for confirmation, alleged many Canons, and holy Doctors. The Papalins said, on the contrary, that this was to bind the authority of the Pope, that he could not gratify any, and that the use of the Court time out of mind, hath been, to think it sufficient if a man worthy were elected. The French and Spanish Ambassadors also did not agree, because it did too much restrain the power of Kings in nominations, if they were bound to go about and seek the most worthy. Many Prelates went up and down, using persuasions, that the Article might not be received, though it were without the addition of electing the most worthy, and especially the Bishop of Bertinoro, and the General Laynez, distributing some annotations, and advertisements, made by them, showing that great inconveniences would ensue by that Decree. For in it was contained, that a Cathedral being vacant, the Metropolitan should write unto the Chapter, the name of him who was to be promoted; who should afterwards be published in pulpit in all the Parish Churches of the City on Sunday, and hanged on the door of the Church, and afterwards the Metropolitan should go to the City vacant, and examine witnesses concerning the qualities of the person; and all his letters patents and testifications being read in the Chapter, every one should be heard who would oppose any thing against his person; of all which an instrument should be made, and sent to the Pope, to be read in Consistory. This constitution they said would be a cause of calumnies and seditions, and that hereby some authority was given to the people, with which they would usurp the election of Bishops, which formerly they were wont to have. Others being stirred up herewith; made the same oppositions against the Article, concerning those who are to be promoted to the greater orders, in which it was said, that their names ought to be published to the people three Sundays, and affixed to the doors of the Church, and that their letters testimonial aught to be subscribed by four Priests, and four Laiques of the Parish; alleging, that no authority ought to be given to the Laity in these affairs, which are purely Ecclesiastical. In these perplexities the Legates knew not what to do, but to enjoy the benefit of time, and to expect some overture, to come to the end of the Council, to which they saw not how they should be able to arrive. Another trouble began about the reformation of Cardinals. And the Pope understanding that this was spoken of in all Courts, and that in Trent, The reformation of Cardinals. the Ambassadors of France, Spain, and Portugal, were combined to demand it of the Council, he wrote to the Legates for advice, to know whether it were better to handle it at Rome, or in Trent. He proposed the same in Consistory, ordaining also a Congregation to consult on it, and, particularly, to find a means that Princes might not intermeddle in the Conclave, in the election of the Pope. And, to proceed with all circumspection in a business of so great weight, he sent many Articles of reformation to Trent, drawn out of the Counsels, with order that the Legates should impart them to the principal Prelates, and signify their opinions. The Cardinals of Lorraine, and Madruccio, answered, they would not deliver their own opinions, before they understood the Pope's mind, and afterwards it would be necessary to think very much on it. And Lorraine said, that there are many things which are thought worthy of correction, which himself did think could not justly be reprehended, and others which might in part, but not absolutely. He descended to the particular of having Bishopriques, saying, there was no inconvenience that a Cardinal Priest should have a Bishoprique, but did not like that a Cardinal Deacon should be a Bishop; and that, for this cause, he had counselled his brother, the Cardinal, to leave the Archbishoprique of Sans. But this matter of reformation of the Cardinals was quickly put to silence. For those who were in Trent, inclining rather to have it Did quickly vanish. handled by the Pope and College, and those who pretended for the red Cap, doubting their desires might be crossed, they did, with great facility, leave to speak of it. The Pope also thought to make a constitution, that no Bishops should have any temporal offices, either in Rome, or in the Ecclesiastical Dominion. But he was advertised by Simoneta, and other Prelates, that it would be a great prejudice to the Ecclesiastiques of France, Polonia, and other Kingdoms, where they are Counsellors of Kings, and have the principal offices, of which they might easily be deprived, if Princes should take example by his Holiness, and the Secular Nobility incite them to it, for their own interests. Therefore if he would execute this his determination, he should do it in effects, and not in writing, lest he should damnify the Clergy in other Kingdoms very much. The Emperor found by experience, either at this time, or two months before, when Morone was with him, that his vicinity to the Council did not only no good, as he thought it would, but the contrary rather. For the popish Prelates, suspecting his deseignes were against the authority of the Court, were afraid of every thing, so that the difficulties and suspicions did turn into bitterness, and increase in number. Therefore having other business wherein to employ himself with more profit, he departed, and wrote to the Cardinal of Lorraine, that the impossiblity of doing good in the Council being palpable, he thought it was the duty of a Christian and wife Prince, rather to support the present evil with patience, then by curing it, to cause a greater. And to the Count of Luna, who went unto him by Post, three days before, he gave order to write to the Catholic King, concerning The Emperor parteth from Isorut. the Decree Proponentibus Legatis exhorting his Majesty in his name to be content not to desire the revocation, or declaration, and if he did think that the not declaring of it might prejudice other Counsels, the declaration might, if need were, be made in the end of this. And notice being given, that they consulted at Rome and in Trent, to proceed against the Queen of And dehorteth the Council from proceeding against the Q. of England. England, he wrote to the Pope and the Legates, that if the Council would not yield that fruit, as was desired, that they might see an union of all Catholics to reform the Church, at the least they should not give occasion to the heretics to unite themselves more, which they would do, in case they proceeded against the Queen of England. For undoubtedly they would by that means make a general league against the Catholics, which would bring forth great inconveniences. And his admonition was so effectual, that the Pope desisted in Rome, and revoked the Commission given to the Legates in Trent. After that the Pope had given distaste to the Spaniards, in not giving place to the Ambassadors, to appease them again, he gave care to the instance of Vargas, who had troubled him many days together desiring that as means was found that the Count of Luna, the Ambassador of his King, might come into congregations, so, the time of celebrating the Session drawing near, his Holiness would find a way that he might be there also; Whereof having considered well, and consulted with the Cardinals, he resolved finally that a place, separated from the other Ambassadors, should be given the Count in the Session also, and to remedy the comperency which would be in giving the Incense & the pax, he gave order that 2. Censers should be used, and Incense given to the Frenchmen, and the Spaniard both at once; as also two Paxes to be kissed at the same instant. And he wrote to the Legates to do so, commanding that they should conceal all until the time of the execution, for fear some inconveniences might be prepared if it were known. Morone, according to the Pope's command, concealed the order, neither A difference about precedence. did the Frenchmen know of it at all. On Saint Peter's day, the 29. of june; the Cardinals, Ambassadors, and Fathers being assembled in the Chapel of the Cathedral Church, and the Mass being begun, which the Bishop of Asti, the Duke of Savoy his Ambassador, did celebrate, on the sudden a murrey velvet chair came out of the Vestry, and was placed between the last Cardinal, and the first Patriarch: and by and by the Count of Luna, the Spanish Ambassador, came in, and sat upon it; whereat the Prelates kept a great murmuring, Lorraine complained to the Legates of this sudden act, concealed from him. The French Ambassadors sent the Master of the Ceremonies to make the same complaint, telling the of them ceremonies of the Incense and the Pax. The Legates answered there would be two Censers and two Paxes; wherewith the French were not satisfied, and said plainly, that they would be maintained, not in parity, but in precedence, and would protest against every innovation, and departed from the Council. These doings and come continued until the end of the Gospel, so that the Epistle and Gospel were not heard, by reason of the great whisperings. The Theologue being gone into the Pulpit to preach, the Legates, with the Cardinals, Ambassadors of the Emperor, and de Ferrieres, one of the French, retired into the Vestry, where this matter was handled, and the Sermon was ended before any thing was concluded. In the midst of the Credo a silence was made, and Madruccio, with Five Churches, and the Ambassador of Polonia, came out to speak with the Count of Luna, and to pray him in the name of the Legates, that, for that time, he would be content, that neither Incense nor the Pax should be given to any, to hinder this sudden tumult, which might cause some great evil, promising that, at any other time when he requested, they would execute the order of his holiness of two Censors and two Paxes at once, which being considered on before hand, both he and they, and all might be able to resolve how to govern themselves with wisdom. After long discourse, they returned with this resolution that the Count was content. So they all came out of the Vestry, and went to their places, and the Mass proceeded without Incense or Pax. And as scone as these words were said; Ite, missaest, the Count of Luna, who, in the Congregations, was wont to go out last, did go then before the Cross, followed with a great part of the Spanish Prelates, and Italians, subject to his King. Afterwards the Legate, Ambassadors, and residue of the Prelates departed also, after the usual manner. The Legates, to be freed from the imputation laid upon them for this secret, and almost fraudulent proceeding, n a matter of so great weight, were fain to publish the express orders, received from Rome, to do so in that time, in that manner, and without participation of any. De Ferrieres said publicly, that but for the respect he bore to the worship of God, he would have protested, as he had in commission from his King, which he would do hereafter, in case the usual ceremonies of Incense and pax were not restored, and given them in their due place. The Cardinal of Lorraine also wrote a sharp letter to the Pope, declaring the wrong that should have been done them, and said modestly, that his Holiness had made him be told that he trusted so much in him, that he would that all the affairs of the Council should be communicated unto him; whereof, though he saw no effect, yet he did not complain; but he was troubled that he had commanded the Legates not to impart unto him their own proper affairs, and especially, that, in which he might have done more good than another, adding, that more mischief had ensued, but for his mediation. He said moreover, that the blame of all was imputed to his Holiness, and prayed him that he would not be the author and cause of so great an evil. He sent Musottus unto him also, by post, to inform him more particularly of the resolution of the French Ambassadors, and of the imminent danger. The Count of Luna complained of the stiffness of the French Ambassadors, and magnified his own great patience, and modesty, and desired the Legates, that the next Sunday he might be admitted to equal place, & ceremonies, according to the Pope's order. Some thought it was a stratagem of the Pope to dissolve the Council; and the Papalins, called Amorevoli, said, that, if they must come to a dissolution, they desired it should rather happen for the controversy about the words of the Council of Florence, That the Pope is Rector of the Church universal; thinking it would be more easy to justify his Holiness in that, and to lay all the blame upon the Frenchmen. The next morning, the last of june, the Count having assembled the Spanish Prelates, and many Italians, told them, that the day before he went into the Chapel, not to give occasion of any disturbance, but to keep the right of his King, and make use of the Pope's order; that since he had understood, that, in case he should return to the Chapel again, the Frenchmen would protest: which if they should do, he must not fail to answer them, in the same manner and terms that they should use, as in regard of his Holiness, so also in the behalf of the Majesty of his King. The Prelates answered, that if it came to this, they would be ready to do his Holiness service, and not fail to hold esteem of his Catholic Majesty as fare as did concern them. The Count prayed them again to consider well of all which might happen in such a case; saying, that himself would come prepared also. And knowing that the Frenchmen could take but three courses, either against the Legates, or against the King, or against him the Ambassador, he meant to be provided for an answer for all. All the Ambassadors of other Princes persuaded the Legates to find a temper; that so great disorder might not happen: who answering, that they must needs execute the Pope's command, which was precise, and without any reservation, and the rather because they had promised the Count to do it whensoever he would request it, the Cardinal of Lorraine protested to them, that, in case they did so, he would go into the pulpit, and show of what importance the matter was, and what a ruin it would bring to all Christendom, and with the crucifix in hand, would cry, Misericordia, persuading the Fathers and people to go out of the Church, that they might not see so fearful a schism, and crying, He that desires the welfare of Christendom, let him follow me, would departed out of the Church hoping he should be followed by every one. The Legates moved herewith, persuaded the Count to be content that no Chapel should be held the next Sunday, nor any procession made, according to the use, and sent the Pope advice of all. Continual congregations were held in the house of the French and Spanish Ambassadors. The Spaniard sometimes gave hope he would be content, and sometimes made instance to go to Church, to execute the Pope's order for the Incense and Pax. And the French Ambassadors were resolved to protest, and departed, and said openly, that they would not protest against the Legates, being but mere nor against the King of Spanic, or the Count his Ambassador, in regard they did prosecute their cause, nor against the Apostolic Sea, which they would always honour, following the steps of their predecessors, but against the person of the Pope, from whom the prejudice and innovation came, as making himself a party, and giving cause of schism, and for another cause also, appealing unto the future Pope, lawfully elected, and to a true and lawful council, threatening to departed, and to celebrate a Nationall. The Prelates, and other Frenchmen apart, did commonly say to every one, that the Ambassadors had protestations against the person of the Bishop, who carried himself for Pope, being not lawful because there was a nullity in the election for Simony, intimating particularly the obligation which Cardinal Caraffa had from the Duke of Florence, The Prenchmen make a question whether the Pope were lawfully elected. with promise of a certain sum of money, which that Cardinal sent afterwards to the Catholic King, pretending it could not be made, but by consent of the Pope before his assumption, as also another obligation made by the Pope's own hand, than Cardinal in the Conclave, to the Cardinal of Naples, whereof mention hath been made before. And the Precedent de Ferrieres prepared a very sharp Oration in Latin, and a protestation: which howsoever it was not made, yet it was printed, and was showed by the Frenchmen, and is still to be seen in print, as if it had been recited; to relate the substance whereof, is not besides our present purpose, that it may be seen, not what the French said only, but what opinion they brought to the Council. He said in substance; That that Council having been called by means of Francis The protestation. and Charles, brothers, French Kings, they, the French Kings Ambassadors, were sorry they should be forced to departed, or consent to the diminution of the King's dignity; that the prerogative of the French King was known to whosoever hath read the Pope's Law, and the Histories of the Roman Church; as also those who have read the volumes of the Counsels must needs know what place themselves ought to hold, that the Ambassadors of the Catholic King, in former general Counsels, have followed the Ambassadors of the most Christian, that now the mutation was made, not by the Fathers, who, if they had been in liberty, would not have deprived any Prince of his possession, nor by the Catholic King, so nearly allied in amity and kindred with their King, but by the Father of all Christians, who, in stead of bread, hath given his eldest son a stone, and for fish, a serpent, to wound, with one sting, the King and the French Church together, that Pius 4. doth sow seeds of discord, to disturb the peace of Kings who are in amity, changing by force and injustice, the order of sitting, always used by the Ambassadors, and lastly in the Counsels of Constance and Lateran, to show that he is above Counsels; that he can neither disturb the amity of the Kings, nor alter the doctrine of the Counsels of Constance and Basil; that the Council is aboue the Pope; that Saint Peter had learned to abstain from worldly matters, whereas this his successor, and no imitator, did pretend to give and to take honours from Kings, that by the divine, Nationall, and civil Law, account was held of the Eldest son, both in the life time and after the death of the father; but Pius doth refuse to prefer the eldest King before those who were borne long after him; that GOD, in respect of David would not diminish the dignity of Solomon; and Pius the fourth, with out respect of the merits of Pippin, Charles, Lewis, and of other Kings of France, doth pretend with his decree, to take away the prerogatives of the successors of those Kings; that, against the Laws of GOD and man, without any knowledge of the cause, he hath condemned the King, taken his most ancient possession from him, and pronounced against the cause of a pupil; and widow; that the ancient Popes, when a general Synod was celebrated; have never done any thing, without approbation thereof, and Pius hath, without that Council, which representeth the Church universal, taken away the possession of the Orators of a King, a pupil, not cited, sent not to him, but to the Synod, that, to the end provision might not be made against it, he hath used diligence to conceal his decree, commancing the Legates, upon pain of excommunication; to keep it secret; that the Fathers should consider whether these be the facts of Peter, and other Popes, and whether they the Ambassadors are not forced to departed, from the place where Pius hath left no place for Laws, nor so much as any print of liberty of the Council, in regard nothing is proposed to the Fathers, or published, if it be not first sent from Rome; that they did protest only against that Pius the fourth, adoring the Apostolic Sea, and the Pope, and the Church of Rome, refusing only to obey this man, and to esteem him the Vicar of CHRIST, that they will always have in great veneration the Fathers; but, seeing that whatsoever is done, is not done in Trent, but in Rome, and that the Decrees published, are rather of Pius the fourth, then of the Council of Trent, they will not receive them for the Decrees of a general Synod. In conclusion, he commanded the Prelates and Divines, in the King's name, to departed, and to return when GOD should restore the due form and liberty to general Counsels, and the King receive his due place. But there was no occasion to protest. For the Count considered finally, that, howsoever the Spanish party was greater, in number of Prelates, than the French, yet, because the dependants of the Pope, who at the first were on this side, when they understood the will of his Holiness, would now, knowing that a dispatch was made to Rome for this cause, think fit he should desist until the answer and the new order came, and therefore join with the French, his side would prove to be the weaker. Therefore inclining to a composition, and all the other Ambassadors, and the Cardinal Madruccio interposing, after many difficulties, they agreed that neither Incense nor the Pax should be given in the public ceremonies, until the answer of the King of Spain did come. This accord displeased the Pope's dependants, who would have been glad of that occasion to interrupt the progress of the Council, as also those, who being weary of Trent, and nor seeing how the Council could either proceed or be ended, desired the interruption, as the lesser evil, that the discords might not increase. It is certain that the Pope himself, receiving advice of this composition, did take it ill, in regard of the same fear, that the discords may not be made greater, and some evil enode. And the Spanish ministers in Italy did all blame the Count, for letting slip so favourable an occasion for the service, of the King. This controversy being composed, the Legates, intent upon the celebration How the difficulties in the points for the next Session were removed. of the Session, because the time approached, consulted what might 〈◊〉 done to remove the differences. Lorraine proposed the omission of the two articles, that is, of the Institution of Bishops, and of the authority of the Pope, as things wherein the parties were to passionate, and, concerning Bishos to say nothing, but what concerneth the power of Order. To some of the Papalins this seemed a good remedy, but to others not; who said, that this would be attributed to the Pope, as if the form last composed did not please him, and the Princes would wonder, why his Holiness should not rest content, having the same power given him, which Saint. Peter had; which would have given matter of discourse to the heretics. Besides, the Spaniards would take occasion to have little hope hereafter to agree together in any thing; whence infinite difficulties would arise in other matters also. Moreover there might be a doubt whether it could be effected, because it was probable that many of the Fathers. Would require, that those Articles should be declared. The Cardinal of Lorraine offered that the Frenchmen should not require it, and so to labour with the Spaniards that they also should be content; adding, that, in case the Legates would do the like with the Italians, who do with too much passion oppose the others, all would be composed. And very fitly order camefrom the Emperor to his Ambassadors, to use all means that the authority of the Pope should not be discussed in Council; which his Majesty did, because he saw the mayor part was inclined to enlarge it, and feared that something might be determined, which might make his concord with the Protestants more difficult. The Ambassadors, having treated with the Legates in conformity hereof, as also with Lorraine, and other principal Prelates, did cause this Article to be omitted, as also that other of the Institution of Bishops. But first they made many consultations about it, admitting unto them the Prelates which were of greatest note, and had most followers, sometimes more, sometimes fewer, that they might so dispose of matters; as that all might rest contented, and the Decrees of the provisions made against the abuses were given forth Concerning the first point, which was of the election of Bishops; the Ambassadors of Spain and Portugal did sharply oppose this particular, that the Metropolitans should examine the persons promoted to Bishoprikes (whereof much hath been said before) saying, that this was to subject the Kings to the Prelates their subjects, because authority was indirectly given them, to reject the King's nominations. The French Ambassadors being demanded what their opinion was, made show they did not c●re whether it were decreed or not. Whereupon the Popish Prelates, who thought it as diminution to the Pope's authority, said, that all that point might be omitted: especially, because, in the fift Session, sufficient provision was made in that matter. But others opposing hotly, a conclusion was made by common consent, that it should be deforred until the next Session, that they might have time so to dispose it, as that it might please all, lest the publication of the things agreed on should be crossed, in regard of this. There was the same difficulty about the last of the Articles proposed, in which a form of confession of faith was prescribed, to be 〈◊〉, by those who were designed to Bishoprickes, Abbeys, and other Benefices with cure, before the examination; which did so other with that of the election, as that they could not be separated. It was resolved to 〈◊〉 this Article also. But because it was deferred, and then resolved not to 〈◊〉, and afterwards, in a tumultuous manner, referred to the Pope, as shall be said in due place, it is not alieve from our present purpose to recite here the substance of it. Which was, that not only it should be required of them who were designed to bishoprics, and other cures of souls, but also an admonition and precept, in virtue of obedience, made to all Princes of what Majesty or excellency soever, not to admit to any dignity, magistracy, or office, any person, before they have made inquisition of his Faith and religion, and before he hath voluntarily confessed and sworn the Articles, contained in that form which, to that end, it did command to be translated into the vulgar tongue, and publicly read every Sunday, in all the Churches, that it might be understood by all. The Articles were. To receive the Scriptures of both Testaments, which the Church doth hold to be canonical, as inspired by God. To acknowledge the holy Catholic Apostolic Church, under one Bishop of Rome, Vicar of CHRIST, holding constantly the faith and doctrine thereof, in regard, being directed by the holy Ghost, it cannot err. To have in veneration the authority of Counsels, as certain and undoubted, and not to doubt of the things once determned by them. To believe, with a constant faith, the Ecclesiastical traditions, received from one to another. To follow the opinion and consent of the Orthodox Fathers. To render absolute obedience to the constitutions and precepts of the holy mother the Church. To believe, and confess the seven Sacraments, and their use, virtue, and fruit, as the Church hath taught until this time, but above all, that in the Sacrament of the Altar there is the true body and blood of CHRIST, really and substantially, under the Bread and Wine, by the virtue and power of the word of God, uttered by the Priest, the only minister ordained to this purpose, by the institution of CHRIST; confessing also that he is offered in the Mass to God, for the living and the dead, for the remission of sins. And finally to receive and retain most firmly all things which have been until this time piously and religiously observed by their ancestors, nor to be removed from them by any means, but to avoid all novity of doctrine, as a most pernicious poison, flying all popisme, detesting all heresy, and promising to assist the Church readily and faithfully, against all heretics. It being (as hath been said) resolved to omit this matter, they laboured to rectify the matter of Residence, by taking away whatsoever might displease those who held it to be, de iure Divino, or those who thought it to be, de iure Positino. Lorraine used all effect all diligehee to make the parties agree, resolving, that, by all means, the Session should be held at the time appointed. For having received lately very loving letters from the Pope, co 〈…〉 him to come to Rome, and to speak with him, and determining to give his Holiness all satisfaction, his resolution was to give him this, as an earnest, that is, to end the discord, and compose the differences between the, Prelates; a thing much desired by him. For his going to Rome, he spoke ambiguously, meaning to expectan answer from France 〈…〉 Another matter, though of no great importance, did prolong the progress, that is, the handling of the 〈◊〉 one of Orders, of which a great, long 〈◊〉 was proposed, wherein all were expounded, from the office of a Decon, to the office of a doorkeeper. This was composed in the beginning by the Deputies, when the Decrees were made, as necessary to oppose against the Protestants, who say those Orders were not instituted by CHRIST, but by Ecclesiastical introduction, because there is use of them, as being offices of good and orderly government, but not Sacraments. This Article of the Deeree was taken out of the Pontifical, which would be too long and superfluous to repeat, in regard it may be read in the book itself. And the Decree did The functions of the inferior Orders. declare beside, that those functions cannot be exercised but by him, who, being promoted by the Bishop hath received grace from God, and a Character imprinted, to make him able to do it. But when it came to be established, they were troubled to resolve an old common objection, what need there could be of a Character, and spiritual grace, to exercise corporal Acts, as to read, light candles, ring bells, which may be as well or better done by those who are not ordained; especially since it hath been disused, that men ordained should exercise those functions. It was considered, that the Church was condemned hereby for omitting this use, so many years. And there was a difficulty how to restore the practice of them. For they must ordain, not children, but men of age to shut the Church doors, to ring the bells, to dispossess the possessed with devils: which if they did, they did cross another Decree, that the inferior orders should be a necessary degree to the greater. Neither did they see how they could restore the three offices to the Deaconship, to minister at the Altar, to Baptise, and to preach, nor how the office of the Exorcists could be exercised, in regard of the use brought in, that the Priests only did dispossess the possessed. Antonius Augustinus, Bishop of Lerida, would have had that whole matter omitted, saying that, howsoever it was certain that these were Orders, and Sacraments, yet it would be hard to persuade that they were brought in in the Primitive Church, when there were but few Christians; that it was not for the Synods dignity, to descend to so many particulars; that it was sufficient to say, there are four inferior Orders, without descending to any further speciali●ie of doctrine, or making any innovation in the practice. Opposition was made, that so the doctrine of the Protestants, who call them idle Ceremonies, would not be condemned. But Lorraine was Author of a middle course, that the Article should be omitted, and in few words the execution referred to the Bishop, who should cause them to be observed, as much as was possible. These things being settled, they resolved to read all in the consultation of those principal Prelates, that all things might pass in the general Congregation with absolute quiet. Both parties were agreed, but only in the s 〈…〉 h Anathematisme, that is, that the Hierarchy is instituted by Divine ordination. The Archbishop of Otranto, and other Popish Prelates suspected, that, by such general words, signifying that all holy Orders, without making difference, are by ordination of CHRIST, 〈◊〉 〈…〉 ght be in●●redthat Bishops are equal to the Pope. But the Popish Divines and Canon 〈…〉 did persuade them not to make difficulty, because it was manifest, by the Canon's precedent, and subsequent, that nothing was spoken of 〈◊〉 Order, in which the Pope doth not exceed the Bishops, and 〈◊〉 mention made of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The same men suspected also the Proheme of the Article of residence; where it was said, that those who have cure of souls are bound, by God's command, to know their sheep, &c inferring, that it was, in some sort, declared that Residence was by the commandment of God. But the greater part of the Papalines were of the contrary opinion, saying, that all those particulars which are said to be commanded by God, to him who hath charge of souls, may be observed in absence, though not so well as in presence, and that the words following do provide against all preludice to his Beatitude. They said moreover, that it having been composed by the Cardinal of Ma●tu●, and often consulted on, this doubt was never made, and that at Rome likewise they did not think it prejudicial. But Otranto and his followers could not possibly be removed from their opinion. Some of the Spaniards were very earnest for the declaration, that the Institution of Bishops, and Residence are de iure divino, but were forced to desist, because the mayor part of their Colleagues were dissuaded by Lorraine, who used terms of conscience; saying it was not good, nor acceptable to GOD, when the good desired could not be effected, to cause evil by a superfluous and vain instance; that it was sufficient to hinder the prejudice which some thought to have done the truth, by establishing contrary opinions, and that if all could not be now obtained which was desired, some thing might be hoped for hereafter, by the assistance of GOD. But Granuta Segovia, and some others could not be removed by any means; and on the other side, it was not possible to make quiet the Patriarch of jerusalem, or the Archbishop of Otranto, and their adherents, who resolved to cross all that was proposed, as not serving to remove the differences, but only to cover them; being assured, that, in the progress, they would return with greater force, and thinking it better, in case they must needs break, to do it before the Session then after. Neither were the Legates able to persuade them. Notwithstanding these two contradictions, matters were established with the other principal Prelates; and the ninth of july the general Congregations began; in which all that belongeth to the doctrine and Canon's of Order being first read, the Cardinal of Lorraine gave an example of speaking briefly, and making no difficulty: and was imitated by others, until it came to Granata to speak; who said, it was an indignity, that the Fathers The Spanish Prelates are constant in their opinion concerning the Institution of Bishops. should be thus derided, handling the foundation of the Institution of Bishops so long, and now omitting it; requiring the declaration, de iure divino, and wondering why a point so true and infallible, should not be declared. He added that all books which say the contrary aught to be condemned as heretical. Segovia adhered to him, and said it was an express truth, which could not be denied, and that it ought to be declared, to condemn the heretics who defend the contrary. Guadi●e, Aliffe, Morte Mara●●o, and some other Spanish Prelates followed: some of which said, that their opinion was as true as the precepts of the decalogue. The Bishop of Conimbri 〈…〉 did complain publicly, that the truth was circumuonted by craft; that is by ordaining titular Bishops. For this did show that 〈…〉 diction was not essential to a Bishopric, nor received immediately from CHRIST. And he required a declaration to the contrary, repeating the conceit often used, that a Church and faithful subjects were as essential to a Bishop, as a wife to an husband. The Decree of Residence being proposed afterwards, Lorraine did approve it with the same brevity; only he advised, that where the causes of absence are expressed, amongst which is utility of the Church, utility of the Commonwealth should be added also, to remove all impediment which that Decree might bring to the admission of Prelates to offices and public Counsels; wherein he had a general applause, Madruccio, who followed, spoke in the same manner. The Patriarch of jerusalem, and the Archbishops Verallo, and Otranto refused to deliver their opinions concerning that Decree: whereof the Archbishop Braga, when his turn was to speak, complained, and turning to the Legates, told them, after a reprehending manner, that they ought to use their authority, and to force the Prelates to speak their opinions, and that it was a bad example in Council, as if they were compelled to be silent, or had an ambition not to speak but when they had followers. Whereupon others, who resolved to imitate them, changed their purpose, and consented to the Decree. The other Decrees were approved as they were read, but only that Granata made instance that Residence might be declared to be de iure divino in plain words, because (he said) the ambiguous words of the Proheme were unworthy of the Council, which was assembled to take away, and not to increase the difficulties; that books maintaining the contrary should be prohibited and that Cardinals should expressly and namely be comprehended in the Decree. This last concerning Cardinals, did seem to please many. Whereupon Morone answered, that consideration should be had of it, and that it should be spoken of another time. They proceeded in the residue, and, in the end, the Patriarch and the two Archbishops consented also to the Decree; which was the first thing to make them hope that the Session could be celebrated at the time appointed, a thing thought impossible, but effected, by the dexterity of the Cardinal of Lorraine, The days following the Fathers gave their voices concerning the other Articles of reformation. In which there was no difference of moment, but only, that, at the great instance of Pompeius Zambeccari, Bishop of Sulmona, one particle was removed out of the Articles of the first Tonsure; in which it was said, that, if the promoted shall commit any delict within six months after the ordination, the ordination shall be presumed to be fraudulent, and the ordained shall not enjoy the privilege of the Court; and whereas it is decreed that none should be ordained before he was appropriated to some Church, the innovation of the Decrees made by the Later an Council was added, that those also who were ordained to the title of the Patrimony should be applied to the service of some Church, in which they should actually exercise themselves, or otherwise should not be partakers of the privileges. This last was taken away also: and for the residue, with a small variation of words, and those not belonging to the substance, satisfaction was given to all the Fathers. The Spaniards, who could not obtain in Congregation the declaration for the institution of Bishops as they desired, did the thirteenth day at night, assemble in the house of the Count of Luna; where Granata and his adherents, persuaded him to protest to the Legates, in case the determination of that point should be omitted; but others dissuaded it, as a thing which might raise a great commotion. The whole Congregation was spent in disputes, and ended in contention, deferring the resolution until the next morning. When the Count, hearing again the diversity of opinions, and considering that it would much displease the Pope, all the Italian Bishops, and all the French men, who had reform their opinions, prayed Granata to think as others did, in regard it was not a matter of conscience, because the question was not in what manner it should be refined, but whether it should be refined, or omitted. Granata not changing, but saying that he thought in his conscience the determination was necessary, he desired him that he would speak his opinion quietly, and freely, and content himself if it were not embraced by others, and abstain from contentions; which both he and the others promised to do. The next day, which was the next before the Session, a general congregation was held, in which Morone did propose; whether the Fathers were pleased that in the Articles of Residence, and of the age of those who are to be ordained, mention should be made of Cardinals; and particularly of the age. Few did consent, and most of them did discourse that there is no cause to make any Cardinals under age, except Princes, in whom age is not considerable, because they do honour the Clergy, of what age soever they be; and that it was to no purpose to make a Decree where there was no abuse. But in the particular of the residence, the greater part was of opinion they should be named. But some contradicted, because it would be an approbation that Cardinals might have Bishopriques, and, by consequence, Commendaes'; which was not fit to do, but to leave them to their conscience, which must needs tell them that they are not exempt from the general precept, rather than by naming them, to approve two abuses at once, plurality of Benefices, and Commendaes'. Afterwards some other particulars of small weight being handled and concluded, all which was to be published in Session was read again, the Prelates giving their opinions only with the word, placet. Some Spaniards and Italians, in number twenty eight, answered negatively, and the others, being 192. did consent; and in the end Morone concluded, that the Session should be held. He thanked the Fathers for accepting the Decrees, and exhorted the others to join with them, and prayed the Count of Luna to persuade his Prelates, that, seeing the universal concourse of all the Council in one opinion▪ they would not descent. Whereof speaking with him more particularly, after the congregation, he promised, that, whensoever the Pope's authority should be declared, according to the form of the Council of Florence, the institution of Bishops should be declared also to be de iure divino. The Spanish Prelates being assembled that day at night, in the house of the Count, after many discourses, grounding themselves upon the Cardinal's promise, were content to accept all things. The fifteenth of july being come, they went all to Church early in the The Session. morning with the usual order; where the accustomed ceremonies were used. The Bishop of Paris sang Mass, and the Bishop of Aliffe preached, and did offend the Frenchmen, by naming the King of Spain before their King; as also the Polonians, by naming Portugal before Polonia; and the Venetians, by mentioning the Duke of Savoy before their Republic. He seemed to say also, that the celebration of the Council, was a continuation with the precedent of Paul and julius; wherein the Imperialists and Frenchmen had ill satisfaction. He spoke also of the faith and manners of the heretics and catholics; and said, that as the faith of the Catholics was better, so the heretics did exceed them in good life; which did give much distaste, especially The preacher ostendeth many Ambassadors. to those who remembered the saying of our Saviour, and of Saint james, that faith is not showed but by works. At that instant nothing was said, for fear of troubling the ceremonies. But the next day, the French Ambassadors, the Polonian and the Venetians, desired the Legates that the Sermon might not be printed, nor put amongst the acts of the Council. The Mass, and the other prayers being ended, the Briefs of the Legation of the Cardinals Morone and Navaggero were read, as also the Mandates of the King of Polonia, of the Duke of Savoy, the letter of the Queen of Scotland, and the Mandate of the Catholic King. Afterwards the Decrees of the doctrine of faith were read; in which there was no contradiction, but only that the mayor part of the Spaniards said, they did consent upon condition, that the Lords the Legates, should perform the promise made to the Ambassador of their King. The Decree of faith did contain in substance. 1. The Sacrifice and the Priesthood, are united in each law; therefore there being a visible sacrifice The Decree of faith. in the New Testament, that is the Eucharist, it must be confessed necessarily, that there is a visible and external Priesthood, in which power is given, by divine institution, to consecrate, offer, and minister the Eucharist, and to remit and retain sins. 2. Which Priesthood being divine, must have many Orders of Ministers to serve in it, which must ascend from lower to higher ministeries, because the Scripture maketh mention of the name of Deacons; and from the beginning of the Church the ministeries of Subdeacons', Accolythites, Exorcists, Readers, & Ostiaries were used, placing the subdeaconship amongst the greater Orders. 3. And because grace is conferred in the holy ordination, Order is truly and properly one of the seven Sacraments of the Church. 4 In which a Character being imprinted, which cannot be blotted out, the Synod doth condemn those who say that Priests have sacerdotal power for a time, so that they may return to the world, and not exercise the ministry of the word of God. And doth condemn those who say all Christians are Priests, or have equal spiritual power; which is nothing but to confound the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy, which is in an order, as an army of soldiers. To which hierarchical order do belong especially Bishops, who are superior to Priests, to whom it appertaineth to administer the Sacrament of Confirmation, to ordain Ministers, and to perform other functions. The Synod doth teach also, that, in the ordination of Bishops, Priests, and other degrees, the consent, vocation, or authority of the Magistrate, or of any other secular power is not necessary; and that those, who, called only, or instituted by the people, secular power or Magistrate, or by their own temereity, do ascend to Ecclesiastical Ministeries, are not Ministers, but thiefs. This doctrine was attended with eight Anathematisms. 1. Against him that shall say, that there is no visible Priesthood in the new Testament, nor any power to consecrate and offer, and remit sins, but only an Office, or naked Ministry to preach the Gospel, and that those who do not preach are not Priests. 2. Or that, besides Priesthood, there are not greater Orders, The Anathematisms. and less, which are degrees to ascend to Priesthood. 3. Or that holy ordination is not a Sacrament, but an humane invention, or only a certain Rite, to elect Ministers of the word of God, and of the Sacraments. 4. Or that the holy Ghost is not given by the holy Ordination, nor any Character imprinted, or that a Priest may return to be a Laique. 5. Or that the holy Unction, or other Ceremonies which the Church useth, are not requisite, but may be omitted, or are pernicious. 6. Or that there is not an Hierarchy instituted in the Catholic Church; by divine Ordination, consisting of Bishops, Priests, and Ministers. 7. Or that Bishops are not Superior, to Priests, or have not power to confirm and ordain, or that Priests also have the same power, or that Orders conferred without the consent or vocation of the people, or Secular power, are void, or that they may be lawful Ministers of the word of God and Sacraments, who are not lawfully ordained by the Ecclesiastical power. 8. Or that Bishops assumed by authority of the Pope, are not lawful and true, but that it is an humane invention. Afterwards the decree of reformation was read, which contained eighteen The Decree of Reformation. heads. The first concerning the matter of Residence, so much disputed on, in which it was said, that every one that hath cure of fowls, is bound, by the Commandment of God, to know his sheep, to offer Sacrifices for them, to feed them with preaching, Sacraments, and good examples, and to attend other Pastoral charges; which things because they cannot be performed by him who doth not assist and watch over the flock, the Synod doth admonish them to feed and govern, with judgement and truth. But that none by a bad interpretation of the Constitutions, made under Paul the third in this matter, may think the absence of five Months lawful, it doth declare, that whosoever hath Bishoprickes, in what title soever, though Cardinals, are bound to reside personally, nor may be absent, but when Christian charity, urgent necessity, due obedience, or utility of Church or Commonwealth doth require; as also that such causes of absence must be approved for lawful, by the Pope, or Metropolitan, except they be notorious or sudden, in which case the Provincial Counsels must take knowledge, and judge of the licences granted, that there may be no abuse therein, the Prelates providing that the people may not be damnified in their absence. And because a short absence deserveth not this name, though without any the causes aforesaid, it doth declare that this shall not exceed the space of two months, or three at the most, whether it be continuate or at diverse times, so that there be equity of reason in it, and without the damage of the flock; which must be referred to the consciences of the Prelates; admonishing every one not to be absent on Sundays in Aduent, Lent, Feast of the Nativity, Resurrection, Pentecost, or Corpus Christi. Which Decree, he that shall violate, besides the penalties imposed upon Nonresidents under Paul the third, and mortal sin, may not, with a good conscience, enjoy the Fruits for that proportion of time, decreeing the same concerning all those that have charge of souls, who, being absent with leave of the Bishop, must substitute a sufficient Vicar, approved by the Bishop, allowing a convenient stipend; and doth ordain that this Deceee, together with the other under Paul the third, shall be published in the Provincial and Diocesan Counsels. The second Article of the Decree concerning Order, was; That whosoever doth hold a Bishopric, in what title soever, though a Cardinal, not receiving consecration within three months, shall lose the Fruits, and deferring three months more, shall lose the Benefice, and that the consecration, if it be not in the Court of Rome, shall be celebrated in the proper Church, or in the Province at the least, if there be opportunity. The third, That Bishops shall celebrate the ordinations in their own person, and, in case they be sick, shall not send their subjects to be ordained by other Bishops, before they be examined and approved by themselves. The fourth, That the first Tonsure shall not be given but to him that is confirmed, and hath learned the principles of Faith, to read and write, and hath chosen a clerical life to serve GOD, not to avoid the Secular judgement. The fift, He that is to be promoted to the inferior Orders shall have testimony from the Parish Priest, and Schoolmaster, and charge shall be given by the Bishop, that his name may be proposed publicly in Church, and inquisition made of his birth, age, manners and life. The sixth, That none shall have an Ecclesiastical Benefice before the age of fourteen years, nor enjoy the exemption of the tribunal, if he have not an Ecclesiastical Benefice, or, wearing the habit and Tonsure, doth not serve in some Church, by commission from the Bishop, or dwell in a Seminary, or School, or University, with licence of the Bishop. And, for married Clerks, the constitution of Boniface the eighth shall be observed, with condition likewise that they shall serve in the Church, in habit and Tonsure, by deputation of the Bishop. The seventh, That when an ordination is to be made, all shall be called to the City, the Wednesday before, and diligent inquisition and examination of them made by the Bishop, with the assistance of who he pleaseth. The eighth, Ordinations shall not be celebrated but in times appointed by the law, in the cathedral Church, in presence of the Canons: and if occasion be to make it in an other place of the Diocese, it shall be in the most worthy Church, in presence of the Clergy. Every one shall be ordained by his own Bishop, or, if any be ordained by another, he shall have letters testimonial of his own. The ninth, A Bishop shall not ordain one of his family that is not his subject, if he have not dwelled with him three years, and, in that case, shall presently confer a Benefice upon him. The tenth, No Abbot, or other Prelate, shall confer the first Tonsure, or the minor Orders, but unto Regulars, their subjects; nor these or other Prelates, Colleges, or Chapters, shall grant dimissory letters to Secular Clerks to receive Orders. The eleventh, That the minor Orders shall be conferred upon him that understandeth the Latin tongue, and with interposition of time between one Order and another; and these being degrees unto others, none shall be ordained if there be not hope that he may be worthy of holy orders; and from the last of the minor Orders until the Subdeaconship, there shall be the interposition of a year, if the Bishop shall not judge otherwise for the good of the Church. The twelfth, None shall be ordained Subdeacon before the age of two and twenty years, Deacon before three and twenty, Priest before six and twenty. Neither shall the Regulars have any exemption herein. The thirteenth, Subdeacons', and Deacons shall be first proved in the minor Orders, shall have hope to live continently; shall serve the Church to which they are ascribed, and shall think it very convenient to receive the Communion on Sundays, and solemn Feasts, when they serve at the Altar. Subdeacons' shall not pass to a higher degree, until they be exercised one year in their own; but two holy degrees shall not be given in one day, by virtue of any privilege whatsoever. The fourteenth, None shall be ordained a Priest but a Deacon, which hath been exercised in that ministry, a whole year at the least, and found sufficient to teach the people, and administer the Sacraments: and the Bishop shall take care that they celebrate the Mass every Sunday, and holy day, 〈◊〉, in case they have cure of souls, they shall satisfy their charge; and if any be ordained to the superior Orders, before the inferior, the Bishop may dispense, if there be a lawful cause. The fifteenth, Howsoever Priests receive power, in their ordination to absolve from sins, yet none shall hear confessions, who have not a Parochial Benefice, or is not approved by the Bishop. The sixteenth, None shall be ordained before he be ascribed to some particular Church, or pious place, to exercise the ministry of that Order; and, if hoc abandon the place without consent of the Bishop, the ministry shall be prohibited unto him; and no strange Clerk shall be admitted to the exercise of the Ministry without the letters of his Ordinary. The seventeenth, To bring again into use the functions of the Orders from a Deacon to an ostiary, which, being used from the time of the Apostles, have been intermitted in many places, that they may not be derided by the heretics, as idle, these Ministeries shall not be exercised, but by those who have received the Orders appertaining, and the Prelates shall restore those functions, and in case they have not continent Clerks for exercise of the minor Orders, they may take married men, so that they have not been twice married, and be in other respects apt for that exercise. The last article was for the institution of Seminaries, in which it was constituted, that every Episcopal Church should have a certain number of boys, brought up in a College, near the Church, or in another convenient place, the boys shall be twelve years old at the least, legitimate, and distributed into forms, by the Bishop according to their number, age, and progress in Ecclesiastical discipline. They shall wear the habit, and tonsure, learn Grammar, Music, Ecclesiastical computation, the holy Scripture, to read the Homilies of the Fathers, know the Rites and Ceremonies of the Sacrament, and especially that which belongeth to hearing confessions. And to defray the charge thereof, where there is any revenue deputed for education of children, it shall be applied to this Seminary, and, to supply that which remaineth, the Bishop, with four of the Clergy, shall detract a portion from all the Benefices of the Diocese, and apply simple Benefices also to this use, and compel those who have Schoole-houses, or other charge to read or teach in the Schools of the Seminary, by themselves, or by sufficient substitutes; and Schoolmasters places shall not be given hereafter, but unto Doctors or Masters in Divinity, or in the Canon law. And if, in any Province, the Churches be so poor, that a Seminary cannot be erected in them, one, or more, shall be appointed in the Province, and in the Churches of the great Diocese the Bishop shall erect one, or more if he think fit, besides that of the City, which notwithstanding shall depend on that of the City. In the end, the Decree, intimating the next Session for the sixteenth of September, was read, expressing that then the Sacrament of Matrimony was to be handled, and other things pertaining to the doctrine of Faith, as also the provisions of Bishoprickes, Dignities, and other Benefices, and diverse other articles of reformation. The Session continued from nine until sixteen a clock, with great content of the Legates and Popish Prelates, that matters did pass so quietly, and with such a general consent; And they commended the Cardinal of Lorraine above all, confessing that he had been the most principal cause of this benefit. No act of this Council was seen with more desire than this of this Session, The censure of the acts of this Session. every one being curious to know what that was which held in contention so many Prelates in Trent, and all the Courts of Christian Princes in business ten months together. But it proved to be according to the proverb, The travail of mountains, and the nativity of a mouse. No man could find how it could deserve not only so great and long pains of so many great persons, but even the least employment at all. And those who understood Theologie, did desire that it should be once declared, what the Council did understand by the power of retaining sins, which was made one part of the Sacerdotal power; because they had declared the sense of the other, which was to remit sins And others wondered at the declaration, that the inferior Orders are only degrees unto the superior, and all unto Priesthood, in regard it doth appear, in the ancient Ecclesiastical Story, that those who were ordained to any ministry or charge, were, for the most part, perpetually entertained in the same, and the ascending to an higher degree happened very seldom, and was used only in case of necessity, or great utility. None of the seven Deacons instituted by the Apostles, ascended any higher; and in the ancient Church of Rome itself it doth not appear, that the Deacons, whose office was to hear the confessions of Martyrs, did pass to the title of Priesthood. The ordination of Saint Ambrose to be a Bishop, of Saint Hierome, Saint Austin, and Saint Paulinus to be Priests, and of Saint Gregory the Great to be a Deacon is described, without mention of any passage by other degrees. They did not blame the use begun in later times, but they marvelled that they did allege it as a thing always used, whereas the contrary was manifest. The Decree, that the ministeries of the Orders from a Deacon to an Ostiary should not be exercised, but by persons promoted to those proper Orders, made a fair show; but it seemed a thing hard to be observed, that, in no Church none might ring the bells, or open and shut the doors, but the ordinary Ostiaries, nor light the lamps, and candles, but the Accolites, who were to exercise those manual functions, that they might ascend to Priesthood. And it seemed some contradiction, to have determined absolutely, that those ministeries should not be exercised but by persons ordained, and afterward commanded the Prelates to restore them, as much as conveniently they could. For observing the absolute Decree, it is very necessary; that, where persons ordained cannot be had for exercise of those functions, they must not be exercised at all: and if they may be exercised without Orders, in places where persons ordained cannot be found, the absolute definition might have better been omitted. In the Decree of the ordination of Priests, it was thought very convenient to prescribe that condition, that they should he able to teach the people; but this did not seem very coherent with that other doctrine and use, that cure of souls is not essential to Priesthood, so that to be able to teach the people is not necessary to those Priests who mean never to take that cure upon them. And to make to a necessary condition in the minor orders, to understand the Latin tongue; was to show that this was not a General Council of all Christian Nations, in regard this Decree could not be universal, and bind the Nations of Africa, Asia, and of a great part of Europe, where the Latin tongue never had place. The sixth Anathematisme was much noted in Germany; in which an Article of faith was made of Hierarchy, which word and signification thereof is alien, not to say contrary to the holy Scriptures; and though it was somewhat anciently invented, yet the author is not known; and in case he were, yet he is an Hyperbolical writer, not imitated in the use of that word, nor of others of his invention, by any of the ancients: and following the style of CHRIST our LORD, and of the holy Apostles, and Primitive Church, it ought to be named not Hierarchy, but Hierodiaconia, or Hierodoulia. And Peter Paul Vergerius in Valtelina did make this and other objections against the Vergerius maketh objections against the Council. doctrine of the Council the subject of his Sermons, relating the contentions between the Bishops, and detracting as much as he could, not only by words, but by letters also to the other Protestant and Evangelicall Ministers; which they read in their Churches to the people. And howsoever the Bishop of Como, by order from the Pope, and the Cardinal Morone, used all means, and in a very extraordinary manner also, to cause him to departed out of that Country yet they were not able to effect it. Concerning the Decree of Residence, of which every one discoursed, and expected some good resolution, because there was so much spoken and written of it, that nothing seemed to be more in voice then that, 〈◊〉 marvelled that in the end that was pronounced for a decision of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which was plain to every one, that is, that not to reside was 〈◊〉, except there were a lawful cause: as if it were not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 all by the law of 〈◊〉ture, that whosoever doth absent himself from his charge, of what 〈◊〉 soever it be, without a lawful cause, doth s 〈…〉 The success of this Session to 〈…〉 away the indelligence● held until then● The Spanish Prelates complain of the Cardinal of Lorraine. between Lorraine and the Spaniards. For these complained, that they w 〈…〉 abandoned in the matter of the Institution of Bishops, and of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which he had very often told them that he was of their opinion, and promised to labour effectually to cause that doctrine to be decreed without making any condition. They added that there was no hope he would be constant in any other promise, and that the Pope by making him believe he should be Legate of France, had won him. And other things they said, which were little for his honour. On the other side he justified himself, saying, that the offer was made unto him to make his friends mistrust him, and that his answer was, that he would not hearken unto it, before areformation were made in Council. Notwithstanding it was not believed that he would persevere in the same opinion, no not so much as in this matter. The Legates, desirous to finish the Council, did, so soon as the Session was done, use means to facilitate the residue; which, for matter of faith, was Indulgences, invocation of Saints, and Purgatory. And to this end they elected ten Divines, two Generals of Friars, and two for every Prince, that is for the Pope, France, (of which there were but a few remaining) Spain and Portugal; charging them to consider how the Protestants opinion in this matter might briefly be confuted. And themselves being resolved, meant to propose their own opinions in general Congregation, by which the Canons might be composed, at the same time when Matrimony should be handled, that they might quickly dispatch those matters, without hearing the disputes of the Divines, as formerly they had done. In matter of reformation they treated with the Cardinal of Lorraine, the Emperors and Spanish Ambassadors, to be content that the reformation The reformation of Princes. of Princes might be proposed also: who saying it was fit that abuses should be removed, wheresoever they were, the Articles were collected, and hope conceived that all that remained might be decided in one Session only. But the Spanish Ambassador, for many respects of his King did not like that haste, and therefore did cross it, with many difficulties. First he proposed, that it was necessary, before the Council ended, to use means to bring the Protestants thither, alleging that it would be labour in vain, if the Decrees were not accepted by them, and that there was no hope they would accept them, if they were not present in Council. The Legates answered that the Pope had done for his part whatsoever was fit, wrote letters, and sent express Nuncij to them all, so that nothing could be done to make their contumacy more manifest. The Count answered, that he did not desire it should be done in the name of his Holiness, because that would not only not cause them to come, but make them more averse, but in the name of the Council, with convenient promises, and intercession of the Emperor. Whereunto the Legates replying, that they would consider on it, they gave an account thereof to the Pope, that he might use means in Spain to divert such discourses, and to persuade the ending of the Council. The Count desired also that the Divines might speak publicly, according to the use, concerning the particulars of Indulgences, and of the other matters, persuading the Prelates, that the order might not be changed, nor the reputation of the Council diminished, by omitting the examination of those things, which had more need of it then any other. The Pope was much troubled with these advices, and the rather, because Don Lewis d' Auila, and Vargas, the Ambassador resident with him, had given their words, that the King would be content that the Council should end. And calling them unto him, he made a great complaint of the Count's proposition. For the Protestants, he said that none did more desire to reduce them to the Church than he; that the actions of his predecessors for forty years, and his own, by sending Nuncij expressly to them all, not regarding the indignity to which he did subject himself and the Apostolic Sea, was a manifest argument thereof; that he had used the Emperor's mediation, and the persuasion of all Catholic Princes; that he is assured that the hardness of their heart is voluntary, resolute, and obstinate; and therefore that the reducing of them was no more to be thought of, it being impossible, but the preservation of the obedient; that so long as there was any hope to regain them, the time did require that all means should be used to please them, but that being lost, it was necessary to keep the good, to make the division strong, and the parties irreconciliable, that the affairs of their King did require the same, as he would perceive too late, in case he should temporize in Flanders, and use terms of mediocrity, that the King should remember what good effects his severe executions, at his entrance into Spain, had produced whereas if he had proceeded remissly, and desired to gain the favour of the Protestants, he would have felt those accidents which are seen in France. He complained also that the Count would prescribe a manner of handling matters of Theology, and determine when they should be well digested. And last of all he told them of their promise, that the King was content that the Council should end, which the Count did labour to hinder. The Ambassadors having excused the Count, and confessed what they had said concerning the King's pleasure for the end of the Council, the Pope was satisfied, so that they would be content he should say so much, where he thought it necessary. Whereunto they consenting, he gave order to his Nuncio in Spain to complain to the King, and to tell him, that he could not penetrate the cause, why the Ambassadors of his Majesty in Rome and Trent should speak diversely, and, which imported more, himself doing what he could to gratify him, for what cause he should be crossed by his Ministers, in regard, the Council continuing, he was hindered from doing his Majesty many favours and graces, that if for his affairs in Flanders, or for the interests of the Emperor in Germany, he did desire any thing of the Council, he might know by experience how hard it was to effect it in Trent; that they might promise themselves any thing from him, and that he was resolute, so soon as the Council was ended, to send into all Provinces to provide for the particular necessity of every one, whereas in Trent general provisions only can be made, which have infinite difficulties, to be fitted to every place. But the persuasions of the Count in Trent made a division of the Prelates, some desiring that those matters might be exactly disputed; and the rather, because very little or nothing was spoken of them by the Schoolmen, and whereas for other things handled in the Synod there were decisions either of other Counsels, or of Popes, or an uniform consent of Doctors, these were wholly obscure, and, in case they were not cleared, it would be said that the Council had failed in the most necessary things. Others said, that if there were so many difficulties, and contentions in the thing decided already, how much more might they be feared that 〈◊〉 these which are full of obscurity, where there is no sufficient light showed by the Doctors, they might go in infinitum, because they had a large field, in regard of many abuses which were crept into them for matter of gain, and of the difficulty which would arise about the interpretation of the Bulls, especially of the words used in some, of penalty, and guilt, as also of the manner of taking Indulgences for the dead. Therefore in these, and the adoration of Saints the use only might be handled, and the residue omitted, and, for Purgatory, the opinion of the heretics condemned only; otherwise there would be no end of the Council, nor any resolution of this difficulty. While these opinions went about, concerning these matters reserved for the last, the Legates resolved to dispatch that of Matrimony, and to abbreviate the time of the Session, and to hold it the 19 of August at the latest. This pleased the Card of Lorraine very much: The Card. of Lorraine resolveth to go to Rome. who having received answer out of France, that he should give the Pope satisfaction in going to Rome, did resolve so to do in the end of that month, so that the Session were celebrated. And he was forced to join with the Pope and his adherents; not only in regard of the order received out of France, but because the Imperialists and Spaniards did mistrust him for the success of the last Session. The 22. of july the Anathematisms were given forth, not much differing from the manner, in which they were established afterwards. The greatest variety was, that until then they had not sufficiently considered of the fift, condemning divorces, allowed in the Code of justinian: which Anathematisme was aded at the instance of the Cardinal of Lorraine, to oppose the opinion of the Caluinists. And it was easily received, because it was conformeable to the School doctrine, and the Pope's Decrees. But in that of divorce for adultery, the composers of the Canons did forbear to use the word Anathema, fearing to condemn that opinion which was of Saint Ambrose, and of many Fathers of the Greek Church, Notwithstanding the others thinking that it was an Article of faith, and almost all the Father's consenting thereunto, the Canon was reform, and the Anathema added, condemning those that say, that the bond is dissolved by adultery, and that either of the parties may contract another Matrimony whilst the other liveth; which Canon received afterwards another mutation, as shall be said in due place. In the Congregations following, the things proposed were easily dispatched, but almost all the Prelates left those, and spoke of clandestine marriages, though neither the time, nor the place did comport it, and the difference of opinions therein began to be discovered. In the Congregation of the four and twentieth day in the morning, the Bishop of Cortona, Ambassador of the Duke of Florence, was received; who made a short speech of the devotion of his Prince towards the Apostolic Sea, and favour to the Synbd: and thankes were given him, In the congregation that night, the French Ambassadors caused a request to be read in the name of their King, that children which are in The Ambassador of Florence is received in congregation. the power of their Parents, might not, without their consent, either many or betrothe themselves, or, if they did, that it should be in the power of the parents to make void, or ratify the contract, as they pleased. And the same day the Fathers were admonished to put up in writing to the deputies the abuses observed by them, in the matter of Matrimony. The voices being all given concerning the Anathematisms, two Articles were proposed; the promotion of married persons to holy Orders, and the making void of clandestine marriages. For the former, the Fathers Two new Articles concerning married Priests and secret marriages. did uniformly, and without difficulty, agree on the negative; and the Archbishop of Prague, and the Bishop of Five Churches, who persuaded them to think better on it, were scarcely heard. But the other of clandestine marriage; did not pass so. For one hundred thirty and six did approve the making it void, fifty seven did contradict, and ten would not declare themselves. The Decree was composed according to the opinion of the Mayor part, that howsoever clandestine marriages were good, so long as the Church did not make them void (and therefore the Synod doth anathematise him that thinketh the contrary) yet the Church hath always detested them. And now, seeing the inconveniences, the Synod doth determine, that all persons which hereafter shall either marry or betrothe themselves, without the presence of three witnesses at the least, shall be unable to contract, and whatsoever they do therein shall be void. And another Decree followed, commanding the Banes, but concluding, that if there were a necessity to omit them, the marriage might be made, so that it were in presence of the Parish Priest, and of five witnesses at the least, publishing the Banes afterwards, upon pain of excommunication, to him that should contract otherwise. But that great number which would make void the secret marriages, was divided into two parts, some following the opinion of those Divines who grant power to the Church to make the persons uncapable, and some, those who say it may make the contract void. And the Legates themselves did differ. Morone was content with any resolution, so that they might dispatch. Varmiense thought that the Church had no power herein, and that all marriages, celebrated in what manner soever, with consent of the persons contracting, are good. Simoneta said, that the distinction of the contract of Matrimony from matrimony itself, and the giving of power to the Church over the one, and not over the other, seemed to him sophistical, and chimerical, and was much inclined not to make any innovation. Concerning the abuses of Matrimony, many Prelates considered that the causes to hinder marriages, and to make them void though they were contracted, were so many, and happened so often, that there were but few not subject to some of those defects; and (which was more) persons did contract ignorantly; either not knowing the prohibition, or the fact, or by forgetfulness, in whom, after they knew the truth, many perturbations and scruples did arise, as also suits and contentions about the legitimation of the issue, and the dowries. The impediment of kindred, contracted in baptism, was particularly alleged for a very great abuse, because in some places twenty or thirty men were invited for Godfathers, and as many women for Godmothers, between all which, by Ecclesiastical constitution, a spiritual kindred doth arise, who oftentimes, not knowing one another, do join in marriage, Many thought fit to take away this impediment; not because it was not well instituted at the first, but for that, the cause of the institution being ceased, the effect ought to cease also. They considered that the gossips were then sureties to the Church, for the faith of the children baptised, and therefore were bound to instruct and chatechize them, according to their capacity, by which means they conversed often, and familiarly with them and their parents as also the gossips amongst themselves, by which means a certain relation did arise between them, which was a cause to be reverenced and sufficient to prohibit marriage, as all other causes to which reverence ought to be borne. But afterwards, when use bade abolished whatsoever was real herein, and the Godfather did seldom see his God-childe and had no care at all of his education, the cause of reverence ceasing, the relation ought not to have place. Likewise the impediment of Affinity by fornication, nullifying marriages until the fourth degree, it being a matter of secrecy, did ensnare many, who, understanding the truth after the marriage, were filled with perturbations. For kindred of Consanguinity, and Affinity, it was said, that the same account being now not made of it, as formerly was, and, amongst great personages, scarce memory kept of the fourth degree, that might be omitted also. Wherein there was much disputation. Some thought, that as seven degrees of kindred did hinder marriage for many hundred years, and Innocentius the third took away three of them at once, restraining the impediment unto the fourth, alleging very common reasons, that there are four Elements, four humours of man's body, so, it appearing now that four cannot be observed without many inconveniences, the impediments may be more justly restrained to the third. Others contradicted, and said, that so they might hereafter proceed further, and at the last come to that of Leviticus; which would cherish the opinion of the Lutherans; and therefore did conclude that it was dangerous to innonate. Which opinion, after much examination, did prevail. Some thought that the impediment of fornication, being secret, ought wholly to beetaken away: But they prevailed not, because there appeared an inconvenience, in regard that many things which first are secret are published afterwards. Many were of opinion that no novity should be made in these prohibitions, but power granted to Bishops to dispense, and maintained that it was better to give it to them then to the court, because they knowing, better the merits of the fact, and the causes, may exercise distributive justice more exactly herein. They said, the court of Rome doth often give dispensations to persons not known, who obtain them by deceit, and that diligence cannot be used in regard of the distance of the countries'. beside the world being scandalised, thinking they are not given but for money, that imfamie ought to be taken away. The Spaniards, and Frenchmen laboured effectually herein; but the Italians said they did it to make themselves all Popes, and not to acknowledge the Apostolic Sea, and that the difficulty of sending to Rome, and negotiating the expedition with pains and cost was profitable, because by that means, few marriages were contracted in degrees prohibited; whereas, if by granting power to Bishops there were a●facility herein, the prohibitions would, in a short time, come to nothing, and so the Lutherans would gain their opinion. Here upon a common inclination grew, that none should be dispensed with, in these prohibitions, but for a very urgent cause; into which opinion those who could not prevail for the Bishops did enter also, thinking it was more for their credit, if that which was forbid to them, were not granted to others. After many discourses in the Congregations, it was resolved to restrain spiritual kindred; and affinity by marriage and fornication, and to confine the dispensutions also with in the limits which shall be spoken of in reciting the Decrees. There was some contention also about the ninth point, in which Superiors Whether one may be forbid or forced to marry. are forbid to force their subjects to marry, with threats and punishments naming the Emperor, and Kings. Gulielmus Cassodorus, Bishop of Bacellona, opposed, and said, that it could not be presupposed, that great Princes would meddle in marriages but for great causes, and for the public good; that threats and punishments are then bad, when they are used contrary to order of law, but penal precepts, conformable to the law, are just, and can not be reprehended. If there be any case (he said) in which the Superior may justly command a marriage, he may force the celebration of it, by penal commands, alleading also that it is a thing decided by the Divines, that just fear doth not cause an involuntary action. He desired that lawful causes might be excepted, and those Superiors only comprehended in the Decree, who do compel against justice, and order of the law, saying, that many cases may occur, in which the necessity of the public good doth require the celebration of a marriage, which he that would say, that a prince could not command, and cause, by compulsion, to be celebrated, should offend against the law of God, and man. To this reason he added an example, that, in the year 1556. the second of january, Paul the 4. sent a monitory to Dame joan of Arragon wife of Ascanius Columna, that she should not marry any of her daughters without his leave, or, if she did, the matrimony, though consummated, should be void; which that most wise and sincere Pope would not have done, if Princes had not power to marry their subjects, in case of the public good. In the point of not mentioning Princes he was followed by many, and the name of the Emperor, Kings, and Princes, was taken away. But for the residue he was much opposed, with this reason only, that Matrimony is an holy thing, in which the Secular power hath no authority, and if there be any lawful cause to compel any to marry, it must be done by the Ecclesiastical power only. The relation of the monitory of Paul, raised a great wispering in the Congregation, and afterwards gave matter of diverse discourses. Some said he did it, not as Prince, but as Pope, and that he had reason to do it, in regard Ascanius Columna being a traitor unto him, he would not have him get new adherences, by marriage of his daughters, by which he might be confirmed in his contumacy. Others said, that the Pope, as Vicar of CHRIST, hath no traitors intemporall matters, and that the opinion of those who think that marriages may be made void by Apostolic authority is not well grounded, except it be by course of law, or general canons, but not for particular persons, and that, for this, neither reason can be brought, nor example found. Some denied, that one might ground himself upon such actions of pope's, which show rather how fare the abuse of their power can stretch, then how fare the lawful use thereof is extended. And there was no less difficulty, because the Decree did comprehend fathers, mothers, and other domestical Superiors, who might compel their children, especially daughters, to marry: and it was considered, that to come to excommunication, in cases of this kind, was very hard. Yet those who before had defended, that children were bound to obey their Fathers in this particular, did maintain it. A temper was proposed, that having first commanded politic Superiors upon pain of excommunication, domestical Superiors should be admonished not to compel their children against their will. But the same men still opposed, and said, it was not just to take from fathers that power which God hath given them. And, in the end, it was resolved to take this part quite away. But the bishop of Barcelona, and some few beside, were not of the same opinion, as to say, that as the authority of fathers and other domestical Superiors over marriages was manifest, or, at the least, not to be doubted, and therefore not to be spoken of, so the same consideration ought to be had of the authority of Politic Superiors. The Congregations, assembled to discuss this point, being ended, the last whereof was the last of julie, they began to speak privately of secret marriage. And both parties continuing in their own opinions, some said that the difficulty doth presuppose a doctrine of faith, and therefore cannot be determined, being contradicted by a notable number. This troubled them much who desired they should be made void, and thought that they were wholly barred from all possibility to obtain it. At this time a difficulty arose, though private, yet very contentious. A difficulty about censuring the Archbishop of Toledo. For the Deputies concerning the Index, having given the work of Bartholomeus Caranza, Archbishop of Toledo, to some Divines, to be perused, and they having related that nothing worthy of censure was found in it, the Congregation did approve it, and made public faith thereof at the petition of his Agent. But because the book, and the author were under the censure of the Inquisition of Spain, the Secretary Castellunne complained to the Count of Luna, and the Count to the Fathers of that Congregation, desiring a retractation. The fathers not inclining to revoke the Decree, because they thought it just, the bishop of Lerida, either moved by the Count, or for some other cause, began to speak against it, and to tax it, alleging places of the book, which, by a bad interpretation, did seem to deserve censure, and, which was more, touched the judgement and conscience of those Bishops. The Arch bishop of Prague, the chief of that Congregation, in defence of himself and his colleagues, complained to the Legates, desiring they would show themselves in the business, and protesting not to assist in any public act, until the Congregation had due satisfaction. The Cardinal Morone interposed, and made peace, with these conditions, that no other copy of the faith made should be given, and that Lerida should give satisfaction of words to the Congregation, and to Prague in particular, and that all should be forgotten on both sides. And the Count of Luna, with unresistable entreaties, got the testimony out of the hands of the Agent of Toledo: and so this stir was appeased. The Legates gave the Articles of reformation to the Ambassadors, in number thirty eight, that they might commend to their consideration what pleased them, before they were given to the Fathers to be discussed; which 38. Articles of Reformation. Articles were divided, and one half allotted for the next Session, and the other for the Session following, for the reasons which shall be related hereafter. The Count of Luna persuaded the other Ambassadors, to demand, that deputies might be elected for every Nation, to consider what was fit to be reform, because the model given by the Legates, made for the interests of Rome, could not be fitted to other countries. But the Cardinal of Lorraine, and the French and Portugal Ambassadors contradicted, alleging that every one might speak his opinion concerning the Articles proposed, and propose others, if there were cause, so that there was no need to give this distaste to the Pope, and the Legates, who could not endure to hear speech of Nations in Council. And the Imperialists coming to this opinion also, the Count retired, but said that diverse considerations ought to be had concerning those which were proposed. The Cardinal of Lorraine counselled the Legates to facilitate the business, and to take away those points which might seem to cause contradiction, adding, that the fewer matters were handled, the better it would be; whereat Varmiense seeming to wonder, Lorraine asked him, whether he marvelled The Card of Lorraine excuseth the change of his mind. because he saw not in him that heat and desire of reformation, as he had made demonstration of at other times: and he added, that his desire was the same, and had the same disposition of mind to employ all his force therein, but that experience hath taught him, that not only nothing perfect or ordinary can be done in Council, but that every enterprise in that business turneth to the worst. He persuaded also the Count of Luna not to seek to hinder the reformation totally, but if there were any thing which did not fully satisfy him, he should make the particular known, and he would labour that contentment should be given him. The Emperor's Ambassadors first of all gave their answer in writing, the one and thirtieth of july; in which they said, that, desiring a general reformation in the head and members, and having read the Articles exhibited, they had added some things, and noted others, desiring they might be corrected accordingly, and discussed by the Fathers. And because the Emperor, with the Ambassadors of many Princes, did hold a Diet in Vienna, to handle many things concerning the Council, they hoped they would take it in good part, if, having received a new commandment from his Majesty, they should present other considerations also; and that, for the present, they added eight Articles to those proposed by them. 1 That a serious, and The Imperialists add 8. Articles more. durable reformation of the Conclave might be made in Council. 2. That alienation of Ecclesiastical goods, without the free and firm consent of the Chapter, might be prohibited, and especially in the Roman Church. 3. That Commendaes', and Coadiutories, with future succession, might be taken away. 4. That Schools and Universities might be reform. 5. That the Provincial Counsels may be enjoined to correct the Statutes of all the Chapters; as also that authority may be given to reform Missals, Brevidries, Agends, and Graduals, not in Rome only, but in all Churches. 6. That Laymen may not be cited to Rome in the first instance. 7. That causes may not be removed from the Secular Court to the Ecclesiastical, upon pretence of justice denied, before the truth of the supplication be known. 8. That conservators may not be given in profane matters. And, concerning the Articles exhibited by the Legates, they noted many things, part whereof, as being but of small weight, it will not be amiss to omit. Those of importance were. That Cardinals might be chosen out of all Nations, that the Universal Bishop might be created by Electors of all countries'. That the provisions against Pensions, Reservations and Regresses, should be extended, not only to the future, but to those also that are past. That the kissing of the Gospel should not be taken from the Emperor and Kings, who ought to defend it. That it may be declared what secular affairs are prohibited to Ecclesiastiques, that that which is determined in the decree of Residence may not be crossed. That, in the Article of not laying taxes upon the ecclesiastics, the cause of Subsidy against the Turks and other Infidels may be excepted, The proposition, though it were of hard digestion, did not so much trouble the Legates, as the doubt moved, that some extraordinary demand for change of Rites, received by the Church of Rome, and relaxation of Precepts de iure Positivo, might come from the Diet in Vienna. The third of August the Frenchmen gave their observations, the essential whereof were. That the number of Cardinals might not exceed four and The articles exhibited by the Frenchmen. twenty, and that no more might be created, until they were reduced to that paucity. That they may be elected out of all Kingdoms and Provinces. That there may not be two of one Diocese, nor more than eight of one Nation. That they may not be less than thirty years of age. That the nephew or brother of the Pope, or of any Cardinal living, may not be chosen. That Bishoprickes may not be given them, that they may the better assist the Pope, and, that their dignity being equal, their revenue may be equal also. That none may have more than one Benefice, and that the difference, unknown to the good ages of the world, of Benefices simple, and with cure, compatible, and incompatible, may be taken away, and that he that hath two at this present, may choose and keep one only, and that within a short time. That resignations in favour may be quite taken away. That it may not be prohibited to confer Benefices only upon those who have not the language of the Country, because the Laws of France forbidden all strangers, without exception, to have Offices, or Benefices in the Kingdom. That the criminal causes of Bishops may not be judged out of the kingdom, in regard of the ancient privilege of France, that none may be judged out of the Kingdom, neither voluntarily, nor by compulsion. That power may be restored to Bishops to absolve from all cases, without exception. That, to take away suits for Benefices, preventions, resignations in favour, mandates, expectatives, and other unlawful ways to obtain them, may be removed. That the prohibition, that the Clergy may not meddle in secular matters, may be expounded, so that they may abstain from all functions, which are not holy, Ecclesiastical, and proper to their order. That the Pensions, already imposed, may be taken away and abrogated. That, in causes of Patronage, the ancient institution in France may not be changed, to give sentence in the possessory, for him who is in the last possession, and in the petitory, for him who hath a lawful title, or a long possession. That the laws of France concerning Ecclesiastical causes may not be prejudiced, that the possessory may beiudged by the King's judges, and the petitory by the ecclesiastics, but not out of the Kingdom. That none may be assumed to be Canon in a Cathedral Church, before he be five and thirty years old. That, for the Article containing the reformation of Princes, the Clergy may be first entirely reform in this Session, and that which belongeth to the dignity and authority of Kings and Princes, may be deferred until the next, and that nothing may be decreed therein, before they the Ambassadors be heard, who have given account to the King of those and other things, which they had to propose. But howsoever they proposed these difficult matters, yet they said indifferently to all, and with affectation, that it might be published, that they would not be earnest in any thing, but that which concerneth the rights and Secular affairs of their Kingdom. The Venetian Ambassadors proposed, that the Article of Patronage might be so accommodated, that it might not give occasion of novity, concerning those who belong to their Republic, and Prince. The Ambassadors also of Savoy and Tuscan made the same instances. At this time the Imperialists received commission from their Prince, to mediate, as they did, with the Legates, that, in the review of the Index of the books, mention might not be made of the Recesses, of the Diets in Germany, formerly prohibited by Paul 4: and the Emperor's order was somewhat sharp, that, in stead of handling of Ecclesiastical matters, they would not give a form to the policy of Germany, and occasion to the people who are governed by such Laws, to alien themselves from the Church of Rome against their wills. Answer was made, that the Bishop of Prague, one of them, who was chief of the Congregation, might know whether any speech were made of it, and if there was not, his Majesty might trust to his Ambassador, who, in all causes concerning him, should be favoured both by them, and by the Pope. The seventh day the Spanish Ambassador presented his writing; in which he said he was well satisfied with all the Articles, and would not demand any thing, but only the change of some words, which seemed unto him to be superfluous, or that they may be expounded better. And he touched almost all things which did enlarge the authority of Bishops, so moderating the words, that the alteration did not seem to be substantial, but that indeed he did rather restrain then augment it. He made request also that they would treat of the Conclave, saying, that the King did much desire it; as also that the part concerning fecular Princes might be deferred until another Session. After he had exhibited his writing, he desired the Legates, that, so soon as voices were given concerning the things proposed, they would depute Fathers of every Nation, to collect what they should think necessary for reformation of their Countries, that all might be determined with a general satisfaction. Morone answered in the name of all, that they could not consent to proceed otherwise then they had done hitherto in other matters. Wherein many things being said by both parties, by the Count to intimate the Council was in servitude, and by the Cardinal to show the liberty, Morone added, that no man could complain that he was hindered in his liberty of speaking. The other replied, that he could not believe that any thing of worth had been done by them, and did not forbear to tell him, that there was a great murmuring in the Council for the particular congregations assembled a few days since, and that it was supposed that they were made to get voices. The Legates said, it was their duty, in the diversity of opinions, to understand the truth, and to accommodate the differences, that matters may be determined with union. The Count replied, that it was well if it were so, but that Italians only were called, except two or three Spaniards, and as many Frenchmen, who differed from others of their Nations. The Legates defended themselves, that they were not called in proportion, because there were an hundred and fifty Italians in Council, and not above threescore of all other Nations. The Count seemed to be satisfied, and, being parted, said to his Prelates, that the Legates having begun a discourse to show that esteem ought not to be held of Nations, had concluded it, showing that they had ever held esteem of them. The next day, the Legates and two Cardinals consulted about the advertisments of the Ambassadors, and how to amend the Articles of reformation, to be given to the Fathers and of the manner to be held in speaking on them. In which Lorraine having received new letters from France, and order, that both himself, and all the other French Prelates should favour the Pope's affairs, wholly bend to satisfy the Legates, persuaded them not to suffer so many points to be handled at once, but to divide them into parts, according to the subjects, and when one part was ended, to propose another, and to hasten the Session, omitting all the things which had any difficulty, and concluding those only, in which all, or the greatest part would agree, and particularly not to propose, in the beginning, those in which the Ambassadors did not consent. The eleventh day the Congregations began to be celebrated, to establish the Anathematisms, and decrees of Matrimony. The proposition of the Frenchmen was handled, to make marriages void, contracted by children, without consent of parents, in whose power they are. And the first that gave voice, did differ in opinion. The Cardinal of Lorraine did approve it, alleging places of the Scripture which give to the Father's power to marry their children, examples of marriages of the Patriarches Isaac and jacob, adding the Imperial laws of the Institutions and the Code, made by Christian Princes of famous memory; as also the Canon under the name of Euaristus, and another of the Council of Carthage, produced by Gratian. And he related the inconveniences arising herein. The Arcbishop of Otranto was of the contrary opinion; saying, that this was to give authority to Laymen over the Sacraments, and make them believe that the authority in making them void, doth depend on the paternal, not on the Ecclesiastical▪ Besides, it would be a decree directly contrary to the holy Scripture, which expressly faith that a man shall leave father and mother, and cleave to his wife. And, for inconveniences, it will cause more, referring the sons to their fathers in matters of conscience. And if a father would not consent to the marriage of a son, who hath not the gift of continency, he would be infinitely perplexed. Nine and twenty spoke in that Congregation, and twenty were of opinion to omit that matter. Of the others, some approved the decree so generally, and some restrained it in sons to the age of twenty years, and of eighteen in daughters. In the end of the Congregation, the Venetian Ambassadors caused a The Venetian Ambassadors do exhibit a petition concerning divorces in the Greek Church. demand of theirs to be read, concerning the Anathematisms of divorces; which did continue in substance. That their Republic having the kingdoms of Cyprus, Candie, Corfue, Zante, and Cephalonia, inhabited by Grecians, who have from all antiquity used to put away their wives for fornication, & take another, for which Rite, well known to the whole Church, they were never condemned, nor reprehended by any Council, it was not just to condemn them in absence, having not been called to this Council. Therefore that the Fathers would be pleased so to accommodate the Canons concerning this matter, that they may not do them any prejudice. The Legates having received this demand, did cause it to be proposed, without making any particular examination of it; which caused a whispering amongst the Fathers. And in the next Congregation, some of them touched that string, repeating the same, that it was not just to condemn the Grecians, not heard, nor cited, The Archbishop of Prague opposed, and said, that, by the general citation of all Christians, they also were understood to be cited by the Pope, To which the Cardinal of Varmia added, that his Holiness had sent particularly to invite the Duke of Muscovia: and howsoever he knew not well that he had invited other of the Greek Church in special, yet it ought to be presupposed that the whole nation was called, even by special invitation, beside, the general intimation was sufficient, as the Archbishop had said. Whereupon the Legates gave order to the Secretary, to take that particular out of the petition of those Ambassadors, that is, that the Grecians have not been called. But as well in regard of their proposition, as of the opinion of Saint Ambrose, they would not use the word Anathema, but found a temper, that is, not to condemn those that say that Matrimony may be dissolved for adultery, and another contracted, as Saint Ambrose and some Greek Fathers did say, and as the Eastern Church doth practise, but to anathematise those who say, the Church may err, teaching that the Matrimonial bond is not broken by adultery, and that it is not lawful to contract another, as the Lutherans do maintain. This form was generally approved, & many did praise it, and say, that the Council was assembled only to condemn the opinions of the Protestants, and not those of other Nations. Yet some doubted how one could be condemned for saying the Church did err in teaching an article, the contrary whereof was not condemned. But seeing that it was favoured by so many, they contented themselves. And because the proposition about the marriage of children did bring in a general question, whether the Church could make marriages void, all began to speak of it, howsoever it had been spoken of before, the voices collected and the Decree composed accordingly, as hath been said. Cardinal Madruccio maintained the negative, and alleged many reasons and arguments, saying, that he would oppose in Session also. And Varmiense, and Simoneta, spoke as much. But Laynez, General of the jesuites, having dispersed a writing against the irritation, made a greater confusion, and gave occasion to many to be more constant and courageous in the other opinion. And in the Congregations they began to answer one another's reasons, with such prolixity, that the Legates were almost of opinion to omit that matter, for fear it would hinder the Session, and the rather, because the Bishop of Sulmona did first make a question in public Congregation, whether that matter of irritation did belong to doctrine, or reformation. The Bishop of Segovia, who spoke after him, made a long discourse, to show, that it could not be reduced to doctrine, and therefore the mayor part having approved the irritation, the Decree was as good as established. The Bishop of Modena followed the same opinion, adding, that to handle that matter by way of doctrine, would take away all means of making any reformation whatsoever. For in all Articles the same difficulty might be moved, whether the Church hath authority in that particular which is handled: which would be as much as to put Arms into the hands of heretics, and to take all authority from the Church, because it would not be fit to meddle with that, to which it might be doubted whether their authority did extend. He complianed, that that question was moved by him, who ought to hold it, as clear and decided. This opinion pleased many, who said that it never ought to be disputed whether the Church can do any thing or not, but to take it for granted, that as all power in heaven and earth is given to CHRIST, so the Bishop of Rome, his Vicar, hath as much, which being communicated by him to the general Council, it must be defended that it wanteth no power to do whatsoever is profitable, without disputing whether it concern doctrine or not. It pleased those also who desired the dispatch of the Council, perceiving that the difficulty promoted might hinder the ending thereof, and cause a scandal. And the Legates and principal Italians used persuasions that it might not be spoken of, in regard there was no cause to treat of it with the French men or the Spaniards, who did all agree in opinion, that secret marriages ought to be made void. And many assemblies of Prelates were made both amongst themselves, and with the Legates, to this end: and it was resolved that the decree should not only not be placed with the doctrine, that it might not seem to be a part of it, but also that it should not be so much as in a Chapter apart, lest it might be doubted whether it was held to be such, or not, but that it should be inserted amongst the articles of Reformation. And to remove all difficulty the more, it was resolved also so to compose the decree, that they might not seem to handle that matter purposely, but to mingle it with the first article of the abuses, which was a provision to restore the Banes, ordained by Innocentius the third, which had been intermitted, and in decreeing as well this, as all the other conditions appropriated for the public form of Matrimony, it should be added, in two words only, as it were incidently, that all contracts made otherwise were void, and so pass it over, and say no more. And the Decree was composed according to this sense, and reform often, always very intricately, and the later had ever more difficulty than the former. And amongst other alterations, this point, established before, as hath been said, was changed, that the presence of three witnesses was sufficient for absolute validity, and, in stead of one witness, it was substituted, that every Matrimony should be void, contracted without the presence of the Priest; a thing which did much exalt the Clergy, seeing that so principal an action, in Political and economical administration, which until then had been only in the hands of those to whom it belonged, came to be in the power of the Ecclesiastical order, there remaining no means to contract Matrimony, if two Priests, that is the Parish Priest, and the Bishop interested for some respects, shall refuse to afford their presence. I have not found in the memorial who was Author of this great advantage; as many other particulars of importance are hid from me also, whereof I would willingly make mention. I ought not to defraud Francis Beaupere, Bishop of Metz, of his due honour, who, thinking it impossible to reduce this Decree into such a form as might give satisfaction to various opinions, and to represent them with reservations and nice distinctions, gave this form to it, in which it now is; which as it is subject to diverse interpretations, so it may be fitted to diverse opinions: and being proposed in Congregation, it had one hundred thirty and three voices in favour of it, and nine and fifty did expressly contradict. The Legates informed the Pope of all, and demanded order what they should do, and whether the contradiction of such a number, it being impossible to persuade them, should hinder the Decree, or not. There was a A vain fear of the plague in Trent. report, which caused some fear amongst the Fathers, that the plague was in Ispruc, and many would have been gone, if the Cardinal Morone, who thought that matters were in good term to finish the Council, had not used means to know the certainty; which was, that in Sborri, a place twenty miles distant from Ispruc, many of those poor men who laboured in the mines, died of a contagious sickness, by an infection taken under the ground, and that those of Ispruc had provided so well, as that there was no danger the disease would come thither, which also did decrease in Sborri. A great stir happened likewise amongst the Italian Prelates, especially those of the kingdom of Naples, and Dukedom of Milan. For the Catholic A stir about the Inquisition in Milan. King moved the Pope, the month before, to place the Inquisition in the state of Milan, as it is in Spain, and to make a Spanish Prelate the Head of it, alleging, that in regard of the vicinity of places infected, it was necessary to use exquisite diligence for the service of God, and defence of religion: and notice came that the Pope had proposed it in consistory & did show (howsoever it was contradicted by some Cardinals) some inclination to it, at the persuasion of Cardinal Carpi, who told him, that it was good for the keeping of the city of Milan in devotion towards the Apostolic Sea, which office he performed, for a secret hope, cherished by the Spanish Ambassador, that, by this means, he should gain the favour of the King of Spain to make him Pope. The cities of that state sent Sforza Morone to his Holiness, and Cesare Taverna, and Princisuale Bisosto to the Catholic King, and Sforza Brivio to the Council. This last to pray the Prelates, and Cardinals of that state, to have compassion on their Country, which being brought into misery, by excessive impositions, would be wholly dissolved by this, which goeth beyond all, many citizens preparing themselves to abandon the Country, knowing well that that office had never proceeded in Spain to heal the conscience, but very often to empty the purse, and for many other mundane respects also. And if the Inquisitors, under the Kings own eyes do domineer so rigidly over their own Country men, how much more will they do it in Milan, where remedy will hardly be found against them, towards persons whom they care less for. Brivio declared how the Cities were generally perplexed with this ill news, desiring the favour of the Prelates. This did more displease the Prelates, than the Seculars, and those of the Kingdom did doubt, that, the yoke being put upon the state of Milan, themselves should not be able to keep it from their own necks, as they had done before. The Prelates of Lombardie did assemble, and resolve to write letters to the Pope, and to Cardinal Borromeo, subscribed by them all. They told the Cardinal it would be a prejudice to him, to whom it belonged, as Archbishop, to be the chief in that office. And they said to the Pope, that there were not such causes and respects as are in Spain, to put so rigorous an Inquisition amongst them; which, besides the evident ruin which it will bring to that state, will be a great prejudice to the holy Sea. For he could not refuse to place it in Naples also; which would give occasion to other Princes of Italy to desire the like. And that Inquisition having authority▪ over the Prelates, the holy Sea would have but little obedience from them, because they would be forced to seek the favour of secular Princes, to whom by this means they would be subject; so that, in occasion of a new Council, he should have but few Prelates whom he might trust, and command freely. Neither ought he to believe that which the Spaniards might say, that the Inquisition of Milan should be subject to that of Rome; as doth appear by their proceeding in the cause of the Archbishop of Toledo, ever refusing to send the Processes which have been demanded from Rome: as also do the Inquisitors of the Kingdom of Sicily, who depend on Spain. The Prelates, not content with this and other reasons alleged unto the Cardinals, and others of Rome, by every one to those with whom he had any power, did persuade also that some word might be inserted in the Decrees of the Council, in favour of the Bishops, to exempt or secure them, and that the manner of making processes in that matter might be decreed, which if it could not be done in the first Session, it might in the next. Morone gave them hope of satisfaction. And this accident did trouble the Council very much, because many were interested in it. But news came, a few days after, that the Duke of Sessa had found the general distaste it gave, and, for some reports which came unto him, doubting that the Duchy of Milan would follow the example of the Flemings, who became Gueux (for so the reformists are called in those Countries) by the attempt of putting the Inquisition upon them, knowing it was not a fit time to handle that business, stopped their Ambassadors, promising to use means that the State should have satisfaction. And, but for this, some ma●er of great moment had ensued. The Pope seeing the answers of the Ambassadors, made to the Articles proposed by the Legates, was more confirmed in opinion, that it was necessary to finish the Council; otherwise he thought some great scandal would follow: and the inco●ugniences foreseen he esteemed but light, and feared some greater not thought on. But seeing the difficulty to make an end, The Pope laboureth to finish the Council. without determining the things for which the Council was called, if the Princes were not content, he resolved to treat with all of them herein. Therefore he wrote concerning this to his Nuncij in Germany, France, and Spain, and spoke of it to all the Ambassadors residing with him, and to the Ministers of the Princes of Italy also, using this concept, that to him that assisted to finish the Council, he should be more obliged, then if he had assisted him with arms, in some great necessity. To the Legates he answered that they should principally aim at the conclusion of the Council, and should grant whatsoever was necessary to obtain it, admitting as few prejudicial things as was possible: all which he did refer to their wisdom who were in the business, so that the Council might end with speed. But the Legates, having together with some of the Prelates, considered the propositions of the Ambassadors concerning the reformation, and, And so do the Legates. at their instance, omitted six of the Articles proposed, and reduced them to the number of two and thirty, the one and twentieth of August gave them to the Prelates to be discussed. Lorraine made particular congregations of the Frenchmen to examine them: which did please the Legates, not only because they were assured he had the same intention as they had, but because they were desirous to accommodate them to the common satisfaction, before they were spoken of in general Congregation. And they gave order to the Archbishop of Otranto, and Taranto, and to the Bishop of Parma, to assemble their adherents in their private houses, to examine them, and search what would give a general contentment. This continuing some days, the Spaniards, and some Italians, who were not called, murmured very much, resolving to make a mutiny, and to oppose. The Archbishop of Otranto went to the Catholic Ambassador; who The Spanish Ambassador is displeased with the private congregations. admonished him, and said, he was not willing to write to the King those things that would not please him; and told him that those particular congregations were so well understood by all Prelates, that he could not choose but give his Majesty an account of it. He excused himself, and said all was for a good end, to facilitate the matter, and to provide against the difficulties before the general Congregation. And the Bishop of Ischia coming just then to speak with the Count, from the Cardinal Morone, he told him the same, that those private Congregations did displease him, and that his opinion was they could not be for any other end then to cause difficulties, and to omit part of the Articles, that the Session might sooner be celebrated▪ Notwithstanding the Legates, aiming more to satisfy the Prelates, than the Ambassador, having considered on the things observed in those particular congregations, held them for good advertisements, and did alter and compose the Decrees, according to them. But as they were about to give them forth, so corrected, the Archbishop of Prague, upon an instruction newly brought unto him by a Currier from the Emperor, did instantly desire the Legates, not to propose the Reformation of Secular Princes, until they had answer from his Imperial Majesty, and afterwards was seconded by the Count of Luna. The Legates were much perplexed herewith, considering that France first, and now the Emperor, and King of Spain were not satisfied. And, on the other side, the common desire of all the Fathers was, that the reformation should be made all together. Whereupon being assembled in the house of Navaggero, who was sick, they proposed, whether all the reformation should be put off, The Reformation of Princes, and some Articles of the other Reformation are differed. or only that part which concerneth Princes. Lorraine was of opinion that only this should be deferred, and the residue proposed, which would have pleased, but that they doubted they should make the Prelates afraid, that the secular reformation should be wholly omitted, whereby they might take occasion to exclaim both privately, and in the public Congregations. Whereupon they resolved to satisfy the Ambassadors, deferring the reformation of Princes; and, that the Prelates might not take it ill, to defer half at the least of the other Articles, and those the most important, giving forth the rest, as they had corrected them, that the voices might be given, and the Session celebrated, though the difficulty about the Decree of clandestine marriages did make them doubt. The sixth of September one and twenty Articles of reformation were given forth, with order to begin the congregations on the morrow. In the composition of these, Cardinal Simoneta, and his adherents, used all their Art and ingeny, to proceed with such a temper, that the Court of Rome might not be prejudiced, and the world which desired reformation, and the Ambassadors who did solicit it, satisfied, and, which was of most importance, the Bishops contented. For being desirous to finish the Council, it was necessary that they should willingly concur. The BB. had all one aim, to have the government more free: which they thought they should obtain, if three provisions were made. One, that Parish Priests should depend on them; which would happen, if the collation of Benefices with cure were given unto them, which point, besides other difficulties, did touch Reservations, and the rules of the Chancery, which was to discover a great part of the secrets of the Court of Rome. For it did plainly appear, that a gate would be opened to take all collations from them, which was as much as to take from them all power, and life itself. Therefore they came to a temper, to hold the Reservations firm, but to make the Bishops. Patrons to give the Cure to whom they please, upon pretence of examination. And, to this end the 18. Article was framed, with exquisite artifice, as every one may see; which, with a fair show, giveth power to the Bishop to bestow the Benefice on whom he pleaseth, and yet taketh no profit from the Court. Another point was of exemptions, wherein they had formerly received many satisfactions, and now the 11. Article was added for a total compliment. The exemptions of the regular Orders remained; and the Bishops were in hope, either to take them quite away, or, at the least, so to moderate them, that they should be subject unto them, in a great part. Ever since the beginning of the year, there was a congregation erected about the reformation of the regulars, which, by the assistance of the Generals, and advice of other religious persons in Council, had made a great progress, and established good decrees, without contradiction; for outwardly, and in show the Regulars did not only not abhor, but desire them; but secretly they made account to interpret and practise them as they listed: yea they thought it good to have a strict reformation in writing; as indeed all The Reformation of the Regulars. their rules are one thing as they are written, and another as they are observed. But when they began to speak of moderating their exemptions, and subiecting them, at least in part, to the Bishops, the Generals, and the Divines of the Orders did mutiny all together; and treating with the Ambassadors of Princes, they shown them what service they did to people, Cities, and public Governements, offering, that if any abuse whatsoever were amongst them, it should be amended; that they would be contented, with any reformation, and returning to their governements, would execute it with more severity than it was ordained; but to subject the Monasteries to the Ordinaries, was absolutely to put them out of order. For they, not understanding a regular life, nor the severity of discipline wherewith it is maintained, would disorder every thing. The Bishops said, that a privilege is ever with detriment and derogation of the Law, and the revocation favourable, reducing things to their own nature; and therefore to take them away was not to innovate, but to restore things to their ancient state. On the other side it was answered, that the exemption of the Regulars was so well prescribed by antiquity, that it could no more be called a privilege, but common-law; that when the Monasteries were subject to Bishops, the Ecclesiastical discipline both in them and their Canons, was so well governed, and so severe, that it merited to superintend over all; that if they will restore antiquity, they must do it in all parts, that if Bishops would return to be as they were in those times, Monasteries might be subjected to them now, as than they were, but it was not just that they should demand the superintendency over Monasteries, before they made themselves to be such as was necessary the Rectors of a regular life should be. The Regulars were favoured by the Ambassadors, and by the Legates, for the interests of the Court, which would have lost a great instrument, if they had not depended wholly on it. And they wanted not the favour of some Prelates, who confessed their reasons were good. This contention continued certain days, but did abate by little and little, because the Bishops who had moved it, did discover every day more difficulty in it. The third Article was concerning the impediments which Bishops receive from secular Magistrates, who, to preserve the temporal power, do not suffer them to exercise that absolute dominion which they would, not only over the Clergy, but over the people. To this effect, the reformation of Princes was made, whereof we have spoken already, and will hereafter, more at large. This part, and others which cohere with it, were deferred until another Session, because it was thought a difficult matter, and that it would have much prolonged the business. But the Bishops did expound this delay as if they had meant to have done nothing in it. And they complained, that, purposing to reform the whole Church, the Clergy only should be reform. The Legates used all means to appease them; showing; that not this only was deferred, but other matters also, which were necessary to be handled, promising that the delay was only to proceed with more maturity, and that they should certainly be discussed; that it was necessary to facilitate the dispatch of that Session, which should be a preparatory for the other, in which all that remaineth should be handled. The Legates were all bent to hold the Session at the time appointed, thinking it necessary for the quick dispatch of the Council: for which the Pope, by every ordinary Currier, and sometimes by an extraordinary, did solicit them, that he might be set at liberty from it. In the Congregation of the seventh of September Friar Martinus Roias', Ambassador for the Hospitalaries of S. john of jerusalem, now called Knights of Malta, was received; which was deferred by reason of the great opposition of some principal Bishops, that he might not have The Ambassador of the Knights of Malta is received. place above them, saying it was not just that a religion of Friars should precede the whole body of so many Prelates. But, finally, the matter was accorded, and published in Congregation, that place was given him amongst the Ambassadors, without prejudice of the Prelates, who pretend precedence. The Ambassador made an Oration, and excused their grand Master, who did not send to Trent sooner, by reason of the rumours of the Turkish Armada, and His Oration. of the incommodities they received by Dragut, the Pirate. He exhorted the Fathers to remedy the present evils, which also did not a little touch the Friars of their religion, who are not idle members of the Christian Commonwealth. He persuaded the extirpation of heresies, offering that their grand Master, and Society, would take upon them the patronage and defence of the cause, spending not their goods only, but their life and blood. He related the beginning of their religion, which was forty years before Godfrey did go to the conquest of the holy land; the heroical works done by their ancestors, the like whereof they could not perform now, because they were spoiled of a great part of their lands, and possessions; that they are a Barracado of Sicily and Italy against the Barbarians. Therefore he prayed the Fathers to take notice of the antiquity, nobility, merits, and dangers of that Society, and to cause their possessions, and Commendaes', usurped from them, to be restored, and that it might be decreed by the Council, that they should be conferred upon none but of their order, ratifying the immunities and privileges thereof. The Speaker received the excuse in the name of the Synod, and promised that they would have that consideration, as his demand, for the preservation of the Commendaes' and privileges of that religion, did deserve. But howsoever he made the same instance afterwards to the Legates, and the relation to the Pope, his Holiness would never answer any thing, but that it belonged to him only to make provision herein, and that he would do it, in time convenient. In that Congregation and those that followed, voices were given concerning the 21 Articles of reformation, proposed; in which though there was nothing of great moment, yet for the order of the story, and declaration of many things which happened afterwards, it is not amiss to make mention of the principal. In the first, which was of the election of Bishops, it being said that there was an obligation to provide the most worthy, the difficulty formerly moved did return, that it would bind very straight the hands, as of the Pope in collations, so of kings and Princes in the nominations, if they were tied to nominate one person only. And the greater part was of opinion to remove the comparative, and to say only, that they were bound to provide a worthy person. But on the other side, some considered that the Fathers have always used this manner of speech, that In the p 〈…〉 more 〈…〉 Pr 〈…〉 ther 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 worthy 〈◊〉 to be preferred. the most worthy should be preferred, and alleged the reason, that he cannot be without blame who preferreth the least worthy, though fit, before an other of more desert. There was much disputation herein; but, a means was found to compose all, leaving, in show, the word, more worthy, and speaking first in positive terms, and passing afterwards to comparatives, that the provision might be understood to be free; and so that form was used which is now in Print: that is, that there is an obligation to provide good and fit Pastors, and that he doth mortally sin who doth not prefer the more worthy, and more profitable to the Church; leaving a natural exposition to these words, that many are more worthy and more profitable, in respect of others, who are less; in which compass the will of him that is to provide hath a large field. In the third Article there was some difficulty about the visitation of Archbishops. These alleged the Canons, and ancient customs, that the Suffragans did swear obedience to the Metropolitans, and were wholly subject to their visitation, correction, and government, and would not consent that their authority should be prejudiced, and, amongst these, the Patriarch of Venice was exceeding warm. On the contrary, the Bishops, especially those of the Kingdom of Naples, laboured to maintain the custom, by which they differ not in authority, but in name only. But the number of the Bishops being great, and of the Archbishops small, and the Legates and Papalins favouring those, that these might not, by granting authority and reputation by their subjection, exempt themselves more from subjection to the Court, they would obtain nothing, but one word only of satisfaction; that is, that they were not forbid to visit, when there was cause, approved by the Provincial Council. Whereof the Archbishops did complain, and say, it was just nothing. For there being one Archbishop in the Provincial Council, and many Bishops, it is certain that the cause would never be approved. The sixth Article was concerning the exemption of Chapters of Cathedrals, from Episcopal authority; in which the Spanish Bishops, and, in contemplation of them, the Count of Luna having great interest, many restrictions & ampliations were made, but not such as did content the Prelates howsoever they were often changed, and in the end deferred until another Session, as shall be said, The thirteenth Article, concerning Pensions, spoke generally that no Benefice should be burdened with greater Pensions then of the third part of the fruits, or of their value, conformeable to that which was used when the Pensions began. This seem 〈◊〉 convenient to the Cardinal of Lorraine, because there are some very rich benefices which could not be said to be burdened, if they should pay two thirds, and others so poor, that they cannot bear any pension at all. And therefore he said, that this was not a just distribution, and that it was better to prohibit, that Bishopriques of a thousand crowns and benefices of an hundred, should be burdened, and concerning the others, to say nothing. This opinion prevailed to the great content of the Legates, and Papalins, for the absolute power which was left to the Pope in good Benefices, Those who demanded a moderation of the pensions of reservations of fruits formerly imposed of accesses and regresses, made many and long discourses. But the difficulty compelled every one to bury all in silence, for the confusion and disorders which were foreseen would ensue For all would have excused themselves that they would not resign their Benefices without those conditions, and those especially who had paid composition to the Chamber for the obtaining of such graces, would have complained that the graces should be taken from them, and the money not restored; the restitution whereof was a thing impossible. Finally every one thought it enough to provide for the future, without thinking of that which is past. The fourteenth Article, which did detest and forbid all payment of part of the fruits for the collation, provision or possession, did much please the French men. They said the payment of Annats was taken away by those words. And indeed he that doth consider, and examine them, cannot give them any other sense, howsoever the event hath showed, that they have not been so understood in Rome. In the seventeenth, in which plurality of Benefices is forbid, and dualtie granted when one is not sufficient, some desired an addition, that they should not be distant above a day's journey, that the incumbent might make part of his residence in each of them. But they could not obtain it, neither did they much labour, foreseeing that that addition, as also the whole Article, would not be executed but against those of the poorer sort only. The eighteenth, howsoever it did please in that it did restore in effect the provision of Benefices with cure to Bishops; yet the Frenchmen did oppose against the form of the examination, because it did seem to bind the Bishop's hands to straight. Their reason was, that, by that concourse, too open and to public a way was given to ambition; that antiquity made profession to give benefices to him that refused them, whereas, by this new manner they would not only procure them but profess themselves to be worthy of them. In the nineteenth, the Bishop of Conimbria spoke at large against the Expectatives or Aduowsons', because they did make the incumbents death to be desired, and sometimes procured. And for mental Reservations, he said they were frauds, and near thefts, and that it was better to leave to the Pope the whole collation of all Benefices, then to use such unworthy Artifices, as was to give virtue to a secret thought, not published, and to leave a suspicion that it was not a reservation in the mind, but an invention after the fact. But Simoneta crossed his discourse, saying, that it was good to reprehend abuses for which no provision was determined, that it might be procured, but seeing a common disposition to the remedy, and the Decree composed already, it was sufficient to establish it, by consenting, without multiplying words of reprehension, ambitiously, when there was no need. The eleventh of September, the French Ambassadors received letters from the King, of the eight and twentieth of August; in which he signified, that he had received the Articles, imparted to them by the Legates, and did see that matters were fare from the hope he conceived, because to establish these was to pair the King's nails, and to make those of the Ecclesiastiques The French King writeth to Trent, concerning the Reformation of Princes. longer. Which because he would not endure, he commanded to represent to the Fathers with wisdom, dexterity, and courage, that as every Prince, so long as the Council doth proceed aright, is bound to favour it with all heat of zeal, so to cover the sore, which causeth the present evils, and to make a greater, with the prejudice of Kings, is fare from that which was expected. That he saw how lightly they passed over the reformation of the Clergy, who only have given the scandals to those that have separated themselves from the Romish Church, and how they assume authority to take away the rights and prerogatives of Kings, to break their Constitutions and Customs, prescribed by time out of mind, to anathematise and excommunicate Kings and Princes, all tending to sow disobedience, sedition, and rebellion of subjects against their Sovereigns; whereas it is manifest to the whole world, that the power of the Fathers, and of the Council, extendeth only to the reformation of the Clergy, without touching matters of State, or of Secular power and jurisdiction, which is wholly distinct from the Ecclesiastical, and that always, when the Fathers and Counsels have presumed to handle such things, Kings and Princes have made resistance; whence many seditions and wars, to the great damage of Christendom, have proceeded. That they should exhort them to be careful in that which belonged to their charge, and was necessary for the present occasions, and to leave those attempts, which, having never done good heretofore, would produce a worse effect in those times. The King added, that, if the Fathers would not retire upon these persuasions, they, the Ambassadors, should make a strong opposition; which being done, without expecting their judgement, or referring themselves to their discretion, they should departed, and go to Venice, letting the French Prelates know that they ought to continue in Council, and endeavour to do God service, being assured, that, in case any thing shall be treated against the rights, prerogatives and privileges of the King and French Church, they will not fail to absent themselves, as his Majesty would have them do. He wrote also to the Cardinal of Lorraine in the same manner, as he gave order should be told the other Prelates; that is, that he should not approve any thing with his presence, that should be handled in Council against the King's rights, but should absent himself, if he shall see that the Fathers do sally without the limits of their charge, referring him, for the residue, to the instructions sent to the Ambassadors. The Ambassadors having received these letters, and consulted of all with the Cardinal of Lorraine, by his advice, did impart them to the Legates, and caused a voice thereof to pass in the Council, that the Bishops, hearing of it, might desist from demanding the reformation of Princes, and themselves might not have occasion to oppose, and protest. But this brought forth a contrary effect. For the Bishops who were quiet, in regard of the expectation that, when the Session was ended, the reformation of Princes should be proposed, understanding this news, and perceiving that the aim was to pass it over in silence, began to treat among themselves, not to proceed any further in the acts of the council, if that also which concerneth Princes were not given forth; and put in consultation, together with the other articles. And they proceeded so fare herein, that a hundred of them gave A combination of an hundred Prelates concerning the Reformation of Princes. their word one to another to be constant in this resolution; and having drawn a writing to this purpose, which was subscribed by all, they went to the Legates, requiring that the articles of the Reformation of Princes might be proposed and given to the Fathers, declaring, as it were by way of protestation, that they would not proceed, nor conclude any thing in the others, but together with these. The Legates gave good words, purposing, and hoping to divert the humour. And, in this trouble, the Count of Luna appeared again, and demanded, as he had done before, a revocation of the Decree, propenentibus Legatis, that every Prelate might propose what he thought worthy of reformation: and demanded also that the sixth Article might be amended, to please the Spanish Prelates, taking quite away the exemptions of the Chapters of the Canons of Cathedral Churches, and subiecting them to the Bishop. And there being in Trenta Proctor of those Chapters, who laboured to the contrary, he commanded him to speak no more in it. Things standing in these terms, the Legates thought to hold the Session with the matter of matrimony only. But it was opposed, that the difficulties of Clandestine marriage were not well digested as yet, and that the Ambassadors would suspect, that if the Session were held, and the reformation not spoken of, all hope was lost that it would ever be handled. And it being evident that no part of the reformation could be in order, at the time determined for the Session, they proposed, in the general Congregation of the fifteenth of the month, to prolong it until the eleventh of November; and so it was resolved. The cause of this long delay was, that the Pope, seeing the difficulties to finish the Council, arising partly by the controversies of the Prelates, and partly by the oppositions of the Spanish Ambassador, put all hope of overcoming them in the Cardinal of Lorraine. Whereupon The Pope's confidence is only in the Cardinal of Lorraine. he wrote to the Legates, that, in case the Session could not be held at the time appointed, it should be deferred for two months. And this he did that the Cardinal might have time to come unto him, that he might treat with him, of that which was impossible to do by letters or messengers, and that, by this means, every previous disposition for the conclusion of the Council might be prepared. Until that time the Pope had no other determination then to finish the Synod, but he firmly resolved then, that, if that The Pope is resolved by all means to be freed from the Council. could not be done, there being a necessity to rid himself of it, he would by all means dissolve it. He sent the Legates faculty to make a suspension, or a translation, as they thought best, by advice of the Fathers, and wrote unto them that he would, by all means, be freed from it, by an end of it, if it were possible, which he did much desire, but, if it could not be, they should use one of those two remedies: and therefore that they should endeavour to make some occasion arise, that they might be requested to do it, that he might not seem to be the author; as also that they should solicit the journey of Lorraine; who parted the next day after the resolution was made to prolong the Session. All the distastes of France for matter of the Council were ceased in the Pope, though he received continual troubles from that kingdom. He was much vexed with the daily instance, made unto him, that he would not consent to the alienation of 100000. crowns of Ecclesiastical goods, and by the The Cardinal of Lorraine goeth to Rome. continual detraction which he understood the Hugonots used against him, and the Apostolic Sea. And particularly, he was grieved at the Cardinal Chastillion, who, as hath been said, laid aside the clerical habit, and called himself Count of Beauvois, and, understanding that the Pope in Consistory had deprived him of the Cap; the last of May, he resumed the habit of a The Cardinal Chastillion mocketh the Pope. Cardinal, and was married in it: and in a great solemnity in Rouen, the thirteenth of August, when the King was declared in Parliament to be of age, he appeared in the solemnity, in the same habit, in presence of all the French Nobility; which was generally thought to be a great contempt of the Papal dignity. Wherewith the Pope being moved, he made his deprivation And is deprived by him. to be printed at this time, and many copies to be dispersed in France. The Pope's Nuncio resident in France, came to Rome, a few days before the arrival of the Cardinal of Lorraine; who was dispatched by the Queen, to propose to the Pope a conference between his Holiness, the Emperor, and the King of Spain; and the King her son, in whose train herself would be. The proposition did not displease the Pope, because it might serve him to finish the Council, but he thought the execution was impossible. And he promised to send Nuncij to the Emperor and King of Spain, to this end; and appointed the Bishop of Vintimiglia for Spain, whom he therefore recalled from Trent, and the Bishop of Ischia for the Emperor. To the Cardinal of Lorraine he made excessive demonstrations of honour, lodged him in the palace, (a thing unusual) went publicly to visit How the cardinal of Lorraine was treated in Rome him in his lodging. Their discourses were partly about the Conference, though the Cardinal did not think it feasable. They treated about the sale of a 100000. crowns which whether the Cardinal did promote or draw back, was not discovered. But the Pope having, upon a new instance made by the French Ambassador, answered, that he did refer it to the Council, many thought it to be an excuse invented by Lorraine. But the principal business was about finishing the Synod, which the Pope thought to be of greatest importance, and knew to be most difficult. Wherein there was great confidence between them. For the Cardinal discovered to him that his interests were turned the same way, and that, since the death of his brothers, he saw plainly, that there was no means to maintain Religion in France, and his house, but his conjunction with the Apostolic Sea. The Pope promised to make Cardinals at his instance, and gave him such words as shown an intention to make him his Successor in the Popedom: and that they might have more credit, he made show, that the greatness of that Cardinal was profitable for the ends he had, in aiming at some matter of great moment. And the conclusion of his discourses to every one was; We must shut up the Council, provide money, and afterwards that will happen which shall please GOD. The Pope told the Cardinal, that as often as he heard of the discords, and delays, which some did plot, he thought to suspend the Council; but changed his opinion, for fear of the scandal which the world would take, which knew not the truth: and that sometimes he thought this the greatest evil that could occur, and sometimes judged it less than the danger in which his authority was, which was the mark at which the Princes, Bishops, and all sorts of persons did shoot: but finally, that it was necessary to lay aside all respects, and come to this resolution. The Cardinal dissuaded him, showing that this was not a medicine to cure the evil, but to defer it only, with greater danger, because he would, in a short time, have new demands to restore it, and plots would be laid by those who were not satisfied with him; and that to suspend was as difficult as to finish it, For there was no need to allege causes for this, it being sufficient to bring things to the conclusion, and so to end, whereas the suspension did require an allegation of the cause, whereof every one would speak his opinion; that it was more honourable to finish, then to suspend it; and he used other reasons, which made the Pope know that his counsel was good and faithful. And afterwards he advised him to deal plainly with the King of Spain. Therefore calling the Ambassadors of that King, he complained, in grievous terms, saying, that he had called the Council, upon hope and promise, that the affairs of the Papacy would have been favoured by his Majesty, to whom he had given all imaginable satisfaction, and would give him more, according to his demands, if the impediments, caused by the Council, were taken away; that he had not demanded any favour of his Majesty and his Ministers, but the ending of the Council, for the service of GOD, and the public good, and therein was ill used, though it was rather a loss to the King, than a benefit. Therefore he was forced to hold esteem of him by whom he was esteemed, and to cast himself into the arms of those that would assist him. And he dispatched also a Currier to the King, with a letter of his own hand, complaining of the offices, done by his Ambassador and Prelates in Trent, contrary to his Ministers in Rome, each party saying, he doth the commission of his Majesty. He shown that it was convenient for the service of GOD, of the Apostolic Sea, and of his Majesty, that the Council should end; and in conclusion, he desired him to declare himself plainly whether he would assist him herein, or not. The Cardinal did counsel him also not to be averse from granting to the Emperor the Cup, and marriage of Priests, by which means he should gain both him and the king of the Romans, not to consent only to the ending of the Council, but to be favourable, and to promote it. He told him likewise, that it was necessary to omit the reformation of Princes, because it would prolong the business more than any thing beside. After the departure of Lorraine, nine French Bishops parted from Trent, and returned home, so that there remained but eight, besides six who went with the Cardinal to Rome. This departure caused an opinion, that they were recalled, and that there was a purpose, at the persuasion of the Hugonots to recall the others, that, the end of the Council approaching, no French men might be present when they should be anathematised. The Legates, to facilitate the difficulties of secret marriage, caused the Divines who were maintainers and opposers of it, to make a public disputation. This was never done before in any occurrence, and then did so little good, that every one was more confirmed in his own opinion. After this, to reassume the Congregations, and to handle the reformation, they gave forth the residue of the Articles, the last of which was the reformation of Princes, being forced thereunto by the mutiny of the Prelates. Of which matter concerning Princes having often made mention, and now being come to a place, in which it is necessary to recite it, for the understanding of the things that follow, it must be known that it did contain a propheme, with thirteen Articles, and a very pregnant Epilogue; the substance whereof was. That the Synod, besides the things constituted concerning Ecclesiastical persons, hath thought fit to correct the abuses of the Seculars, brought in against the immunity of the Church, hoping that the Princes will be content, and cause due obedience to be rendered to the Clergy. And therefore it doth admonish them to cause their magistrates, officers, and temporal Lords, to yield that obedience to the Pope and constitutions of the Council, which themselves are bound to perform. And, for facilitation hereof, it doth renew some things decreed by the holy Canons, and Imperial The Articles of the Reformation of Princes. laws, in favour of Ecclesiastical immunity, which ought to be observed upon pain of Anathema. 1. That Ecclesiastical persons may not be judged in a secular Court, howsoever there may be doubt of the title of the Clerkeship, or themselves consent, or have renounced the things obtained, or for any cause whatsoever, though under pretence of public utility, or service of the King, nor shall be proceeded against there, in cause of murder, if it be not truly and properly a murder, and notoriously known, nor in other cases permitted by the law, without the declaration of the law going before. 2. That in causes spiritual, of matrimony, heresy, patronage, beneficial, civil, criminal, and mixed, belonging, in what manner soever, to the Ecclesiastical Court, as well over persons, as over goods, tithes, fourth's, and other portions appertaining to the Church, or over beneficial Patrimonies, Ecclesiastical Fees, temporal jurisdiction of Churches, the temporal judges shall not meddle, neither in the petitory nor in the Possessory, taking away all appeal upon pretence of justice denied, or as from an abuse, or because the things obtained are renounced: and those who shall have recourse to the Secular magistrate, in the causes aforesaid, shall be excommunicated, and deprived of their rights, belonging unto them in these things. And this shall be observed also in causes depending in what instance soever. 3. That the Seculars shall not appoint judges in causes Ecclesiastical, though they have Apostolic authority, or a custom time out of mind: and the Clerks who shall receive such offices from the Lakes, though by virtue of any privilege whatsoever, shall be suspended from their orders deprived of their Benefices, and offices, and made uncapable of them. 4. That the Secular shall not command the Ecclesiastical judge, not to excommunicate without licence, or to revoke or suspend the Excommunication denounced, nor forbidden him to examine, cite and condemn, or to have Sergeants, or Ministers for execution. 5. That neither the Emperor, Kings, nor any Prince whatsoever, shall make Edicts or Constitutions, in what manner soever, concerning Ecclesiastical causes, or persons, nor meddle with their persons, causes, jurisdictions, or tribunals, no not in the Inquisition, but shall be bound to afford the seculat Arm to Ecclesiastical judges. 6. That the temporal jurisdiction of the Eccleisastics, though with mere and mixed power, shall not be disturbed, nor their subjects drawn to the Secular tribunals, in causes temporal. 7. That no prince or magistrate shall promise by Brief, or other writing, or give hope to any to have a Benefice within their dominions, nor procure it from the Prelates, or Chapters of Regulars, and he that shall obtain it by that means, shall be deprived, and yncapeable. 8. That they shall not meddle with the fruits of Benefices Vacant, under pretence of custody or patronage, or protection, or of withstanding discords, nor shall place there either Bailiffs, or Vicars: and the Seculars who shall accept such offices, and custodies, shall be excommunicated, and the Clerks suspended from their Orders, and deprived of their Benefices. 9 That the Eccleisastics shall not be forced to pay taxes, gabels, eithes, passages, subsidies, though in the name of gift or loan, either in respect of the Church goods, and of their Patrimonial, except in Provinces, where by ancient custom, the Eccleisastics themselves do assist in public Parliaments, to impose Subsidies both upon the Laity and the Clergy, to make war against the infidels, or for other urgent necessities. 10. That they shall not meddle with Ecclesiastical goods, movable or immovable, vassallages, tenths or other rights, nor in the goods of communities or private men, over which the Church hath any right: nor shall rend out the depasturing or herbage which groweth in the lands and possessions of the Church. 11, That the letters, sentences and citations of judges Ecclesiastical, especially of the Court of Rome, so soon as they be exhibited, shall be intimated, without exception, published, and executed, neither shall it be necessary to require consent or licence, which is called Exequatur, or Placet, or by any other name either for this, or for taking possession of Benefices, though upon pretence of withstanding falsehoods, and violences, except in fortresses and those Benefices in which Princes are acknowledged by reason of the temporality, and in case there shall be doubt of falsity, or of some great scandal or tumult, the Bishop, as the Popes delegate shall constitute what he thinketh needful. 12. That Princes and Magistrates shall not lodge their officers, servants, soldiers, horses or dogs, in the houses or Monasteries of the Eccleisastics, nor take any thing from them for their food or passage. 13. And if any Kingdom, Province, or place shall pretend not to be bound to any of the things aforesaid, by virtue of privileges from the Apostolic Sea which are in actual use, the privileges shall be exhibited to the Pope, within a year after the end of the Council, which shall be confirmed by him, according to the merits of the Kingdoms or Provinces, and, in case they be not exhibited before the end of the year, they shall be understood to be of no force. And, for the Epilogue there was an ad 〈…〉tion to all Prindes to have in veneration the things which concern the Clergy, as peculiar to God, and not to suffer them to be offended by others, renewing all the constitutions of Popes and holy Canons, in favour of Ecclesiastical immunity, commanding under pain of Anathema, that neither directly nor indirectly; under any pre●ence whatsoever, any thing be constituted, or executed against the persons or goods of the Clergy, or against their liberty, any privileges or exemptions, though immemorial notwithstanding. And this is it which was first imparted to the Ambassadors, and by each of them, sent to their Princes, whereupon the French King gave the order to his Ambassadors before mentioned, And the Emperor having seen them wrote to the Cardinal Morone, that he could not possibly assent, either as Emperor, Are distasteful to the Emperor. or as Archduke, that they should speak in Council of reforming the jurisdiction of Princes, nor to take from them authority to receive assistance and contributions from the Clergy, putting him in mind, that all the former evils did arise from the oppressions attempted by the Eccleisastics against people and Princes. That they should beware not to provoke them more, and cause greater inconveniences to arise. After Lorraine was departed, the French Ambassadors put their protestation in order, to make use of it if need were. In the Congregation of the two and twentieth of September one of the Fathers made a long speech to show. that the cause of all deformation proceeded from Princes; that they had more need of reformation; that the Articles were already in order, and was now time to propose them, that they might not vanish to nothing by delays. After he had spoken, the Ambassador de Ferrieres made a long querulous The speech of de Ferrieres. Oration, or, as the Frenchmen say, a complaint. The contents whereof, in the principal points, were. That they might say to the Fathers as the Ambassadors of the jews did to the Priests. Ought we also to continue fasting & lamenting: That there are more than 150. years part since the most Christian Kings have demanded of the Popes a reformation of the Ecclesiastical discipline; that for this end only they have sent Ambassadors to the Synods, of Constance, Basil, and the Lateran, to the first of Trent, & finally to this second. What their demands were, john Gerson, Ambassador in that of Constance, the Orations of Petrus Danesius, Ambassador in the first of Trent, of Guido Faber, and of the Cardinal of Lorraine in this second, do testify: in which nothing was demanded but the reformation of the manners of the ministers of the Church; and notwithstanding this they must still fast and lament, not seventy years, but two hundred, and GOD grant they be not three hundred, and many more. And if any should say, that satisfaction hath been giveth them, by Decrees and Anathematisms, they did not think that this was to satisfy, to give one thing in payment for another. If it shall be said that they ought to be satisfied with a great bundle of reformations proposed the month before, they had spoken their opinion concerning that, and sent it to the King, who had answered, that he saw few things in it befitting the ancient discipline, but many things contrary. That that is not the plaster of Isaias, to heal the wound, but of Ezekiel, to make it raw, though healed before. That these additions of excommunicating and anathematising Princes, was without example in the ancient Church, and did make a way to rebellion; and all the Articles concerning the reformation of Kings and Princes, have no aim but to take away the liberty of the French Church, and offend the Majesty of the most Christian Kings, who, by the example of Constantine, justinian, and other. Emperor's have made many Ecclesiastical laws, which have not only not displeased the Popes, but they have inserted some of them in their Decrees, and judged Charles the Great, and Lewis the ninth, principal authors of them, worthy of the name of Saints. He added, that the Bishops had, with them, governed the Church of France, not only since the times of the Pragmatique, or Concordate, but four hundred years and more before the book of the Decretals; and that these laws have been defended and renewed by the later Kings, since that the Decretals, substituted in place of them, have derogated from them in the times following. That the King, being now of age, would reduce those laws, and the liberty of the French Church into observation, because there is nothing in them contrary to the doctrine of the Catholic Church, to the ancient Decrees of Popes, nor to the Counsels of the Church universal. He said moreover that those laws do not prohibit Bishops to reside all the year, and to preach every day, not only nine months, and in the feasts, as was decreed in the last Session; nor forbidden them to live in sobriety and piety, and having the use only, and not the benefit of the revenues, to distribute them, or rather to render them to the poor, who are owners of them. And he proceeded in naming other things of the Council, with the like ironical manner, that he seemed to jest at them. He added, that the power given by GOD to the King, the laws of France, and the liberty of the French Church, have always forbidden Pensions, Resignations in favour or with Regress, plurality of Benefices, Annats, Preventions, and to litigate for the Possessory before any but the King's judges, or for the propriety, or other cause, civil or criminal, out of France, and forbidden also the hindering of appeals, as from abuse, or to hinder that the King, Founder and Patron of almost all the Churches of France, may not make use of the goods and revenues, though Ecclesiastical, of his Subjects, for instant and urgent necessity of the Commonwealth. He said afterwards, that the King marvelled at two things. One, that they, the Fathers, adorned with so great Ecclesiastical power in the ministry of GOD, assembled only to restore Ecclesiastical discipline, not regarding this, should bind themselves to reform those whom they ought to obey, though they were stiffnecked. Another, that they should think they can and aught, without any admonition, excommunicate and anathematise Kings and Princes, which are given by GOD to men, which ought not to be done to any ordinary man, though persevering in a most grievous offence. He said, that Michael, the Archangel, durst not curse the Devil, or Micheas, or Daniel, the most wicked Kings, and yet they, the Fathers, were wholly conversant in maledictions against Kings and Princes, and against the most Christian, if he will defend the laws of his ancestors, and the liberty of the Gallicane Church. His conclusion was, that the King did desire them not to decree any thing against those 〈◊〉, or if they should, that he commanded his Ambassadors to oppose the Decrees, as 〈…〉 they did oppose them. But if, 〈…〉 ting the Princes they would attend seriously to that which all the world expectch, it would be most 〈◊〉 〈…〉ble to the King, who did command them, the Ambassador 〈…〉 to 〈◊〉 that 〈…〉 he spoke in the King's name. Afterwards he did 〈…〉 the heaven, earth; and the Fathers, to consider whether the King's demand were just, whether it were honest for them to make orders for themselves throughout the whole world; whether this were a ●●me to take compassion, not upon the Church, nor upon France, but upon themselves, the Fathers, their dignity, reputation, and 〈…〉 s, which cannot do preserved but by the Arts by which they were gained in the beginning; that in so great confusions they must be wary, and not cry when CHRIST cometh, s●nd Us into the heard of 〈◊〉▪ that if they would restore the Church to the ancient reputation, comp 〈…〉 the adversaries to repentance, and reform Princes, they should follow the example of Ezekias, who did not imitate his father, nor his first, second, third, and fourth grandfather, who were unperfect, but went higher to the imitation of his perfect ancestors; so it was not fit at that time to respect the next predecessors, though very learned, but to ascend as fare as Ambrose, Augustine, and Chrysostome, who overcame the heretics, not by arming Princes to the war, themselves in the mean while picking their nails at home, but with prayers, good life, and sincere preaching. For they, having framed themselves first like Ambrose, Austin, and Chrysostome, will make the Princes also to become Theodosii, Honorij, Arcadij, Valentiniani, and Gratiani; which he said they hoped for, and prayed God it might be so; and here he ended. The Oration, when it was pronounced, did anger very much, not only the Papalins, but the other Prelates more, and Frenchmen also: Is censured. and, when it was ended, there was such a whispering, that it was necessary to finish the Congregation. Some did tax it of heresy; and others said, it was much to be suspected, at the least; and others, that it was offensive to godly ears. They said, he had taken occasion to do it, in absence of the Cardinal of Lorraine, who would never have endured those terms, and that his end was to dissolve the Council, that he did attribute to Kings more than belongeth to them; that he inferred that the Pope's authority is not necessary for the using of Church goods; that he made the French King like to the Queen of England. But nothing did so much offend, as that he said that the authority of the French Kings over persons and goods Ecclesiastical, was not founded upon the Pragmatique, Concordates, and privileges given by Popes, but upon the law of Nature, holy Scripture, ancient Counsels, and laws of the Christian Emperors. The French Ambassadors were reprehended also, because they did not follow the steps of the Emperors and Spanish Ambassadors, who, though they had the same interests, made not such a commotion, because they knew there was no reason for it. De Ferrieres defended himself, & said, that the Legates had promised the Cardinal of Lorraine, that this matter should not be spoken of, but with such moderation, as that it should not touch the affairs of France, which was not performed; that the King's instruction had been, imparted to the Cardinal, who, if he had been present, would not only have consented to, but counselled Protestation; that those were great Ignorantes, who having seen nothing but the Decretals, Laws of four hundred years, did think that there were 〈◊〉 Ecclesiastical laws before them; that if any would reform the King by the Decretals, he would reform them by the Decrees, and lead them also to more ancient times, not only of Saint Austin, but of the Apostles also; that he did not make the French King as the Queen of England, but did oppose them, who have begun long since to enlarge their own authority, by di 〈…〉ing the Kings; that if those Articles did so much damnify the Emperor, and Catholic King; as they do France; they would never have been proposed, and therefore he was not to take example by those, who have not equal interests. The Archbishop of Sant, and the Abbot of Claraval were distasted most of all, who went up and down, saying, that the Ambassadors had done ill to protest, and that their end was to make a confusion, and give occasion for a Nationall Council in France; that they were men not well affected, creatures of the King of Navarre, sent by him to the Council, for his own deseignes, had protested without the King's commission & that it was fit to make them show their instructions & to frame an Inquisition against them, as not having a good opinion in matter of faith. Where in great differences did arise between the Ambassadors and them. The next day the Ambassadors gave the King an account of the causes why they had deferred the protestation until then, and how they were forced, at that time, to come unto it, adding, that they would defer the registering of it in the acts of the Council, until his Majesty had seen it, and commanded them what they should do. The Legates not having a copy of the Oration made a collection of it by the memory of those who had been most attentive, to send it to the Pope; of which the Ferrieres, having gotten a copy, complained, that many things were expressed against his intention, and in particular, where he named Ecclesiastical laws, it was repeated, spiritual laws, and that Kings might take Church goods at their pleasure, whereas he had said only for necessary cause. By this he was forced to give forth his Oration, and sent a copy of it to Rome, to the Cardinal of Lorraine, excusing himself for not having used words of such acrimony as he was commanded in the last instructions, and in the first, which are reconfirmed in those; adding also that he thought it necessary to obey the King, and was not willing to undergo the reprehensions of the Counsellors of Parliament, who would have taxed him, if in a General Council, matters of so great importance had been determined against that which hath been by them so exactly maintained; beside, the King's authority, which he defended, having been upheld four hundred years by the Kingdom of France, against the war, in opposition of it, made by the Court of Rome, it was not just that the Fathers of the Council, the greater part of whom are Courtiers, should be judges of the ancient differences, which the kingdom hath with that Court. He gave a copy of the oration to the Ambassadors also, and to as many as did desire it, and some said, that he had pronounced it otherwise then it was written. Whereunto he replied, that that could not be said by any that had any mean understanding of the Latin, and that, howsoever it was the same pronounced, and written, yet if they thought otherwise, they must remember that the style of the Synod was never to judge of things as they were delivered in voice, but as they were exhibited in writing, and therefore they should move no controversy herein, or, if they would, himself was to be believed before any other. The oration being published, it was answered in the name of the Synod, And answered. by a nameless man. He said, that the French Ambassadors had reason to compare themselves to the Ambassadors of the jews, because they had both made an unjust complaint against GOD; and that the same answer might be given them, which the Prophet gave to that people, in the name of GOD, that if they had fasted and lamented so many years, or ate and drunk, all was for their own interests; that the Kings of France were cause of all the abuses of that Kingdom, by naming to Bishoprickes unlearned persons, ignorant in Ecclesiastical discipline, and more inclined to a lascivious then to a religious life; that the Frenchmen would not have a resolution in the controversies of faith, that Christian doctrine might always be uncertain, and place might be given to new masters, who might rub the itching ears of that unquiet Nation, that they spared not to say in those turbulent times, that it belonged to the King, though very young as yet, to dispose of all the government of the Church; that they had said, with asseveration, that beneficed men had only the use of the revenues, whereas in France time out of mind they have carried themselves for Usufructuaries, making Testaments, and receiving inheritances from their kinsfolk, who die intestate; that to say the poor are owners of the revenues, was much contrary to another saying in the same oration, that the King is Patron of all Ecclesiastical goods, and might dispose of them at his pleasure; that it was a great absurdity, to say, that the King might not be reprehended by a general Council, seeing that David was reprehended by the Prophet Nathan, and took it in good part; that it did a little savour of heresy to tax Bishops of these later times, as if they were not true Bishops. In the end, he spoke at large against the saying of the Ambassador, that Kings are given by GOD, confuting it as heretical, condemned by the extravagant of Boniface the eight, Vnam sanctam, if he did not distinguish, that they are from GOD, but by mediation of his Vicar. The Ambassador published an Apology in answer of this writing, as if Which causeth him to make an Apology. it had been made to the Synod, saying, that the Fathers could not answer them as the Prophet did the jews; for they demanded a reformation of the Clergy, principally in France, knowing the defects of it, and not as the jews, to whom the cause of their fasting and lamentation was imputed because they were ignorant of their own defects; that the Fathers, ascribing the cause of the Ecclesiastical deformation to their Kings, should take heed they did not like Adam, who laid the blame upon the woman which God had given him for company; saying, it was a great fault in the Kings to present unworthy Bishops, but a greater in the Popes to admit them; that they had desired the reformation before the doctrine, not to leave it uncertain, but because, all Catholics consenting therein, they thought it necessary to begin with corrupted manners, the fountain and source of all heresies, that he was not sorry he had said, that, in the Articles proposed, there are many things repugnant to the ancient decrees, yea, he would add that they did derogate also from the constitutions of the Popes of later times; that he had said that Charles the great, and Lewis the ninth, had constituted Ecclesiastical Laws, by which France had been governed, not that the present King did mean to make new, and if he had, he had spoken conformably to the holy Scripture, the civil laws of the Romans, and to that which the Ecclesiastical authors, Greek and Latin, do write, before the book of the Decrees; for saying that beneficed men had only the use of the revenues, he asked pardon, because he should have said that they were only Administrators, and that those who take his saying in ill part, must complain of jerom, Austin, and the other Fathers, who did not say only, that the Ecclesiastical goods did belong to the poor, but that Clergy men, like servants, did gain all for the Church; that he never said that the King had free power over Ecclesiastical goods, but that all did belong to the Prince, in time of instant and urgent public necessity, and he that knew the force of those words, did understand well, that, in such a time, neither request, nor authority of the Pope could take place; that he had reprehended the Anathema against Kings in that manner as it was set down in the Articles, and did grant that Princes and Magistrates might be reprehended in that sort as Nathan did, but that they should not be provoked with injuries and maledictions; that having incited them, by the example of Ezekias, to make a reformation, according to the pattern of the ancient times, it could not be inferred that he did not think the Bishops of the last times to be lawful, knowing very well that the Pharises and Popes sit in Moses' chair: that in saying the power of Kings cometh from God he hath said absolutely and simply, as the Prophet Daniel, and Paul the Apostle have written, not remembering the distinction of mediate & immediate, nor the Constitution of Boniface, of which if he (being a Frenchman) had thought, he would have repeated what the Stories say of the cause and beginning of that extravagant. This Apology did not diminish the bad opinion conceived against the Ambassadors, but increased it rather, it being (as they said) not an excuse The government of France is taxed by the Fathers. of the error committed, but a pertinacy in maintaining it. And many discoursed not so much against the Ambassadors, as against the Kingdom. They said, it did plainly appear of what mind they were who managed the affairs of France. They noted the Queen Mother, that she gave credit to the Chastilons, especially to him that had quitted the Cardinal's Cap; that the Chancellor, and the Bishop of Valence had too much power with her, at whose instance that unlucky check had been given to the Parliament of Paris, with the detriment of Religion; that she had inward familiarity with Cursor, and with his wife, whom, in respect of their Religion, she should not have endured to look upon; That the King's Court was full of Hugonots, exceedingly favoured; that solicitation was still used to sell Ecclesiastical goods, to the great prejudice of the Church; and other things they said of this nature. But while the Council was in this motion, by means of these differences, the Count of Luna, according to his use, to add difficulties to those which were proposed by others, made instance for the abrogation of Proponentibus Legatis. A thing which did much trouble them, because they knew not how to content him, without prejudice of the form Sessions. For not only the revocation, but every modification or suspension, did seem to be a declaration, that they had not lawfully proceeded in the things past. But the Ambassador, seeing nothing done concerning his demand, so often The abrogation of proponentibus Legatis is promoted again. made, said, that hitherto he had negotiated modestly, but should be forced to alter his course; and spoke more boldly, because the Pope, upon his former instances, had written that they should do that which was convenient, and did wholly refer himself unto them. The Legates, to be quit of his importunity, answered, that they would leave it in the liberty of the Council to make the declaration, if he thought good; and so the name of liberty of the Council did serve to cover that, which did proceed from others. For the Legates did at the same time use strong persuasions with the Prelates their friends, that a delay might be interposed, to refer this particular to the end of the Council, and to enjoy the benefit of time, that some overture might be made to some course less prejudicial. But the Count, having discovered the practices, prepared a protestation, desiring the Emperors, French, and Portugal Ambassadors to subscribe it; who persuaded him not to be so earnest, at that time. For Morone, having promised the Emperor, that provision should be made herein before the end of the Council, until it were understood whether that would be performed or not, they knew not how he could protest concerning the other. And Cardinal Morone, to pacify the Count, sent Paleotto often to negotiate with him, in what manner his request might be granted: which himself did not well understand; because his meaning was not to prejudice the decrees past, and, with this condition, it was hard to find a temper. In conclusion, the Legates gave the Count theirword that the declaration should be made in the next Session, so that a means were found to satisfy the Fathers. News being come to Rome of the French protestation, the Pope, and the whole Court were wonderfully moved, thinking it was purposely done to dissolve the Council, and imputed it unto them. But the Pope complained above all, that while the King did demand a favour, and a grant of a hundred thousand crowns of the revenues of the Clergy of France, his Ambassadors should say, in the face of the whole Council, that he might take them without him. And the Cardinal of Lorraine was troubled more, because he thought it would be a great cross to his negotiation with his Holiness. He laboured to make it appear, that this did happen against his will, and that he would have diverted it, if he had been in Trent, that that instruction was a remnant of the Counsels taken in the life time of the King of Navarre, and the execution procured by the dependants of that faction, of which the Ferrieres was one; that that faction, though it professed the Catholic religion outwardly, did hold strict intelligence with the Hugonots, who desired a dissolution of the Council without a quiet end, that they might not be anathematised. But he said, that those who govern the affairs in Trent, were not without blame, in regard, that before his departure from that City, the things concerning that matter, stood in good terms, the Legates having promised morething, with which the Ambassadors were contented. One, that they would not speak of Kings, and Sovereign Princes, but only of certain little Lords, who grant to Bishops no exercise of Ecclesiastical jurisdiction; the other, that all things depending on graces done by the Pope, should be excepted, as indulgences, privileges, and grants of the holy Sea, & notwithstanding, since his departure, they had given to the Fathers the first form, with the same things in it, which they had promised to take away. But he assured his Holiness, that, notwithstanding this, the Council should have a quiet end, and promised to write to the King, and complain of that which was done, and to use means that the Ambassadors should return to Trent, which he hoped to obtain. According to this promise, he wrote into France, and to the Ambassadors. These, he told that their action had this excuse, that it was done, but that hereafter they should continue in doing their duty, without making any more innovations. He wrote to the King, that the opposition made by the Ambassadors seemed unto him very strange; and the rather, because they had done it without his privity, and that there was neither reason, nor occasion for it; that his absence from Trent was the cause why the Ambassadors had applied, out of season, a sharp plaster, to a small sore; that, at his return, he would make provision therein with great case. But because things done already could not beundone he prayed his Majesty to write to the Ambassadors, to continue in doing their duty, and to abstain from violent courses. He added, that he found the Pope well inclined, and disposed to an holy and serious reformation of the Church; that Christendom was happy in having so worthy a Pastor, that he sent him back to Trent, so well instructed of all his holy intentions, for the ending and conclusion of the Council, that he might hope for an happy success. And because, in the end of the Council, the decrees must be subscribed by the Fathers, and Ambassadors, who have assisted in the name of their Princes, he desired the King to cause his Ambassadors to return, that they may be present, and accomplish that which is the compliment of the protection, and of all the favours done to the Council by his Majesty, by his Brother, Father, and Grandfather. The Cardinal had much ado to defend himself, not only with the Pope, but with the College of Cardinals also in Consistory; who said, that Princes desired the liberty of the Council, yet not in the least and justest thing that concern them, but only for the destruction of the ecclesiastics. The Pope gave order that better consideration should be had of that which was to be written to Trent about that reformation, saying, he did it, not to meddle in the affairs of the Council, because he meant to let the Father's alone, but only to instruct the Legates, by way of counsel. But, in the mean while, he wrote to the Legates, that if the Frenchmen would departed, they should do it, but that they should not give them occasion, but should be very careful to hold the Session at the time appointed, when Lorraine should be returned, and to finish the Counsel with one Session more, holding it within two or three weeks at the most; and that they should conceal this order, imparting it to none but to Lorraine. And if the Emperor's Ambassadors should move them, they should answer, that, at the arrival of that Cardinal, they would resolve what to do. And he enconuraged them; saying, that he had brought Germany and France to his purpose, and that nothing remained but Spain, which answered, that it was not good to finish the Council, because many things, and the most principal did remain to be handled. Notwithstanding he had hope, he said, to reduce it, and to conclude the Synod, with a general satisfaction. And indeed he was secure of France and Germany. For besides his treaty with Lorraine, who did abundantly secure him of France, he received at the same time a resolution from the Emperor, that he was content with the end, and would promote it. And howsoever his Nuncio advised that his Majesty was doubtful in resolving, and that there was danger he would change, yet, understanding that the King of the Romans was author of the resolution, saying, that it was good to finish it, because it did no good, nor gave any hope that it would do, he was assured that that King, moved by himself, and by good reason, would persevere in his purpose, and, by consequence, keep his father in that opinion. But the French Ambassadors, after the Oration, did no more appear publicly in Trent. They let those few Prelates remaining know, that the King's pleasure was that they should oppose the fift Article and the second, because the persons, and causes of France might by virtue of those two, be drawn to letigate out of the Kingdom; and the ninteenth, because by it, the preventions were canonised, and the Parliaments deprived of their prerogatives, in matter of benefices. The Legates, so soon as the Fathers had made an end of speaking of the 21. Article proposed unto them the others also; wherein all the Ambassadors opposed, in regard of the matter concerning Princes. The Fathers complained, that, being to reform, as always hath been said, all the Church, in the Head and in the members, in the end, the Princes would have no reformation but for the Clergy only; which could not be reform neither, if the Prelates were hindered in performing their charges, and the Ecclesiastical liberty not preserved. Notwithstanding, the Princes, who seemed to desire reformation, did oppose that decree which did restore unto them their liberty and jurisdiction, necessary for it. The Legates excused themselves, and said, they must needs give some satisfaction to the Prelates; that the Ambassadors had had time to allege their grievances, and to handle the cause with reason, and that it was too much violence to oppose only de facto, and to show that the Council is only for reformation of the Clergy, and not of the whole Church. News came at the same time, that the Emperor was very sick, and his The Emperor's sickness troubleth the Fathers. Ambassadors said, that, in case he should die, the Council would not be secure, because the safeduct would be ended. The Legates sent presently to the Pope, for order what to do, and the Prelates began to think more of pa●ting from Trent, then reforming Princes. Therefore a Congregation was hold the seventh of October, to resolve what should be done with the other Articles of Reformation, besides the one and twenty, and especially with that which concerneth Princes. In which after long discussion, it was concluded that the Session should be celebrated with the matter of Matrimony, and the 21. Articles of reformation, and that of the Princes should be deferred. The next day the French Ambassadors parted from Trent to Venice, according to the King's order. The Pope, though well satisfied of Lorraine, and of the Frenchmen, his dependants, yet provoked against that faction from which he thought the The French Ambassadors go to Venice. motive of the protestation, made in Council, came, he resumed his determination, made at the time of the Edict of pacification with the Hugonots, to proceed in Trent against the Queen of Navarre: which he had put off, foreseeing that the Emperor's Ambassadors would oppose as they did when mention was made of proceeding against the Queen of England, & resolved to 〈◊〉 it in execution in Rome. And the thirteenth of the month he caused The proceeding against five Bishops of France, and of the Queen of Navarre. a sentence to be published against the five French Bishops formerly cited, as hath been said, and a Citation to be affixed to the gates of Saint Peter's Church, and in other public places, against johan Queen of Navarre, the widow of Antony, that, within the term of six months, she should appear to defend herself, and to show reasons why she should not be deprived of all her Dignities, States, and Dominions, and the marriage between Antony of Vandome, and her, made void, and the issue illegitimate, and that she had not incurred other penalties, declared by the Canons, against heretiqdes. The Cardinal of Lorraine, before the Pope came to those sentences, and process, used persuasions to him, and put him in mind, that the maxims held in France did much differ from those of Rome. For it would be ill taken in that kingdom, that the causes of BB. in the first instance should be judged in Rome, and that the Citation against the Queen, as well for the same cause, as in regard it was with temporal punishments, would give matter of talk, and bad satisfaction to many. But those persuasions being understood by the Pope, as they were made, brought forth no other fruit, but that which the Cardinal did secretly desire. For the conference, which the Queen Mother so much desired, by every Currier that came from her, new instance was made to the Pope. But news came from the Emperor's Court, that he would not hearken unto it; and out of Spain, though complemental words of the Kings desire to have it effected, yet a resolution that the times and coniunctures did not comport it. The Cardinal of Lorraine was of opinion, that howsoever there was no hope, yet the Pope should not forbear to send express Nuncij for this purpose, as being an office whereon many other negotiations, for the service of the Apostolic Sea, might depend, and, in particular, to remove impediments of the conclusion of the Council, in case any should arise. Whereupon Visconte was dispatched into Spain, and Santa Croce into Germany, in show, to treat of this conference, but indeed, with other particular instructions. In Trent, the Legates, being not willing to give occasion of any difficulty while the Session was expected, did propose Indulgences, Purgatory, worshipping of Saints and images, not to publish the Decrees in the next Session, but in the other following, adding the manner how the Divines ought to handle those matters, that is, to give their opinion in writing only concerning the use of them, and not to speak of the other Articles, and giving order to the fathers to deliver their voices in short terms, protesting that whosoever would delate beside the point, should be interrupted. Notwithstanding the Divines made long writings, and so diverse, that the Fathers knew not what to resolve in that doctrine. For the reformation, howsoever twenty Articles were concluded, and the one and twentieth treated on with the Count of Luna, the Spanish Prelates complained that the Article of the exemption of Chapters, and the last, of the first instances, and appeals, were altered from that which was noted by the Prelates. Whereat the Legates, and Deputies for making the Decrees, disdaining, answered, that either they should justify what they said, or hold their peace. And some words of distaste passing, the Count of Luna appeared in their favour, demanding that the oppositions made by his Prelates against those two Articles might be considered on. Afterwards, he desired that in the first Article, in which the criminal causes of Bishops were reserved to the Pope, a declaration should be made, that no prejudice should be done to the inquisition of Spain; which request the Ambassador of Portugal had first made for his kingdom. And the Legates answering, that those matters were already decided, the Count replied, that if they should be proposed so, he would not go into the Session, nor suffer any of his Prelates to enter. Whereupon Cardinal Morone said, that if they would not go into the Session, it should be done without them. The Count ascribing this rigidity of the Legates to the Proctor of the Chapters of Spain, he commanded him to departed immediately from Trent; which displeased the Legates. But that nothing might hinder the Session, the time whereof did draw nigh, to please the Ambassador in the Article of the causes of Bishops, they caused kingdoms, where the Inquisition was, to be excepted. For that of the first instances, because they would wholly take from the Pope all authority to make commissions in Rome, the Legates thought it too hard. The sixth also did import very much. For the Chapters of Spain are a very principal member, and do more depend on the Apostolic Sea them Bishops do; because these are all by the nomination of Kings, whereas more than half of the Canonries are of the Pope's pure collation. Therefore they resolved to defer this matter until the next Session, rather than to prejudice the Canons. And they employed the Emperor's Ambassadors to persuade the Count to be content with it, by which means that difficulty also was overcome. The declaration of Propenentibus Legatis did remain. For which not being able to find a temper, they told the Count, that he should propose a form how he would have it done. Wherein he excusing himself, they deputed three Canonists to treat with him, and to find a means that might please him, so that it were not to alter the way prescribed by the Pope. But The Card of Lorraine returneth to Trent and hasteneth, the end of the Council. the Cardinal of Lorraine came fitly for that occasion, who being parted from Rome with instruction and conclusion of all things, and having taken Venice in his way, to persuade the Ambassadors to return before the end of the Council, and now arrived in Trent, caused, with his desteritie, the Count to approve that manner, by which that difficulty, so much agitated, received an end, with satisfaction of all and it was made the one and twentieth Article of reformation, proposed in the Congregation of the ninth of November held for this purpose, and approved with small resistance. After this, the second Article was taken away, which being done, all the Articles were read over again, and the suffrages briefly delivered. In which Lorraine, to salve his honour, said, that howsoever he desired a greater reformation, yet, knowing that in the beginning one could not come to the last remedies, he assented to the Decrees, not judging them sufficient, but hoping that the Pope, either by bringing the old Canons into use, or by celebrating other general Counsels, would add a perfection. It is worthy of memory that, in this Congregation, he made a long digression, He maketh an Oration in 〈◊〉 of the Pope in form of an encomiasticall Oration, of the Pope's good will, of his desire to see the Church reform, the Episcopal degree restored to its ancient dignity, and the Council ended, with the fruit of all Christendom. The Archbishop of Granata, when it was his turn to speak, broke out into the Pope's commendation also, attributing as much unto him as the other, but added, that either the Pope did judge that he could not do as he would, or had not authority to make his ministers and dependants to execute his will Here I must make a great mutation of style. For whereas in the former narration I have used that which is proper to describe variety of minds, and opinions, The state of the Council is quite altered. one crossing the designs of another, and delays of resolutions interposed, framing myself to declare the counsels of diverse, sometimes contrary amongst themselves, hereafter I must make relation of one aim only, and uniform operations, which seem rather to fly then run to one only end, whereof I can give but one cause, not to repeat it in all places, that is; the joint resolution to precipitate the Council. Therefore to speak simply, I must say, that Letters came from the Pope, with resolution that the Council should be ended, though with distaste of the King of Spain, because he had means to make an agreement with him that they should establish the Decree of secret marriage, with as much union as was possible, but yet to do it, though the same opposition should continue; that, for the reformation of Princes, and restitution of Ecclesiastical jurisdiction and liberty, they should not descend to any particular but renew the ancient Canons, and without Anathemaes; that if any difficulty did arise, concerning the other Articles, they should reserve it for him, who would make provision therein; referring them, for the residue, to the Cardinal of Lorraine, who was fully informed of his whole will, whom they ought to believe. Afterwards, he sent a form in what sort they should finish the Council; which did contain, that all things done under Paul and julius should be confirmed, and declared that they were all done in this one Council, and that, in all things, the authority of the Apostolic Sea should be preserved; that of the things decreed the Pope's confirmation should be demanded, that all the Fathers should subscribe, and, after them according to the example of the ancient Emperors, there should be a subscription of the Ambassadors, that the Princes might be bound to the observance of the Decrees, and to persecute with Arms those of the contrary religion, leaving it in the power of them, the Legates, together with Lorraine to add, diminish, or alter, according to opportunity. All which things were kept most secret until after the Council that they might 〈…〉 the better as shall be said. The eleventh of November came in which the Session was held with the usual ceremonies. Voices being to be given in the matter of clandestine marriage▪ Cardinal Varmiense, who held it a matter of 〈◊〉 and thought the Church had no authority over it, would not be 〈…〉 sing himself that in a matter of positi●● law, be thought 〈…〉 The Session. 〈…〉 deliver his mind freely, though the contrary were 〈…〉 he should be forced to say, for satisfaction of his 〈…〉 Synod could not make that decree, which might have ●used, same distates, such as he was not willing to give. Francis Richar●● made the Sermon● in which he admonished the Fathers that this most holy Synod having been in travail these two years, and every one being in expectation of what it will be delivered, it was not fit it should produce 〈…〉 〈…〉 child because the world doth expect a sound and perfect issue. For effecting hereof, it was convenient to imitate the Apostles, ●●yrs, and Primitive Church, making them a pattern whence to take the 〈…〉 of the infant which is to come into the world. These were he said, doctrine religion and discipline, all which, being degenerated in these times, must be restored to their ancient integrity. And that this is it which hath been expected so long, and is expected still. The ceremonies being ended the letters of Madam, Regent of Flanders, concerning the sending of 〈◊〉 Prelates to the Council, were read, as also the Mandates of the Duke of Florence, and of the grand Master of Malta. Afterwards the doctrine and the anathematisms of matrimony were read by the Mass Bishop to which all consented. The Articles of reformation of Matrimony being read to the first, of the annullation of the clandestine, Cardinal Morone said, that it Variety of opinions about clandestine marriages. pleased him, if it pleased the Pope. Simoneta said it did not please him but referred himself to the Pope. Of the others six and fifty did absolutely deny, and all the rest did approve it. Afterwards the Decrees of reformation were read. And being come to The Decrees of reformation. the fift, of the criminal causes of Bishops, perceiving the Kingdoms, where the inquisition is, were excepted, a great commotion was raised amongst the Fathers, the Lombard's and Neapolitans saying confusedly, that that exception was never proposed in Congregation, and that it ought to be removed; which they were forced presently to do. Afterwards the Cardinal of Lorraine said, concerning the same point, that he did approve the Decree, upon condition that it did not prejudice any of the privileges, rights, and constitutions of the Kings of Frange, as had been concluded in the Congregation the day before, declaring that they did not prejudice the authority of any Prince. And, in the end of the Decrees, he made a protestation, in his own name, and of the other French Prelates, wholly conformable to that other, made two days before, in the Congregation; that is, that their nation did receive those decrees, not as a perfect perfect reformation, but as a preparation to one entire, hoping the Pope would supply the defects in time, and occasion, by bringing into use the old, Canons; or by celebrating other general Counsels, to give a perfection to the things begun. And he desired, in the name of all the French Bishops, that this might be inserted in the Acts of the Council, and a public instrument made of it. divers other things were added by others, and some oppositions, of no great moment, made against some of the Articles, where in some differences arising, it was said, they should be accommodated in a general Congregation because it was then late 2 hours within night. And for the conclusion of the Session, the Decree of the intimation of the next for the ninth of December, was read, with power to anticipate, declaring that the sixth Article now deferred, and other Articles of reformation exhibited, and other things belonging thereunto, should then be handled, adding that in case it shall 〈◊〉 fit, and the time comport, some doctrines may be handled, as they shall be in their times proposed in the Congregations. The doctrine of the Sacrament of Matrimony did contain. That Adam did pronounce the bond of Matrimony to be perpetual, and that only two persons may be joined therein, a thing more plainly declared by CHRIST who also by his passion, hath merited grace to confirm it, and to sanctify those who are joined. Which is intimated by Saint Paul, when he said that this was the great Sacrament in CHRIST and the Church. Whereupon Matrimony in the Evangelicall Law, exceeding the ancient marriages, by addition of grace, it is justly numbered amongst the Sacraments of the new law. Therefore the Synod, condemning the heresies in this matter, doth constitute the Anathematisms 1. Against him that shall say, that Matrimony is not one of the seven Sacraments, instituted by CHRIST, and doth not confer grace. 2. Or that it is lawful for Christians to have many wives at once, and that this is not forbidden by any Law of God. 3. Or that only the degrees of affinity, and consanguinity, expressed in Leviticus may nullify the marriage, and that the Church may not add others, or dispense with some of them. 4. That the Church cannot constitute impediments, or hath erred in constituting them. 5. That one of those who are married may dissolve the Matrimony, for heresy, troublesome conversation, or voluntary absence of the other. 6. Or that lawful matrimony, not consummated, is not dissolved by a solemn religious vow. 7. Or that the Church hath erred in teaching, that the matrimonial bond is not dissolved by adultery. 8. Or that the Church doth err, in separating those who are married for a determinate or indeterminate time, in respect of carnal conjunction, or cohabitation. 9 Or that the ecclesiastics of holy Order, or professed Regulars may marry, as also all those who find they have not the gift of chastity, in regard that GOD doth not deny the gift to him that doth demand it. 10. Or that shall prefer the state of marriage to virginity, and chastity. 11. Or that the prohibition of marriage, in certain times of the year, is superstition, or shall condemn the benedictions and other ceremonies. 12 Or that matrimonial causes do not belong to Ecclesiastical judges. The Decrees of the reformation of Matrimony did contain. 1. That howsoever it be true, that clandestine marriages have been true and lawful, so long as the Church hath not disallowed them, and that the Synod doth anathematise him who doth not hold them for such, as also those who affirm, that marriages, contracted without consent of parents, in whose power the married parties are, is void, and that the Fathers may either approve or disprove it, yet the Church hath ever forbid, and detested them. And because prohibitions do no good, the Synod doth command, that the matrimony shall be denounced in the Church three Festival days, before it be contracted, and no impediment being found, shall be celebrated in the face of the Church, where the Parish Priest having interrogated the man and the woman, and heard their consent, shall say, I join you in matrimony in the name of the Father, Son, and holy Ghost, and shall use other words, accustomed in the Province. Notwithstanding the Synod doth refer it to the will of the Bishop, to omit the Banes but doth declare those to be uncapable of marriage, who attempt to contract it without the presence of the Parish Priest, or another Priest of equal authority, and of two or three witnesses, making void and nullifying such contracts, and punishing the transgressors. Afterwards, it doth exhort the parties married, not to dwell together, before the benediction, and command the Parish Priest to have a book, in which marriages, so contracted shall be written. It doth exhort the parties that are to be married, to confess, and communicate before the contract, or consummation of the marriage, reserveth the customs and ceremonies of every Province; and will have this Decree to be of force within thirty days after it shall be published in every Parish. Secondly, concerning the impediments of marriage, the Synod doth affirm, that the multitude of prohibitions did cause great sins and scandals. Therefore it doth restrain that of spiritual cognation, to that which the baptised and their parents have with the godfathers and godmothers, and the number of these to one man & one woman only Ordaining the same about the kindred which doth arise by the sacrament of Confirmation. 3. It doth restrain the impediment of honesty, which hath its beginning from contracts, to the first degree only. 4. That of affinity by fornication, to the first and second. 5. It doth take away all hope of dispensations for matrimony, wittingly contracted in degrees prohibited, and to those who have ignorantly contracted, without the solemnities, in case of probable ignorance, a dispensation may be given gratis. But to contract in degrees prohibited, a dispensation shall never be granted, or seldom only, for a just cause, without cost; nor in the second degree amongst Princes, except for a public cause. 6. Matrimony shall not be contracted with a woman stolen away, so long as she is in the power of him that did steal her; and doth declare those Raptors, and those that do assist them with counsel, aid, or favour, excommunicated, infamous, uncapable of all dignity; and the Raptor, whether he many the woman or not, shall be bound to give her a dowry, at the pleasure of the judge. 7. It doth ordain, that vagabonds shall not marry without a diligent inquisition first made, and licence of the Ordinary, exhorting the secular Magistrates to punish them severely. 8. It doth ordain against Concubinaries, that being admonished thrice by the Ordinary, in case they separate not themselves, they shall be excommunicated, and persevering one year after the censure, the Ordinary shall proceed severely against them, and the Concubines after three admonitions, shall be punished, and, if the Bishop shall think fit, chased also out of the Territory, by assistance of the secular power. 9 It commandeth every temporal Lord and Magistrate, upon pain of excommunication, not to compel their subjects, or any others, to marry, directly or indirectly. 10. It doth restrain the ancient prohibitions of nuptial solemnities, from Aduent, to the Epiphany, and from Ash wednesday, to the Octaves of Easter. The Decrees of reformation, not as they were read in Session, but as they were corrected the next day in Congregation (which was apppointed The Decrees of Reformation. to be done) did contain. 1. That public prayers shall be made, though the Church be vacant, that whosoever have right in the promotion, shall be admonished that it is a mortal sin, if they shall not use all diligence to promote the most worthy, and profitable for the Church, borne of lawful matrimony, worthy in regard of their life, age, doctrine, and of other qualities required by the holy Canons, & Decrees of this Council. That in every provincial Synod, a form of examination shall be prescribed, by approbation of the Pope, fit for every place, & the examination made according to that prescript shall be sent to the Pope, to be discussed by the Cardinals, & proposed in Consistory; and all other things required by the Synod for age, life, doctrine, & other qualities in the promotion of BB. shall be required in the creation of Cardinals, though but Deacons, which the Pope, if he can conveniently, shall take out of all Nations, and those that are fit. And it was added; that the Synod being grieved to see such great incommodities of the Church, cannot choose but call to mind, how necessary it is, that the Pope, in regard of his duty, should endeavour to assume Cardinals of excellent worth, and to provide the Church of fit Pastors, because if the flock should perish by their negligence, CHRIST will demand an acount of his Holiness. 2. That the provincial Council shall be called by the Metropolitan, or, the most ancient Suffragan, within one year at the most after the end of this Synod, and afterwards every two years at the least. That Bishops shall not be forced hereafter to go to the Metropolitan Church. That those who have not an Archbishop shall elect one in the provincial Synod, in which he ought to assist, and receive the constitutions thereof, their exemptions and privileges otherwise remaining firm. And the Diocesan Synods shall be celebrated every year, in which the exempted, except those who are subject to general Chapters, shall assist. Which general Chapters having secular Churches annexed, in regard of them, shall assist also. 3. Bishop's shall be bound to visit the Diocese every year, either in person, or by visitors, and all of it, if they can, or, if it be large, in two years at the least. Metropolitans shall not visit the Diocese of the Suffragans, but for a cause, approved in the provincial Council. The Arch deacons, and other inferiors, shall visit in person, and shall take a Notary, by consent of the Bishop. The Visitor shall go with a modest train of men, and horses, dispatching the visitation as soon as may be; and shall not receive any thing but frugal and moderate diet, which may be given either in kind or money; yet so as that if there be a custom in any place not to receive so much as these, it shall be observed also. That Patrons shall not meddle with that which concerneth the administration of Sacraments, or the visitation of the ornaments of the Church, immoveable goods, or rents of houses, except it do belong unto them by right of the foundation. 4. That Bishops shall be bound to preach in person, or, having a lawful impediment, by others. And in case the Parish Priest be hindered that he cannot preach in his own Church, he shall, at his charge, maintain another to do it, deputed by the Bishops. And he shall preach every Sunday and solemn feast, and in Aduent and Lent, every day, or thrice a week at the least. That the Bishop shall admonish every one to go to his own Parish, to hear the sermon. That none shall preach against the Bishops will, whose cure shall be, that Christian doctrine be taught in every Parish. 5. That criminal causes against Bishops that be of great weight, shall be judged by the Pope, and if there shall be occasion to commit them to any out of the Court, they shall be committed only to the Metropolitan, or to Bishops elected by the Pope, and to take information only, reserving the definitive to the Pope: but small matters shall be judged in the Provincial Council, or by judges deputed by them. 6. That the Bishops shall dispense in the Court of Conscience, with all their subjects, in all their irregularities, and suspensions for secret offences, except voluntary murder, and absolve from all cases reserved to the Apostolic Sea, either by himself or his Vicar, as also from the excess of heresy, by himself, but not by a Vicar. 7. That the Bishop shall have care that the force and use of the Sacraments shall be expounded to the people in the vulgar tongue before they be administered, according to the form of a Catecechisme, which the Synod will compose, which the Bishop shall cause to be faithfully translated into the vulgar, and to be expounded to the people by the Parish Priests. 8. That to public offenders public Penance shall be given, but the Bishop shall have power to change it into a secret. In every Cathedral Church a Penitentiary, Master, Doctor, or Licentiate in Theology, or Canon, of the age of forty years, shall be appointed by the Bishop. 9 That the Decrees of the Council, under Paul the third, and Pius the fourth, concerning visitation of benefices exempted, shall be observed in the Churches which are not of any Diocese, which shall be visited by the next Bishop, as Delegate of the Apostolic Sea. 10. That where visitation or correction of manners is in question, no exemption or appeal, though to the Apostolic Sea, shall hinder or suspend the execution of that which is decreed or adjudged. 11. That for titles of honour which are given to Protonotaries, Count Palatines, Kings Chaplains, or servants in war, Monasteries, Hospitals, those persons shall not be exempt from the authority of Bishops, except they shall reside in the houses, or under their obedience, and Kings Chaplains, according to the constitutions of Innocentius the 3. And exemptions granted to the servants of Cardinals, shall not be extended to that which concerneth benefices. 12. That no person under the age of twenty five years, shall be promoted to dignities with cure; and the Arch-deacons, if it may be, shall be Masters in Theologie, or Doctors, or Licentiate in the Canon Law. And none, under the age of two and twenty years, shall be promoted to any dignity without cure. Those that are promoted to Benefices with Cure, shall be bound to make profession of their faith with in two months; and Canons shall do the same. And none shall be received to any dignity, Canonry, or portion, except he shall have that order, which it doth require, and that age which is necessary for the receiving of it. That in Cathedral Churches, all the Canons and Portionaries shall be Priests, Deacons, or Subdeacons', and the Bishop, with the Chapter, shall distribute how many shall be of every order, but so, as that one half at the least shall be Priests. The Synod doth exhort also, that all the dignities, and half the Canonries in the Cathedral and famous Collegiate Churches may be conferred upon Doctors in Divinity, or in the Canon Law, and that none may be absent more than three months in the year. That the daily distributions may not be given upon any pretence whatsoever, to any that hath not been present in the offices, and that every one shall perform his office in his own person, not by substitutes. 13. There being many poor Cathedral Churches, a remedy shall be consulted on in the Provincial Council, and the Pope desired to make provision according to his wisdom. The Bishop also shall have care to provide for poor Parish Churches, either by union of some Benefice not regular, or by assignation of first fruits, or tithes, or by contributions and collections of the Parishioners. Parish Churches shall not be united to Monasteries, Canonries, simple benefices, and religious orders of Soldiers, and those that are united shall be reviewed by the Ordinaries, and the Cathedral Churches, not exceeding a thousand crowns, and the Parish Churches, not exceeding an hundred crowns, shall not be hereafter burdened with pensions, or reservations of fruits. Where the Parishes have no certain confines, but the Sacraments are administered indifferently to those that do demand them, the Bishop shall confine them, and they shall have their proper Parish 〈…〉 est. And in Cities which have no Parishes, they shall be erected as fast as may be. 14. The Synod doth detest, and forbidden all institutions or customs of paying any thing for the obtaining of titles, or possessions, except it be converted into pious uses, declaring them to be simoniacal who shall usurp herein. 15. In Cathedral and Collegiate Churches where the Prebends and distributions are too small, the Bishop shall have power to unite simple Benefices, or to reduce them to a smaller number. 16. The Episcopal Sea being void, the Chapter shall elect one or two Economickes, or a Vicar, within eight days, or, if not, this authority shall be devolved to the Metropolitan. And the Bishop when he shall be created, shall take of them an account of the administration; and punish them, if they have offended. 17. That no Ecclesiastical person, though a Cardinal shall have more than one Benefice, which not being able to maintain him honestly, another simple Benefice may be added, so that they do not both require personal residence, which shall be understood of all Benefices, as well secular as regular, of what title or quality soever, though commended. And he that hath now more Benefices than one shall be bound to leave all but one, within six months, or if not, they shall be all void. Notwithstanding, the Synod doth desire that some provision should be made for those that resign, in some convenient manner, as shall seem best to the Pope. 18. In case of vacancy of any Church in any manner whatsoever, all shall be written down that are proposed or do propose themselves, and shall be all examined by the Bishop with three examiners, at the least, and amongst all those which shall be judged fit, the Bishop shall elect the most sufficient, upon whom the collation of the Church shall be made; and in Ecclesiastical patronages, the Patron shall present to the Bishop him that is most worthy. But in Lack patronages he that is presented by the Patrons shall be examined by the examiners, and not admitted, except he be found to be fit. And 〈◊〉 Examiner's shall be proposed every year in the Diocesan Synod, of which the Bishop shall elect three, who shall be Masters, or Doctors, Secularor Regular, shall swear to perform their duty, and shall not receive anything, either before or after the examination. That expectative graces for Benefices shall not be granted hereafter, nor any other, extending to Benefices that shall be vacant; and withal, the mental reservations shall be prohibited. 19 That causes Ecclesiastical, even beneficial also, shall be judged by the Ordinary in the first instance, and ended within two years at the most. That there shall be no appeal but from the definitive sentence, or from that which shall have the force thereof, except in those which the Pope shall think fit to call to himself, for an urgent and reasonable occasio 〈…〉 That matrimonial and criminal causes shall be reserved to the Bishop only. That in matrimonial, those that are proved to be poor, shall not be forced to litigate out of the Province, neither in the second or third instance, except the adverse part will allow food and charges of the suit. That the Legates, Nuncij, and Ecclesiastical governors, shall not hinder Bishops in their causes, nor proceed against Ecclesiastical persons, but in case of the Bishop's negligence. That the Appellant shall be bound to bring at his charge, the acts made before the Bishop, to the judge of the appeal, which the Notary, being conveniently paid, shall be bound to give within one month at the farthest. 20. That in the words of the decree, made in the first Session under the present Pope Pius the fourth, that is, Proponentibus Legatis, the meaning of the Synod was not to change in any part the usual manner of handling matters in general Counsels, nor to add or detract any thing, besides that which hath been constituted heretofore by the sacred Canons, and by the general Synods. In the end, the next Session was intimated for the ninth of December, with power of anticipation to handle the sixth Article, and the other which were proposed, and deferred, and other points also, as opportunity should serve, and as they should be proposed in Congregation. There was not such expectation of the issue of this Session, as of the last, as well because the general curiosity was then satisfied, as because it did seem that the matter of Matrimony could not afford any thing of any great observation. The world was more attentive to see what issue the protestation made by the French Ambassadors would have: which was read with variety of affections. Those who were ill affected to the Court of Rome, did commend it, as true, and necessary. But the Pope's adherents thought it as abominable, as the Protestations formerly made by Luther. In the sixth Anathematisme of Matrimony, many did wonder, that the dissolution The censure of the Decrees. of marriage not consummated, for a solemn vow, should be made an Article of faith, because the matrimonial conjunction, though not consummated by carnal copulation, is a bond instituted by the Law of GOD. For the Scripture doth affirm, that there was a true marriage 〈…〉 Marry and joseph, and the solemnity of the profession being or 〈…〉 re● po 〈…〉, as Boniface the eighth hath decreed, it seemed strange not so 〈…〉 humane bond should dissolve a divine, as that he should be condemned for an heretic, who will not believe, that an invention of man, borneth any hundred years since the Apostles, should prevail against a divine instituted on, made at the first creation of the world. In the seventh it was thought to be a captious speech, to condemn for an heretic him that shall say that the Church hath erred, in reaching that, Matrimony is not dissolved by adultery. For if one should say absolutely, that Matrimony ought to be dissolved for that cause, without saying or thinking that one hath erred, or not erred in teaching the contrary, it seemeth that this man should not be comprehended: and yet it doth not appear how one can think so, except the hold the contrary to be an error. It was judged, that they should have spoken plainly and said absolutely, that 〈…〉 no● dissolved by adultery, or that both opinions are probable, and not to make an Article of faith concerning a word only. But these men would not have made the difficulty, if they had known the causes before mentioned, why they did speak in that manner. The ninth Canon did afford matter of speech also, by that affirmative, that God doth not deny the gift of chastity to him that doth demand it a right, because it did seem to be contrary to the Gospel, which affirmeth that it is not given to all; and to Saint Paul, who doth not exhort to demand it, which was more easy then to marry. The Politicians knew not what to think of the twelfth Anathematismem; that it should be heresy to hold that matrimonial causes do not belong to Ecclesiastical judges, it being certain, that the Laws of marriage were all made by the Emperors, and the judicature of them administered by the secular Magistrates, so long as the Roman Laws were in force, which the reading only of the Theodosian and justinian Codes, and of the Novels, doth evidently demonstrate. And in the forms of Cassiodore there is mention of terms used by the Gothish Kings in the dispensations of degrees prohibited, which then were thought to belong to civil government, and not to be matters of religion, and to him that hath any skill in story, it is most known, that the Ecclesiastiques began to judge causes of this nature partly by commission, and partly by negligence of Princes and Magistrates. But in the beginning of the Decree of reformation of Matrimony, many wondered, how it could be defined as an Article of faith, that clandestine marriages are true Sacraments, and that the Church hath always detested them, because it doth imply a contradiction to detest Sacraments, And to command that the Parish Priest should 〈…〉 gate those that are joined, and understanding their consent, should say, I join you in Matrimony in the Name of the Father, Son, and holy Ghost, was derided by the critics; saying, that either they are joined by those words, or not if not, then that is not true which the Council of Florence hath determined, that matrimony receiveth perfection from consent if so, what conjunction is that which the Priest maketh of persons joined before. And if the word, I join, should be expounded, I declare them joined a way would be laid open to conclude, that the words of the absolution are declaratory also. But howsoever it was, they said the decree was made to no other end, but that within a short time it might be made an Article of faith that those words pronounced by the Parish Priest were the form of the Sacrament. For making void clandestine marriages, they spoke as much as was spoken of it in the Council itself. For some did extol the decree to the heavens; and others said, that if those matrimonies were Sacraments, and consequently instituted by CHRIST, and the Church hath always detested them, and finally made them void, it did not appear how those who had not made provision for it in the beginning, could be excused from the blame of ignorance, or negligence. And when the distinction, on which they founded the decree, was published, that the contract was nullified, which is the matter of the Sacrament, it was hard to understand a long time, because the matrimonial contract hath no distinction from the matrimony, nor the matrimony from the Sacrament: and the rather, because the matrimony was indissoluble before it was a Sacrament, in regard CHRIST doth not pronounce it insoluble, as instituted by him, but as by GOD, in the earthly Paradise. But, it being admitted, that the Matrimonial contract is an humane and civil thing, separate from the Sacrament, which is nullified, some said this annullation would not belong to the Ecclesiastical judge, but to the Secular, to whom the discussion, and cognition of all civil contracts doth appertain. The cause alleged to moderate the impediments of marriage, was much commended, as reasonable; but it was observed withal, that it did necessarily conclude many more restrictions than those that were decreed, in regard there are no less inconveniences by the impediments confirmed, then by those that were abolished. The end of the Article of matrimonial dispensations moved a vain question in the curious, whether the Pope, by reserving them to himself alone, did more good or hurt to his authority. For the good, was alleged the great quantity of gold which did flow into the Court, through this channel, and the obligations of so many Princes, gained by this means, as to be satisfied in their appetites, or interests, so to defend the Papal authority, on which only the legitimation of their children was grounded: For the hurt, the loss of the revenues of England, and of the obedience of that crown was produced, which did weigh down all gain or friendship, which the dipensations might procure. The Frenchmen did not like the decree, that he that stealeth a woman shall be bound to endow her, at the pleasure of the judge, saying, that the Law concerning dowries, cannot be made by Ecclesti●all authority, and that it was an artifice to take the judicature of that delict from the secular Magistrate. For if the Ecclesiastic may make the Law, he may judge the cause. And howsoever they said absolutely, at the pleasure of the judge, yet there is no doubt, but that in the declaration, they would say they meant the Ecclesiastical only. And they thought it an usurpation of temporal authority, to punish Seculars with infamy, and incapacity of dignities. Neither did they approve the constitution against conculinaries, any a year in excommunication, that they should be punished by the Ecclesiastic, because excommunication is the extreme, last and greatest of Ecclesiastical punishments, according to the doctrine of all the Fathers; so that to pass that, was to enter upon the Temporal power, and the rather, because they give themselves power to course concubines out of their countries, deriding the secular Magistrates, by imploring their arm, if there shall be need; which is as much as to affirm, that, ordinarily, the execution of this banishment may be made by the Ecclesiastic himself. The Decree of reformation in the first Article was noted either of defect, or of presumption. For if the Synod had authority to give Law to the Pope, especially in things so just, it was not fit to do it by way of narration, or by obloquitie of words. But if it ought to receive Law from the Pope, it cannot be excused for having passed its bounds, because it doth sharply reprehend the former actions of this and other Popes, though it doth it obliquely: Those that were seen in the Ecclesiastical stories, said, that to draw all the causes of Bishops to Rome, was a new policy to make the Court great, whereas all the examples of antiquity, and Canons of the Counsels of those times do show, that the causes of Bishops, though of depositions, were handled in the countries of each of them. Those who expected a provision against the abuse of pensions, seeing what was decreed in the 13. Article, did judge that the matter would pass to a greater corruption as the event also hath showed. The fourteenth Article was commended by every one, because it did seem to take away the Annates, and paying for Bulls, dispatched at Rome, for collation of Benefices. But in progress of time, it appearing that those remained still, and that there was not so much as any cogitation either to remove or moderate them, they remembered, that, only the small abuses of other Churches being provided against, the saying was verified, that only moats were taken out of the eyes, and beams never. Every wise man thought that this age was not worthy of that Decree for the unity, or, at the most, dualtie of Benefices, and that it would not be observed but in the poorer sort only. Likewise for the examination in concurrence, in the collation of Benefices, every one did prognosticate that it would be deluded by some sinister interpretation. And the prophecy was quickly verified. For in Rome, within a short time, they began to declare, that concurrence was not to be observed in case of resignation, but that he only was to be examined, to whom the resignation was made; which was as much as to abolish the Decree for the most part, because the better sort were excluded by resignation, and he only preferred who pleased the resignant: and Benefices are not vacant for any other cause but casually. The Decree of the cognition of causes in the first instance was quite destroyed, by the exception added, that is, except those which the Pope will commit, and call to himself. For causes were never taken from the lawful tribunals, but by commissions, and avocations of Popes; and now the cause of the disease was preserved, and the symptom only cured. And howsoever the adjunct (for urgent and reasonable causes) did seem to moderate the matter well, yet men of understanding knew that it was as much as to say, for any arbitrary cause. But in the last point, which was in expectation so many months, touching the essential liberty of the Council, seeing it was declared, that the meaning of the Synod was, not to change the manner of proceeding, nor to make any addition, or diminution of the old constitutions, wise men said, that concerning this Council it was a declaration contrary to the fact, and published when it did no good: neither was there any more use of it, then of a medicine applied to a dead body. And some mocked, and said, that it was as much as the consolation of an honest man, whose wife had brought him children by other men, and said she did it not to do him wrong. But, by an example given to posterity, it did teach how all violence, and exorbitancy might be used in Council, from the beginning to the end, and all inconvenience done excused by such a declaration, yea justified, and maintained for lawful. At this time, besides the advice of the Session held, three other sorts of distasteful news came into France. The first was the Pope's answer about the hundred thousand crowns. The second, the protestation made in Council, and the displeasure taken at it, in Trent, and Rome. The last, was the sentence against the French Bishops, and the citation of the Queen of Navarre: The Frenchmen, having much considered on these things, resolved The Alienation of Ecclesiastical revenues in France. not to treat any more with the Pope for his favour in the alienation, but to execute the King's Edict, approved in Parliament, without any consent of his Holiness. This being suddenly performed, few buyers could be found, as well because men do not easily resolve to lay down their money, as because they were dissuaded by the ecclesiastics, who told them, that the sale, wanting the Pope's confirmation, would not hereafter be esteemed to be good. This was a hindrance to the King, and no favour to the Clergy. For the sale was made, but it was done at a low rate; neither was there raised more than two millions and half of Francs, small, in regard of the things aliened, seeing that it was made at twelve for an hundred, whereas it had been a small price if they had given an hundred for four. And it is worthy to be repeated here, that, amongst the things sold, one was, the jurisdiction which the Archbishop of Lions had held until that time, over that city, which was sold at the outcry for thirty thousand Francs. But the Bishop complained so much that, in supplement of the price, he had given unto him 400. crowns yearly. Concerning the protestation made in Council, the King wrote to his Ambassadors the ninth of November, that, having seen what the Cardinal of Lorraine had written against their protestation, and heard the relation made by the Bishop of Orlience of all things done in Trent, he was pleased with it, as also with their retire to Venice, and commanded, that de Ferrieres should not departed thence until he had new order, which should be when he was advised that the Articles were so reform that the rights of the King, and of the Gallican Church were not put in question. And he wrote to the Cardinal of Lorraine, that himself and his Counsel knew that his Ambassadors had protested upon great and just occasion. For as he would continue in the union and obedience of the Church, so he would preserve inviolable the rights of his crown, without suffering them to be questioned, or disputed, or himself forced to show them. That they should not think to satisfy him, with saying in the end, Saving and reserving the rights, etc. because, under this colour, they would bind him to show a reason in every opposition. That if he had seen the Articles as they were proposed, he would have judged, that the Ambassador could not have done otherwise then make the opposition: which his desire was they should first have showed to him, but said they were to be excused, in regard of the occasion suddenly arising, and of the circumstances which did produce it, and of the suspicions, which made them doubt of some Artifice to precipitate the decision. And if the Pope had no intention, as he, the Cardinal, giveth him to understand, that the rights of the Emperor, and Kings should be touched, and disputed, his Holiness must turn his anger upon the Legates, who proposed the Articles, and named Kings, Emperor & republics, and not upon the Ambassadors. That he thinketh the protestation may be justified before all Christendom, when the Articles shall be seen. That, the Legates having proposed those Articles against the intention of his Holiness, he ought not to refer himself to their discretion hereafter, nor to cause his Ambassadors to return, until he had full assurance that those Articles should not be spoken of any more, which being done, he will command them to go again to the Council. Concerning the citation and sentence, the King gave order to Henry Clutia, The French King taketh part with the Queen of Navarre. Lord d'Oysel, to tell the Pope, that his Majesty had understood, to his great displeasure, that which he did not believe by the fame which was spread, until he had seen a copy of the monitories affixed in Rome, that the Queen was so proceeded against, as that he was bound to defend her. First in regard the cause and danger was common to all Kings, who therefore were obliged to protect her; and the rather, because she was a widow, and his obligation was the greater, in respect of the near kindred he hath with her, by both lines, and by agnation with her husband, who died but a little before in the war against the Protestants, leaving his son's Pupils. Therefore he could not abandon her cause, following the examples of his ancestors; and the rather, because he ought not to endure that any should make war against his neighbours under colour of religion; adding, that it was not pious, to put the Kingdoms of Spain and France, lately joined in friendship, in danger of a bloody war, for this cause. He said moreover, that the Queen, having many Fees in France, she could not, by the rights and privileges of that Kingdom, be compelled to appear, either in person, or by Proctor, adding many examples of Princes and Popes, who have proceeded with due and lawful moderation. He touched the form of the citation by Edict, a thing not heard of in former times, invented by Boniface the eighth, and, as too hard and unjust, moderated by Clement the fifth, in the Council of Vienna. He said that such citations could, by no means, take place, but against the inhabitants to whom the access is not secure, and that, the Queen remaining in France, a great injury was done to him and the Kingdom, by using that form; as also was done by exposing to prey, and granting to the Usurpers, the Fees she holdeth in France, the right whereof belongeth to him. And every one marvelled (he said) that his Holiness who did favour so affectionately the cause of King Antony while he lived, in being his mediator with the King of Spain, would now oppress his children, and widow. But he complained most of all, that so many Kings, Princes, and cities having departed from the Church of Rome, with in forty years, he had not so proceeded with any other, which shown well that he did it not for the good of her soul, but for other ends. He wished his Hol. to consider, that power was given to Popes for salvation of souls, not to deprive Princes of their States, nor to order any thing in earthly possessions, which having been formerly attempted by them in Germany, did much trouble the public quiet. He entreated the Pope, to revoke all his Acts against the Queen, protesting, that, in case he would not, he would proceed to those remedies which his predecessors have used. He complained also of the cause of the Bishops, and commanded his Ambassador, And with the Bishops. that, declaring unto him the ancient examples, the liberties and immunities of the French Church, and the authority of the Kings in causes Ecclesiastical, he should pray the Pope not to make any innovation. Monsieur d' Oisel performed this office with great vehemency, and, after many treaties with the Pope, obtained of him to speak no more either of the Queen, or of the Bishops. But in Trent, the Session being ended, and matters well agreed on between the Legates and Lorraine, and the business imparted to the principal Papalins, Otranto, Taranto, and Parma●, as also to the Emperor's Ambassadors, The Card, of Lorraine publisheth the design to finish the Council. Lorraine began to publish their design, that the Council might be finished with one Session more. He said he could not be in Trent at Christmas; that himself, and all the French Bishops must departed before that time; that he desired to see the Council ended, and was loath to leave so honourable an assembly; but that he could not otherwise do, being commanded by the King. The Imperialists also did publish in the Council, that the Emperor did desire the dispatch, and that the King of the Romans did write, that his desire was it should be finished by Saint Andrew's day, or, at the longest, in the beginning of the next month by all means. And indeed that King, not to please the Pope, but because it was his opinion, did solicit the conclusion. For being to hold a Diet, he was not willing his Father should have Ambassadors in the Council; and said, that if that were shut up, the affairs of Religion in Germany would be in fare better case. The greater part of the Fathers were glad to hear this; and Morone making a Congregation in his house, the fifteenth of November, of the Legates, two Cardinals, and five and twenty Bishops, the principal of every Nation, he proposed,, that the Council, having been assembled for the necessities of Germany and France, and now the Emperor, King of the Romans, Cardinal of Lorraine, and all Princes desiring that it should be finished, they would speak their opinion concerning the concluding of it, and the manner. Lorraine said, it was necessary to finish it, not to hold Christendom in suspense any longer, to show the Catholics what they ought to believe, and to take away the Interim of Germany, which could not be done by any other means, because it was to continue until the end of the Council; and to continue it longer, could not be without great damage of the Catholic Church. And that it was needful to finish the general Council in Trent, to hinder a Nationall in France. For the manner he said it might be ended with one Session, handling in it the residue of the reformation, and dispatching the Catechism, and the Index of the books prohibited, which were in order already, referring other matters to the Pope, not disputing the Articles of Indulgences and Images, nor anathematising particular heretics, but proceeding with general terms only. They all agreed, in some sort, to finish the Council, except the Archbishop of Granata, who referred himself to the Ambassador of his King. Some said it could not absolutely be ended, because so many matters did remain to be handled: but that it might be done by intimating another ten years after, which also would serve to hinder the calling of Nationall Counsels, and to defer the determination of the things remaining, and the Anathematisms. The Bishop of Brescia proposed a middle course between an absolute end and a suspension; because the former would make the heretics desperate, and the latter not satisfy the Catholics. But these opinions had no followers, all the others adhering to that which the Cardinal had said. For the manner, Otranto thought it necessary to anathematise the Heretics, because it hath been used in all Counsels, and is the principal thing which is required of Synods. For many are not capable to understand the truth or falsehood of opinions, by their own judgement, but do follow or abhor them according to the credit or discredit of the authors. He said that the Council of Chalcedon, full of learned men, to clear themselves whether Theodoret, Bishop of Ciros, were a Catholic or not, would not hear an account of his faith, which he desired to render, but only wished him to denounce a plain anathema against Nestorius; that if Luther and Zuinglius, dead, and their followers alive, were not anathematised, it might be said, that the Council had laboured in vain. The Cardinal replied, that diverse times did require diverse counsels; that the differences in Religion were then between the Bishops and the Priests; that the people were but as an accessary; that the Grandees either did not meddle, or if they did adhere to any heresy, they did not make themselves Heads, and leaders. But now all was quite contrary; because the heretic Ministers, and Preachers could not be said to be heads of the Sects, but the Princes rather, to whose interests their Ministers and Preachers do accommodate themselves. He that would name the true Heads of heretics, must name the Queen of England, the Queen of Navarre, the Prince of Conde, the Elector Palatine of the Rhine, the Elector of Saxony, and many other Dukes and Princes of Germany. He said, that this would make them unite, and show they were sensible of it; and that the condemnation of Luther and Zuinglius only would so provoke them, that some great confusion would certainly arise. Therefore to do, not what they would, but what they could, he thought that the more universal resolution was the better. Morone sent to call the Ecclesiastical Ambassadors: to whom having imparted the proposition and opinion of that assembly, they consented to the end and the manner, according to the opinion of Lorraine. Which resolution being also communicated to the secular Ambassadors, they did all assent, except the Spaniard, who said, he knew not the express will of his King, and desired time that he might understand it. Notwithstanding this, the Legates, resolute to execute this determination, gave the matter concerning Princes, omitting the Anathematisms, and all the particular Articles, only renewing the old Canons of the Ecclesiastical liberty and jurisdiction, speaking of Princes with much reverence, only exhorting them to cause their ministers not to violate them. The same day at night a Congregation was made, to begin to speak of the reformation, and an order was set down, that there should be two Congregations a day, until all the voices were given. Which were delivered with great shortness & resolution except by some A difficulty about subiecting the Chapters in Spain to the Bishops. few Spaniards, who desired to hinder, whereas all the others did endeavour to promote the expedition, with brevity. The greatest difficulty was concerning the sixth Article, of the subjection of Chapters to Bishops, in regard of the great interest, which not only the Bishops, but the King also had in diminishing the Capitular authority, that they might not oppose the subsidies which are often imposed in Spain, and, on the other side, for the favours the Legates did the Chapters, by whose means, and for the reasons alleged, many Italians, who first seemed to favour the Bishops, turned on the Chapters side. The Count of Luna sent a Currier to Rome, in diligence, by whose advice Vargas, the Ambassador, entreated the Pope for his favour to the Bishops. Who, according to his custom, referring himself to the Council, the Ambassador complained that the Italian Prelates had been persuaded to change their opinion in that matter. Whereunto the Pope readily answered, that they changed, because they were free, but that the departure of the Agent for the Chapters from the Council was not free, having been driven from thence, and, upon that occasion, complained, that the Count of Luna, in Trent, did dissuade the finishing of the Council. Notwithstanding he wrote, according to the Ambassador's request, but in such terms, as did not disfavour the pretensions of the Chapters. And finally the Decree was made, with some enlargement of the Episcopal authority in Spain, but not so much as they desired. The Venetian Ambassadors made instance, that, in the Article of Patronages, those of the Emperor and Kings being excepted, those of their Republic might be excepted also. The Legates were willing to please them, but could hardly tell how. For to except all Republics was too much, and to name them particularly would breed matter of jealousy. They found a temper, to comprehend that in the number of Kings, declaring that amongst those are contained the possessors of Kingdoms, though they have not the name. In the Congregation of the twentieth day, a proposition was made, to The Pope's confirmation is demanded. demand the Pope's confirmation of all the Decrees of the Council, as well under Paul and julius, as under his Holiness. The Archbishop of Granata opposed; saying, that in the sixteenth and last Session under julius, when the Council was suspended, it was ordained that all the Decrees made by the Synod until then should be observed, without saying that there was any need of confirmation, so that to demand it now would be to condemn those Fathers, who then thought that the Decrees might be executed, without any confirmation at all. He professed he did not say this because he disliked the demand of a confirmation, but that means might be found to use words not prejudicial. Otranto answered, that the Decree, named by Granata, did not only not favour the opposition which he drew from it, but did resolve it rather, showing plainly, that the Council did not think the ordinations obligatory, because it did not command, but simply exhort that they should be received and observed, whereof no other cause could be alleged, but the want of confirmation. Granata was quiet, and resolved to demand the confirmation, as it was proposed by the common consent. But in the manner there was some difference. Some were of opinion that the Council should demand confirmation, and dissolve without expecting answer; saying it could not otherwise be done with dignity, either of the Apostolic Sea, or of the Council, and that it would seem to be an accord made between them; and if any thing should not be confirmed, the provision must be made by the same Council. To satisfy these, who were many, Morone was willing, that, in the Session of the ninth, which, in regard of the multiplicity of the matters, was thought would continue three days, the first day a Currier should be dispatched to demand the confirmation, at whose return another Session should be held without any action, but to dissolve the Synod. But this opinion had much contradiction. For if the Pope would confirm the Decrees without examining them, the same difficulty did return; if with examination, the time of some months was necessary. Finally, the Cardinal of Lorraine told the Fathers, that these difficulties were to prolong the Council; that himself and the other French men must needs departed, being so commanded by the King, and that after their departure the Council could not be called General, there wanting a Nation, whereby the dignity and honour of it would be diminished, and Nationall Synods and other difficulties might be raised. This half protestation, with the persuasions of the Imperialists for the expedition, was cause (after many consultations) of a resolution, to demand the confirmation, and dissolve the Synod in the same Session. The Cardinal of Lorraine wrote presently to the Ferrieres, who was at Venice, that the matter concerning Princes being accommodated, he might return to Trent. Who answered he could not, without particular commission De Ferrieres refuseth to return to Trent. out of France, because the King in his letters of the ninth, had written to him, as also to him the Cardinal, that when the Decree was made, and himself advised thereof, he would send him back; so that it was necessary to expect the order of his Majesty. But he wrote to the King, that he thought it not fit for his service to return, in regard that the rights of the Crown, and the liberty of the Gallican Church were violated in other Decrees also, published in that Session. The reformation standing in good terms, the care of composing the Decree of Purgatory, invocation, worship, relics, and images of Saints was committed to the Cardinal of Varmia, and eight Prelates; who, thought they all resolved not to move any difficulties, yet they did not agree. Some were willing to make mention of the place of Purgatory, and of the fire, as was done in the Council of Florence. Others said, that this being hard to do, and impossible to find words to express it, which might give satisfaction to all, it was better to say only that the good works of the faithful did help the dead for the remission of their sins. The Archbishop of Lanciano said, that, in handling the Mass, mention was made, that that sacrifice is The manner of the Decree concerning Purgatory. offered for those that are deceased in CHRIST, not entirely purged; by which words the doctrine of Purgatory was sufficiently defined: so that nothing remained to be done, but to enjoin the Bishops to cause it to be preached, and to take way the abuses, taking care also that there be no want of due prayers for the dead. And so the Decree was made. In matter of the Saints they easily agreed to condemn, particularly, all Opinions about the adoration of Images. the opinions, contrary to the uses of the Roman Church. Only about Images there was some difference. The Archbishop said, no honour was due unto them, but by relation to the thing signified. But Lainez, the General, who also was one of the composers, added, that, when they were dedicated, and put in place of adoration, a worship did belong unto them, besides the adoration due unto the Saint worshipped in them, calling this adoration Relative, and the other Obiective. He proved his opinion, because the vessels and vestments consecrated deserve a reverence belonging unto them, by virtue of the consecration, though they do not represent any Saint; and so an adoration is due unto the Image dedicated by virtue of the dedication, besides the reason of the representation. The Cardinal of Varmia, for satisfaction of both, concluded, that the opinion of the Archbishop ought to be expressed, as more facile, and plain, but without words which might prejudice the other. Deputies were appointed also to review the reformation of Friars and Nuns, besides those Prelates who had composed it, and the Generals of the Orders were added unto them. These changed nothing, but that it being generally granted, in the third Article, to all Monasteries of Regular Mendicants to possess immovable goods, though it be contrary to their institution, Friar Francis Zamotra, General of the Minor observants, desired that his Order might be excepted; saying, he meant to live according to the rule of Saint Francis, from which in was not fit to exempt those who did not demaundit. And satisfaction was given him by excepting his Order: as also the Capuchins, at the instance of Friar Thomasodi Castello, their General. General Lainez desired also the exception of the company of jesus; saying, that, howsoever the Colleges deputed to entertain scholars, who were not yet religious, might enjoy movable goods, yet the house● professed, in which the society doth essentially consist, might not live but by begging, without possessing any immoveable thing whatsoever. This was easily granted. But he returned the next day, desiring the exception might be removed, and said, that his society would always preserve themselves in pure 〈…〉 city, in the houses professed, but did not care to have this honour with the world, The jesuites protest to line with begging, but will not be bound unto it. thinking their desert in the sight of God to be sufficient; which would be the greater, if, being able to make use of the power given them by the Council, they should forbear to do it. This resolution was made by consent of all the four jesuites in the Council, proposed by Father Torres, who said, they should, by this means, have liberty to use or not to use the grant of the Council, according to opportunity. In the fifteenth Article it was constituted, that none should profess, before the age of eighteen complete, and that every one should be a Novice two years at the least, at what age soever he entered. The Generals opposed; saying, it was not just to hinder any from entering into Religion, who was capable to know what the Regular vows did import; which capacity was judged by the Church to be at the age of sixteen years, in a time when the world was not so well awake, and therefore that it was fit rather to make the age less than greater: which reason they used also against the two years of the Noviceship. In the end, because they were willing to please all, they resolved to satisfy the Generals also, and to make no innovation herein. Besides the twenty two Articles, there was another, in which power was given to the Provincials, Generals, and Heads of the Orders to expel the incorrigible out of the Order, and to deprive them of the habit. Which johannes Antonius Fachinnettus, Bishop of Nicastro, opposed sharply; saying, that the profession and Act of admission to it are a mutual contract, and, as it were, a marriage, by which the professed is bound to the Monastery, and the Monastery to him, and as the one could not departed, so the other could not put him away, and that, by means of this Decree, all Cities would be filled with expelled Friars, to the great scandal of the world. The Archbishop of Rosano said to the contrary, that the relation was not as between man and wife, but as between father and son, and that the son could never lawfully refuse the father, but the father might emancipate his son, especially if he were disobedient, and that it was a less evil to see expelled Friars in the Cities, then incorrigible in the Monasteries. The Generals were not all of one opinion. The perpetual did approve the expulsion, but the temporary did not. The mayor part inclined, (according to the custom of a multitude, when it consulteth) to leave things in the state they were, and not to decree either for the one side or the other. But, in this consultation, it was often repeated, and by many, that the people did receive great scandal to see some wear a religious habit many years, and afterwards become seculars. This brought the secret profession into question, and made a consultation to begin, whether they ought to declare it to be of force, as it had been until that time, or that no profession doth bind, but that which is express. But this had difficulties also; for temper whereof, this resolution was taken, that the religious Prelate, the year of probation being ended, should be bound either to give the Novice leave to departed, or admit him to the profession. And this was inserted in the sixteenth Article, as in a place convenient. General Laynez commended the Decree very much, as necessary; but desired that his society might be excepted, alleging, that the condition of it was different from that of other regular Orders, that in those tacit profession hath place, by ancient custom, and approbation of the Apostolic Sea, which in their society is prohibited; that the cause of scandal which the people receiveth in seeing some in a secular habit, who have long worn the religious, doth cease in them, in regard the habit of the jesuits doth not differ from the secular; that their society hath also a confirmation from the Apostolic Sea, that the Superior may admit to the profession after a long time; which hath never been made to any Regular. All inclined to favour him with this exception; for extension whereof he contended, that the Rules of speaking Latin did require that the expression should be in the plural, saying, that by these things the Synod doth not intent to alter the institution of the jesuits, etc. And it was not considered that this manner of speech might be referred both to the admitting or dismissing of Novices in the end of the Laymez maketh use of the negligence of the Fathers in Trent. year of Probation, and to the whole Contents of the sixteenth Article; as also that it might be referred to all the things contained in the sixteen heads. But the Father knew how to make use of the negligence of others, laying a foundation, on which the succeeding jesuites might build that singularity which now appeareth in their Society. The Congregation of the two and twentieth treated of Indulgences; the difficulty and length of which matter made the mayor part to be of opinion to speak of it no more, in regard all were resolved before to avoid impediments. But some desired to handle them, saying, that otherwise the Heretics would say, that they were omitted, because there was no ground to maintain them. Others thought it sufficient to speak of their use only, and to take away the abuses which the corruption of times hath brought in. The Ambassador of Portugal said, he was sorry that provision was not made for the Crusadoes, but would be silent, lest occasion might be taken to prolong the Council. The Emperor's Ambassadors, though they did jointly solicit the Expedition, by commission from their Master, were not of accord in this. Prague would not have them speak of the points of doctrine. Five-churches said, that if they were omitted, and the abuses of relics, Images, and Purgatory not taken away, the Synod was quite shamed. The Bishop of Modena told the Fathers, that, in case they would handle Indulgences, as they had done justification, considering all the causes, and resolving all the questions, they would find it difficult, and to require a long time, it being impossible to make that matter plain, but by determining first whether they be absolutions, or compensations only, and suffrages; or whether they do remit the penalties imposed by the Confessor only, The Council dareth not handle the matter of Indulgences exactly. or all that are due: likewise whether the Treasure, which is put for their foundation, doth only consist of the merits of CHRIST, or whether those of Saints be required also; whether they may be given, though the receiver perform nothing; whether they extend to the dead also; and other things of no less difficulty. But to determine that the Church may grant them, and hath done so in all times, and that they are profitable for the faithful, who do worthily receive them, needeth no great disputation. The authority to grant them is proved by the Scripture; their continual use by Apostolical tradition, and authority of Counsels, and the perspicuity of the whole matter by the uniform doctrine of the Schoolmen. Upon this a Decree may be composed without difficulty. The opinion had many followers; and he, with other Friar Bishops, was deputed to make a Decree in this sense, adding a provision against abuses. In the Congregations following they handled the Index of books, Catechism, Breviarie, Missals, and Agends. And all things, determined in the particular congregations of the Prelates, deputed for these matters since the beginning of the Synod, were read. Wherein they did not all agree. Some thought that certain Authors and Books were censured without reason; The Index, Catechism, etc. and some, that others were omitted which did more deserve censure. And there was no less difficulty about the Catechism, some thinking that that which was made, was not fit to be made the common for the whole Church, in which the greater part are simple, and some desiring that more matter might be put into it. And they differed as much about the Ritual books, some desiring an uniformity in the whole Church, and some maintaining their own. But it appearing that these matters could not be decided in a whole year, the Legates propoled that all should be referred to the Pope. Whereunto some few Prelates did not consent, and namely the Bishop of Lerida made a long oration to show, that if any thing were proper to the Council it was the Catechism, it being a book, which, after the Symbol, aught to hold the first place in the Church; that the Ritual books ought to hold the second, in correcting of which there was need of an exquisite knowledge of antiquity, and of the customs of all countries, which will not be found in the Court of Rome; where, though there be men of excellent wit, and of great learning, yet they want skill in this kind which is necessary to do any thing commendably herein, and that this is more proper to the Council. But the resolution to finish, and the desire to departed from Trent, caused him to have but small audience. The five and twentieth of this month, the Count of Luna came to the Legates, with an instance in writing. He complained that the most principal matters for which the Council was assembled were omitted, and the others precipitated; that they went about to finish the Synod without the privity of his King; concluding, that they ought to hear the opinions of the Divines concerning the points of doctrine, and expect an answer out of Spain for the end of the Council. The Legates answered; that things were in such forwardness, that there was no time to expect, nor was possible to withhold so many Bishops, who were already in order to departed. The Count replied, that if the Council were ended without the knowledge of his King, besides the instance, he would do something else, as he thought convenient. Hereupon the Legates sent presently to the Pope, and the Count to the Ambassador Vargas, to treat with his Holiness. But Vargas thought it superfluous to speak any more herein, both because, at the coming of the currier, the Pope fell extreme sick, and because having made the same instance a few days before, the Pope's final answer was, that he referred it The Pope's sickness. to the Council, the liberty whereof, so much desired by his King also, he would not impeach. And the Ambassador saying, that the Council ought to be held open, because all the world did desire it, the Pope demanded what that world was which would have it open; the Ambassador answered, Spain would; the Pope replied, Writ into Spain, that if they buy and study Ptolemy, they shall find that Spain is not the whole world. The Legates used many persuasions to the Count of Luna; and so did Lorraine also, and the Emperor's Ambassadors. But, not being able to prevail, they laboured against him, the Ambassadors in the name of the Emperor, King of the Romans, and of all Germany, and Lorraine in the name of his King, and of the Kingdom of France. The Legates, resolving to finish the Council, according to the Pope's order, howsoever the Spanish Ambassador might oppose, were diligent in dispatch of the matters. While these things were in doing, the first of December, a currier came from Rome late at night, with advice, that the Pope was suddenly fallen into a dangerous infirmity. He brought letters from Cardinal Borromeo to the Legates, Causeth the end of the Council to be hastened. and Cardinal of Lorraine, that they should hasten the Council as much as might be, and finish it without respect of any, to withstand the inconveniences which might occur about the election of the Pope, in case the Council should be open in time of vacancy. In the letters there were some few words written with the Popes own hand, who did commit the same absolutely, and told Lorraine he should remember his promise. It is certain (to speak this particular here, though out of place) that the Pope was resolved, in case he did not recover quickly, to create eight Cardinals, and to take order that no confusion might arise in the election of his successor. The Legates and Lorraine purposed to anticipate the time of the Session, and either with the propositions, or without to finish the Council within two days, that the news of the Pope's death might not first come. Therefore they sent to communicate the advice received, & their resolution, to the Ambassadors, and did negotiate with the principal Prelates. They all agreed except the Spanish Ambassador, who said he had order from his King, that if the Sea were vacant, he should not suffer the Pope to be elected in Council, but that the election should be by Cardinals, so that there was no need to precipitate. But Morone answered, he knew for certain, that the Ambassador of France, who was as yet in Venice, had order from his King, to protest that the Kingdom would not obey any Pope, but him that should Notwithstanding the opposition made by the Count o● Luna. be elected in Council; so that it was necessary by all means to finish it, for avoiding of danger. The Count of Luna made a Congregation of Spanish Prelates in his house, and spread a fame, that he was resolved to protest and oppose. Notwithstanding, the Legates held a Congregation the next morning, in which the Decrees of Purgatory and of the Saints were read, as they were composed by the Cardinal of Varmia, and the other deputies. Afterward the reformation of Friars was read, and all appooved with very great brevity, and a little contradiction. Then the Articles of reformation were read. In the first of the manners of Bishops, at the passage, where it is said, that they shall not enrich their kindred and family by the revenues of the Church, it was said of the revenues of the Church, of which they are faithful dispensers for the Pope. The Bishop of Sal●nona did oppose this point, saying, that the portions of the poor being divided by ancient Canon, as also of the fabric and of the Episcopal table, it cannot be said that bishops, and other beneficed persons are dispensers, but were Lords of their own part; which if they did spend ill, they did sin and incur the wrath of God, as every other man did, who spendeth his goods amiss; but if they were dispensers for the poor, they should be bound to restitution, which cannot be said. There were many discourses, the mayor part defending that beneficed men were Lords of the fruits, or usufructuaries, and others saying, as the French Ambassador had done in his Oration, that they have but the use only. Some defended the words of the Decree that they were dispensers, alleging the place in the Gospel of the faithful servant, and the Doctrine of all the holy Fathers. But the precipitation to finish the Council, caused those words, that is, of which they are appointed faithful dispensers for the poor, to be omitted, as also other difficulties to be passed over in silence. In the Article of Patronages, the Ambassadors of Savoy and Florence made request that those of the Princes might be accepted also, or that all might be comprehended but those of the Emperor and Kings. Satisfaction was given them, by accepting, besides the Emperor, Kings, or Possessors of Kingdoms, other great and supreme Princes, who have sovereignty in A dispute whether the Decrees made under Paul & julius should be read. their dominions. Afterwards a proposition was made for the reading in Session of all the Decrees made under Paul and julius, to be approved; which Modena opposed, saying that it would be a derogation to the authority of the Council of those times, if it should seem that the things then done had need of a new confirmation of the Fathers, and would show that this and that was not all one, because none can confirm his own things. Others said, it was necessary to do it, for that cause that authority might not be taken from them, saying, that they were not of the same Council. And the same Frenchmen, who before did so earnestly desire that it might be declared that the Council was new, and not continuated with that under Paul and julius, did now labour more than others, that all cause of doubting might be taken away, that all the acts from the year 1545. until the end; were not of the same Synod. Thus it happeneth, as in humane affairs, so in religion also, that one credulity is changed with his interests. Therefore now, all aiming at one mark, it was determined, simply to read them, and say no more. For so the unity of the Council was most plainly declared, and all difficulty removed which the word confirmation might bring, leaving every one to think what he listed, whether the reading of them, did cousequently import a confirmation, or a declaration of their validity, or an inference that it was one Synod which made them with that which read them. Finally a proposition was made to anticipate the Session, and to celebrate The Session is anticipated. it the next day; and, if all the actions could not then be dispatched, to continue it the day following, and to dismiss the Fathers, and subscribe all the acts of the Council on Sunday. The Spanish Bishops opposed this, saying, that there was no necessity to abbreviate the time. Notwithstanding Card. Morone said, that the Session should be held. And Lorraine and the Emperor's Ambassadors renewed their persuasions to the Count of Luna, that he would yield to that which is so uniformly resolved. Who in the end, after many things spoken and replied, was content upon two conditions; one, that a decree might be made that the Pope should make provision for all things that remain; another that in the handling of Indulgences it should not be said that they ought to be given grants, nor any other thing that might prejudice the Crusadoes of pain. That day therefore being come, which was Friday, the third of December, they wentto the Church with the usual Ceremonies, and the Mass was said, in which jerolamus Ragazzone, Bishop of Nazianzo, made the Sermon. And held the 3. December. He summoned all the world to admire that most happy day, in which the The Sermon. temple of God was restored, and the ship brought into the haven, after so many tempests, and storms; and that the joy had been greater, if the Protestants would have had their part in it, which was not the Father's fault. He said, they had chosen that city for the council, situated in the mouth of Germany, even at the threshold of their houses, without any guard, not to give suspicion of want of liberty; that the Protestants had been invited, by a Safeconduct, expected and prayed; that, for the safety of their souls, the Catholic faith was expounded, and the Ecclesiastical discipline restored. He shown the abuses taken away in holy Rites. He said that if there had been no other cause to call a Council, it had been necessary to do it for the prohibition of Clandestine marriages. And, passing to the things constituted for reformation, he shown, from step to step, the public service the Church would receive by those decrees. He added, that the explication of faith, with the reformation of manners, had been handled in former Counsels, but not more diligently in any, that the arguments and reasons of the heretics had been often handled and discussed, and many times with great contention, not because there was any discord amongst the Fathers, which cannot be amongst those who are of the same opinion, but to proceed with sincerity, and so to clear the truth as that more could not have been done if the heretics had been present. He exhorted all, that, being returned to their Dioceses, they would put the Decrees in execution; as also to thank God first, and then the Pope, showing what he hath done to favour the Council, sending Nuncij into the Protestant Countries, Legates to Trent, exciting Princes to send Ambassadors, sparing no cost to maintain the Council in liberty. He commended the Legates, as being good guides, and moderators, and, in particular, Cardinal Morone, and concluded with the commendation of the Fathers. After the ceremonies were ended the Decrees were read. In the doctrine The Decrees. of Purgatory it was said that the Catholic Church hath taught, out Of Purgatory. of the Scripture, traditions, and in this same Synod, that there is Purgatory, and that the souls detained in it, are assisted by the suffrages of the faithful, and the sacrifice of the Mass. Therefore it doth command Bishops to teach sound doctrine in this matter, and cause it to be preached, without handling subtle questions before the ignorant people, not suffering uncertain and unlikely things to be published; prohibiting curiosities, superstition, and unhonest gain, procuring that those suffrages be fully executed which are usually made for the dead by the living, as also that the things ordained in last wills, or in any other manner be fully performed. In matter of the Saints, it doth command Bishops and all others who have Of Saints. the charge of teaching that they instruct the people, concerning the intercession and invocation of them, honour of relics, lawful use of Images according to the ancient doctrine of the Church, consent of Fathers, and Decrees of Counsels, teaching that the Saints do pray for men, that it is profitable to invocate them, and to have recourse to their prayers and assistance. Afterwards, all in one period, it doth condemn seven asse●tions in this matter. That the Saints of Heaven ought not to be invocated. That they do not pray for men. That it is idolatry to invocate them to pray for us, though singularly. That it is repugnant to the word of God, contrary to the honour of CHRIST, and a foolishness to pray unto them, either with heart or voice. That the bodies of Saints, for whose sake God doth give us many benefits, ought not to be worshipped. That their relics and sepultures ought not to be honoured. And that it is in vain to make mention of them, to obtain assistance. Concerning images, that those of CHRIST, of the Virgin, and of Saints Of Images. ought to be kept in the Churches, and to have due honour given them; not that there is any divinity, or virtue in them, but because the honour redoundeth to the thing represented, CHRIST and the Saints being worshipped by the images, whose simisitude they bear; as hath been defined by the Counsels, especially in the second of Nice. That for histories, the mysteries of religion, expressed in pictures, are taught to the people, and the Articles of faith called to their mind; and not only the Benefits of CHRIST are suggested to them, but the miracles and examples of Saints are even put before their eyes, that they may thank God for them, and imitate them; anathematising those that teach or believe the contrary. Afterwards it addeth; that, desiring to take away the abuses, and occasions of pernicious errors, it doth ordain, that, if there because to make an image of the Divinity, to declare the Historical pictures of the holy Scripture, the people be taught that it is not done because it can be seen with bodily eyes, that all superstition in invocation of Saints, worship of relics; and use of images be taken away, that all dishonest gain be abolished, all excess avoided, images not pictured, nor adorned lasciviously, nor banquets made in the Feasts of Saints, or visitation of relics, that no unusual image be put in any Church or other place, but approved by the Bishop, that no new miracles be admitted, or new relics received, and in case of any doubt or abuse hard to be removed, or great difficulty, the Bishop shall expect the opinion of the Provincial Council neither shall any thing new, or unusual in the Church be decreed without the consent of his Holiness. The Decree of the reformation of the Regulars did contain two and The Decrees of Reformation of Regulars. twenty heads, with these particular precepts, in sum, 1. That all shall observe the rule of the profession, especially in regard of the perfection, which consisteth in vows and essential Precepts, as also in regard of their common food and apparel. 2. None shall possess goods movable or immovable, as their own neither shall their Superiors grant immooveables, so much as for use, government, or Commenda, and in the use of movables, there shall be neither superfluity nor want. 3. The Synod granteth to all Monasteries, though Mendicant, except the Capuchins, and the minor observants, to possess immoveable goods, with command, that the number of religious in the Monasteries may be established to contain as many as can be maintained by the rents or usual alms, neither shall such places be built hereafter without licence of the Bishops. 4. No religious person shall go to the service of any place or person, without leave of his Superior, nor departed from his Convent, without his command. 5. Bishop's shall have care to restore, and preserve the enclosure of the Nuns, exhorting Princes, and commanding Magistrates, upon pain of excommunication, to assist them. Nun's shall not go out of the Monasteries, and none shall enter, upon pain of excommunication, without exception of sex, condition, or age, except it be with licence. The Cloisters of Nuns which are without the walls of the Cities and Castles shall be brought within. 6. That elections be made by secret scrutiny, and titulars, shall not be created to this effect, or the voice of the absent supplied, otherwise the election shall be void. 7. In the Cloisters of Nuns the Superior shall be forty years of age, and eight years professed or, where this cannot be of thirty years of age at the least, and five years professed. No woman shall have superiority in two Nunneries, and he that is to oversee the Election, shall stand without the gates. 8. The Monasteries, immediately under the Apostolic Sea, shall be reduced into a Congregation, and shall give order for their government, and their superiors shall have the same authority as others have, which have been formerly reduced into a Congregation. 9 The Monasteries of Nuns, subject immediately to the Apostolic Sea, shall be governed by the Bishops, as Delegates. 10. The Nuns shall confess and communicate, once a month, at the least, and, besides the ordinary Confessor, one extraordinary shall be given twice or thrice a year, and they shall not keep the Sacrament within the Monastery. 11. That in Monasteries, which have cure of the souls of Secular men, those who do exercise it, shall be subject to the Bishop as fare as concerneth the ministry of the Sacraments, except the Monastery of Clugni, or where the Abbats, Generals, or Heads of the Orders do reside, or where the Abbats have Episcopal or temporal jurisdiction. 12. The Regulars shall publish, and observe the Papal and Episcopal censures, and interdicts, as also the feasts which the Bishop shall command. 13. The Bishop shall be judge of all controversies for precedence, between Ecclesiastical persons, whether Secular or Regular, and no appeal from him shall lie; and all shall be bound to go to public processions, except those who live in strict enclosures. 14. The Regular, who resideth in the Cloister, and committeth an excess abroad shall be punished by his Superior, when the Bishop shall appoint, who also shall be certified of the punishment, or otherwise the delinquent may be punished by him. 15. Profession made before the age of sixteen years complete, and a year of probation, shall be void. 16. No ronunciation or obligation shall be of force, except it be made within two months before the profession, and with licence of the Ordinary; and the time of probation being ended, the Superiors, shall admit the N 〈…〉 to the profession, or send them out of the Monasteries; but not meaning to comprehend the jesuites. The Monastery shall not receive any thing of a Novice before the profession, except food and apparel, and, at his departure, all shall be restored that belongeth to him. 17. No virgin shall receive the habit, or make profession, except she be examined by the bishop, and her will well understood, and that she hath the conditions required by the rule of that Monastery. 18. That all such be anathematised, of what condition soever, who shall (except in lawful cases) force any woman to enter into a Monastery, receive the habit, or make profession, as also those who shall, without just cause, hinder those who would enter willingly, The Penetenti or Convertite are Nuns who have been Courtis●us. except the Penitenti, or convertite. 19 He that shall pretend a nullity in the profession shall not be heard after five years from the first day thereof, and shall allege the cause before the Superior and Ordinary, before he depose the habit, and none shall go to a more large religion, nor have leave to wear the habit secretly. 20. The Abbats and Heads of the Orders shall visit the Monasteries, subject unto them, though but by Commenda, and the Commendataries shall be bound to execute the Ordinations; and, in those, Priors and Superiors, who have spiritual government shall be created by the Chapters, or visiters of the Orders. 21. That the Synod doth desire to restore discipline in all Monasteries, but seethe it is impossible, in regard of the stiffnecked and difficult age, yet they will not omit to use means, that hereafter provision may be made therein, and do hope that his Holiness, as fare as he shall see the times will comport, will provide that a Regular professed person shall be made governor of Monasteries commended, and those that shall be vacant hereafter shall not be conferred but upon Regulars; and those who have Monasteries in Commenda, and are Heads of Orders, if provision be not made within six months of a Regular successor, they shall make provision, or quit the place, otherwise the Commendaes' shall be vacant. And, in the provision of Monasteries, the quality of every one shall be expressed by name, otherwise the provision shall be accounted surreptitious. 22. That it shall be understood that all Regulars are subject to these Decrees, notwithstanding any privilege, though by foundation; commanding Bishops and Abbats to execute them immediately, and praying, and commanding Princes and Magistrates, to assist them, as often as they shall be required. The reading of the general reformation did presently follow; which, The general reformation. after an exhortation to Bishops for exemplary life, modesty in apparel and food, and frugality, doth forbid. 1. That they shall give to their kindred, or any of their family, any part of the revenues of the Church, except they be poor; extending the same to all beneficed persons, secular, or regular, and also unto Cardinals. 2. That the Bishops shall, in the first Provincial Council, receive the Decrees of this Synod of Trent, promise obedience to the Pope, Anathematise the heresies condemned, and every Bishop promoted hereafter shall do the same, in the first Synod; and all beneficed men, who are to assist in the Diocesan Synod, shall do the same therein. Those who have the care of Universities, and studies generab, shall endeavour to make the Decrees to be received in them, and the Doctors to teach the Catholic faith in conformity of them, and shall take a solemn oath herein every year. And for those which are immediately subject to the Pope, his Holiness will have care that they be reform in the same manner by his Delegates, or as he shall think fit. 3. That, howsoever the sword of excommunication is the sinew of Ecclesiastical discipline, profitable to keep men in obedience, it is to be used with sobriety and circumspection, having found by experience, that it is more contemned then feared, when it is denounced rashly, for a small cause. Therefore it shall not be denounced by any, but by the Bishop for things lost or stolen; who shall not grant it at the persuasion of any secular authority whatsoever, though a Magistrate. And in judicial causes, in which a real or personal execution may be made, they shall abstain from censures; and in civil, belonging in what manner soever, to the Ecclesiastical Court, they may use pecuniary punishments, or proceed by distraining of goods, or imprisonment of the parties themselves, with their executors or others; and in case they be not able to execute really or personally, they may proceed to excommunication. And the same shall be observed in criminal causes. The secular Magistrate shall not prohibit the Ecclesiastical to excommunicate, or revoke excommunication, upon pretence that the Decree hath not been observed. The person excommunicated shall not only not be received to participate with the faithful, but, if he persevere in the censures, he may be proceeded against, as suspected of heresy. 4. It doth give power to the Bishops, in the Diocesan Synods, and to the Heads of the Orders, in the general Chapters, to ordain for their Churches that which shall be for the honour of God, and benefit of them, when there shall be an obligation to celebrate so many Masses by testamentary legacies, that they cannot be performed, or that the alms is so small that none can be found to perform the charge, but with condition, that memory be always made of those parties deceased who have left the legacies. 5. That, in the collation, or any other disposition of Benefices, no derogation be made to the qualities, conditions, and charges required, or imposed in the erection or foundation, or by any other constitution, otherwise the provision shall be accounted surreptitious. 6. When the Bishop, not in time of visitation, doth proceed against the Canons, the Chapter shall elect two in the beginning of every year, by whose council and consent, the Bishop shall proceed in all the acts, and the voices of both shall be as one; and in case they both dissent from the Bishop, a third shall be elected by them, who shall determine the controversy; and if they cannot agree, the third man shall be elected by the next Bishop, But, in causes of concubinaries, or other more heinous, the Bishop may receive information alone, & proceed to retention; and for the residue, shall observe what is ordained. The Bishop shall have the first seat in the choir, Chapter, or other public places, and shall choose his place. The Bishop shall preside in the Chapter, except in cases belonging to him or his which authority shall not be communicated to his vicar; and those who are not of the Chapter shall, in causes Ecclesiastical, be all subject to the Bishop, and where Bishops have more jurisdiction than the aforesaid, the Decree shall not have place. 7. Hereafter no regress or access to any Ecclesiastical benefice shall be granted, and those which be granted already, shall neither be extended nor transferred: and herein the Cardinals shall be comprehended also. Coadjutors, with future succession, shall not be made in any Ecclesiastical benefices whatsoever; and if, in Cathedral Churches or Monasteries, it shall be necessary to do it, the cause shall first be known by the Pope, and the due qualities shall concur. 8. All beneficed men shall use as much hospitality as their revenue will give them leave: and it doth command those who have the government of Hospitals, under what title soever, to exercise it, as they are bound by the revenues deputed hereunto; and if persons of that sort as the institution doth require be not found in the place, the revenues shall be converted to a pious use as near as can be to that, as shall seem good to the Bishop with two of the Chapter. And those who will not give satisfaction in this charge of hospitality may be compelled (though they be Laikes) by censures, and other remedies, to perform their duty, and shall be bound to the restitution of fruits in court of conscience, and such governements shall not begiven hereafter to any; for longer time than three years. 9 The title of Patronage shall be showed to be authentical by foundation, or donation, or by presentations multiplied time out of mind, or by some other lawful manner. But in persons and communities, in whom usurpation is usually presumed, the proof shall be more exact, and time immemorial shall not suffice, except presentations of fifty years at the lest be authentically showed, and that they have all taken effect. Other sorts of Patronages shall be understood to be abrogated, except those of the Emperor, Kings, possessors of Kingdoms, and supreme Princes, and of general studies. The Bishop may refuse to admit those that are presented by the Patrons, if they be not fit; and the Patrons shall not meddle with the fruits, neither shall the right of Patronage be transferred against the canonical ordinations: and the unions of simple benefices to those which have right of patronage, if they have not really taken effect, shall wholly cease, and the benefices shall be reduced to liberty, and those that have been made within forty years, though they have been executed, shall be reviewed by the Bishops, and if any defect be found, shall be made void, and likewise all Patronages shall be reviewed, made within forty years, for augmentation of dowry of the Church, or for building it anew; and if they shall not be found to be for the evident utility of the benefice, they shall be revoked, and that shall be restored to the Patrons which is due unto them. 10. That in Provincial Counsels or Diocesan, four persons at the least, shall be elected, endowed with fit qualities, to whom Ecclesiastical causes shall be committed which are to be delegated by the Legates, Nuncij, or Apostolic Sea, and all other delegations shall be thought to be surreptitious. 11. Money shall not be received before hand for Ecclesiastical goods, in prejudice of the successors, nor Ecclesiastical jurisdictions rent out, neither shall the Farmours of them have power to exercise them: and the farming of Ecclesiastical things, though confirmed by the Pope, done within thirty years, for a long time, that is, for twenty nine or more years, aught to be judged by the Provincial Synod to have been done with damage of the Church. 12. Those who are bound to pay tenths, shall pay them hereafter, to whom they are entirely obliged, and he that with holdeth them aught to be communicated, and not to be absolved before restitution. And it exhorteth all, to whom God hath given wealth, to impart some of it to Bishops and Priests, who have poor Churches. 13. Whereas the fourth of the funerals was usually paid, until within these forty years, unto the Episcopal or Parish Church, and was afterwards granted to pious places, it shall be restored to them again. 14 It doth forbid all Clerks to keep Concubines, or any suspected women, at home, or abroad, which if they forbear not to do after admonition, they shall be deprived of the third part of their Ecclesiastical rents, & of all, after the second admonition, and suspended also from administration of the Sacraments; and, in case they persevere, they shall be deprived of all Benefices, and made uncapable of any other, until they shall be dispensed with: and if, after they have forsaken them, they shall return, they shall be excommunicated also, and the cognition of these causes shall belong only to Bishops, summarily. But Clerks, not beneficed, shall be punished with imprisonment, suspension, or inability. And if the Bishops themselves shall fall into the like error, and not amend, after admonition, given by the Provincial Synod, they shall be susspended, and, if they persevere, they shall be delated to the Pope. 15 The sons of Clerks, not borne of lawful matrimony, shall not have any Benefice, or ministry in Churches where their fathers have, or have had a Benefice, nor have any Pensions in Benefices, which the fathers either have now, or have had: and if, at any time, the father and son shall be beneficed in the same Church, the son shall be bound to resign within three months; prohibiting also resignations which the father shall make to another, that he may resign his own to his son. 16. Benefices with cure shall not be converted into simple Benefices, and in those which are converted already, if the perpetual Vicar hath not a convenient rovenue, it shall be assigned to him, at the pleasure of the Bishop. 17. Whereas some Bishops carry themselves basely towards the Ministers of Kings, men of pre-eminence, and Barons, as well in the Church, as without, and not only give them place, with too much indignity, but serve them in person, the Synod detesting this, and reviving the Canons concerning the Decorum of Episcopal dignity, doth command Bishops to forbear this, and regard their Decree, both in Church and without, remembering they are Pastors; and also commandeth Princes, and others, to give them honour, and reverence, due to fathers. 18. The Canons shall be observed indistinctly by all, and shall not be dispensed but for a cause, heard with maturity, and without cost. 19 The Emperor, Kings, and Princes, who shall grant duel between Christians, shall be excommunicated, and deprived of the dominion of the place in which the duel is committed, if they hold it from the Church; and the Combatants, and judges of the combat, shall be excommunicated, have their goods confiscated, and be perpetually infamous: and if they die in the duel, they shall not be buried in any sacred place, and those who give them counsel either in iure or in facto, or persuade them to the duel, and the lookers on shall be excommunicated. 20. In The reformation of Princes. the end, the Article of Ecclesiastical liberty, or reformation of Princes, which had been so much examined, was read. In it the Synod doth admonish secular Princes, hoping they will grant to the Church the restitution of her rights, reduce their Subjects to reverence the Clergy, and not permit their officers and inferior Magistrates to violate the immunity of the Church and Ecclesiastical persons, but that, together with themselves, the Princes, they will be obedient to the constitutions of the Pope, and of Counsels, determining that all constitutions of general Counsels, & of the Apostolic Sea, in favour of Ecclesiastical persons, and liberty, shall be observed by all: admonishing the Emperor, Kings, Republics, Princes, and all, to reverence the things that belong to Ecclesiastical right, and not to suffer them to be violated by inferior Lords, their Magistrates, or Ministers; that the Clerks may reside and perform their duty, without impediment, and with edification of the people. After this a Decree was read, never mentioned A Decree concerning the Apostolic Sea never mentioned before. in any Congregation; by which the Synod doth declare, that in all the Decrees of reformation, made under Paul, julius, and Pius in the Council, with what words or clauses soever, it shall be understood, that the authority of the Apostolic Sea is excepted and preserved. Being not able to dispatch all, the day being fare spent, the residue was deferred until the next morning, according to a determination made in the The Decrees of Indulgences, finishing the Council, and of demanding the Pope's Confirmation, etc. general Congregation; in which the Congregation was made before day, howsoever, news was come that the Pope was better, and out of danger of death. The decrees of Indulgences, finishing the Council, and demanding confirmation were read, and approved by all. After dinner, the Session was held, in which the decree of Indulgence was read, containing in substance. That CHRIST hath given authority of granting them to the Church, and hath used the same from all antiquity. And therefore the Synod doth teach, and command, that the use of them ought to be continued as profitable for Christian people, and approved by Counsels; and doth anathematise those that shall say, they are unprofitable, and that the Church hath not power to grant them. And to preserve the ancient custom, and provide against abuses, it doth command that all those offices of Pardonmongers be abolished, and, for the other abuses, it doth command the Bishops, that every one shall collect all of his own Church, and propose them in the Provincial Synod, to be referred to the Pope, who will take order therein. Concerning fasts, difference of meats, and observation of feasts, it exhorteth Bishops to observe the precepts of the Roman Church; and for the Index, howsoever it was finished, in regard the Synod hath not time to judge of it, it doth ordain that it shall be carried to the Pope, and referred to his censure; and the same shall be done concerning the Catechism, Breviaris, & Missal. It published also mother decree, that, by the places assigned to Ambas. it shall be understood that no man is prejudiced. In the end it prayeth the Princes to use means that the decrees of the Council be not violated by the heretics, but received and observed by them, and by all: in which if any difficulty or necessary of declaration shall arise, the Pope, calling The Decrees of the two former convocations are recited. those whom he shall judge fit, from the places where the difficulty is or calling general Counsels, or by some other means, will make provision. Afterwards all the decrees of reformation made in this Council under Paul and julius, as well of faith as of reformation, were recited. For the last thing, the Secretary, going into the midst, did interrogate, whether the Fathers were pleased that an end should be made of that Synod, and in the name of it, of the Legates, and Precedents, a confirmation demanded of Pope Pius the fourth, of all things decreed under Paul, julius, and his Holiness. And they answered not one by one, but all together, Placet. Cardinal Morone, as chief Precedent, granted to every one that was present in the Session, or had assisted in the Council, a Plenary Indulgence, and blessed the Council, The Council is ended. And a plenary Indulgence is given. and dismissed them all; saying, that after they had given thanks to GOD, they might go in peace. It was an ancient custom in the Oriental Churches, to handle the matter of Counsels in a public meeting of all, and, upon occasion, popular acclamations did often happen, and sometimes tumultuous, which notwithstanding did conclude in concord. And, in the end, the Bishops, transported with joy, for the uniform determinations, did pass to acclamations, in praise of the Emperors who had assembled and favoured the Council, in commendation of the doctrine declared by the Council, in prayers to The custom of Acclamations is imitated in Trent. GOD for his continual divine assistance to the Church, for the welfare of the Emperors, and for the health and prosperity of the Bishops; which were not premeditated, but as the spirit did excite some Bishop more zealous to break out fitly into some one of these conceits, so the common concourse did cry with him. This was imitated in Trent, yet not giving place to the extemporary spirit of any, but meditating what should be proposed, and answered, and repeating it out of a paper. The Cardinal of Lorraine Wherein the Card. of Lorraine was chief. took upon him to be the chief, not only to compose the acclamations, but to thunder them out also; which was generally construed for a lightness and vanity, not beseeming such a Prelate, and prince, to do an office which did belong rather to the Deacons of the Council, then to so principal an Archbishop and Cardinal. The Cardinal roaring, and the Father's answering, A long life for his Holiness, and eternal felicity for Paul, and julius, were prayed for; likewise eternal memory for Charles the fift, and for the Kings, protectors of the Council, long life for the Emperor Ferdinand, and for the Kings, Princes and Repuqligues, many thanks were given to the Legates and Cardinals, and long life wished unto them, life and happy return to the Bishops, and the faith of the holy general Synod of Trent was commended as the faith of S. Peter, of the Fathers and of the Orthodox. An Anathema An excommunication of heretics in general only. was denounced against all Heretics in general, in one word only, not specifying either ancient or modern. The Fathers were commanded, upon pain of excommunication, to subscribe the Decrees with their own hand. The next day, being Sunday, was spent in this: and to do it in order, there was, as it were, a congregation. And the subscriptions were of four Legates, two The number of those that suscribed. Cardinals, three Patriarches, five and twenty Archbishops, 268. Bishops, seven Abbats, nine and thirty Proctors of men absent, seven Generals of Regular orders. And howsoever it had been determined that the Ambassadors should subscribe after the Rathers, yet a contrary resolution was then taken, for two respects. One was, that the French Ambassador being not The ambassadors did not subscribe, for two causes. there, if the subscriptions of the others should be seen, and not his, it might be thought a manifestation, that the Frenchmen would not receive the Council. The other because the Count of Luna had said that he would not subscribe absolutely, but with reservation, because his King had not consented to the ending of the Council. And the Legates published, that it not being the custom that the Decrees should be subscribed by any that hath not a deliberative voice, it would be a thing unusual, if the Ambassadors should. In Rome when the Pope fell sick, all fearing his life, there was much 〈◊〉 Popes 〈…〉 e made 〈◊〉 confu 〈…〉 the 〈◊〉. confusion in the Court. For never having known a Pope die in time of a Council, they were very fearful what might happen. They had the example of the Council of Constance, which, in the election, joined other Prelates to the Cardinals; and they were afraid that this, or some worse thing might happen. And howsoever the Spanish Ambassador Vargas affirmed, that the Spanish Ambassador and Prelates in Trent had commission, that the election should be made by the Cardinals, yet in respect of their small number, these words did not fully assure them. But the Pope's recovery gave them much joy: which was increased by the conclusion of the Council, as being now fully delivered from great danger. And the Pope ordained a solemn procession to give thankes to GOD for this great benefit. In Consistory he shown what contentment he had in the Council. He said he would confirm it, add many reformations unto it; that he would send three Legates, into Germany, France, and Spain, to persuade the execution of the Decrees, to grant things honest, and to ease them in matters of positive Law. The Legates, Morone and Simoneta returned to Rome before Christmas, from whom the Pope was willing to have a particular relation, in many audiences, of all that happened, and took a note of the names of the Prelates A dispute in Rome about 〈…〉 confirmation of the 〈◊〉. who had taken pains in the Council, that he might create them Cardinals. The Court, understanding that the Pope was resolved for the confirmation, changed their joy into grief; and all the officers complained of the loss they should receive in their offices, if that reformation were executed. And they considered moreover, that those Decrees being conceived in general terms, and without clauses of subtle explication, as often as any difficulty did arise, the world now accustomed to bark against the Court, would make an interpretation contrary to their interests; which would be embraced, as a thing of fair show, covered with the title of Reformation. Supplications and memorials were given to the Pope by those, who, having bought the offices, and foreseeing this loss, demanded restitution: a thing which the Pope did not neglect, and thought it did deserve a good remedy, lest there might be a desolation in Rome. Whereof of having diligently considered, he deputed Cardinals to consult upon the confirmation, and to think upon some remedy for the complaints of the Court. Some Cardinals did advice to confirm immediately the Decrees of faith, and to proceed with maturity in the other. For some did deserve much consideration, in regard of their small profit, and great confusion they might bring, and others must be necessarily dispensed with, in regard of their impossibility, or great difficulty, at the least; which could not be done with any decorum, nor without giving much matter of discourse. Besides, it would be necessary to have much consideration that they might be so executed, that no man might receive loss or prejudice, that provision not deserving the name of reformation, which is with the detriment of any; but by deferring, time, and the diligence of many would discover what might be done with common satisfaction of all, without which all reformations are turned in to deformations. The Pope therefore elected eight Cardinals to review them, who after long discussion were almost all of opinion, that it was fit they should be moderated before the confirmation, and thought, that, being to suffer some opposition, it was better to do it in the beginning, then giving them reputation by confirming, to moderate them afterwards. It is certain, that they who did procure the Council, had no aim but to pull down the Pope's authority, and while the Council did last, every one did speak as if it had power to give laws unto him. Notwithstanding, it must now appear by nullifying or moderating some of those Decrees, that the Pope is not to receive laws, but to give them to Counsels. The Pope being of himself inclined to the confirmation, and induced also thereunto by the persuasions of Morone, and Simoneta, yet perplexed with the querimonies of the Court, and the general opinion of the Cardinals, that he might come to a resolution, besides those aforenamed, he called the Cardinals of Bordissiera, and Amulius, as also the principal officers of the Chamber, Chancery, and Rota: to whom the matter being proposed, the four Cardinals did uniformly advice that the Council should be confirmed absolutely. Cardinal Amulius, in whose memorials I have seen this negotiation, said, that his Holiness by his patience, wisdom, virtue, and with immense charge, and with the pains and charge of so many Prelates, had seen the end of a great and difficult enterprise, to assemble direct, and finish the Council; now a greater did remain, but without difficulty, that is, to keep himself, the Apostolic Sea, and all the Ecclesiastical order, from returning into the same straits, danger, inconveniences, and expenses; that, for these forty years, the world hath spoken of nothing but of the Council, which the Popes could not, by any means, divert, in regard of the certain persuasion conceived of the necessity thereof, and of the fruit it would produce. But if, so soon as it is ended, question be made of correcting or moderating it, or it be left in suspense for want of confirmation, it will be a manifestation that provision hath not been made in Trent, for that which was necessary, and expected, and suddenly another means of provision will be used, either by Nationall Counsels, or another general. And here behold the same straits, out of which the Church, with so great difficulty, hath been delivered by God. But approving the Decrees, as a perfect reformation, and giving them credit, and as much execution as is possible, many will believe that nothing is wanting; and nothing is more profitable for the present times, then to spread a fame, and nourish it, that the Council hath made an holy, necessary, and perfect reformation, not suffering it to be known that any Cardinal hath doubted that it hath not performed that for which it was called. By so doing, the humour of the world will be quiet by degrees, and his Holiness may provide for his ministors and servants by dispensations, without violating the Decrees of the Council, because in them the Apostolic authority is reserved; which may serve him for a buckler to deny the importunate demands of those whom he will deem unworthy of favour, and, in time, things will insensibly, the world not observing it, return unto the same state. He said this course was taken heretofore when necessity compelled to yield to these humours, which usually are bred in subjects against the governors, that when others do oppose the Decrees, it was fit to maintain them, for reputation of so many of his creatures, of his Legates, and of himself also; much more ought he not to nullify them wholly, as would be done by every little moderation, correction, or delay of confirmation; which the world would judge to be a mortal wound unto them all. Besides, the vulgar, who do always make the worst interpretation, will have nothing to say, but that the Court and Pope will not endure a reformation. This was opposed by almost all the officers of the Court, representing their losses and preiudices, and showing how all would redound to the offence of his Holiness, and of the Apostolic Sea, and diminution of his revenues. Only Hugo Buoncompagno, Bishop of Bestice, who was Cardinal afterwards, a man much conversant in Court affairs, said he could not choose but wonder at this great fear, which he saw did arise without reason; that, by confirmation of the Council, more authority was not given it then other general Counsels had, or then was given to the Decree, or Decretals, by the great number of which, and by their plain speaking against the present manners, many more preiudices and offences might arise, than could do by these few decrees of Trent, much reserved in the former words; that no law doth consist in the terms, but in the meaning, not in that which the vulgar and Grammarians do give it, but which use and authority doth confirm; that Laws have no power but what is given them by him that governeth, and hath the care to execute them; that he, by his exposition, may give them a more ample, or a more strict sense, yea and contrary to that which the words do import, and that it would be no more to restrain or moderate the Decrees of Trent now, then to suffer them to be restrained by use, or by exposition, in times convenient. He concluded that he saw no cause why there should be any difficulty about the confirmation. But he put them in mind to withstand presently the inconveniences which might arise by the temereity of the Doctors, who, the more ignorant they are of government and public affairs, the more they take upon them to give interpretation to Laws, which doth confound authority; that experience showeth that Laws do no hurt, nor cause any suit, but by the diverse senses given unto them; that by the constitution of Nicolas the third, upon the rule of Saint Francis, a matter full of ambiguities in itself, never any disorder did arise, because he forbade all Glossators, and Commentators to expound it; that if such provision be made for the Decrees of Trent, and all men forbidden to write upon them, a great part of that which is feared will be withstood. But if his Holiness will forbid all interpretations, even to the judges also, and ordain that in all doubts they shall come for exposition to the Apostolic Sea; no man will be able to make use of the Council in prejudice of the Court, which by use, and by interpretations, may be accommodated to that which will be for the benefit of the Church. And as there is a Congregation which, with great fruit, doth take care of the Inquisition, so his Holiness may appoint another for this particular of expounding the Council, to whom all doubts shall be referred from all parts of the world. This being done, he said he foresaw that, by the Decrees of the Council, the authority of the apostolic Sea, the rights and prerogatives of the Church of Rome will not only not be diminished, but increased and enlarged much, in case they know how to make use of these means. Those that heard him were moved by these reasons; and the Pope saw it was necessary to come to the absolute confirmation, without any modification; and being persuaded that it would fall out as the Bishop All glosses or interpretations are forbid to be made upon the Decrees of the Council. had said, he was peremptory not to hearken to any thing that could be spoken against it, but, full of hope to collect much fruit by the pains taken for finishing the Council, he resolved to confirm it, to reserve the interpretation to himself, and to institute a Congregation, as the Bishop had counselled: and, having imparted this to the Cardinals apart, he determined to effect it. Therefore the six and twentieth of january, Morone and Simoneta having related in Consistory the tenor of the Decree, made in the last Session, that the confirmation should be desired by them, they demanded that his Holiness would vouchsafe to confirm all that which hath been decreed, and defined in that Council, under Paul, julius, and his Holiness. The Pope, first causing the Decree to be read, asked the opinions of all the Cardinals. They were all for the confirmation uniformly; except the Cardinals, Saint Clement, and Alexandrinus; who said that too much authority had been given to Bishops in that Council, and that it was necessary to moderate it, and then to make an exception of those points that did enlarge it too much, which were noted already. In the end, the Pope concluded, that it was good to confirm all without exception, and so he did in words, in the consistory, confirming them, and commanding that they should be received; and inviolably observed by all the faithful; and the same day he published a Bull, subscribed by all the Cardinals; in which, having related the causes of calling the Council, the progress, the impediments and difficulties which happened from time to time, and his diligence in favouring the liberty thereof, granting them free power over the things reserved to the Apostolic Sea, he thanked God that it was ended with an entire consent. Therefore, being desired, in the name of the Synod, for confirmation, knowing the Decrees to be all Catholic, and profitable for Christians, he hath confirmed them in Consistory, and doth confirm them by that writing, commanding all Prelates to cause them to be observed, and exhorting the Emperor, Kings, Republics, and Princes, to assist for the observation of them also, to favour the Prelates, not to permit their people, but rather to prohibit them by all means to embrace opinions contrary to the doctrine of that Council; and, to avoidconfusion, for bad all sorts of persons, as well Clerks as Laiques, to make any Commentaries, Glosses, Annotations, or any interpretation whatsoever upon them, or to make any kind of Statute, though under pretence of great strength, or better execution of the Decrees, but that, if any obscure place wanted interpretation or decision, they should have recourse to the Apostolic Sea, because he did reserve unto himself power to declare the difficulties or controversies, as also the Synod had already decreed. This consistorial Act of confirmation, and the Bull, were printed, together with the decrees; which gave matter of speech, it appearing by the tenor of them, that the Decrees had not vigour, as constituted by the Council, but as confirmed by the Pope. Whereupon it was said, that one had The Decrees of the Council have power from the Pope's confirmation. heard the cause, and another had given the sentence. Neither could it be said that the Pope had seen the Decrces before he confirmed them, because it did appear, by the consistorial Act, that he had only seen the Decree for desiring the confirmation. They said also, that the Decrees made under Paul and julius were read in Trent, and that it was fit they should be confirmed by those that heard them, rather than by him that did not know them. But others answered, that there was no need the Pope should then see them, because nothing was done in Trent which was not first resolved by him. In many consistories following the Pope spoke for the observation of the Decrees of the Council, saying he would observe them himself, though he was not bound, and gave his word that he would never derogate from them but for evident and urgent causes, and with consent of the Cardinals. He charged Morone, and Simoneta, to be diligent in advertising him, if any contrary thing were proposed, or handled in consistory: which was but a small remedy against the transgressions, because not an hundreth part of the grants made in Rome are dispatched in consistory. He sent the Bishops to their residence, and resolved to make use of the Protonotaries, and Referendaries in governing the city of Rome, and the Ecclesiastical state. But howsoever he was freed from great trouble, by the conclusion of the Council, yet there were some remainders of it in all kingdoms, which brought new difficulties upon him. Advice came out of Spain that the King was offended with the ending of And are executed in Spain by the King's authority only. the Council, and determined to call the Bishops and agents for the Clergy of Spain before him, to set down in what manner it might be executed. And the advice was not false. For not only all that was done in Spain, for receiving and executing the Decrees of the Council that year, partly in the Spring, and partly in the Autumn, was by order and resolution taken in the King's Council, but the King sent also his Precedents to the Synods, which were held, causing to be proposed that which pleased him, and was fit for his service; to the great distaste of the Pope, who was angry the King should take so much upon him in matters Ecclesiastical. But he made no demonstration Which maketh the Pope angry. hereof to his Ministers, purposing to make use of it in another opportunity, designed by himself; which shall be related in due place. The Precedent de Ferrieres, having, while he remained in Venice, made observations upon the Decrees of the two last Sessions held after his departure from Trent, and sent them to the Court, the Cardinal of Lorraine, at his The Card, of Lorain is taxe● in France at his return. return into France, had many assaults, and reprehensions, for consenting to things prejudicial to the Kingdom. They said, that, by the words of the first Article of reformation in the last Session, where it is said, that the Pope hath charge of the universal Church, in Latin, Sollicitudinem Ecclesiae Vniversae, he had yielded the point which himself and all the French Bishops had so long contended for, and obtained, that prejudice might not be done to the opinion of France, of the superiority of the Council above the Pope; that he might have remedied this with one little word, by making them say, as S. Paul had done, care of all the Churches, because no man would have denied that kind of speech which S. Paul did use; that prejudice was likewise done to the same opinion of the superiority of the Council in the one and twentieth Article of the last session, saving, in all the Decrees, the authority of the Apostolic Sea: and in the last Decree for demanding the Pope's confirmation. It was opposed also, that the King, and French Church, having contested that the Council might be declared to be new, and not the old continued, the continuation was declared, that it was one Council with that of Paul and julius, in the said one and twentieth Article, and in the Decree for reading the things constituted under those Popes; by which all was basely yielded which had been two years maintained by the King. They said moreover, that the approbation of the things done under julius was dishonourable, and prejudicial to the protestation then made by King Henry the second. But they reprehended above all, that honourable mention having been always made under Paul and julius, of King Francis the first, and King Henry the second, together with Charles the fifth, the Cardinal had not caused a memory to be made of them in the acclamations, when it was made of Charles, nor the present King to be named, when the living Emperor was. The Cardinal excused other things, saying, that, with six Prelates, (for he had no more in his company) he was not able to resist the consent of more than two hundred. But this last opposition he knew not how to excuse, though he said it was to preserve the peace of the two Kingdoms. For it was replied that he might have suffered others to make the intonation, and not to have been the author himself of that prejudice. And so it is seen, that vain men often times, thinking to gain reputation by retail, do lose it in gross. But the Counsellors of the Parliament found many other things to oppose The censure of the Parliament of Paris upon the last Session. against the Articles of Reformation, published in those two Sessions, where the Ecclesiastical authority they said was enlarged beyond its bounds, with the wrong and diminution of the temporal, by giving power to Bishops to proceed to pecuniary mulcts, and imprisonment, against the Laity; whereas no authority was given by CHRIST to his Ministers, but mere and pure Spiritual; that when the Clergy was made a member and part of the policy, the Princes did, by favour, allow the Bishops to punish inferior Clergymen with temporal punishments, that discipline might be observed amongst them, but to use such kind of punishments against the Laiques, they had neither from the Law of God nor of man, but by usurpation only; that, in the matter of Duel, they pretend to proceed against the Emperor, Kings and other Sovereign's, who grant it in their Kingdoms, even by excommunication, whereas their opinion was that to permit Duel, in some cases, was not amiffe, as the permitting of fornication, and other offences, howbeit they are sins, was not ill, in regard of public utility, and to avoid greater inconveniences. They said, that this power being natural, and given to the Princes by God, could not be taken away, or restrained by any power of man. They thought it also intolerable, to excommunicate Kings and Princes, holding it for a sure maxim in France, that the King cannot be excommunicated, nor his officers, for execution of their offices. They added, that to deprive Princes of their States, Lords of their Fees, and to confiscate the goods of private men, were all usurpations of the temporal authority, because that which was given by CHRIST to the Church, doth not extend itself to things of this nature. Concerning Patronages, they said great wrong was done to the Seculars, in disabling their proofs, and that the whole Article was grounded upon a false maxim, that all benefices are free, if the Patronage be not proved. For Churches have no temporal goods but granted by the seculars, who can not be presumed to grant them so, as that they may be managed and dissipated at the pleasure of the ecclesiastics: by which means it ought to be presupposed, that every benefice had a Patron, from the beginning of it, except an absolute donation, with a total session of the patronage, can be showed. And as the Commonwealth or Prince doth succeed him that hath no heir, so all benefices, the Patronage of which doth not belong to any, aught to be under the public patronage. Some mocked that form of speech, that benefices which had Patrons were in servitude and the others free, as if it were not plain servitude to be under the disposition of the Court of Rome, which doth manage them contrary to the institution, and foundation, whereas the seculars do preserve them. Besides the censure of some decrees for this cause, they added, that others were against the customs and immunities of the French Church; as the reservation of great criminal causes against Bishops to the cognition of the Pope alone, taking away the power of Provincial and Nationall Counsels, which have always adjudged them in all cases, and burdened the Bishops, by forcing them to litigate out of the Kingdom, contrary not only to the custom of France, but to the Canons of ancient Counsels also, which have determined that such causes should be judged, and ended in their proper Countries. They said it was against justice, and the use of France that benefices should be clogged with Pensions and Reservations of Fruits, as was obliquely determined. Likewise, that it was not tolerable, that causes of the first instance should be taken out of the Kingdom by the Pope, because it taketh away a very ancient use, confirmed by many constitutions of Kings. Neither could it be justified by the exception, of urgent or reasonable cause, experience of all times having showed, that all causes may be taken out of the Kingdom by this pretence. For he that would dispute whether the cause were urgent or reasonable, doth enter into a double charge and difficulty, because not only the principal cause, but that Article also must be discussed in Rome. They did, by no means, approve that the possessing of immovables should be granted to begging Friars; and said, that they having been received into France with that institution, it was just that they should be maintained in the same state; that this was a perperuail Artifice of the Court of Rome, to take goods out of the hands of seculars, and to draw them into the Clergy, and afterwards to Rome; that the Munkes did first gain credit, by pretence of the vow of poverty, as if they aimed at no temporal thing but did all in charity, for the good of the people; afterwards, having gained reputation, the Court do the dispense with them for their vow, by which means the Monasteries being made rich, are given in Commenda, and finally all cometh to the Court. To this they added an exhortation in the twelfth article, made to all the faithful, to give largely to Bishops, and Priests; which had been good, in case they did serve the people as they ought, and were in need. For so Paul doth exhort, that he that is instructed in matters of faith, should give some part of his goods to him that doth instruct him. But when he that beareth the name of a Pastor, doth intent rather any other thing then to instruct the people, the exhortation is not fit; and the rather, because Ecclesiastical goods formerly were for maintaining the poor, and redeeming slaves; for which cause not the immovables only, but even the very ornaments of the Church, and holy vessels were sold. But in these last times it is prohibited to do it, without the Pope; which hath enriched ●he Clergy exceeding much. In the Mosaical law, God gave the tenth to the Levites who were the thirteenth part of the people, prohibiting that any more should be given unto them; but the Clergy now, which is not the fiftieth part, hath gotten already, not a tenth only, but a fourth part, and doth still proceed and gain, using also many Artifices therein. They said that Moses, having invited the people to offer for the fabric of the Tabernacle, when as much was offered as did fuffice, did forbid them, in the name of God, to offer any more; but here no end will be found, until they have gotten all, if men will continue in the lethargy. If some Priests, and religious persons be poor, it is because others are excessively rich; and an equal division would make them all rich abundantly. But to omit these so evident considerations, if they did exhort the people, to assist the poor Bishops and Priests in their necessities, it would be tolerable; but to say they should be assisted to maintain their dignity, which is their pride and luxury, doth signify nothing but that they are quite without shame. It is true that, in exchange, another Decree was made in the eighteenth Article, infavour of the people, that dispensations should be given gra●is; which being commanded by CHRIST, and not observed, there was no hope that this Decree would do any more good. These things being objected to the Cardinal of Lorraine, that he had authorized them, against the express commandment of the King, in his letters of the twenty eighth of August before mentioned he defended himself in one word only, that in the Congregation of the tenth of November, the The defence of the Card, of Lorraine. Decrees being read, to be published in the Session, the next day, the rights and authority of the French King, and privileges of the Gallican Church were reserved. Whereunto Monsieure le Feure replied, that himself and his colleague having used all diligence to have a copy of that Decrce, they could never obtain it, and that, in humane affairs, not to appear was as much as not to be. Besides, this did not serve to excuse the things published in the last Session. But that which was said concerning the Synod in the Counsels of the King and Parliament, was nothing to that which the Bishops and Divines, and their servants also, according to the French liberty, did relate to every one, upon all occasions, making jests at the discords, and contentions between the Fathers, at the practices and interests with which the matters of reformation were handled. And those who were most familiar with the Cardinal of Lorraine, spoke most of all. And The censure made by the French BB. of the Council, after their return into France. A Prover be made in France concerning the Council. it passed in France, in manner of a Proverb, that the modern Council had more authority than that of the Apostles, because their own pleasure only was a sufficient ground for the Decrees, without admitting the holy Ghost. But, in Germany, the Decrees of reformation were not thought considerable, neither by the Protestants, nor by the Catholics. The Protestants did examine the matter of faith only. They said, that to have spoken one word incidently in handling the Mass, that it doth assist the dead, which The censure of the Council in Germany. also may receive diverse senses, and, in the decree of Purgatory, to allege it as a definition of the Article, was a thing not to be used in Counsels, especially in this, where the matters were minced, and an Article of faith made of every question, which could be moved in any matter. And to commend Bishops to teach the sound doctrine of Purgatory, without declaring what it is, did show that the Fathers had great haste to departed from Trent. But in the matter of Saints the haste was greater, condemning, in one breath, and in one period eleven Articles, not declaring what condemnation it was, or whether they were condemned of heresy, or for any other cause, and, after a long discourse of Images, anathematising those that speak against the Decrees, without letting them know which it doth comprehend under the Anathema, whether the immediately precedent concerning Images, or all the others above written. But of judulgences they spoke more than all the rest; that these gave occasion of the present division amongst Christians; that the Council was principally assembled for these; that, in that matter, there is no part which is not controversed, and uncertain, even amongst the Schoolmen themselves; and yet the Synod hath passed them over, without clearing any doubt, or deciding any controversy. And concerning the remedy of abuses, they spoke in such ambiguous terms, that it could not be understood what they did approve or disapprove; saying, they did desire a moderation, according to the old custom approved in the Church. For it is certain, and cannot be concealed, that, in no Christian Nation of the Eastern Church, either in ancient or modern times, there never was any use of Indulgences, of any kind whatsoever. And in the west, if by ancient custom, they mean that which was observed before Vrban the second, in the year 1095. no proof can be brought of the use of Indulgences. If from that time until the year 1300. It will appear, that the use of them hath been very sparing, and only to free men from punishments imposed by the Confessor. Afterwards, from the Council of Vienna the abuses began, which did increase very much, until the time of Leo the tenth, so that the Council desiring the restitution of the old custom, approved in the Church, it was necessary to declare in what Church, and in what time. But those words, that the eclesiastical discipline is weakened by too much facility in granting Indulgences, are a plain confession, that they belong not to the conscience, not do free men from any thing in the fight of God, but touch the external only, that is, the Ecclesiastical discipline. For the difference of meats and fasts, they, said, that to command them was good, but that was not decided of which the world complained, that is, that they did bind the conscience. Therefore the Princes of Germany held none esteem of this Council. Only some few ministers of the Augustan confession published a protestation, of which but little account was made. The Catholics did not think of the doctrine of Purgatory, and of Indulgences, desiring only to obtain the Communion of the Cup, marriage of Priests, and relaxation in the multitude of precepts De iure positivo, concerning fasts, feasts, and such other things. For whose satisfaction the Emperor, and Duke of Bavaria made instance The Emperor writeth to the Pope about the communion of the Cup. to the Pope. The Emperor wrote letters to him, dated the foureteenth of February; saying, that, during the Council, he had laboured to obtain the grant of the Cup, not for any private interest, or scruple of conscience which he had, but because he did believe, and doth still, that the grant is necessary, to bring back to the Church those that wander; that he did then tolerate the impediments interposed, to treat there of with the principal Prelates, and Princes of the Empire, with whom having conferred whether it were expedient to renew the same request, they thought fit he should move his Holiness therein. Therefore, calling to mind what the Cardinals Morone and Lorraine had caused to be told him, which was confirmed also by the Bishop of Liesina his Nuncio, he would no longer defer to demand the grace of him, without repeating any more the weighty causes that did constrain him, desiring him to assist the German Nation, to which all wise Catholics do think that the grant will be very beneficial; adding, that to preserve the remainder of Religion in Germany, and extirpate heresies, it will be of great moment to grant, that Priests, who are separated because they are married, may be reconciled, and retain their wives, and that hereafter where there is not a sufficient number of Priests, married men of good life and fame may be admitted to the Priesthood. For this he prayed him in his own name, and in the name of the Duke of Bavaria, his son in law, assuring him that he should do a thing worthy of his piety, and most acceptable. The letters of the Duke of Bavaria did contain; that, having sent often And so doth the Duke of Bavaria. to his Holiness, to show the miserable State of Germany in matters of Religion, he did hope he should not long desire the medicine; which seeing it was not applied until then, he, together with the Emperor, and Ecclesiastical Electors, did pray him to grant power to the Arch bishop of Salzburg to give leave to Catholic Priests to administer the Cup to those who have confessed, and are penitent, and do believe the other Articles of Religion: which grant would give satisfaction to his Subjects, who remain in his State, & to those also who go forth of his Dominions to seek those who will minister it unto them; that himself will always be content with one kind, nor will force any to use the Cup, who, as himself, will be content with the bread only; that for these he demandeth nothing, but that it seemeth to him not inconvenient for the Vicar of CHRIST to have pity upon the others also. Likewise he prayed his Holiness that he would grant, for some time at the least, that married Priests may be reconciled to the Church, keeping their wives, and married men ordained also. To these Letters was added a Remonstrance, or consideration, composed by the Divines of Germany; in which it was said: That it was plain, that the Scripture of the New and Old Testament doth permit Priests to A Remonstrance concerning the same Grant. have wives, because the Apostles, some few excepted, were married; neither is it found that CHRIST, after their vocation, did separate their wives from them. That in the Primitive Church, as well Oriental, as Occidental, the marriages of Priests were free, until the time of Calistus the Pope; that the civil Laws did not condemn the marriage of Clerks; that it is certain, that single life is better in the Clergy, and more to be desired, but that, in respect of the fragility of nature, and difficulty to be continent, there are but few who do not feel the pricks of the flesh. Therefore Eusebius relateth, that Dionysius did admonish Quintus the Bishop, that he should consider of the weakness of the mayor part, and not lay the burden of single life upon the brethren. And Paphnutius, in the Council of Nice, saying, that the use of ones own wife was chastity, persuaded the Council not to impose the law of single life. And the Synod of Constantinople did not for bid the use of wives, but in the time when they were to offer sacrifice. That if ever there were cause to permit matrimony unto Clerks, it was in that age. That amongst fifty Catholic Priests, hardly one can be found that is not a notorious fornicator. That not the Priests only desire matrimony, but the Seculars also, that they may not 〈◊〉 such beastly behaviour, and the Patrons of Churches will not give the benefices but to married men. That there is great want of Ministers only for the prohibition of Matrimony. That the Church hath formerly remitted the severity of the Canons for this cause alone. That the Pope did confirm a Bishop in Saragosa, who had a wife and children, and a Deacon, who had been twice married, and committed the Sacrament of Confirmation to simple Priests, in defect of a Bishop. Therefore many Catholics did then, and do now think better to dispense with the law of continency, then, by retaining it, to open a gate to unclean single life, leaving marriage free for all; and the rather, because Cardinal Panormitan doth hold, that it would be good for the salvation of souls to grant Matrimony; and that there are examples of the old Church, and in the Anciran Council, of Adam, and Eupsychius Cesariensis, Priests. That it is certain, that the Pope may dispense with Secular Priests; which some also extend unto Regulars. That it seemeth a great absurdity not to admit married Clerks, and to tolerate fornicators and to remove both would be as much as to remain without Ministers, and that if they ought to be bound to the vow of chastity, none should be ordained but old men. That it is not a good reason to retain single life with the teeth, to preserve Ecclesiastical goods, it not being just, in respect of temporal things to make shipwreck of souls. Besides, provision might be made herein, by some other means; which being done, concubinate would be banished out of the Church, and the scandal which offendeth many taken away. The Pope, considering these remonstrances, was of opinion to call to Rome pious and learned men, of all Nations, to handle this point with maturity, and spoke of it to the Ambassadors residing with him. But Cardinal Simoneta did dissuade, saying, it would be a kind of Council, and that if men should come out of France, Spain, Germany, and elsewhere, they would bring intelligences and instructions of Princes, and would be governed and speak according to their interests, and that, when his Holiness would be quit of them, he could not do it at his pleasure; that, if he did not follow their opinion, it would distaste the Princes; that he should remember what troubles the Council put him to, and not fall into the like dangers. The Pope thought the counsel was sincere, and profitable, and therefore, thinking no more of strangers, he deputed nineteen Cardinals, giving them order to examine diligently the writing that came out of Germany. The twelfth of March the Pope made a promotion of nineteen Cardinals, A promotion's of 19 Cardinals. for reward of the great service they did him in Council, in which he resolved not to comprehend any of those who held the Residence, and Institution of Bishops, to be de iure divino, howsoever their qualities might otherwise deserve the degree; and did not forbear to discover so much to all sorts of persons, upon every occasion. He created Marcus Antonius Colonna, Archbishop of Taranto. Aluise Pisano, Bishop of Milan. Marcus Antonius Bobo, Bishop of Aosta. Hugo Buon Compagno, Bishop of Bestice. Alexander Sforza, Bishop of Parma. Simon Pasqua, Bishop of Serzana. Carlo Visconte, Bishop of Vintimiglia. Franciscus Abondius, Bishop of Bobio. Guido Ferrier, Bishop of Vercelli. johannes Franciscus Commendone, Bishop of Zante. Gahriel Paleotto, Auditor of the Rota: all which had laboured faithfully in Council for the service of his Holiness. To these he added Zacharias Delphinus, Bishop of Liesina, who, being resident with the Emperor, took no less pains for concluding the Council than the others had done in Trent. TO THE READER. Courteous Reader, NOw that thou hast perused this History, I entreat thee to read over these small parcels following. The first is an Epistle of S. Gregory the great, who was Bishop of Rome about six hundred years after CHRIST, and was as learned, and as conscientious, as any that preceded in that Sea, or that followed after. Thou canst not but perceive, that howsoever he ascribeth to S Peter as much pre-eminence as any other ancient writer hath done, if not more, yet he doth renounce in most ample terms, or rather abominate that swelling Antichristian power which was then challenged by john the Patriarch of Constantinople, but long since hath been practised by the Bishops of Rome, and never more, nor more prejudicially to the Church Catholic, then in this pretended Council of Trent. And that thou mayst not wonder how these Bishops could sore so high as to be at last above Kings and Emperors, to whom S. Gregory and his predecessors professed and performed all dutiful obedience and service, I have tendered unto thee in the next place three several passages out of the History of Francis Guicciardine, a famous Florentine, who knew their practices as well as any, and hath dared to relate them plainly. The Papalins have been so wise in their wicked generation, as in all late Editions, to cause them to be left out; thereby the better to conceal their unjust usurpations, against both Ecclesistiques and Laiques. Now, lest any might uncontrolably say, that howsoever they might be faulty at other times, yet those were worthy who governed the Sea of Rome when this Council was assembled, to clear the truth concerning these, look over the passages following, taken out of some Epistles written by men of great esteem, who resided in the Council, and gave account to their Superiors of all that passed, or by their Superiors to them back again. By these it will appear that the spirit of Antichrist, and not the holy Ghost, did govern in it. They show the practices of Rome to be so gross, and so abominable, that thou mayest easily believe, that * Invita Pauli 3. Papirius Massonius, a Popish writer, had just cause to say, speaking of the Popes who lived in the time of this Council; In pontificibus nemo hodiè sanctitatem requirit; optimi putantur si vel levitêr mali sint, vel minus boni quam caeteri mortales esse solent. Englished thus: No man expects any sanctity in Popes now a days; they are thought to be excellent Popes, if they have never so little honesty, or be not so wicked as other men use to be. Last of all, thou mayest read an Epistle written by that famous Prelate, Bishop jewel, as an answer to a friend of his, who lived near the place, and in the time of this unlawful assembly, or conventicle at Trent. In it thou mayest find reason enough, why the Church of England did neither send Prelates to it, nor receive afterwards the Decrees and Constitutions of it. As likewise the Church of France refused to do, though their Bishops were present in it. When thou hast read these things, consider well of them, and the Lord give thee a true understanding in all things. GREGORY GREGORY to the Emperor MAURICIUS, concerning JOHN Bishop of Constantinople, who hath assumed the name of Universal Bishop. Chap. 76. OVrmost religious Lord, whom God hath placed over us, Ep. 32. amongst other weighty cares belonging to the Empire, doth labour (by the just rule of holy writ) to keep the Clergy in peace and charity. He truly and piously considereth that no man can well govern matters terrene, except he can manage well things Divine also, and that the Commonwealth's peace and quiet depends upon the tranquillity of the Church Universal. For (most gracious Sovereign) what humane power or strength would presume to lift up irreligious hands against your most Christian Majesty, if the Clergy, being at unity amongst themselves, would seriously pray unto our Saviour CHRIST to preserve you, who have so well deserved of us! or what Nation so barbarous as would exercise such cruelty against the faithful, except the lives of us, who are called Priests, but indeed are not, were most depraved and wicked. But whilst we leave those, things which belong not unto us, and embrace those things for which we are not fit, we raise the Barbarians up against us, and our offences do sharpen the swords of our enemies, by which means the Commonwealth is weakened. For what can we say for ourselves, if the people of God, over whom we are, though unworthily, placed, be oppressed by the multitude of our offences? if our examples destroy that which our preaching builds, and our works give, as it were, the lie to our doctrine? Our bones are worn with fasting, but our minds are puffed up: Our bodies are covered with poor clothing, but in our hearts we are as brave as may be: We lie grovelling in the ashes, but aim at matters exceeding high: We are teachers of humility, but patterns of pride, hiding the teeth of wolves under a sheep's countenance. The end of all is to make a show to men, though God knoweth the truth. Therefore our most pious Sovereign hath been most prudently careful to set the Church at unity, that he might the better compose the tumults of war, and to join their hearts together. This verily is my desire, and do yield, for my part, due obedience to your sovereign commands. Howsoever, in regard it is not my cause, but Gods; and for that not I only, but the whole Church is troubled; because religious Laws, venerable Synods, and the very precepts of our Lord JESUS CHRIST are disobeyed by the invention of a proud and pompous speech, my desire is, that our most Religious Sovereign would launce this sore; and would tie the party affected with the cords of his Imperial authority, in case he shall make his resistance. By binding of 〈◊〉 the Commonwealth is eased; and by the paring away of such excremen 〈…〉 as these, the Empire is enlarged. All men that have read the Gospel do know, that, even by the very words of our LORD, the care of the whole Church is committed to S. Peter the Apostle, Prince of all the Apostles. For to him it is said, a john 21. Peter lovest thou me? Feed my sheep: b Luke 22. behold, Satan hath desired to winnow thee as wheat, and I have prayed for thee, that thy faith should not fail: and thou being at the last converted confirm thy brethren. To him it is said, c Matt. 16. Thou art Peter, and upon this rock I will build my Church, and the gates of hell shall not prevail against it. And to thee I will give the Keys of heaven, and whatsoever thou bindest on earth shall be bound also in heaven, and whatsoever thou shalt lose on earth, shall be loosed also in heaven. Behold, he hath the Keys of the Kingdom, and the power of binding and losing is given unto him. The care and the principality of the whole Church is committed to him; and yet is not called Universal Apostle: howbeit this most holy man john, my fellow Priest, laboureth to be called Universal Bishop. I am enforced to cry out, and say, Oh corruption of times and manners! Behold, the Barbarians are become Lords of all Europe: Cities are destroyed, Castles are beaten down, Provinces depopulated, there is no husbandman to till the ground, Idolaters do rage and domineer over Christians, and yet Priests, who ought to lie weeping upon the pavement, and in ashes, desire names of vanity, and do glory in new and profane titles. Do I (most Religious Sovereign) plead herein mine own cause? Do I vindicate a wrong done to myself, and not maintain the cause of God Almighty, and of the Church Universal? Who is he who presumeth to usurp this new name against both the law of the Gospel and of the Canons? I would to God there might be one called Universal, without wronging of others. We know that many Priests of the Church of Constantinople have been not only heretics, but even the chief leaders of them. Out of this school proceeded Nestorius, who, thinking it not to be possible that God should be made man, did believe that JESUS CHRIST, the Mediator between God and man was two persons, and went as fare in Infidelity as the jews themselves. Thence came Macedonius, who denied the holy Ghost, consubstantial to the Father and the Son, to be God. If then every one in that Church doth assume that name, by which he maketh himself the head of all good men, the Catholic Church (which God forbidden) must needs be overthrown when he falleth who is called Universal. But let this blasphemous name be fare from Christians; by which all honour is taken from all other Priests; while it is foolishly arrogated by one. It was offered to the Bishop of Rome by the reverend Council of Chalcedon, in honour of S. Peter, Prince of the Apostles: but none of them either assumed, or consented to use it; lest while this privilege should be given to one, all others should be deprived of that honour which is due unto them. Why should we refuse this name when it was offered, and another should assume it without any offer at all? This man, contemning obedience to the Canons, is the rather to be humbled by the commands of our most pious Sovereigns. He is to be chastised who doth injury to the holy Catholic Church, whose heart is puffed up, who seeketh to please himself by a name of singularity, whereby he would make himself to be above the Emperor. We are all scandalized herein: Let the author of this scandal reform himself, and all differences in the Church will cease. I am servant unto all Priests so long as they live like themselves, but if any shall vainly set up his bristles contrary to God Almighty, and to the Canons of the Fathers, I hope in God that he shall never be able to bring my neck under his yoke, no not by force of arms. What hath happened in this City by occasion of this name I have more exactly declared to Sabinianus the Deacon, my Agent. Let therefore my religious Sovereigns think of me their Servant, whom they have always cherished and upheld more than others, as of one who desireth to yield them obedience, and yet am afraid to be found guilty of negligence in my duty in the later fearful day of judgement. Let our most pious Sovereign either vouchsafe to determine the business, according to the petition of the forenamed Sabinianus the Deacon, or cause the man, so often mentioned, to renounce this claim. In case he do submit to your most just sentence, or favourable admonitions, we will give thankes to Almighty God, and rejoice for the peace of the Church, procured by your clemency. But if he shall persist in this contention, we will hold the saying to be most true: a Luk. 14. 18. Every one that exalteth himself shall be brought low. And again it is written, b Prou. 16. Before a fall the heart will be lifted up. In obedience to my Sovereigns, I have written to my brother Priest both gently and humbly that he would desist from the pursuit of this vainglory: if he give ear unto me, he hath a brother devoted unto him: but if he continue in his pride, I see already what will betide him; he will make him his enemy of whom it is written, c jam. 4. God resisteth the proud, and giveth grace to the humble. A part of the History of FRANCIS GVICCIARDINE, stolen out of his third Book concerning Pope ALEXANDER the sixth. But he could not always avoid domestical misfortunes, which troubled the affairs of his family with tragical examples, proceeding from such lust and cruelty, which would be accounted horrible even in any barbarous nation whatsoever. For having resolved from his first entrance into the Papacy, to put all the temporal greatness upon his eldest son the Duke of Candia, the * His second son. Cardinal of Valentia, whose mind was wholly averse from all ecclesiastical profession, and desired rather to be exercised in military affairs, not enduring to be prevented herein by his brother, and besides being impatient that he had a greater share in the love of the Lady Lucretia, who was common sister to them both; caused him to be murdered as he rid alone one night through Rome, and secretly to be cast into the river Tiber; being incited thereunto partly by lust, and partly by ambition, powerful ministers to effect any wickedness. There was a fame (if possibly so enormous an abomination may be believed) that not only the two brothers, but even the father himself were corrivals in the love of this Lady Lucretia. Before he was created Pope he gave her in marriage to a man of mean degree; from whom, so soon as he began to sit in Peter's chair, he did separate her, as being now unworthy of her. Then he married her to john Storz●, Lord of Pesaro. After that, not enduring that this her husband should be partaker of her love with him, he dissolved the marriage, although consummated, by suborning false witnesses to depose before judges, appointed by himself for the same purpose, who gave sentence that this john was frigid and impotent by nature. This did afflict beyond measure, etc. A second place containing a large discourse by what means the Popes of Rome attained to that greatness which they now enjoy, taken quite out of the fourth Book of the History of FRANCIS GVICCIARDINE. FOr the liquidation whereof, and of many other things which happened in after ages, it is necessary to relate what title the Church hath to the territory of Romania, and to many others which it either hath possessed at diverse other times, or doth possess at this present: as also by what means, it being first instituted (as was fit) for Spiritual government, it came to possess temporal States and Empires. Likewise it is convenient to express (as a matter belonging to this argument) what contentions have happened at several times between the Popes and the Emperors upon these and the like occasions. The Bishops of Rome, the first whereof was the Apostle Saint Peter, their authority being founded by JESUS CHRIST in things Spiritual only, did abound with charity, humility, patience; and many miracles were wrought by them. At the first they were not only destitute of all temporal power, but were persecuted by it; neither was their name so much as spoken of, but for the afflictions and the torments which they and their followers did endure. For howsoever their proceed were sometimes not observed, by reason of the multitude and variety of nations and professions in Rome, and some of the Emperors did forbear to question them, but only when their actions did seem to cross the public government, yet some others, either because they were inclined to cruelty, or for the love they bore to their own Gods, did bitterly persecute them, as inventors of new superstitions, and enemies of true Religion. In this state of life they continued, until the time of Silvester the Pope, to be most famous for their voluntary poverty, sanctity of life, and martyrdoms. Afterwards, Constantine the Emperor being turned Christian, moved thereunto by the holiness of those who followed CHRIST, & by the miracles done by them, the Popes came to be secure from those dangers to which they had been subject for the space of 300. years before, & had free exercise of their Christian profession. Hereupon, for the reverence which the holiness of their life and religion had procured them, and because men are prone to follow the example of their Prince, by reason either of ambition or of fear, Christianity began marvelously to spread itself, and the poverty of Christians not to be so great as it was. For Constantine having built the Church of Saint john in Lateran, of Saint Peter in the Vatican, of Saint Paul, and many others in diverse places, not only gave them plate and ornaments, but also, that these might be preserved and renewed, the Churches repaired, and the Clergy belonging to them maintained, he endowed them with possessions and with revenues. In after times many, persuading themselves that they should gain heaven more easily by being liberal toward Churches, either built and endowed other Churches, or gave to those which were built before. In like manner every one paid them tithes due either by law or custom, as in the old Testament is commanded. Wherein every one was the more forward, because Clergymen in those times contented themselves with necessaries only, and bestowed the remainder either to repair their Churches, or to adorn them, or in works of charity and piety. Now the Bishops of Rome (pride and ambition having not as yet possessed their hearts) were acknowledged by all Christians to be superiors of all Churches, in all Spiritual government, as successors unto the Apostle Saint Peter; because that City, by reason of the dignity and greatness thereof, retained the name and majesty of the Empire as head of all the rest, and because Christian Religion was thence diffused into the greater part of Europe, and because Constantine (having been baptised by Silvester) did willingly acknowledge that such authority belonged to him and his successors. Besides, there is a fame that Constantine, being constrained to translate the seat of the Empire to Byzantium, now called (by his name) Constantinople, by occasion of some accidents happening in the Western Provinces, gave to the Popes the Lordships of Rome, and of many other Cities and Provinces in Italy. This fame, though cherished by succeeding Popes, and believed by many, by reason of their authority and credit, is not only disproved by more probable authors, but even by the very things themselves. For it is most manifest that Rome, as also all Italy obeyed the Emperors and their Magistrates, both then and many years after. Some will not believe any thing at all that hath been spoken concerning Constantine and Silvester, (such is the obscurity of things done so long ago) affirming that they lived not at the same time: yet no man denieth that the translation of the Empire was the first cause of the Pope's authority. For the people of Rome withdrew their obedience from the Emperors by occasion of their absence, and of the difficulties which they found in the East, and did the rather perform willingly some certain obsequiousness to the Bishops of Rome, though indeed no absolute subjection. These things appeared but slowly because of the inundations of the Goths and Vandals, and other barbarous nations into Italy; by which Rome having been often sacked, the Popes, in respect of temporal matters, were obscure and mean, and in Italy the Emperors had very small authority, having left it as a pray to the Barbarians. Of these nations, the rest being passed away like a torrent, the Goths, who were Christians both by name and by profession, and had their 〈◊〉 from some parts of Dacia and of Tartary, continued their power there seventy years together. When these were driven out of Italy by the Emperors, the Country began again to be governed by Greek magistrates, the chief of which, called (by a Greek word) Exarke, kept his residence at Ravenna, a City very ancient, and then very rich, and much inhabited by reason of the fertility of the Country. This City being much augmented by the great armada which Augustus Caesar and other Emperors continually maintained in the Port near adjoining, which now is vanished, was inhabited by many Captains, and after a good while together by Theodorick King of the Goths, and by his successors, who made choice of it for the seat of their Kingdom, because that Sea was nearer to the Emperors of Constantinople, whose power they suspected. The Exarks seated themselves in the same place, because of the opportunity thereof, though upon a contrary ground, and deputed particular magistrates, whom they called Dukes, to govern Rome and other Cities of Italy. Hence the Exarchate of Ravenna took the name, under which was contained whatsoever was not governed by particular Dukes. In those times the BB. of Rome had no temporal power at all; and having lost their former Spiritual reverence, because their lives began to be more corrupt, they were subjects to the Emperors, without whose confirmation, or of their Exarks, they durst not accept the Papacy, though they were solemnly chosen by the Clergy and people of Rome: Nay, because the principal seat of Religion followeth the power of the Empire, and of armies, the Bishops of Constantinople and Ravenna did often justle with them for superiority. But the State of those countries' was changed not long after. For the Lombard's, a fierce Nation, entered into Italy, possessed that part which was called Gallia ●isalpina, and now Lombardia from their name, as also Ravenna and the whole Exarchat, and advanced their forces as fare as the Marquisate of Ancona Spoletum, and Beneventum: in which two last places they created particular Dukes. The Emperors made no provision against these things, partly by reason of their negligence, and partly because they were hindered by the affairs of Asia; so that Rome, having no assistance from them, and the Exarks being driven out of Italy, began to govern herself by the advice and authority of her Bishops. These, together with the Romans being a good while after oppressed by the Lombard's, did finally implore the aid of Pipin King of France: who passing into Italy with a great army, chased the Lombard's from a part of their Dominion which they had enjoyed more than two hundred years. This part (being become his by right of war) he gave to the Bishop and Church of Rome: that is to say, Vrbino, Fano, Agobbo, and much land near Rome, Ravenna and the whole Exarchat, under which is comprehended all from the confines of Placentia which are contiguons to the territory of Pavia unto Arimini, between the river of Po, the Apennine mountain, the lake of the Venetians and the Adriatic Sea: as also from Arimini to the river of Toglia, now called Isauro. The Pope's being molested by the Lombard's after Pipins death, Charles his son (justly surnamed the Great, for the great victories he achieved) utterly rooted them out, and confirmed his father's donation to the Church; and while he made war with the Lombard's, he gave to the Bishop of Rome, the Marquisat of Ancona, and the Dukedom of Spoleto, which comprehendeth the City of Aquila, and a part of Abrazzi. These things are reported for certain; and some Ecclesiastical writers add that Charles gave to the Church Liguria unto the river Varus, which is the utmost border of Italy, Mantua, and whatsoever the Lombard's possessed in F 〈…〉 li; and Histria. Another writer saith as much of Corsica, and of the whole territory between the City of Luni and Parma. For these merits the Kings of France have been magnified by the Popes, and have obtained the name of Most Christian Kings. Afterwards in the year 800. after CHRIST, Pope Leo, and the people of Rome, by the Pope's authority only as head of that people, made this Charles Emperor of Rome, separating this part of the Empire from those Emperors which had their seat at Constantinople, because Rome and the Western Provinces, being abandoned by them, could not well subsist without a Prince of their own. The Emperors of the East were not deprived by this division neither of Sicily nor of that part of Italy which, coasting from Naples to Manfredonia, is bounded by the Sea, because they were always under those Emperors. By this alteration the custom that the Pope's election should be confirmed by the Emperors was not changed at all, neither did Rome cease to be governed by them: nay the Popes did date all their Bulls, Privileges and Grants with these formal words, In the reign of such an Emperor our Lord and Master. In this easy subjection or dependency the Pope's continued until their own prosperity gave them courage to govern themselves. But the Emperor's power being weakened by the discords of Charles the Great his posterity, and the Empire being transferred upon the Germane Princes, which were not so potent as those who were before, by reason of the greatness of the Kingdom of France, and of the successors of Charles, Rome began to be governed by her own Magistrates, though but in a tumultuous manner; and the Popes, withdrawing themselves from the Emperor's obedience as much as they could, decreed that their election should no more be confirmed by them. This decree was diversely observed according as the Emperor's power did rise or fall. This power being become great in the Otho's of Saxony, Otho the third made means to choose Gregory the fift, his own countryman, for Pope; who, for the love he bore to his own nation, and for the persecutions which were raised by the Romans, gave the Germans, by his Decree, power to choose the Roman Emperors, in that form as is now used. And (to give some pre-eminence to the Pope) he forbade them to use the title of Emperor or of Augustus, but only of King of the Romans, or of Caesar, until they had received the crown of the Empire. Hence grew the custom of coming to Rome to be crowned. After the Otho's the imperial power, being not hereditary to great Kings, was much diminished. Hereupon both Rome and many Cities beside, when Conrade of Suevia was Emperor, did openly rebel. The Popes, taking advantage to advance their power, made themselves Lords of the Romans, though many times they were much troubled by them. But the better to repress them, they obtained of Henry the second Emperor, when he was at Rome, that the Cardinals only should choose the Pope. This their greatness was increased by a new accident. For the Normans (the first of which was William surnamed Ironarme) having taken Puglia and Calabria from the Empire of Constantinople, Robert Guicciard, one of them, either to fortify himself by this colour, or to make himself the stronger against these Emperors, or for some other reason, first restored Beneuent to the Church, and then acknowledged that the Dukedom of Puglia and Calabria were held in vassalage of it. In conformity of this example Roger, one of his successors, having chased William, a man of the same family, out of this Dukedom, and then possessed himself of Sicily, he acknowledged in the year 1130: that he held these Provinces in vassalage of the Church, under the title of King of both the Sicily's, the one beyond the other on this side Faros. The Popes refused not to cherish the usurpation and violence of others, in regard it served to advance their own ambition and profit. For they proceeded further (as the desires of men are never satisfied) and deprived one of the Kings of these kingdoms for disobeying their commands, and gave them to another. By this means they came to Henry the son of Frederick Barbarossa; from him to his son Frederick the 2. all which three were Emperors of Rome successively. But Frederick being a bitter persecuter of the Church, and the factions of Guelves and Ghibelius being on foot, of the one of which the Pope, of the other the Emperor was head, the Pope after the death of Frederick, granted these kingdoms to Charles, Earl of Anjou and Provence, of whom we spoke before, upon condition he should pay 6000. ounces of gold yearly for tribute, and that neither he nor any of his successors should accept of the Roman Empire. This condition hath been specified ever since in the investiture of the kingdom of Naples. The kingdom of Sicily, being usurped by the Kings of Arragon, withdrew itself within few years from the obedience of the Church, both for the tribute, and for the vassalage. There hath been a fame, though not so certain as those things which have been spoken of, that the Countess Maude, a potent Princess in Italy, gave long before to the Church that part of Tuscanie which is bounded by the torrent Pescia, the castle called Saint Quirico in the county of Sienna the Sea called Mare inferum, and the river Tiber, now known by the name of the Patrimony of Saint Peter. Some add that she gave to the Church likewise the City of Ferrara. These things are not certain: and it is more uncertain (which notwithstanding is related) that Authpertus King of the Lombard's then flourishing, gave the Pope the Alps called Cocciae, in which they say that Genua, and all the tract from thence to Provence is contained: as also that Suithprandus, King of the same Nation, gave him Sabina, a Country near to Rome, Naruia, Ancona, and certain other Lands. As these things did vary, so the affairs of the Popes and Emperors did vary also. At the first, for many ages together, the Popes were persecuted by the Emperors: afterwards they were at quiet, Constantine being converted to the faith; but so as that they meddled with Spiritual matters only, and were little less then wholly subject to the Emperors. After that they lived a long time in very mean estate, and had no commerce at all with them, by reason of the great power of the Lombard's in Italy. But after they had gotten temporal authority by the assistance of the Kings of France, they adhered very much and very willingly to the Emperors, so long as the Empire continued in the posterity of Charles the Great, in regard of benefits given and taken, as also in regard of the greatness of the Emperors. But when the Imperial greatness declined, they withdrew themselves from the Emperors, and professed that the Bishops of Rome ought to give laws to them, rather than to receive any from them. Now because they hated to come under the old yoke, and feared that some of the Emperors, according to the example of their most potent and bravest predecessors, would attempt to recover the rights of the Empire in Rome, they openly opposed them by war, assisted by some Tyrants who called themselves Princes, and by some Cities who had set themselves at liberty, and did no more acknowledge the authority of the Empire. Hence it came to pass that the Pope's assuming every day more and more, they converted their Spiritual weapons to maintain their temporal affairs. For making this interpretation, that, as Vicars of CHRIST on earth, they were above the Emperors, and that in many cases the whole care of matters terrene belonged to them, sometimes they deposed the Emperors, and moved the Electors to make choice of others in their room, and sometimes the Emperors chose new Popes, or caused them to be chosen by others. By these controversies, and by the Pope's abode seventy years at avignon, and by means of a Schism which happened in Italy after that the Popes were returned to Rome, it came to pass that in those Cities which were subject to the Church, especially in those of Romania, many potent Citizens, each in his own Country, attained to sovereign power. The Bishops of Rome either persecuted them, or, not being able to overcome them, gave them these Cities, to be held of them in Vassalage, or invested other commanders in them. So the Cities of Romania began to have particular Lords, by the name, for the most part, of Vicars of the Church. Thus Ferrara, first given by the Pope to Azo de Esti to be governed by him, was afterwards granted to him under the title of Vicarship. This family was in process of time exalted to more illustrious honours. Bolonia being thus possessed by john Visconte Archbishop of Milan, was after given him by the Pope as a Vicarship of Rome. Upon the same occasions there arose many particular Lords in many places of the Marquisat of Anconia, of the Patrimony of Saint Peter, and of Vmbria, now called the Dukedom of Spoleto: all which was done either against the Pope his will, or by his forced consent. The same variations being also in Lombardie, amongst the Cities of the Empire, it sometimes fell out that the Vicars of Romania, and of other Ecclesiastical territories, withdrawing themselves openly from the Church, acknowledged to hold those Cities in Vassalage from the Emperors, and those who possessed Milan, Mantua, and other Imperial places, were contented to hold them from the Bishops of Rome. In these times Rome, though still named the domains of the Church, was governed by itself. When the Popes returned from avignon into Italy, for a while they were obeyed as Lords: but the Romans soon after erected the magistracy of the Banderefi, and relapsed into their wont contumacy. Hereupon the Popes, retaining but small authority, absented themselves wholly from thence until the Romans, being fallen into great poverty and grievous disorders, by the absence of the Court, and the year 1400. approaching, in which they hoped if the Pope were at Rome, there would be a great concourse of all Christendom, by reason of the jubilee, they most humbly besought Pope Boniface to return to them, offering to put down the office of the Banderefi, and to yield him absolute obedience. Upon these conditions he returned to Rome, and, while the people were intent upon their gain, made himself absolute Lord of the City, and fortified and put a garrison in the Castle of S. Angelo. Those who succeeded until Pope Eugenius found many difficulties; but then the sovereignty was so well established, that all his successors governed the City, even at their own pleasure. Being raised by these steps unto earthly power, they laid a side by little and little the care of souls, and of divine precepts: so that setting their affections wholly upon earthly greatness, and using their spiritual authority only as an instrument of their temporal, they seemed rather to be secular Princes than Priests. After this their care and business was no more sanctity of life, increase of religion, love and charity towards their neighbour, but armies, and wars against Christians, handling the sacrifices, even with bloody hands; but heaping up of wealth; but new laws, new arts, new snares to scrape money from all parts. For this end they used their spiritual weapons without respect, and sold things both sacred and profane, without any shame at all. The Popes and the Court thus abounding with wealth, there followed pomp, riot, dishonesty, lust, and abominable pleasures: no care of posterity, no thought of maintaining the perpetual dignity of the Papacy; but in place hereof succeeded ambitious and pestiferous desires to exalt their sons, nephews, and kindred, not only to immoderate riches, but to Principalities and to kingdoms; bestowing their dignities and benefices not upon virtuous and well deserving men, but either selling them to those who would give most, or misplacing them upon ambitious, covetous, and impudently voluptuous persons. Having lost by this means that respect and reverence which formerly the world did give them, they did notwithstanding maintain in part their authority by the powerful name and majesty of religion; and somewhat they were helped by the faculty which they have in gratifiing of great Princes, and those who were potent about them, by bestowing some Enclesiasticall favours and dignities upon them. Hence it cometh to pass that they are in high respect amongst men; so that whosoever taketh arms against them is esteemed infamous for it, and findeth many oppositions by other Princes. Whatsoever happeneth, there is but small gain to be made by striving with them: For those that conquer them use the victory as the Pope's will, who being conquered obtain what conditions they please. Now because they have a great desire to raise their nearest kindred from the state of private men to be great Princes, oftentimes they have been, for very many years last passed; the occasions and the instruments of raising now wars and tumults in Italy. But to return to our principal purpose, from which my most just grief for the public loss hath transported me further than the laws of an history do well permit, let us declare that the Cities of Romania being vexed, etc. A part of the history of FRANCIS GVICCIARDINE stolen out of his tenth Book. Saying, that the great oppression endured by the generous Romans, and that those spirits which conquered the world should become servile, may in part be excused in respect of former times. Such honour was then given to religion, and religion was so graced with miracles, and sanctified manners, that their ancestors, without any constraint of arms or violence, yielded obedience to the government of ecclesiastics, and willingly submitted their necks to the sweet yoke of Christian piety. But now what necessity, what virtue, what dignity is there which can cover in any part the infamy and shame of this servility? Is it integrity of life? holy examples given by these Priests, or any miracles done by them? what generation is there in the world more corrupt, or more defiled with brutish and debauched manners? It is miraculous that God, the fountain of justice, hath so long endured such abominable wickedness. Some peradventure may say that this tyranny is supported by prowess of arms, or men's assiduous care and industry for the preservation of the Papal greatness. But what generation is there in the world more averse from the studies of war, or more unwilling to endure the labours belonging to it? more given over to idleness and pleasure? more negligent of the honour and profit of their successors. The principality of the Sultan's of great Cairo is the most like in all the world to this of the Bishops of Rome. For neither the dignity of the Sultan's, nor the honours of the Mammalukes are hereditary, but, passing from one family to another, do sometimes fall upon strangers. But the servility of the Romans is more base than that of these Egyptians and Syrians. For the infamy of these is somewhat covered in that the Mammalukes are warlike and valiant men, accustomed to labour, and wholly averse from pleasures. But whom do the Romans serve? marry idle and slothful persons, strangers, and such as many times are as base for their descent as for their manners. It is high time to awake out of this lethargy, and to remember that to be a Roman is a most glorious name when it is accompanied with virtue; and that their shame is doubled who have forgotten the honour and renown of their ancestors. They have now a most fit opportunity to free themselves. For when the Pope dieth the Cardinals are disunited, the Grandees are of diverse factions, Italy is full of arms and tumults, and the Papal tyranny is now 〈◊〉 more odious to all Princes then ever it was before. In a Letter of Monsieur de LANSAC the French Ambassador, resident in the Council of Trent, written to the King his Master. We have not as yet proposed the articles of Reformation, because we well perceive that they will give ear to nothing that may hinder the profit and authority of the Court of Rome. Besides, the Pope is so much master of this Council, that his Pensioners, whatsoever the Emperor's Ambassadors or we do remonstrate unto them, will do but what they list. In a Letter of Monsieur de PIBRAC, the French Ambassador in the said Council, to the Queen mother. MY Lords the Legates, together with the Italian Bishops which came from Rome, made a kind of Decree, that nothing should be This was done that nothing might be moved in the Council to diminish the Pope's greatness. proposed for the Fathers to consult of, but by the Legates only, or, at the least, nothing but what pleased them. This we have seen observed even to the shutting up of the Council. In another place of the same Letter. MAdam, that they, may the better keep the power which they have, to be the only men that may propose and put into consultation what pleaseth them, they hold it for a matter already determined that the Ambassadors of Princes may not make any remonstrances in the assembly of the Prelates, fearing perhaps that, if they were heard and understood by the Fathers, they might yield to their demands, especially being reasonable. In a Letter of Queen Mother to Monsieur de LANSAC. IF the promises which the Legates do make unto you, and the opinion which I have of their dignity and integrity do compel me to hope for some good from the Council, on the other side that which I have hitherto observed concerning their manner of proceeding quite contrary to their words, makes me fear that this whole Council of ours is nothing but a fair appearance of flours, without any fruit or amendment at all. The King of France, in a Letter to the Lords du FERRIER and PYBRAC, his Ambassadors in the Council. MY Lords, as far as I perceive by your Letters of the eleventh of this month, I am quite out of all hope of that which I expected from the Council, in case the Fathers do proceed to determine of the * These were Articles for the Reformamation of Secular Princes, which the Legates set on foot to hinder the proposing of the Articles for the reformation of the ecclesiastics. Articles which they have been pleased to communicate unto you. This would be to pair the nails of Kings, and let their own grow. etc. In a Letter to the King of France by the Lords du FERRIER, and de PYBRAC, his Ambassadors in the Council September 25. 1563. OF an hundred and fifty Prelates, which then were present in the Council a whole hundred had * A conspiracy in the Council to hinder the reformation of the ecclesiastics. conspired together, and subscribed (as the said Legates have assured us) not to vote any Article of the said reformation, until the Articles of Princes were proposed and given to the Fathers. This hath not only been done, but it hath been done more rigorously (contrary to all law both divine and humane) then at the first. etc. ANDREW DUDITHIUS, Bishop of Five Churches, in an Epistle to MAXIMILIAN 2. Emperor, in which he delivereth his opinion about the ministering of the Cup to the Laity, and the marriage of Priests. WHat good could be done in that Council, in which the votes were not weighed, but numbered? If goodness of the cause, if reason had been the weapons to fight withal, though we were but few, we had vanquished a great army of our enemies. But seeing that number only came into the field, in which we were far inferior to them, though our cause were good, we could not possibly prevail. The Pope had an hundred for one: and in case those had not been enough, he could have created a thousand more to have helped at a need. We daily saw hungry and needy Bishops come to Trent, youths for the mostpart, which did but begin to have beards, given over to luxury and riot, hired only to give their voice as the Pope pleased. They were both unlearned and simple, yet fit for the purpose in regard of their impudent boldness. When these were added to the Pope's old flatterers, iniquity triumphed, and it was impossible to determine of any thing but as they pleased, who thought it to be the highest point of their religion to maintain the authority and luxury of the Pope. There was a grave and learned man, who was not able to endure so great an indignity: he was presently traduced as being no good Catholic, and was terrified threatened and persecuted, that he might approve things against his will in sum, matters were brought to that pass, by the iniquity of those who game thither fitted and prepared, that the Council seemed to consist not of Bishops, but of disguised maskers, not of men but of images, such as Deddas made, that moved by nerves which were none of their own. They were 〈…〉ing Bishops, who, as Country bagpipes, could not speak but as breath was put into them. The holy Ghost had nothing to do in this assembly: all the counsels given there proceeded from humane policy, and tended only to maintain the Pope's immoderate and shameful domination. Answers were expected from thence, as from the 〈◊〉 of Dolphes and Dodona: the Holy Sp 〈…〉 which, as they boast, doth govern their Counsels, was sent from thence in a postilion's cloak-bag; which, in case of any inundations, could not come thither (a thing most ridiculous) until the waters were assuaged. So it came to pass that the Spirit was not upon the waters, as it is in Genesis, but by the water's side. Oh monstrous extraordinary madness. Nothing could be ratified which the Bishops (as if they had been the common people) did Decree unless the Pope made himself the author of it. An Epistle written by JOHN JEWEL, Bishop of Sarum, unto one Seigneur SCIPIO, a Gentleman in Venice, in answer of an expostulatory letter of his concerning the Council of Trent. 1 SIr, according to that intimate acquaintance, Which hath been between us, ever since we lived together at Milan, (you being employed in the affairs of your Commonweal, l in my studies) you writ unto me familiarly, that yourself, and many others there with you, wonder, that since a General Council at Trent hath been summoned by the Pope, for the settling of Religion, and removing of Controversies; and seeing already all other Nations from all parts are there assembled; The Realm of England alone, hath neither sent any Ambassadors thither; nor by any message or letter excused their absence; but without any Council, hath altered almost all the form of the old ancient Religion; the former whereof, as you say, argues a proud stubbornness, the other a pernicious Schism. For it is a superlative crime, for any man to decline the most Sacred Authority of the Pope of Rome; or, being called by him to a Council, to withdraw himself. As for the Controversies about Religion, that it is not lawful to debate them other where then in such Assemblies; For there be the patriarchs and Bishops: There be the learnedst men of all sorts; from their mouths the truth must be required: There be the lights of each Church: There is the Holy Ghost: That all godly Princes, if any doubt had risen concerning Gods worship, still referred it to a public consultation: That Moses, joshua, David, Ezechias, josias, and other judges, Kings, Priests, did not advice, concerning matters of Religion, elsewhere then in an assembly of Bishops: That Christ's Apostles, and the Holy Fathers held Counsels: That by this means the Truth displayed her beams: Heresies were subdued: so was Arrius vanquished, so Eunomius, so Eutiches, so Macedonius, so Pelagius, And that by the same means the present distractions of the world may be composed, and the breaches of the Church made up again, if contentions and factions laid aside, we would come to a Council; without which nothing can lawfully be attempted in Religion. 2 This in effect was the sum of your Letter. I do not now take upon me to answer you in the behalf of the Realm of England, by what advice ●●●ry thing hath been done, neither do I think that you expect it from me, or desire it. The Counsels of Kings are hidden and secret, and so ought to be. You know the old saying, nor every where, nor to all, nor to all sorts of people: Yet 〈◊〉 ●ur old and intimate acquaintance (because I see you desire it so earnestly) I will briefly and friendly show you what I think, but, as he sales●, as fare as I Know, and am able; and I doubt not but that will satisfy you. 3 We wonder, say you, that no Ambassadors from England come to the Council. I pray you Sir do Englishmen only not come to this Council? Were you yourself present at the Council? Did you take a muster of them? Did you count them by the Poll? Did you see that all other nations were met from all parts, except only the English? If you have such a mind to wonder, why do not you wonder at this too? that neither the three memorable Patriarches, of Constantinople, Antioch, and Alexandria, nor Presbyter john, nor the Grecians, Armenians, Persians, Egyptians, Moors, Ethiopians, or Indians come to the Council. For do not many of these people believe in CHRIST? Have they not Bishops? Are they not baptised in the name of CHRIST? Be they not, Christians and so called? Or did there come Ambassadors from all these nations to the Council? Or will you rather say that the Pope did not call them, or that your Ecclesiastical Decrees take no hold of them? 4 But we wonder more at this, that the Pope would afterwards call such men to a Council, whom before hand he had condemned for Heretics, and openly pronounced them excommunicate, without hearing either them or their plea. For that men should be first condemned and punished, and afterwards brought to their trial, is absurd, and, as we say, The cart before the horse. But I would fain be resolved of this, whether the Pope's meaning be, to advice in the Council concerning Religion with us, whom he accounts Heretics? or rather that we should plead our cause at the Bar, and either change our opinion presently, or out of hand be condemned again. The former is without example, and denied heretofore by julius the third, to those of our side; The other is ridiculous; if he think so; that the English will come to the Council, only to be indicted, and to plead for themselves, especially before him, who long since is charged with most heinous crimes, not only by our side, but also by their own. 5 Now if England only seem to you thus stubborn, where then be the Ambassadors of the King of Denmark, of the Princes of Germany, of the King of Sueden, of the Suitzers, of the Grisons, of the Hanse Towns, of the Realm of Scotland, of the Dukedom of Prussia? Seeing so many Christian Nations are wanting in your Council, it is absurd to miss in your reckoning only the English▪ But why do I speak of these? The Pope himself comes not to his own Council; and why do you not wonder at that also? For what a pride is this, for one man for his own pleasure, to assemble together all Christian Kings, Princes, and Bishops, when he listeth, and to require them to be at his call, and himself not to come in their presence. Surely when the Apostles summoned assemblies at jerusalem, Peter the Apostle, of whose Sea, and Succession they brag, would not be absent. But, as I conceive, Pius the fourth, the present Pope, remèmbreth what happened heretofore to john the 22; that he came not in a very happy hour to the Council of Constance: for he came Pope, but returned Cardinal. Therefore, since then, the Popes have provided for themselves in the rear, and kept home, and have withstood all Counsels, and free disputes. For above forty years since, when Doctor▪ Martin Luther was cursed by the Pope with Bell, Book, and Candle, because he had begun to preach the Gospel, and to reform Religion out of GOD's word, and had humbly requested, that his whole cause might be referred to the cognisance of a General Council, he could have no audience. For Pope Leo the tenth did see well enough, if the matter should come to a Council, that his own state might come in danger, and that he might perchance hear what he would not willingly. 6 Indeed the name of a General Council carries a fair show, so it be assembled as it ought, and (affections laid aside) all things be referred to the rule of God's word, and the truth only aimed at. But if Religion and godliness be openly beaten down, if tyranny and ambition be established, if men study faction, gluttony, lust, there is nothing more pernicious for the Church of God. All this I have spoken hitherto, as if this Council, which you call so did subsist somewhere, and were indeed a Council which I think absolutely to be none. Or if it be one, and subsist any where, sure it is an obscure one, and kept very close. For though we are not very fare off, yet we can by no means learn, what is done there, what Bishops have met, or rather indeed whether any at all are met. Nay beside, above twenty months since, when this Council was first summoned by Pope Pius, the Emperor Ferdinand answered that though all other matters were accommodated, yet he did much dislike the Place, which the Pope had made choice of for himself. For Trent, though a pretty City, yet neither was commodiously enough seated for the receipt of so many Nations, nor able to receive so great a multitude of men, as were likely in reason to meet at a General Council. The same answer was returned from other Christian Princes; and from some, much sharper. Therefore we believed that all these things, together with the Council itself, had been vanished away into smoke. 7 But I pray you, who is he that hath summoned this Council, and called the world together? You will say, Pope Pius the fourth. And why he, rather than the Bishop of Toledo? For by what power, by what example of the Primitive Church, by what right doth he this? Did Peter, Linus, Cletus, Clemens, thus toss and tumble the world with their Proclamations? This was always whilst the Empire flourished, the proper right of the Emperors of Rome. But now, since the power of the Empire is lessened, and Kingdoms by succession share part of the Imperial power, that power is communicated to Christian Kings and Princes. Search the Annals, lay together the memorial of all Antiquity, you shall find the ancientest Counsels, the Nicene, the Ephesine, that of Chalcedon, that of Constantinople, to have been called by the Roman Emperors, Constantine, Theodosius the first, Theodosius the second, Martian, not by the Popes of Rome. 8 Leo the Pope, a man otherwise loving enough to himself, and no way neglectful of the authority of his Sea, did humbly beseech Mauritius the Emperor, that he would summon a Council to be held in Italy, as being the fittest place. All the Priests says he, beseech your Clemency, that you would command a General Council to be held within Italy. But the Emperor caused that Ceuncel to be assembled, not in Italy, which the Pope earnestly laboured, but at Chalcedon, in Bythinia; to show, that that was his right, and belonged to him only. And when Ruffinus, in that bickering which he had with Jerome, had alleged a certain Synod, Tell me, says Jerome, what Emperor caused it to be called. Jerome did not think the authority of a General Council firm enough, unless an Emperor had called it. I demand not now, what Emperor hath commanded the Bishops to be called to Trent at this present: But with what Emperor did the Pope, that hath taken thus much to himself, advice of holding the Council, what Christian King or Prince did he make privy to his design? To intrude upon another's right by fraud or force, and to usurp for his own, what belongs to others, is injurious dealing. But to abuse the Clemency of Princes, and to rule over them as his vassals, is an egregious and an intolerable disgrace to them. But for us, by our complying, to go about to back such an injury, and disgrace, were no less injury. Wherefore if we should only say thus much, that this Trent Council of yours is not lawfully called, that Pope Pius hath done nothing rightly or orderly, no man could justly find fault with our absence. 9 I pass over the wrongs, which the Popes of Rome have done us: That they have as often as they pleased, armed our People against their Sovereign: That they have pulled the Sceptres out of our King's hands, and the Crowns from off their heads: That they would have the Kingdom of England to be theirs, and held in their name, and our Kings to Reign by their favour: That within these later years, they have stirred up against us, sometimes the French, sometimes the Emperor. What the intentions of Pius himself have been towards us, what he hath done, what he hath spoken, what he hath practised, what he hath threatened, 'tis needless to rehearse: For his actions and his words are not so close, so concealed, but that the aim of both may be discovered. By what courses he was made Pope, and by what steps he mounted to so great a dignity, I say nothing. I do not say, that he aspired to the Popedom by corrupting of Cardinals, buying of voices, by price and purchase, by undermine, and ambushes. I do not say that lately, being not able to quit scores, he cast Cardinal Caraffa into prison and there murdered him, by whose assistance he had compassed the rest of the Cardinal's voices, to whom for that service he owed a great sum of money. These, and diverse other things, I leave to you, who both behold them at a nearer distance, and better understand them. And can you wonder then, that wecome not to a man of Blood, one that purchases voices, that denies to pay his debts, to a Simoniacal person, to an Heretic? Believe me, it is not the part of a wise man wilfully to run into a place infected, and to consult of Religion with the enemies of Religion. My mother, says one, forbade me the company of infamous persons. john the Apostle durst not sit in the same Bath, nor wash with Olympius, lest he should be struck from heaven with the same thunder. I have not sat, saith David, in the assembly of Vanity, neither will I walk with the workers of iniquity. 10 But admit that this is the Pope's proper right; let it be in his power to call Counsels, to govern the whole world: Let those things be false and vain, whatsoever we have spoken concerning the power of the Emperor, and the right of Kings: Grant that Pope Pius is an honest man; that he was duly and lawfully made Pope; that he sought no man's life; that he did not kill Caraffa in prison: yet it is fit that Counsels should be free, that every man may be present that will, and those, with whose convenience it stands not, may be absent. And such was anciently the equity and moderation of those better men. The Princes were not then called together in such a slavish manner, that if any one of them had stayed at home, or had not sent Ambassadors to the Council, presently every eye was upon him, every finger pointing at him. In the Nicen Council, in the Ephesine, in that of Constantinople, what spy observed who were absent? But there was never an Ambassador then, neither from England, nor Scotland, nor Poland, nor Spain, nor out of the two Pannonia's, nor out of Denmark, nor out of all Germany. See, read, reexamine the Subscriptions, you shall find it so, as I say. And why do not you marvel then, that the English came not to those Counsels, being so full, so famous, so renowned, so frequented? Or that the Popes in those times were so patiented, as not to condemn them of contumacy? But this tyranny of the Popes was not yet grown up; it was lawful then for holy Bishops and Fathers, as it stood with their convenience, to stay at home without prejudice. The Apostle Paul would not put himself upon the Council at jerusalem, but rather appealed to Caesar. Athanasius the Bishop, though the Emperor summoned him to the Council at Caesarea, yet he would not come. The same man, in the Syrmian Council, when he saw that the Arrians were like to prevail, presently withdrew himself, and went his ways: and the Western Bishops following his example, refused to come to that Council. john Chrysostome came not to the Arrian Council, though the Emperor Constantius called him, both by letter, and also by message. At what time the Arrian Bishops assembled in Palestine, and drew with them the votes of the mayor part, old Paphnutius and Maximus Bishop of jerusalem, went out together out of the midst of their assembly. Bishop Cyril appealed from the Council of the Patropassians. Paulinus Bishop of Triers would not come to the Council of Milan, because that he saw, that by the favour and power of the Emperor Constantius, all ran of Auxentius the Arrians side. The Bishops that had met in a Council at Constantinople, being called to a Council at Rome, refused to come. Which notwithstanding turned not to their prejudice, though they were called by the Emperor's letters. In those days the excuse seemed reasonable enough, that they were to intent the charge and reformation of their own Churches. Though they saw that the Arrians did play reaks in all Churches and that their presence would have been of great importance for the abating of their rage. 11 What if our Bishops should now give the same answer, that they can spare no time from their sacred function; that they are wholly employed in setting up again their own Churches; that they cannot be absent, five, six, seven years, especially there, where they should be able to do no good. For our Bishops are not so idle, as those at Rome that frolic it in their palaces, and dance attendance upon the Cardinals, and hunt after liuings. Our Churches are so miserably wasted and ruined by them, that they cannot be repaired in a small time, or with ordinary diligence. But now we see plainly that these men seek to encroach upon our times, that without any necessity we might be drawn abroad and so disabled to advance the Gospel at home, and in the Council be hindered by them. 12 For the Pope, that you may not be mistaken, doth but make a show of a Council, and means it not, for think not that he doth any thing sincerely or truly. Lewis the eleventh was wont to say to Charles the eighth, that He that knows not how to make shows of what he means not, ken not Kings-craft: But, as the times go now, he that knows not how to make no show of what he means, and to cloak his designs under a disguised countenance, is much more ignorant how to play the Pope. For that Sea is wholly supported with mere hypocrisy, which the less natural strength it hath, so much the more colour it needs. For if the Pope's thought a General Council so effectual for removing of Schisms, why did they differre a thing so necessary thus long? Why did they sit quiet thirty years together, and suffered Luther's Doctrine to take root? Why did they not call a Council, with the first? Why did they assemble the Trent Council with such reluctancy and unwillingness, more by the instigation of the Emperor Charles, then of their own accord? And having been at Trent well nigh ten years, with all this deliberation why have they done just nothing? Why have they left the matter undone? Who hindered, who with stood them? Believe me in this, Good Brother, the Popes are not in hand now to Keep a solemn Council, or to restore religion, which they make a mock of. That which they intent, and seek, and labour for, is to delude the minds of godly men, and the whole world with a pompous expectation of a General Council. 13 They see that their wealth hath been lessening now a pretty while, and declining: That their tricks do not find the same credit now, as heretofore: That an incredible number of men every day fall from them: That men do not now run to Rome in such troops: That there is not now a days so high an estimation, or so dear a price given for indulgences, interdicts, blessings, absolutions, and empty Bulls: That their Mart of Ceremonies and Masses and all their whorish paintings are slighted: That a great part of their tyranny and pomp is shrunk: That their revenues are slenderer than they were wont to be: That they and theirs are laughed at every where, even by very children: That their whole rest lies now at stake. And indeed it is no wonder if those things fall, which had no roots to hold them. Our Saviour JESUS CHRIST extinguished all those things, not by arms or force of men, but by the heavenly blast and breath of his mouth; but will consume and abolish them with the brightness of his coming. This is the force of God's word; this is the power of the Gospel; these be the weapons, by which is overthrown every fortification, which is raised against the knowledge of God. This doctrine shall be preached through the whole world in despite of them all: the gates of Hell shall not prevail against it. The merit-mongers shops wax cold now at Rome; their wares, as if Porsenna's goods were put to sale, are very low priced, and yet can scarce find a chapman. The indulgence-broker trots up and down, and finds no fools. This is it; Hence grows their grief; This vexes the Popes. They see that this so great light broke forth from one spark: What is it like to do now, when so many fires are kindled in all places of the world? And so many Christian Kings and Princes acknowledge and profess the Gospel? For they serve not CHRIST JESUS, but their Bellies. They say that Carneades the Philosopher, when he was at Rome, and made that memorable speech against justice; amongst other things he added this, that this virtue, if it were one, would be less profitable to no kind of men, then to the Romans: For they by force and robbery had subdued other men's dominions to themselves, and had compassed the Empire of the World by high injustice. Now if they would at length observe justice, they must restore all those things, which they possess unjustly: They must return to their shepherd's houses, and their cold Cottages, which was all they had in the beginning. So verily these men, if they would deal plainly, and lay aside their disguises, and do their duty, and render every one his own, they see they must come to their staff and scrip again, to sobriety and modesty, to the labours and function of the Gospel. For they have heard Austin say, that, The name of a Bishop, is a name of work, not of worship; and, That they are no Bishops that would have the preeminence above others, but not benefit them. And therefore they see, that it is less expedient for themselves, then for any sort of men, to have the Gospel spread wider, and further propagated: for they cannot be safe, if they will be sound. Therefore now they raise tumults, and puzzle all, as Demetrius the Smith did of old, when he saw that his hopes of gain were cut. Now therefore Counsels are summoned, the Abbats and Bishops are called to make a party. For this they thought the cunningest plot, to spin out the time for some years, to hold men's minds in suspense with expectation: many things, as it useth, might fall out in the mean time: Some War might be raised: One of these Princes might die: that this so sharp edge of theirs for the Gospel, might in process of time be dulled: men's minds might wax cool: In the mean while, as one says, somewhat will be done I hope. 14 Long since, the Persians having been vanquished and led in triumph, when as the Athenians had begun to repair their walls, which the Persians had laid level with the ground; and the Lacedæmonians had straight interdicted them, to the end that they might keep them the easier under their check: Themistocles the Athenian General, a wise man, seeing the safety of his Country might be hazarded, promised that he would come to Lacedaemon to confer with them about it. So, being upon the way, to spend time, he feigns himself sick, that he might dwell the longer upon his journey. At length, being come to Lacedaemon, he began to make many cavils on set purpose: Sometimes the covenants did not please him: Sometimes he demands time to advice: Sometimes he must wait for his fellow Ambassadors, without whom nothing could be done: otherwise he must send Ambassadors to Athens. In the mean time, whilst he trifles, the Athenians had walled their City round; and, if any force were offered, were provided of a defence. So these men, whilst they put off from day to day, and will have all referred to Counsels; in the mean while they build up their walls, whilst we sit idle, looking after we know not what; that at the last, when they have made all safe, they may shut us out wholly, and neither Council, may be held, nor any thing at all done. 15 For it is worth the pains to observe their tricks, and fetches; How often Counsels have been summoned, and not met. How often a poor rumour hath dashed all their preparation, and all the expectation! How often have the Fathers made a stand upon the sudden in the midst of their journey! How often have the scarlet Counsellors, slipped home in the midst of the Council, having done just nothing; and have reiourned the next Session till the ninth or tenth year following! How often have they quarrelled with the air, the victuals, the place, the time! For the Pope only assembles the Counsels, and he alone dismisseth them when he lists. If any thing please him not, or the business begin to go awry, presently the solemn close of the Plays is heard, Valete, & Plaudite, Farewell, and clap your hands. A Council is warned at Basil: They meet from all parts in great numbers: They fall earnestly upon many matters: Eugenius the Pope is cast by all the voices, as a Simoniacal and Schismatical Person: Amideus, Duke of Savoy is put in his place: Eugenius, as he was to do, takes this indignly, thinks with himself, that this might be a dangerous precedent for posterity: That his power and strength was far above all Counsels: That a Council could not meet but by his command: nor determine of any thing, but what he pleased: That it was an ungodly act, to inquire into his life in a Conventicle of Bishops: Presently he calls back the Council to Ferrara in Italy; afterwards translates it to Florence. Why what doings is this, I pray? Did Eugenius think the climate would alter men's minds, or that the Holy Ghost would give discreeter answers in Italy, than he had formerly in Germany? Nay, nay, in all those changes he sought not after CHRIST, but his own benefit. He saw that his enemy Sigismond the Emperor, did overtoppe him in Germany, both in power, and in favour; And that those Fathers which had met at Basil, if they were removed out of those harsh and rough Countries into Italy, they might (as trees when they are transplanted) be made more mellow. For now adays (merciful God) the intent or scope of Counsels, is not to discover truth, or to confute falsehood. For these later ages, this hath been the only endeavour of the Popes, to establish the Roman Tyranny; to set wars on foot; to set Christian Princes together by the ears; to raise money, sometimes for the Holy Land, sometimes for the building of Saint Peter's Church, sometimes for other uses; I know not what, or rather abuses; all which money was to be cast into some few bellies, in gluttony, and lust. And this hath been the only cause or course of Counsels for some ages last passed. For of errors and abuses, as if there were none at all, nothing ever could be handled. 16 Peter de Alliaco made great complaint in the Council of Constance, concerning the covetousness and pride of the Court of Rome, but what good did he? Was there any part of their controversy or pride restrained by the authority of the Council? The same man says, that Holy days, and the flocks of idle Monks ought in his opinion to be lessened: And another (in a certain Work entitled, Tripartite, and joined to the Lateran Council) The whole world almost, says he, speaks against it, and is scandalised at the infinite multitude of beggarly Friars. And the Fathers in the Council of Lateran, we strictly command, say they, that for the future no man invent a new religious order. Since that time what hath been done for Holy days. I know not: it is probable, that no abatement is made. But for the Orders of Monks, they are infinitely multiplied. For the last Popes have added jesuites, Capuchins and Theatines; as if there had not been yet enough of these slow-bellies. john Gerson, Chancellor of Paris, exhibited in the Council of Constance, seventy five abuses in the Church of Rome, which he did earnestly desire might be reform. But of so great a number, what one abuse did they take away? john Picus Mirandula writes to Pope Leo, to abridge idle ceremonies, and to restrain the luxury of Priests. The Bishops afterwards, in the Lateran Council sat in great numbers, and moved much expectation. But what one ceremony did they abate? what one Priests luxury or lewdness did they condemn. Mantuan the Poet complains by name of the manners of the Church of Rome. Bernard the Abbot writes thus to Pope Eugenius: your Court receives good men, but makes them not: lewd men thrive there, the good pine and fall away. And speaking of the woeful state of the Church in those days, From the sole of the foot saith he, to the crown of the head, there is no health in her. And again says he, where is there one to preach the acceptable year of the Lord? Now a days, saith he, they keep not Christ's spouse, but destroy her; They feed not the Lords flock but slaughter and devour it. Pope Adrian the sixth, when he sent his Legate into Germany, confessed truly and ingenuously, that the state of the whole Clergy was most corrupt. All we Prelates, says he, have swerved every one to his own way, neither is there now any one that doth good, no not one. Albertus' Pighius confesses, that in the Mass itself, (which they would have to be most sacred, and in which alone they place the main of Christian Religion) are found errors and abuses. What needs more? I pass over other witnesses, for they are infinite. There were many Counsels held after this; the Bishops were called together; the Synod of Basill was summoned, as they then made show, expressly for the reformation of the whole Clergy. But since that time, the errors have been increased in all places; nay the vices of the Priests themselves doubled. 17 The Cardinals chosen by Pope Paul the third, to consider of the State of the Church, made report, that there were many corruptions in it, especially in the manners of the Bishops and Clergy men. That the Bishops were idle; did not instruct the people, nor feed the flock, nor look to the Lords vineyard: that they lived in Prince's Courts, and kept not home: That the Cardinals had sometimes three, sometimes four Bishoprickes in Commendam, not without great prejudice to the Church: for that those offices are not, as they say, compatible, or to be held together. That the Covents ought to be clean banished out of the Church. Since this, the Trent Council hath been held: But have the Bishops since then begun to feed the flock? Have they left their nonresidence, and living in Princes Courts? Have the Cardinals left to be Bishops? Or is it provided, that the Church sustain no prejudice thereby? Hath the number of Covents been abridged, or religion amongst them reform? What need then was there of calling together so many Bishops so fare off, or to advice so many years in vain of reforming the Church? This is just the Pharises going about to repair God's Church. 18 They confess errors and abuses: they call Counsels, and pretend a zeal of Religion and Godliness: They promise their pains and endeavours; that they will join with us, to build up again, whatsoever is fallen down. Just so, as the enemies of God's people said they would join with Nehemias to build the Lords Temple. For they did not intent the building of the Lords Temple, but by all possible means to hinder it. They will be reconciled to us, but so as Naas the tyrant would long ago with the jews of jabes, upon no other conditions, but that we must suffer our right eyes to be plucked our; that is, that we should suffer ourselves to be bereft of God's word, and the Gospel of our salvation. 19 For have they any care of Religion? Care they for God's Church, that care neither for God's vengeance, nor the salvation of the people, nor any part of their own duty? Let Pan, say they, look to his sheep; they in the mean time, manage wars, hunt, far deliciously; to say no worse of them, Immortal God who would believe that these men ever think of God's Church, or Religion? What errors will these men ever take away or when? What light will they restore unto us? Whatsoever you say, though you carried the sun itself in your hands, yet they will not see. Open errors they excuse as fare as they are able, and colour and smooth them, as anciently Symmachus or Porphyry did the errors and fopperies of the Heathen: And indeed they are wholly set upon this, not to seem to have led God's people astray, or at any time to have erred themselves. Or if it come in their heads to amend any thing, which either they never do, or very seldom and sparingly) as it is reported of Alexander and Emperor of Rome, that being not altogether averse from the Christian Religion, he worshipped Christ and Orpheus in the same Chapel: and as in times past the ancient Samaritans did retain the worship of the true God, and of Idols both together.) So they will receive perchance some part of the Gospel upon this condition, that therewith they may admit of superstitions, and old wife's tales: they receive truth, so that they may retain falsehood: they allow of ours, so that they may not disallow their own: And so they do not take away but colour abuses and only new plaster old pillars. 20 In this manner do they reform God's Church; so be the Council and Synods kept: Truth is not followed, but men's affections: The better part is mastered by the greater. Indeed the very name of a General Council carries a glorious lustre: But yet oftentimes poison is carowsed out of a fair cup. For it is not enough for a few Bishops and abbots to have met in one place; The virtue of a Council consists not in Rochetts, and Skarletts; neither is every Decree of a Council presently to be received for an Oracle. That was a Council of which the Prophet * Chap. 30. 3. Esay writes. 21 That was a Council of which the Prophet David speaks, The Kings of the earth set themselves, & the Rulers take counsel together against the Lord and against his anointed. That was a Council which condemned the Son of God Christ jesus to the Cross. That was a Council which was held at Carthage under Cyprian; in which it was Decreed that those, who had been baptised by Heretics, when they returned to the Church, aught to be baptised again. Which error could not be afterwards repealed but so many Counsels and writings of the Fathers. What needs many words? The Second Ephesine Council openly took Eutyches his part, that the humane nature in Christ was turned into his divinity. The second Nicene Council decreed flat Idolatry about adoration of Images. The Council of Basil, as Albertus' Pighius says, decreed against all antiquity, against nature, against reason, against the word of God. The Council of Ariminum decreed for the Arrians most impiously, that Christ was not God. Many other ensuing Counsels, that of Smyrna, the Arrian, the Seleucian, the Syrmian did both condemn the Homousians, and also subscribe to the impiety of the Council of Ariminum. What would you have more? The Council of Chalcedon itself, which was one of those four that Gregory compares with the four Gospels, Pope Leo did not stick to challenge it of unadvisedness. 21 Therefore we see Counsels have been often opposite one to another: And as Leo the Pope abrogated the Acts of Adrian, Stephanus of Formosus, john of Stephanus; And as Sabinian the Pope commanded all Pope Gregory's writings to be burnt, as erroneous and impious: So we see oftentimes that a later Council, hath repealed all the Decrees of a former. The Carthage Council decreed, that the Bishop of Rome should not be called either The High Priest, or The chief of Priests, or by any other the like name. But following Counsels have styled him, not only Chief Priest, but also Chief Bishop, and Head of the Catholic Church. The Eliberine Council decreed that nothing should be painted on the walls of Churches, that aught of right to be worshipped. The Council of Constantinople decreed that Images were not to be suffered in Christian Churches. On the other side, the second Nicen Council, determined, that Images were not only to be placed in Churches, but also to be worshipped. The Lateran Council under Pope julius the second, was summoned for no other cause, but to repeal the Decrees of the Pisan Council. So oftentimes the later Bishops oppose those that went before them, and Counsels dam up one another's lights. For these men will not be tied, no not to their own Counsels, but as far as they please, and is commodious for them, and will bring grist to their Mill. The Basil Council determined that a Council of Bishops was above the Pope. But the Lateran Council under Leo decreed, that the Pope was above the Council. And the Pope does not only bear himself so, but also commands him to be held for an heretic that shall think otherwise. But yet all the Bishops and Abbats in the Council of Basil say thus, He that opposeth these truths is to be accounted an heretic. How will you behave yourself, I beseech you! Whatsoever you say, or think, either the Pope or the Council will esteem you an heretic. All Popes, for some ages last passed, have opposed these truths: therefore all Popes, that lived in these ages, have been Heretics, in the judgement of the Council of Basil. The same Council did with an uniform consent remove Pope Eugenius, a Simoniacal and Schismatical person, and put Amideus in his place. But Eugenius vilifies the Counsels Decree; and though he were most Simoniacal and Schismatical, yet he continued to be the Successor of Peter, the Vicar of CHRIST, and Head of the whole Church of GOD. He retained his former dignity in despite of all their teeth, and was magnificently carried, as before, upon noble men's shoulders. Amideus, as one fallen from his horse, walked on foot like a simple man, and thought himself happy, that of a Pope he was made a Cardinal. The Council of Trent commanded that Bishops should teach the people, and that no one man should have more than one Spiritual preferment at one time: But they, contrary to the Edict of their Council, accumulate Benefices, and instruct not at all. So they make Laws, but obey them not, but when they list. This is the esteem they have always made of their own Counsels, and the Decrees thereof. 22 And why should we hope for better success at this present? With what expectation or hope can any one come to the Council? Do but think with yourself what manner of men they be, upon whose fidelity learning and judgement, the weight of this whole Council, the discussing of all questions, and the whole state of all things must lie and rest. They are called Abbots and Bishops, grave persons, and fair titles, men (as it is believed) of great importance for the government of the Church of GOD. But take from these men their titles, the persons they bear, and their trappings, there will nothing that belongeth to an Abbot or a Bishop remain in them. For they are not ministers of CHRIST, dispensers of the mysteries of GOD; they apply not themselves to reading, or to preach the Gospel; they feed not the flock, they till not the ground, they plant not the Lords Vineyard, nor kindle the fire, nor bear the Ark of the Lord, nor are the Ambassadors of CHRIST: they watch not, nor do the work of an Evangelist, nor perform the duty of their ministry: they entangle themselves with secular businesses; they hide the Lords treasure; they take away the keys of the Kingdom of God; they go not in themselves, nor suffer others; they beat their fellow servants, they feed themselves, and not the flock: they sleep, snort, feast, and riot: they are clouds without water, stars without light, dumb dogs, slow bellies; as Bernard saith, not Prelates, but Pilat's; not Doctors, but seducers; not Pastors, but impostors: The servants of CHRIST (saith he) serve Antichrist. The Popes will allow none but these to have place and suffrage in the Council: The care and charge of Christ's Catholic Church must depend upon their power and judgement: Upon none but such as these doth Pope Pius rely. But (good GOD) what manner of persons are they? They hold it ridiculous to ask that question. It is no matter (say they) how learned, or how religious they be; what their aim is, or what they think: If they can sit upon a Mule; if they can ride through the streets with pomp, and with a noise; if they can come into the Council, and say nothing, it is sufficient. If you believe me not, and think I speak in jest, hear what the faculty of Divinity, and the whole Sorbone, have determined concerning this matter. That which our great masters affirm (say they) concerning the due assembling of a Council, is to be understood thus; that for the lawful calling of a Council it is sufficient, that the form of Law be solemnly observed. For if it should be disputed, whether the Prelates there assembled have a good intention; whether they be learned, especially in the Scriptures, and are willing to obey wholesome doctrine, it would prove an infinite business. Those, forsooth, who fit mute, like the statues of Mercury, not knowing what belongs to Religion, will determine well concerning all points of Religion, and, whatsoever they say, they cannot possibly err. 23 These are obliged to the Pope, not through error and ignorance, but by oath and religion: So that although they should understand the truth, they cannot without perjury make profession of it, and are necessitated to break faith, either with God or man. For this is the formal oath which they all take. I N. C. Bishop, will henceforward bear true faith to S. Peter, and to the holy Apostolic Roman Church, to my Lord the Pope N. and his successors, which shall enter canonically. I will not be a means, either by word or deed, that he may lose, either life or member, or be taken prisoner: I will not reveal any counsel that he shall impart unto me, either by letters or message, which may be any way damageable to him: I will help to defend and maintain against all the world the Papacy of the Church of Rome, and the rules of the holy Fathers. In old time, when the Priests of Apollo Pytheus began to speak plainly in favour of King Philip, many would merrily say, that Apollo began to Philippize. When we see that nothing is decreed in the Council, but at the Pope's pleasure, why may we not say that the oracles of the Counsels do Tapize; that is, say nothing but what the Pope will. When Verres was charged with many crimes, of which in probability he was guilty, they say he was so wise, as not to commit his trial to any, but only to some trusty persons of his own train. The Popes have dealt more wisely: For they have chosen such judges, whom they know neither will (because it is their own case, in regard they refer all to voluptuousness and gluttony) nor can if they would (because they are sworn) decree any thing contrary to his will and pleasure. They set the holy Bible in the midst, as if they would do nothing against it: they look upon it afar off, and read it not. Indeed they bring a preiudicated opinion with them, not regarding what Christ hath said, but decreeing whatsoever they please. 24 Therefore that liberty which ought to be in all consultations, especially sacred, and which is most proper to the Holy Ghost, and the modesty of Christians, is quite taken away. Paul saith, If any thing be reavealed to another that 1. Cor. 14 30. sitteth by, let the first hold his peace: But these men apprehend, imprison and burn whosoever dareth but whisper against them. Witness hereof the cruel death of two most holy and resolute men, john Husse and Hierom of Prague, whom they put to death contrary to their safe conduct, & so broke their faith, both with God and man. So the wicked Prophet Zedekias, when he had put on iron horns, strooke Micheas the Prophet of the Lord on the face, saying, how hath the spirit of God left me, and is come to thee? Therefore these men alone domineer in Counsels, all others being excluded. They alone give voices, and make laws; like unto the Ephesians in times past: let no man (say they) live here, who is wiser than the rest, except he have a mind to be cast into banishment. They will not hear any of our men speak. In the last convention of the Council at Trent, ten years since, the Ambassadors of the Princes and free Cities of Germany came thither with a purpose to be heard, but were absolutely refused. For the Bishops and Abbots answered that they would not suffer their cause to have a free hearing, nor suffer controversies to be discussed out of the word of God: that our men were not to be heard at all except they would recant; which if they refused to do, they should come into the Council upon none other condition but to hear the sentence of condemnation pronounced against them. For julius the third in his Bull of indiction of the Council declared plainly that either they should change their opinions, or else should be condemned for heretics before they were heard. Pius the fourth who hath now a purpose to reassemble the Council, hath already prejudged for heretics all those who have left the Roman Church, that is to say, the greatest part of the Christian world, before they were ever either seen or heard. They say, and they say it often, that already all is well with them, and that they will not alter one jot of their doctrine and Religion. Albertus' Pighius saith, that without the authority of the Roman Church one ought not to believe the clearest, and plainest Scripture. Is this to restore the Church to her integrity? Is this to seek the truth? Is this the liberty and moderation of Counsels? 25 Though these things be most unjust, and most different from the fashion of ancient Counsels and of modest men, yet this is more unjust, that whereas the world complaineth of the Papal pride and tyranny, and doth believe that nothing can be amended in the Church of God until he be reduced into order, yet all things are referred unto him, as unto a most conscientious pence maker and judge. And unto what a kind of man (good God) are they referred? I will not call him an enemy of the Truth, ambitious, covetous proud, intolerable, even to his own followers. But they would make judge of all Religion him who commandeth that all his determinations shall be of equal value with those of Saint Peter himself, and saith, that in case he carry a thousand souls with himself to Hell, yet no man ought to reprehend him for it: who avoucheth that he can make injustice to be justice: whom Camotensis affirmeth to have corrupted the Scriptures, that he might have fullness of power: and to conclude, whom his own familiars and followers (joachimus, Abbas Petrarch, Marsilius Patavinus, Laurentius Valla, Hieronymus Savanorola) do clearly pronounce to be The Antichrist. All is referred to the judgement and will of this man alone; so that the same man is the party arraigned, and the judge: the accusers are heard from an inferior place, and the party accused sits in his Tribunal, and pronounceth the sentence concerning himself. These laws, forsooth, so equal, and so reasonable, Pope julius hath given us. No Council (saith he) is of any credit, nor ever will be, unless it be confirmed by the authority of the Church of Rome. Bonifacius 8. saith, That no creature in the world can possibly be saved, except he be subject to the Roman Church. And Pope Pascal thus, As though, saith he, any Counsels have made laws for the Church of Rome, when as all Counsels do subsist by it, and receive their strength from it; and do expressly except in all their Decrees the authority of the Bishop of Rome. Another saith, That which the Pope approveth or disprooueth, we ought to approve or disprove likewise. And again, It is not lawful for any man to disallow that which the Pope approveth. I know not what Parasite it is who most shamelessly saith, that though all the world should be of one opinion against the Pope, yet it seemeth to me that the Pope's opinion must be maintained. And another as impudently as he, It is a kind of sacrilege but to dispute of the Pope's fact, who though he be not always a good man, yet must he always be presumed to be. Another yet more impudently saith, The Pope's will is heavenly; therefore in those things which he willeth, his will standeth for reason; neither ought any man to say to him, why do you so? To leave many the like sayings, which are infinite, and to make an end, Pope Innocent the ninth speaks most impudently of all; The judge will not be judged, neither by the Emperor, nor by Kings, nor by the whole Clergy, nor by all the people of the world. O immortal God how near are they come to say thus; I will ascend upon the North-pole, and I will be like to the most High. If the Popes say true, what need we a Council? if they will hold a sincere and a free Council, away with these wicked and vainglorious lies: Let them not only not be practised, but let them even be razed out of all their Books, that all may not be left to the will and pleasure of one man who is most justly suspected. But the Popes, say they, cannot err, and that the word of GOD is to be regulated as they please: Before they enter into their place they swear to maintain certain late Counsels, which are most fowlly corrupted, and do religiously promise that nothing shall be changed. What marvel then that no good comes of a Council, if that errors and abuses are not taken away? that the Ambassadors of Princes are in vain called thither from so many remote parts? Notwithstanding I hear that now there are some men, not ill affected, yet careless what they say, who, though they condemn the arrogancy and Persian pride of the Pope, and his even Epicurean contempt of Religion, yet they desire that his authority should be maintained: Though they sometimes confess him to be Antichrist, yet being mounted into that chair, they doubt not but that he is Universal Bishop and Head of the whole Church of CHRIST. Here they triumph and please themselves, as if the Holy Ghost were affixed to the Pope's palace. Yet the saying is, The place doth not sanctify the man, but the man the place. And Hierome, as he is cited by them, saith, that, They are not sons of the Saints who hold their places, but who imitate their deeds. Likewise Christ telleth us, that the Scribes and Pharisees sit in Moses chair, but warneth us not to allow of their authority further than they speak out of the word of God. Augustine saith, What said Christ but this; Hear the voice of the Shepherd even by hirelings? For by sitting in the chair they teach the Law of God; therefore God doth instruct us by them. If they will teach aught of their own, hear them not, do it not. Likewise Paul saith, that Antichrist, that man of sin, must fit in the Temple. Hierome saith, Well; dost thou consider Peter? consider judas also: dost thou allow of Stephen? mark also what Nicholas was. Ecclesiastical dignity maketh not a Christian. Thus fare Hierome. It is reported that Pope Marcellinus sacrificed to Idols; that Pope Liberius was an Arrian; that Pope john the 22 had an impious opinion concerning the immortality of the soul; that Pope john the 8. was a woman, that she committed adultery during her Papacy, and going pompously in procession about the City, was delivered of a child, even in the very sight of the Bishops and Cardinals. And Liranus affirmeth, that many pope's have turned infidels. Wherefore we must not be too confident of places, and successions, and vain titles of dignities. Wicked Nero succeeded godly Metellus. Annas and Caiphas succeeded Aaron: and oftentimes Idols are put in the place of GOD. 26 But what I pray you is this great power and authority, whereof they do so insolently boast? whence comes it? From Heaven, or of men? Christ spoke unto Peter, say they; upon this rock I will build my Church; by which words, the Pope's authority is confirmed. For the Church of Christ is placed in Peter, as in the foundation. But Christ gave nothing to Peter by these words more than to the other Apostles: neither doth he make mention of the Pope, or of Rome. Christ is that rock; Christ is that foundation. No man, saith Saint Paul, can lay another foundation then that which is already laid, which is Christ jesus. 27 These words, upon this rock I will build my Church, Saint Augustine expoundeth thus: upon this, saith he, which Peter confessed, saying, Thou art Christ the son of the living God. It is not said thou art the rock, but thou art Peter: the rock was Christ. Saint Basill saith thus: upon this rock, that is, upon this faith I will build my Church. Origen, that most ancient Father, saith that every disciple is a rock, after that he hath drunk of that spiritual rock; and upon such a rock all the doctrine of the Church is builded. But if thou thinkest that the whole is built upon Peter only, what sayest thou of john the son of thunder, and of each of the Apostles. For shall we be so bold as to say, the Gates of Hell shall not prevail against Peter only, and they shall prevail against the rest of the Apostles; and against good men? Or shall we not rather say, let that which is spoken (and the Gates of Hell shall not prevail against him; and that other, upon this rock I will build my Church) be true in every one of those of whom it was spoken. Were the keys of the kingdom given to Peter only, so that none of the other Saints might meddle with them. Then if this saying, (to thee I will give the keys of the kingdom of Heaven) be common to others also, why are not the other sayings so to? Saint Hilary saith, There is but one happy rock of faith, which Peter confessed with his mouth. And again he saith, Upon this confession of Peter the Church is built: and a little after he saith, This faith is the foundation of the Church. In like manner other Fathers, Hierom, Cyrill, Beda, say that the Church is built, not upon Peter, but upon his faith, that is, upon jesus Christ the son of God, whom Peter, by divine inspiration, confessed. Peter (saith Augustine) taketh his name from the Rock, not the Rock from Peter; neither will I (saith he) build myself upon thee, but I will build thee upon me. So also Nicholas Lira (though he be not always a good author; for you know in what age he lived) saw thus much: Upon this Rock, saith he, that is, upon CHRIST. By this it appeareth, that the Church cannot rely wholly upon any man by reason of any power, or Ecclesiastical dignity, because many Popes are known to be Apostats, have been Apostats. 28 Why then, wherein doth this Papal authority consist? In teaching? They teach not at all. In administering the Sacraments? They administer them not. In feeding? Why they do it not. Yet this is the power which CHRIST bestowed on his Apostles. Go (saith he) into the whole world, and preach the Gospel: And afterward, Ye shall be fishers of men. And, as my living Father sent me, so send I you. But these men whither go they? what do they teach, or preach, or fish for? From whence go they, or by whom are they sent? This is not Apostolical authority, but a proud intolerable domination, usurped by force and tyranny. None of us (saith Cyprian) calleth himself Bishop of Bishops, nor violently compelleth his Colleagues to any necessary obedience, sith every Bishop may use his liberty and power according to his own discretion, without being judged by any, seeing that he himself judgeth no man. Again he saith, The other Apostles were that which Peter was, and had the same fellowship of honour, and power. Saint Hierome saith, the authority of the world is greater than that of one City. Why do you extol the custom of one City? Why do you make a paucity, whence pride began, to give laws to the Church? Wheresoever any Bishop is, whether at Rome, or at Eugubium, or at Constantinople, or at Rhegium, he is of the same desert and Priesthood. The strength of riches, or humbleness of poverty maketh a Bishop neither greater nor less. Gregory saith, Peter is the chief member in the body; john, Andrew, james are Heads of particular people: yet all of them are members of the Church under one Head. Nay, the Saints before the Law, the Saints under the Law, the Saints under the Gospel, and all that make up the body of the Lord are to be accounted members, and none was ever willing to be called Universal. 29 This is that power which some do so strenuously defend at this day, which, whatsoever they think of the Pope's life and religion, they would have to be most religiously maintained, as if the Church could not subsist without it; or as if a Council were no Council except the Pope did will and command it to be so; or as if the whole world must needs be deceived, if it should think otherwise. Wherefore now that you see that all things are most unjustly handled, that nothing is sincerely and fairly carried in Counsels, you may not wonder that our men had rather tarry at home, then take so long, and so idle a journey, in which they shall both lose their labour, and betray their cause. 30 You will say, it is not lawful to make change in Religion without order from the Pope and the Council. Yet the Popes have changed almost the whole state of the Primitive Church without any Council at all. You use a fair smooth speech, but it is to cover foul errors. The purpose is only to keep men's minds in expectation, that being wearied with tedious delays, they may at the last despair of any good. For what? while the Pope assembleth a Council, while the Bishops and Abbots return home, will they have GOD's people in the mean while, to be deceived, to err, to mistake themselves, to be overwhelmed with errors, and want of the knowledge of GOD, and so to be carried to everlasting destruction? Is it not lawful for any of us to believe in CHRIST, to profess the Gospel, to serve God aright, to fly superstition, and idolatry, except they will be pleased to give us leave? The state of God's children were most miserable, if, there being so many errors, so generally spread, so gross, so blind, so foul, and so perspicuous and manifest, that even our adversaries themselves are not able to deny them, nothing could be done without the whole world should meet in a general Council; the expectation whereof is very uncertain, and the event much more. In times past, when the Persians invaded Greece, and began to lay all waste, if then the Lacedæmonians, whose virtue was then most eminent amongst the Grecians, whose help was requisite as soon as might be, had expected a more seasonable moon to make war in (for it was an ancient superstition, which proceeded from Lycurgus, not to go forth to fight but in a full moon) their Country might have been spoiled whilst they deferred the time. They say, delay breeds danger. The safety of God's Church is in question; the Devil goeth about roaring like a Lion, seeking whom he may devour. Simple men are easily deceived; and though they be often touched with a zeal towards God, yet they persecute the son of God before they be ware: And, as Nazianzen saith, when they purpose to fight for Christ, they fight against him: Nay the Bishops themselves, who ought to have a care of these things, are (as though they were but Ghosts) careless of them: or, to speak truth, they increase the error, and make the mist that is in their Religion twice as great as it was. Must we therefore sit idle, expecting how these Fathers will handle the matter? must we hold our hands together and do nothing. Nay, saith Cyprian, there is but one Bishoprique, of which every one holdeth an entire part, whereof he is to give account to the Lord. I will require, saith the Lord, their blood at thy hands. If any shall put his hand to the plough and look back, and be solicitous what others think, and expect the authority of a general Council, and hide the Lord's treasure, in the mean while, he shall here this, O evil and faithless servant! take him away, and cast him into outward darkness. Suffer (saith Christ) the dead to bury their dead, but come thou and follow me. In humane counsels, it is the part of a wise man to expect the judgement and consent of men? but in matters divine, God's word is all in all: the which so soon as a godly man hath received, he presently yields and submitteth himself; he is not wavering, not expecteth others. He understandeth that he is not bound to give care to the Pope, or the Council, but to the will of God, whose voice is to be obeyed, though all men say nay. The Prophet Elias presently obeyed God's command, though he thought he was alone; Abraham, being warned of God, went out of Chaldea; Lot went out of Sodom; the three Israelites made a public confession of their Religion, and did publicly detest Idolatry, without expecting a general Council. Go (saith the Angel) out of the midst of her and partake not of her sins, lest you taste of her Plagues. He saith not, expect a Synod of Bishops. So God's truth was first published, and so it is now to be restored. The Apostles first taught the Gospel without a public Council; in like manner the same Gospel may be restored again without a public Council. If at the first, Christ and his Apostles would have carried, and differred all until a general Council, when had their sound gone forth into all lands? how had the kingdom of heaven suffered violence? and how had the violent taken it by force? Where now would the Gospel, and the Church of God have been? As for our parts, we do not fear and fly, but desire and wish for a Council, so that it be freely ingenuous, and Christian; so that men do meet as the Apostles did; so that Abbots and Bishops be freed from their oath by which they are bound to the Popes; so that, that whole conspiracy be dissolved; so that our men may be modestly and freely heard, and not condemned before they be heard; so that one man may, not have power to overthrew whatsoever is done. But seeing it impossible (as the times now are) that this should be obtained; and seeing that all absurd things, foolish, ridiculous, superstitious, impious are defended most pertinaciously, and that for custom sake, because they have been once received, we have thought it fit to provide for our Churches by a national Council. 31 For we know that the spirit of God is tied neither to places, nor to numbers of men. Tell it to the Church, saith Christ: not to the whole Church spread over the world, but to a particular, which may easily meet in one place. Wheresoever, saith he, two or three shall be, gathered together in my name, there am I in the midst of them. When Paul would reform the Churches of the Corinthians, and of the Galatians, he did not command them to expect a General Council; but only wrote unto them, that what error soever or vice was amongst them, themselves should presently cut it off. So in times past, when Bishops did sleep, or intended by-matters, or did defile and pollute the Lords Temple, God did always extraordinarily raise up some, men of great spirit and courage, who made all well and sound again. 32 For ourselves, we have done nothing but with very good reason; nothing but what we saw to be lawful, and to have been practised by the Fathers of the primitive Church, without any reprehension at all. wherefore we called a full Synod of Bishops, and, by common consent of all sorts, purged our Church, as it were Augeus his stable, of those excrements, which either the negligence, or the malice of men had brought in. we have restored all things, as much as possibly we could, to the ancient purity of the Apostolical times, and the similitude of the primitive Church. This was justly in our power to do, and because we could do it, we did it boldly. 33 Here I think it fit that you should hear what Pope Gregory the first hath written concerning this matter; which pleaseth me the more, because he wrote it to Augustine, Bishop of the English, about the institution of the Church of England. He exhorteth him not to call a Council, but to ordain that which he himself in his own wisdom did think would most promote piety and religion. Your brotherhood, saith he, knoweth the Custom of the Roman Church, in which you have been brought up. It pleaseth me to hear, that you have been careful to make choice of as many things as you can find acceptable to GOD, either in the Church of Rome, France, or of any other, that you may bring them into the English Church, which is as yet but new in faith, and, as it were, but now to be framed. For things are not to be valued because of the place where they are found, but places are to be valued for the things that are in them. 34 So the Fathers in the Council of Constantinople writ to Damasus Bishop of Rome, and to the other Western Bishops: You know, say they, that the old Decree, and definition of the Nicen fathers concerning the care of particular Churches, hath always been in force, that the husbandmen of the Lord's vineyard in every Province, taking their next bordering neighbours unto them, if they please, should bestow Ecclesiastical honours upon those whom they think will use them well. The Bishops of Africa wrote thus to Celestinus Bishop of Rome: Let your Holiness, as becometh you, take away all wicked evasions of Priests, and inferior Clergymen, because none of the Fathers have denied this to the Church of Africa. And the Decrees of the Nicen Council do most plainly refer not only mean Clergy men, but even the Bishops themselves to their Metropolitans. For businesses are best ended in the places where they are, neither is the grace of the Holy Spirit wanting unto any Province. Let this equity be wisely observed, and constantly maintained by the Ministers of CHRIST. 35 Eleutherius, Bishop of Rome writeth to Lucius King of Britanny much better, and more appositely to our present purpose. You have (saith he) desired, that we should send you the laws of the Romans, and of the Emperors, that you may make use of them in the kingdom of Britanny. These laws we may abrogate when we will, but the laws of God we cannot. You have received (by God's mercy) into your kingdom of Britanny the law and faith of CHRIST; you have there the Old and the New Testament: from them take, through the grace of God, laws by a Council of your own kingdom, and, God permitting you, instruct your kingdom of Britanny by them. For you are God's Vicar in that kingdom; according to that of the Psalmist, The earth is the Lords. 36 What should I say more? Victor, Bishop of Rome held a provincial Synod at Rome: justinian the Emperor commandeth that Synods (if there were occasion) should be held in every Province; protesting to punish them, if they did not do it. Every province (saith Hierom) hath peculiar manners, and rites, and conceits, which cannot be altered without a great deal of trouble. What should I repeat those old provincial Counsels at Eliberis, Gangra, Laodicea, Ancyra, Antioch, Tyrus, Carthage, Milevitum, Tholouse, & Bordeaux. This is no new invention. The Church of God was so governed before the Fathers met in the Nicen Council: men did not presently run to a general Council. Trophilus held a provincial Council in Palestina; Palmas in Pontus; Irenaeus in France; Bacchylus in Achaia, Origen against Berillus in Arabia. I omit many other National Counsels held in Africa, Asia, Graecia, Egypt without any order from the Bishop of Rome; which Counsels were godly, Orthodox, and Christian. For Bishops in those times upon the sudden, if any occasion had been offered, did provide for the necessity of their Churches by a domestical Council, and sometimes craved aid from their neighbour Bishops; so that they mutually helped one the other. Neither did Bishops only believe, that the cause of Religion belonged to them, but even Princes too. For to pass over Nabuchadnezar, who commanded upon pain of death, that the name of the God of Israel should not be blasphemed; to omit David, Solomon, Ezekias, josias, who partly built, partly purged the Temple of the Lord, Constantius the Emperor put down Idolatry without a Council, and made a most severe edict, that it should be capital to sacrifice to Idols. Theodosius the Emperor caused the Temples of the heathen Gods to be pulled to the very ground. jovinian, so soon as he was created Emperor, made his first law for the restoring of banished Christians. justinian the Emperor was wont to say, that he had no less care of Christian Religion, then of his own life. When josua was made ruler of the people, he presently received command concerning religion, and the worship of God. For Princes are nursing Eathers of the Church, and keepers of both tables. Neither is any greater cause that hath moved God to erect politic States, then that always there might be some to maintain and preserve Religion and piety. 37 Princes therefore now a days do more greivously offend, who indeed are called Christians, but sit idly, follow their pleasures, and patiently suffer impious worships and contempt of God, leaving all unto their Bishops, whom they know to make but a mock of Religion: as if the care of the Church, and of God's people belonged not to them, or as if they were Pastors but of sheep and oxen, as it were, to be careful of their bodies, and neglect their souls. They remember not, that they are God's servants, chosen of purpose to serve him. Ezekias went not into his own house, before he saw God's Temple purified. King David said, I will not give any sleep unto mine eyes, nor suffer mine eye lids to slumber, until I have found a place for the Lord, a tabernacle for the God of jacob. O that Christian Princes would hear the voice of the Lord! Now, saith the Lord, understand O ye Kings, and learn ye that be judges of the earth: I have said ye are God's, that is, men chosen by God to honour his name. Thou, whom I have raised out of the dust, and placed in the highest degree of dignity and honour, and set thee over my people, when thou art so careful to build and adorn thine own house, do but think with thyself how thou canst contemn mine house? Or how dost thou pray daily, that thy kingdom may be confirmed to thee and thy posterity? Is it that my name may be contemned? That the Gospel of my CHRIST may be put down? That my servants, for my sake, may be slain before thine eyes? That tyranny may be further spread, my people always deceived and scandal confirmed by thee? Woe unto him by whom scandal cometh: Woe also unto him by whom it is confirmed. Thou abhorrest material blood: how much more the blood of souls? Thou remember'st what happened to Antiochus, Herod and julian: I will give thy kingdom to thine enemy, because thou hast sinned against me: I change times, and seasons: I put down and raise up Kings; that thou mayest understand, that I am the most high; that I have power over the kingdom of men, and give it to whom I will: I bring low, and I exalt: I glorify them that glorify me, and put to shame those, that despise me. Epistola Reu. P. JOANNIS IVELLI, Episcopi Sarisburiensis, ad virum nobilem, D. SCIPIONEM, Patricium Venetum. 1 SCribis ad me familiariter pro ea consuetudine, quae inter nos summa semper fuit (ex eo usque tempore, quo vnd viximus Pataviae, Tu in Reip. tuae tractatione occupatus, ego in studijs literarum) mirari te, tecumque alios istîc multos, cum hoc tempore Concilium generale componendae religionis, & contentionis tollendae causa Tridenti à Pontifice indictum sit, & eò iam reliquae omnes nationes undique convenerunt, solum Angliae regnum, nec Legatum eò aliquem misisse, nec absentiam suam per nuntios, aut liter as excusasse: sed sine consilio omnem prope rationem veteris, & avitae religionis immutasse: quorum alterum superbae contumaciae videri ais, alterum perniciosi schismatis. Nefas enim esse, si quis sanctissimam authoritatem defugiat Rom. Pont. aut vocatus ab illo ad Concilium se subducat. Controversias autem de religione non alibi, quam in huiusmodi conventibus fas esse disceptari. Ibi enim esse Patriarchas & Episcopos; Ibi esse ex omni genere hominum viros doctissimos, ab illorum ore petendam esse veritatem; ibi esse lumina Ecclesiarum; ibi esse spiritum sanctum; Pios Principes semper omnes, si quid incidisset ambigui in cultu Dei, illud semper ad publicam consultationem retulisse. Mosen, josuam, Davidem, Ezechiam, josiam, aliosque judices, Reges, Sacerdotes, de rebus divinis non alibi, quàm in Episcoporum Concilio deliber asse; Apostolos Christi, piosque Patres inter se Concilia celebrasse; sic veritatem emicuisse; sic expugnatas esse haereses; sic Arrium, sic Eunomium, sic Eutychetem, sic Macedonium, sic Pelagium succubuisse; sic hodie dissidia orbis terrarum componi, & ruinas Ecclesiae sarciri posse, si positis contentionibus & studijs veniatur ad Concilium: sine Concilio autem quicquam in religione tentari nefas esse. 2 Atque haec quidem ferè literarum tuarum summa fuit. Ego verò non id mihi nunc sumo, ut tibi pro regno Angliae, quo quidque consilio factum sit, quicquam respondeam. Neque te id à me requirere, aut velle arbitror. Regum consilia recondita & arcana sunt, & esse debent. Nosti illud, nec passim, nec omnibus, nec quibuslibet. Tamen pro nostra inter nos veteri & privata consuetudine (quoniam te id video ita prolixè petere) quid mihi videatur, breviter & amicè respondebo: sed ita, ut ait ille, quantum sciam poteroque, idque tibi non dubito fore satis. 3 Miramur, inquis, Legatos ex Anglia ad Concilium non venire. Obsecro te, An Angli soli ad Concilium non veniunt? an ergo tu Concilio interfuisti? an censum egisti? an capita singula enumerasti? an videbas alias nationes undique omnes convenisse, praeter Anglos? Quod si tibi mirari tam cordi est, cur non miraris hoc quoque: aut tres illos memorabiles Patriarchas, Constantinopolitanum, Antiochenum, Alexandrinum, aut presbyterum joannem, aut Graecoes, Armenios, Medos, Persas, Egyptios, Mauritanoes, Aethiopas, Indos ad Concilium non venire? An enim multi ex estis omnibus non credunt in Christum? non habent Episcopos? non baptizantur in nomine Christi? non sunt, appellanturque Christiani? An verò ab istis singulis nationibus venerunt Legati ad Concilium? An tu hoc potius dices, Papam illos non vocasse, aut ilios ecclesiasticis vestris sanctionibus non teneri? 4 Sed nos hoc miramur magis, Papam eos, quos inauditos, indicta causa, pro hereticis iam antea condemnavit, & publicè excommunicatos pronunciavit, eosdem postea vocare voluisse ad Concilium. Homines enim primum damnari at que affici supplicio, deinde eosdem vocari in iudicium absurdum est, & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Verum hoc mihi velim responderi, utrum id agit pontifex, ut nobiscum, quos habet pro haereticis, in Concilio de Religione deliberet; an potius, ut nos ex inferiori loco causam dicamus, & vel statim mutemus sententiam, vel iterum è vestigio condemnemur? alterum nowm est, & prorsus nostrarum partium hominibus iam pridem à julio Papa tertio denegatum: alterum ridiculum est, si id put at Anglos venturos esse ad Concilium, tantùm ut accusentur & causam dicant, apud illum praesertim, qui iamdudum non tantum à nostris, sed etiam à suis gravissimis criminibus accusetur. 5 Quod si Anglia sola tibi adeo videtur esse contumax, ubi ergo sunt legati Regis Daniae, Principum Germaniae, Regis Suetiae, Heluetiorum, Rhetiorum, liberarum Civitatum, Regni Scotiae, Ducatus Prussiae? Cum in Concilio vestro tot desiderentur nationes Christianae, ineptum est Anglos solos numerare. Sed quid ego istos dico? Pontifex ipse ad Concilium suum non venit, & cur tu hoc etiam non miraris? Quae enim est ista superbia, unum hominem animi causa, cum libet, convocare omnes Reges, Principes, Episcopos Christianos, eosque velle dicto esse audientes: ipsum solum in illorum conspectum non venire? Certè quum Apostoli agerent conventus Hierosolymis, Petrus Apostolus, de cuius isti sede & successione gloriantur, abesse noluit. Verùm opinor meminat Pius Papa quartus, is qui nunc Pontificatum obtinet, quid joanni 22. olim acciderit: illum non satis auspicatò venisse ad Concilium Constantiense: venisse enim Papam & rediisse Cardinalem. Itaque ex eo tempore pontifices, caverunt sibi post principia, & se continuerunt domi, & omnibus Concilijs ac liberis disceptationibus obstiterunt. Nam ante annos quadraginta cum Doctor Martinus Lutherus omnibus Diris & fulminibus à pontifice peteretur, quod docere cepisset Euangelium, & ex verbo Dei religionem instauraret, & summissè petijsset, ut causa sua integra reijceretur ad cognitionem Concilij generalis, audiri non potuit ullo modo. Leo enim decimus Papa satis videbat, sires ad Concilium redijsset, suam etiam rem venire posse in periculum, & seipsum fortasse audire ea posse, quae nollet. 6 Pulchrum quidem est nomen Concilij generalis, modo ita, ut oportet, conveniatur, & positis affectionibus omnia referantur ad praescriptum verbi Dei, & uni veritati seruiatur. At si apertè religio, & pietas opprimatur, si tyrannis, & ambitio confirmetur, si factionibus, ventri, libidini studeatur, nihil potest cogitari Ecclesiae Dei perniciosius. Atque haec quidem hactenus ita dico, quasi Concilium istud, quod tu dicis, usquam aut ullum sit: quod ego prorsus nullum esse arbitror. Aut si uspiam aut ullum est, certè obscurum & valde arcanum est. Nos enim quamuis non ita procul absumus, tamen quid agetur, qui Episcopi convenerint, vel potius an ulli omnino convenerint, scire adhuc nullo modo possumus. Immo etiam ante viginti menses, cum Concilium istud à Pontifice Pio primum indiceretur, Ferdinandus Imperator, respondit quamuis aliaomnia convenirent, locum tamen, quem Papa delegerat sibi magnopere displicere. Tridentum enim etsi bella sit Civitas, tamen nec satis opportunam esse tot gentibus, nec tantam frequentiam hominum, quantum ad generale Concilium convenire par sit, posse capere. Eadem fere ab alijs Principibus Christianis, à quibusdam etiam non paulo asperiora respondebantur. Itaque nos ista omnia vnd cum Concilio in fumos abijsse credebamus. 7 Sed obsecrote, quis ille tandem est, qui istud Concilium indixit, & orbem terrarum convocavit? Pius, inquies, Papa quartus. Et cur ille potius quam Episcopus Tolletanus? qua enim potestate, quo exemplo primitivae Ecclesiae, quo iure haec facit? An ita Petrus, Linus, Cletus, Clemens, edictis suis orbem terrarum commoverunt? Fuit hoc semper, saluis rebus, ius Imperatorum Romanorum proprium: Nunc autem postquam imminutae sunt vires Imperij, & regna in partem Caesareae potestatis successerunt, ea potestas communicata est cum Principibus & Regibus Christianis. Scrutare annales, collige memorias vetustatis. Inuenies antiquissima Concilia, Nicenum, Ephesinum, Chalcedonense, Constantinopolitanum ab Imperatoribus Romanis, Constantino, Theodosio primo, Theodosio secundo, Martiano indictafuisse, non à Romanis Pontificibus. 8 Leo Pontifex, satis alioqui sui amans, & nulla in re negligens authoritatem sedis suae, Mauritium Imperatorem suppliciter oravit, ut Concilium indiceret intra Italiam: quod ille tum locus ei negotio convenire maximè videretur. Supplicant, inquit, omnes Sacerdotes mansuetudini vestrae, ut generalem Synodum iubeatis intra Italiam celebrari. At Imperator Concilium illud non intra Italiam, quod Pontifex maximè contendebat, sed Chalcedonem in Bithyniam inssit convocari: ut ostender et ius illud suum esse, & ad se unum pertinere. Et cùm Ruffinus in illa concertatione, quam habuit cum Hieronymo, allegasset Synodum, doce inquit Hieronymus quis Imperator cam iusserit convocari. Non putabat D. Hieronymus satis firmam esse authoritatem Concilij generalis, nisi illud Imperator coegisset. Ego verò non id quaero, quis Imperator Episcopos hoc tempore iusserit Tridentum evocari: sed Papa, qui tantum sibi sumpsit, quocum Imperatore de habendo Concilio deliberauerit, quem Regem aut Principem Christianum conscium fecerit voluntatis suae. In ius alterius per fraudem aut vim irrumpere, quódque alienum sit, id sibi tanquam suum usurpare iniuri●mest. Abuti autem clementia Principum, illisque tanquam seruis suis imperare, insignis est & non ferenda contumelia. Nos autem obsequio nostro velle tantam iniuriam, & contumeliam confirmare, non minùs magna esset iniuria. Quare si hoc tantùm diceremus, Concilium istud vestrum Tridentinum non esse legitimè convocatum, nihil à Papa Pio ritè atque ordine esse factum, nemo posset absentiam nostram satis iustè reprehendere. 9 Mitto quibus nos iniurijs à Romanis Pontificibus affecti simus. Illos quoties libuit, populum nostrum in Principem armavisse: Illos Regibus nostris sceptra de manibus, & diadema de capite detraxisse: Illos Regnum Angliae suum esse, & suo nomine possideri, & Reges nostros suo beneficio regnare voluisse: Illos proximis istis annis modò Gallum in nos, modò Caesarem commovisse. Quid autem Pius iste de nobis consilij caeperit, quid egerit, quid dixerit, quid molitus, quid minatus sit, nihil opus est commemorare. Facta enim eius, dictáque non ita tectasunt, & recondita, quin intelligi utcunque possit, quid velit. Quibus autem ille rationibus Pontifex factus fuerit, quibusque quasi gradibus ad illam tantam dignitatem ascenderit, nihil dico. Non dico illum corruptis Cardinalibus, emptis suffragijs, mercede ac pretio per cuniculos & insidias ad Pontificatum aspirasse. Non dico illum nuper admodum cum soluendo non esset, Cardinalem Caraffam, cuius ope reliquorum Cardinalium suffragia collegerat, cuique eo nomine debebat magnam vim auri, vinctum in carcere interfecisse. Ista, aliáque complura vobis relinquo potiùs, qui ea & propiùs videtis & meliùs intelligitis. An ergo tu nos adhominem sanguinarium, ad mercatorem suffragiorum, ad aeris alieni negatorem, ad Simoniacum, ad haereticum miraris non venire? Non est prudentis (mihi crede) velle se conijcere in sedem pestilentiae, & cum hostibus Religionis velle de Religione consilium capere. Ad infames (inquit quidam) vetuit me mater accedere. joannes Apostolus non est ausus in eodem balneo sedere, & unà lavare cum Olympio, ne unà cum illo fulmine de coelo feriretur. Non sedi, inquit David, in consilio vanitatis, & cum iniqua agentibus non introibo. 10 Sed esto: sit hoc jus Papae proprium: possit convocare Concilia: possit terrarum orbi imperare: sint ea falsa & vana quae diximus de potestate Caesaris & iure Regio: sit Pius Papa vir bonus, sit rectè, sit legitimè factus Pontifex: nullius vitam petiverit; Caraffam in carcere non occiderit: tamen Concilia aequum est esse libera, ut adsit, qui velit, cui adesse non sit commodum, abesse liceat. Ea olim melioribus aequitas & moderatio seruabatur. Non ita tum seruiliter cogebantur Principes, ut si quis fortè mansisset domi, aut Legatos ad Concilium non misisset, statim omnium digitis atque oculis notaretur. In Concilio Niceno, in Ephesino, in Constantinopolitano, in Chalcedonensi, quaeso te, quis explorator obseruavit, qui abessent? Atqui nullus tum adfuit Legatus, nec ex Anglia, nec è Scotia nec è Polonia, nec ex Hispania, nec è Pannonijs, nec è Dania, nec ex tota Germania. Vide, lege, recognosce subscriptiones: invenies ita rem habere, ut dico. Et cur non miraris Anglos, tum ad illa Concilia ita plena, ita praeclara, ita celebria, ita frequentia, non venisse? Aut Episcopos Romanos ita tum fuisse patientes, ut illos non condemnarent contumaciae? Verùm nondum creverat ista Tyrannis Pontificia: fas tum erat Sanctis Episcopis & Patribus pro suo commodo sine fraude manere domi. Paulus Apostolus noluit sese dare in Concilium Hierosolymitanum, sed potiùs appellavit ad Caesarem. Athanasius Episcopus, quamuis vocaretur ab Imperatore ad concilium Caesariense, tamen venire noluit. Idem in Concilio Syrmiano, cum rem videret inclinare ad Arrianos, statim subduxit se, atque abijt: eiúsque exemplum secuti Episcopi Occidentis ad illud Concilium venire recusarunt. johannes Chrysostomus ad Concilium Arrianorum non accessit, quamuis ab Imperatore Constantio & literis & nuntijs vocaretur. Cum Arrianorum Episcopi in Palestina convenissent, & maximam partem suffragiorum secum traberent, Paphnutius senex, & Maximus Hierosolymorum Episcopus unà è medio conventu discesserunt. Cyrillus Episcopus à Patropassianorun Concilio appellavit. Paulinus Episcopus Trevirensis venire noluit ad Concilium Mediolanense, quòd videret propter gratiam & potentiam Imperatoris Constantij, omnia ivere ad Auxentium Arrianum. Episcopi qui ad Concilium Constantinopolitanum convenerant, ad Concilium Romanum, quò vocabantur, venire noluerunt. Quod tamen illis fraudi non fuit, quamuis Imperatoris literis vocarentur. Satis ea tum iusta excusatio esse videbatur, quòd Ecclesiarum suarum curae, atque instaurationi studendum esset. Quamuis viderent Arrianos per omnes iam Ecclesias grasari, & ad minuendam illorum rabiem magnum pondus habituram esse praesentiam suam. 11 Quid si idem illud Episcopi nunc nostri responderent, non esse otium à sacro Ministerio, sese prorsus occupatos esse in restituendis Ecclesijs suis: non posse abesse domo quinque, sex, septem annos, ibi praesertim, ubi nihil possint promovere? non enim ita otiosi sunt Episcopi nostri, ut sunt qui Romae delitiantur in palatijs, & sectantur Cardinales, & venantur sacerdotia. Ita enim miserè perditae sunt ab istis, atque eversae Ecclesiae nostrae, ut nec paruo tempore, nec mediocri diligentia possint instaurari. Nunc autem apertè videmus obsideri ab istis nostra tempora, ut cùm minimè necesse sit, foras distrahamur, & nec domi propagare possimus Euangelium, & in Concilio ab ipsis impediamur. 12 Simulat enim Papa, ne nescias: non cogitat Concilium: neque enim tu illum quicquam putes sincerè, & verè agere. Qui nescit simulare (dicere solebat olim Rex Ludovicus undecimus Carolo octavo) nescit regnare: multo verò magis, qui nescit dissimulare, & consilia sua vultu tegere, ut nunc quidem est, nescit agere Pontificem. Illa enim sedes tota merae nititur Hypocrisi: quae quo minùs habet nativi roboris, eo pluribus coloribus opus habet. Nam si putabant Pontifices, tantam esse vim Concilij generalis ad tollenda Schismata, cur illi rem tam necessa iam tam diu distulerunt? cur triginta totos annos quieverunt, & Lutheri doctrinam radices agere pertulerunt? Cur Concilium non primo quoque tempore indixerunt? Cur Synodum Tridentinam reluctantes & inviti, magisque Imperatoris Caroli impulsu, quàm sua voluntate convocarunt? Cúmque Tridenti decem propè annos versarentur, cur tanta deliberatione nihil egerunt? cur rem infectam reliquerunt? Quis impediebat? quis obstabat? Crede hoc mihi, mi frater, non agunt id nunc Pontifices, ut Concilium celebretur, aut Religio Dei restituatur, quam illi prorsus habent pro ludibrio. Id agunt, id quaerunt, id pugnant, ut magnifica expectatione Concilij generalis hominum piorum animos, atque orbem terrarum ludi ficentur. 13 Vident iamdudum imminui, & ruere opes suas: artes suas non esse nunc eodem loco, quo fuerunt olim: incredibilem numerum hominum in dies singulos à se dilabi: non esse nunc, qui tantâ frequentiâ currant Romam: non esse, qui Indulgentias, interdictiones, benedictiones, absolutiones, & inanes bullas, aut tanti faciant, aut tanti emant. Ceremoniarum suarum, & Missarum nundinas, & omnem illum fucum meretricium, non magni fieri; magnam partem tyrannidis, & pompae suae concidisse: reditus suos angustiores nunc esse, quàm solebant; sese, suòsque rideri passim à pueris: omnino in discrimen venisse summam rerum. Nec mirum, si ea corruant, quae nullis radicibus sustinebantur. Extinxit illa omnia saluator noster JESUS CHRISTUS, non armis, aut vi militum, sed Coelesti impulsu, & spiritu oris sui. consumet autem, atque abolebit claritate adventus sui: Haec est vis verbi Dei, haec est potestas Euangelij, haec sunt arma, quibus evertitur omnis munitio, quae aedificata est adversus cognitionem Dei. Praedicabitur haec doctrina, invitis omnibus, per universum orbem. Portae inferorum non prevalebunt adversus eam. Frigent nunc Romae tabernae meritoriae: illorum merces (quasi bona Porsennae vaenirent) vilissimo pretio proscribuntur. Et vix quisquam est, qui velit emere. Circuit mercator Indulgentiarius, & fatuos non invenit. Hoc illud est, hinc illae lachrymae, haec res Pontifices malè habet. Vident hanc tantam lucem ex una scintilla erupisse. Quid nunc futurum, postquam tot ignes ubique terrarum accensi sunt, & tot Reges & Principes Christiani agnoscunt, & profitentur Euangelium? Non enim illi JESV CHRISTO seruiunt, sed suo ventri. Aiunt Carneadem Philosophum, cum olim esset Romae, & memorabilem illam haberet orationem contra, justitiam, inter alia hoc etiam addidisse: Eam virtutem, si quidem ea virtus esset, nulli hominum generi minùs ex usu fore, quàm Romanis. Illos enim per vim, & latrocinium regna sibi aliena subegisse, pérque summam iniustitiam ad imperium orbis terrarum pervenisse. Quod si nunc tandem velint justitiam colere, restituenda esse illa omnia, quae iniustè teneant: ad casas pastoritias, & frigida tuguria, quae sola hahuerant ab initio, esse redeundum. Ita prorsus isti, si verè velint agere, & simulationem ponere, & officium facere, & suum cuique reddere, vident sibi redeundum esse ad virgam & peram, ad sobrietatem, & modestiam, ad labores, ad munus Episcopi. Audiverunt enim Augustinum dicere, Episcopum nomen esse operis, non honoris: & illos non esse Episcopos, qui velint praeesse, & non prodesse. Itaque istud Euamgelium latiùs diffundi, & ad plures propagari, vident, nulli hominum generiminùs expedire, quàm sibi: se enim saluos esse non posse, si sani esse velint. Ergo nunc tumultuantur, & turbant omnia, ut olim Demetrius faber, postquam vidit sibi perisse spem lucri. Ergo nunc Concilia indicuntur, & Abbates atque Episcopi ad partes advocantur. Haec enim illis ratio visa est callidissima, ut tempus in aliquot annos protraberetur, ut hominum animi expectatione suspenderentur: multa, ut fit, posse interuenire: bellumposse excitari: aliquem ex istis principibus posse mori: istos tantos impetus ad Euangelium diuturnitate posse obtundi: languere posse hominum voluntates. Interea, inquit quidam, fiet aliquid, spero. 14 Olim cum (victis ac triumphatis Persis) Athenienses moenia sua, quae illi solo aequaverant, caepissent instaurare, & Lacedaemonij, quo magis baberent eos in potestate, ne id facerent, magnopere edixissent: Themistocles dux Atheniensis, vir prudens, cum videret salutem patriae suae venire posse in periculum, pollicitus est sese venturum Lacedaemona, & deea re velle cum ipsis unâ deliberare. I'll vbise dedisset in viam, quò tempus eximeret, primùm morbum simulavit, ut diutiùs haereret in itinere: Deinde cum venisset Lacedaemona, multa de industria frustrari coepit, moaò pacta non placere: modò deliberationem petere: modò socios legationis, sine quibus nihil agi posset, expectare: modò legatos Athenas mittere. Interea, dum ille cunctatur, Athenienses clauserant moenibus civitatem, & si vis fieret, sese paraverant ad defendendum. Ita isti, dum diem de die proferunt, & rem omnem referri volunt ad Concilia, aedificant interea sua moenia, nobis otiosis, & nescio quid expectantibus, ut ad extremum, confirmatis suis rationibus, nos prorsus excludant, & neque Concilium haberi, neque quicquam omnino agipossit. 15 Operaepretium enim est videre istorum artes, & stratagemata; quoties indicta Concilia non coiverint quoties exiguus rumusculus universum apparatum, & omnem expectationem disturbarit, quoties patres in medio itinere repentè substiterint: quoties purpurati Amphictyones è medio conventu, re infectâ, dilapsi sint domum, & proximum actum in nonum, decimumque annum distulerint? quoties Coelum, quoties annona, quoties locus, quoties tempus non placuerit? Pontifex enim solus convocat Concilia, & solus dimittit, cùm vult. Si quid non placuit, aut si res non rectè ire caepit, statim auditur: valete, & plaudite. Indicitur Concilium Basileam: convenitur undique magno numero, agitur seriò de rebus multis: Eugenius Papa ut Simoniacus & Schismaticus omnibus suffragijs condemnatur: in eius locum Amideus dux Sabaudiae surrogatur. Accipit id indignè, ut debuit, Eugenius: rem eam pessimi exempli esse ad posteros: potestatem, & vim suam longè esse super omnia Concilia: Non posse Concilium nec convenire, nisi iussu suo: nec decernere quicquam, nisi quantum ipse velit. Impium esse in conventiculo Episcoporum inquisitionem fieri de vita sua. Non mora, Concilium Ferraram revocat in Italiam, pòst idem transfert Florentiam. Quid hoc, quaeso, rei est? An putabat Eugenius Papa coelum animos mutare, aut Spiritum sanctum prudentiùs in Italiaresponsurum esse, quàm antea responderat in Germania? Imò verò, ille tot illis mutationibus non Christum quaerebat, seà suum commodum. Videbat in Germania Imperatorem Sigismundum inimicum suum, nimium & authoritate valere & gratiâ. Et patres illos, qui Basileam convenerant, si ex illis duris & asperis regionibus migrassent in Italiam (ut arbores, cùm transplantantur) fieri posse mitiores. Nam (ô Deum immortalem!) non id nunc agitur, aut quaeritur in Concilijs; aut ut veritas inveniatur, aut ut mendacia refutentur. Hoc solum semper fuit proximis istis saeculis studium Pontificum in Concilijs, ut Tyrannis Romana, constitueretur: ut Bella susciperentur: ut Principes Christiani inter se committerentur: ut pecunia colligeretur, modò in terram sanctam, modò in fabricam Petri, modò in nescio quos usus, seu veriùs abusus alios: quae tota in paucos quosdam ventres, in luxum & libidinem conijceretur. Atque haec unica fuit aliquot iam saecula ratio Conciliorum. Nam de erroribus & abusibus, quasi nulli essent, nihil unquam agi potuit. 16 Petrus Alliacensis in Constantiensi Concilio multùm questus est de avaritia, & insolentiâ curiae Romanae. At quid promovit? quae unquam pars illorum avaritiae aut insolentiae Concilij authoritate repressa est? Idem ait festos dies, & otiosorum Monachorum greges sibi videri minuendos: & alius quispiam (in opere quodam, quod appellatur tripartitum, & adiunctum est ad Concilium Lateranum) totus, inquit, ferè mundus obloquitur, & scandalizatur de tanta multitudine religiosorum pauperum. Et patres in Concilio Lateranensi, Firmiter, inquiunt, praecipimus, ne quis de caetero novam religionem inveniat. Ex eo tempore quid de festis diebus factum sit, nescio: probabile tamen est, nihil esse imminutum: At Monachorum ordines aucti etiam sunt in infinitum. Nam à proximis Pontificibus additi sunt Iesuitae, Cappuchini, Theatini: quasi pigrorum ventrum nondum etiam esset satis. johannes Gerson, Cancellarius Parisiensis, in Concilio Constantiensi obtulit patribus septuaginta quinque abusus in Ecclesia Romana, quos vehementer cuperet emendatos. At ex tanto numero, quem illi unum abusum unquam sustulerunt? joannes Picus Mirandula scribit ad Leonem Papam, ut minuat inanes ceremonias, & coerceat luxum sacerdotum. Sederunt postea Episcopi magna frequentia, & magna expectatione in Concilio Laterano. At quam unam ceremoniam imminuerunt, in quo uno sacerdote luxum & nequitiam damnaverunt? Mantuanus poëta queritur nominatim de moribus Ecclesiae Romanae: Bernardus Abbas ita scribit ad Eugenium Papam: Aula tua recipit bonos, non facit; mali ibi proficiunt, boni deficiunt. Et de miserabili statu Ecclesiae, qui tum erat; A planta, inquit, pedis usque ad verticem capitis non est in ea sanitas. Et rursus, Vbi est, inquit, qui praedicet annum acceptabilem Domini? Non custodiunt, inquit, hoc tempore sponsam CHRISTI, sed perdunt: non pascunt gregem Domini, sed mactant, & devorant. Adrianus Papa sextus, cum Legatum mitteret in Germaniam, ingenuè, & verè fassus est corruptissimum esse statum universicleri. Omnes, inquit, nos Praelati Ecclesiastici declinavimus, unusquisque in viam suam, nec est iam qui faciat bonum, non est usque ad unum. Albertus Pighius fatetur in ipsa Missa, quam illi sacrosanctam esse volunt, & in qua una Cardinem religionis Christianae constituunt, abusus & errores inveniri. Quid plura? mitto alios testes; sunt enim infiniti. Habita sunt postea Concilia complura, convocati sunt Episcopi, Synodus Basiliensis indicta est nominatim, uti illi tum prae se ferebant, de reformatione totius Cleri: At ex eo tempore errores ubique aucti sunt, vitia etiam sacerdotum conduplicata sunt. 17 Cardinales à Paulo Papa tertio delecti ad considerandum statum Ecclesiae, renuntiarunt, multa esse in ea, & praesertim in Episcoporum & Clericorum moribus vitiosa. Episcopos otiosos esse, non docere populum, non pascere gregem, non curare Vineam: versari in aulis Principum, abesse domo: Cardinalibus Episcopatus, modo ternos, modò quaternos commendari, idque magno cum Ecclesiae detrimento fieri: illa enim officia non esse (uti loquuntur) compatibilia. Conuentuales ordines prorsus ex Ecclesia tollendos esse. Posteahabitum est Concilium Tridenti: sed an Episcopi coeperunt ex eo tempore pasceregregem? an desierunt, aut abesse domo, aut versari in aulis Principum? an Cardinales desierunt esse Episcopi? aut prospectum est, ne quid Ecclesia ex ea re detrimenti caperet? an imminuti sunt ordines conventuales? an religio apud eos est emendatior? quid ergo necesse fuit tot Episcopos tam procul convocari, aut de emendanda Ecclesiatot annos frustra deliberari? hoc scilicet illud est, Pharisaeos restituere velle Templum Dei. 18 Fatentur errores & abusus: convocant Concilia, simulant studium religionis & pietatis, pollicentur operam & industriam, quicquid collapsum est id omne se velle unà nobiscum instaurare; sic scilicet, ut olim hostes populi Dei dicebant, se velle unà cum Nehemia aedificare Templum Domini. Non enim illi id quaerebant, ut Templum Domini aedificarent, sed ut quàm maximè possent aedificationem impedirent. Redire volunt nobiscum in gratiam, sed ita, ut olim Naas tyrannus cum Iudaeis jabensibus, non alia lege, quàm ut sinamus nobis exculpi dextros oculos: hoc est, ut verbum Dei, & Euangelium salutis nostrae nobis eripi patiamur. 19 An enim illis curae est religio: an illi curant Ecclesiam Dei; quibus nec Dei vindicta, nec salus populi, nec ulla pars officij sui unquam curae fuit? Pan, inquiunt, curet oves, ipsi interim belligerantur, venantur, obsonantur: ut ne quid dicam foedius. O Deum immortalem! quis istos putet unquam de Ecclesia Dei, aut de religione cogitare! quando isti, aut quos errores unquam tollent? quam lucem nobis restituent? quicquid dicas, etiamsi solem ipsum geras in manibus, tamen videre nolunt: manifestos errores, quantum possunt, excusant, pingunt, comunt, ut olim Symmachus, aut Porphyrius errores, & ineptias Ethnicorum: omninóque id agunt, ne populum Dei in fraudem induxisse, néue quid ipsi unquam errasse videantur. Aut si quid in animum inducunt emendare, quod aut nunquam, aut valdè rarò & perparcè faciunt; ut olim Alexandrum Imperatorem Romanum, quum non prorsus abhorreret à religione Christiana, aiunt, in eodem Sacrario, & Christum coluisse, & Orpheum: utque veteres olim Samaritani unà & veri Dei cultum retinuerunt, & cultum Idolorum: ita illi, ea lege recipere volunt partem fortè aliquam Euangelij, ut unà superstitiones & aniles errores admittant: ita recipiunt vera, ut falsa retineant: ita probant nostra, ut sua non improbent. Atque ita non tollunt abusus, sed colorant: & veteres columnas novo tantùm tectorio inducunt. 20 Ad hunc modum ab istis Ecclesia Dei emendatur, sic conventus & Concilia celebrantur: veritati non seruitur, sed affectibus. Melior pars à maiori superatur. Pulchrum quidem & gloriosum est nomen ipsum Concilij generalis: sed ex pulchro calice saepe venenum propinatur. Non enim satis est Episcopos aliquot & Abbates unum in locum convenisse: non in mitrâ, aut purpurâ sita est vis Concilij, nec quicquid Concilium decrevit, statim habendum est pro oraculo. Concilium erat, de quo Propheta Esaias scribit; Vae filijs defectoribus, dicit Dominus, qui cogunt Concilium, & non ex me: &, in te, inquit, Concilium, & dissipabitur. Concilium erat, de quo Propheta Dauid ita loquitur; Excitati sunt Reges terrae, & Principes convenerunt in unum adversus Dominum, & adversus Christum eius. Concilium erat, quod filium Dei jesum Christum damnavit ad crucem. Concilium erat, quod Carthagini celebratum est sub Cypriano, in quo decretum est, baptizatos ab haereticis, quum redissent ad Ecclesiam, esse rebaptizandos: quem errorem oportuit postea tot Concilijs, & patrum scriptis revocari. Et quid multis opus est? Concilium Ephesinum secundum apertè fecit pro Eutycbete; humanam in Christo naturam conversam esse in divinitatem: Concilium Nicenum secundum decrevit manifestam Idololatriam de adoratione statuarum: Concilium Basiliense, ut Albertus Pighius ait, decrevit contra omnem antiquitatem, contra naturam, contra rationem, contra verbum Dei. Concilium Ariminense impiè decrevit pro Arrianis, Christum non esse Deum. Alia Concilia deinceps multa, Smyrnense, Aërium, Seleucianum, Syrmianum, & Homousianos condemnaverunt, & Ariminensis Concilij impietati subscripserunt. Quid quaeris? ipsum etiam Concilium Chalcedonense, quod unum erat ex illis quatuor, quae Gregorius cum quatuor Euangelijs comparavit, Leo Papa non dubitavit accusare temeritatis. 21 Itaque videmus, Concilia Concilijs saepe contraria extitisse: utque Leo Pontifex acta sustulit Adriani, Stephanus Formosi, joannes Stephani: utque Sabinianus Papa, Omnia scripta Gregorij Papae, ut perversa & impia iussit comburi: ita videmus Concilium posterius saepe omnia superioris Concilij decreta sustulisse. Carthaginense Concilium decrevit, ne Romanus Episcopus appellaretur, aut summus sacerdos, aut princeps sacerdotum, aut aliud quippiam simile. At postera Concilia, illum non tantum summum sacerdotem, sed etiam summum Pontificem, & caput universalis Ecclesiae appellaverunt. Eliberinum Concilium decrevit, ne quid, quod colitur ius fásque esset, ut in templorum parietibus pingeretur. Concilium Constantinopolitanum decrevit, imagines non esse ferendas in Templis Christianorum. Contrà, Concilium Nicenum secundum, imagines in templis non tantum ponendas esse censuit, sed etiam adorandas. Lateranense Concilium sub Iulio Papasecundo, non alia causa indictum est, quam ut Pisani Concilij decreta rescinderet. Ita Episcopi saepè posteriores prioribus adversantur, & Concilia alia aliorum luminibus obstruunt. Isti enim ne suis quidem Concilijs teneri volunt, nisi quantum placet, quantumque commodum est, & facit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Basiliensè Concilium decrevit, Concilium Episcoporum esse supra Papam. At Concilium Lateranense sub Leone decrevit, Papam esse supra Concilium. Papa verò non solùm ita se gerit, sed etiam si quis contra sentiat, eum habere iubet pro haeretico. Atqui omnes Episcopi & Abbates in Concilio Basiliensi, si quis, inquiunt, istis veritatibus sese opponit, pro haeretico habendus est. Obsecrote, quid tu hîc facias? quicquid dicas aut sentias, vel Papa te, vel Concilium habebit pro haeretico. Omnes autem Papae, aliquot iam saeculis, sese istis Basiliensis Concilij veritatibus opposuerunt: ergo iudicio Basiliensis Concilij, aliquot iam saecula omnes Papae fuerunt haeretici. Idem Concilium omnibus suffragijs summovit Papam Eugenium, hominem Simoniacum, & schismaticum, & illi successorem dedit Amideum. At Eugenius Papa Concilij decretum flocci fecit, et quamuis maximè esset Simoniacus & Schismaticus, tamen non dèfijt esse successor Petri, & Vicarius Christi, & caput universae Ecclesiae Dei: & invitis omnibus dignitatem prior em retinebat, utque anteasolitus fuerat, in ceruicibus hominum nobilium sublimis magnificè ferebatur. Amideus autem homo simplex, quasi ex equo delapsus humi pedibus ambulabat, satisque si 〈…〉 tus esse videbatur, quòd de Papa factus esset Cardinalis. Concilium proximum Tridentinunt dixit, ut Episcopi docerent populum, neus quisquam unus d●o, plur d●● sacerdotia haberet eodem tempore: isti contra edictum Concilij sui cumulant sacerdotia, 〈…〉 nibil docent. Ita scribunt leges, quibus ipsi teneri nolint, nisi quum lubet. Tantis 〈…〉 semper secerunt Concilia, & decreta sua. 22 Nunc verò quid est, 〈…〉 meliorem: qua enim gratia, qua expectatione, qua spe venitur in Concilium? Hoc enim tantum recum cogila, quinam tandem homines illi sint, quorum side, doctrina, iudicio, moles totius Concilij & omnium istarum quaestionum disceptatio, & summa rerum 〈◊〉 debeat? Abbates quidem appellantur, & Episcopi, graues personae, & pulchra nomina: utque existimatur, magni instar momenti in administranda Ecclesia Dei. At si illis nomina tantùm ea, & personam, & vestem tollas, nihil habent aliud nec Abbatis, nec Episcopi simile. Non enim sunt ministri Christi, non dispensatores mysteriorum Dei, non incumbunt lectioni, non docent Euangelium, non pascunt gregem, non colunt terram, non plantant vineam, non accendunt ignem, non portant arcam Domini, non obeunt legationem pro Christo; non vigilant, non faciunt opus Euangelistae, non implent ministerium suum: implicant se negotijs secularibus: abscondunt thesaurum Domini sui, auferunt Claues regni Dei; non ingrediuntur ipsi, nec alios ingredi patiuntur, pulsant conseruos suos, pascunt seipsos, gregem non pascunt: dormiunt, stertunt, convivantur, luxuriantur: nubes sine aqua, stellae sine luce, canes muti, ventres pigri: utque Bernardus ait, non Prelati, sed Pilati, non Doctores, sed Seductores, non Pastores sed impostores, serui, inquit, Christi, seruiunt Antichristo, Istis solis Pontifices volunt locum esse, & suffragandi potestatem in Concilio: in istorum iudicio ac potestate versari volunt curam, & procurationem universae Ecclesiae Christi: istos nunc solos Pius Papa delegit ad spem suam. At quos (ô Deus bone,) homines, quales viros? quanquam, ut ipsi quidem putant, ridiculum est, velle hoc quaerere. Quàm enim docti, quámque pij sint, quid velint, quid sentiant, inquiunt, nihil refert. Satis videlicet est, si sedere possint in mula, & magna pompa, & strepitu vehi per publicum, & venire in Concilium, & nihil dicere. Si mihi fortè non credis, ac me potiùs putas animi causâ ista fingere: audi ergo iudicium Honorarium, quid en dere sacrosancta facultas, & Sorbona tota decreverit. Quod magistri, inquiunt, nostri, dicunt de legitima congregatione, notandum est ad hoc, ut Concilium legitimè congregetur, sufficere quòd solemnitas, & forma iuris solemniter sit seruata. Quia si quis trahere vellet hoc in disputationem, utrum Prelati, qui ibi sedent, habeant rectam intentionem, & utrum sint docti, & utrum habeant scientiam sacrarun literarum, & animum obediendi sanae doctrinae, esset processus in infinitum. Isti videlicet, qui tanquam Mercuriales statuae muti sedeant, & quid fit religio prorsus nesciant, de universa religione rectè & commodè respondebunt, & quicquid dicunt, errare non queunt. 23 Istos omnes Pontifex habet, non tantum errore & ignorantia, sed etiam iureiurando, & religione obstrictos sibi: ut etiamsi rectè sentiant, tamen nisi peri●ri esse velint, quod sentiunt pronuntiare, & veritatem palam profiteri, & praese serre non possint; prorsus, ut vel homine fides fallenda sit, vel Deo. Sic enim omnos inrant conceptis verbis. Ego N. Episcopus ab hac hora inantea fidelis ero sancto Petro, sancta que Apostolicae Romanae Ecclesiae, Domino 〈◊〉 Papae N. eiúsque successoribus Canonice intrantibus: Non ero, neque in consilio, neque in facto, ut vitam pendat, aut membrum, vel capiatur mala captione. Consilium, quod 〈◊〉, aut per ●iteras, aut per Nuncium manifestabit, ad eius damnium nulli pand 〈…〉 Papatum Romanae Ecclesiae, & regulas sanctorum patrum 〈…〉, & 〈◊〉 contra omnes homines▪ 〈…〉 sacerdotes Apollinis 〈◊〉 apertè loquerentur in gratiam Philippi Regis, erant qui facetè dicerent, Pythium caepisse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Nos Papae, our non 〈◊〉, Conciliorum Gracula 〈…〉 id est, tantum dicere, quantum Papae velit. Prudenter olim Uerres, quem 〈◊〉, quum multis criminibus non obscure teneretur, noluisse existimationem & 〈◊〉 suam committere▪ nisi hominibus bene fidis de grege, & cohertesua. Multo autem prudentius Pontifices, qui illos sibi i●dices 〈◊〉 volunt, quos sciunt, nec venlle, quia 〈◊〉 turati sunt, quamuis 〈◊〉, posse quicquiam statuere prater voluntatem suam. Collocant illi quidem in medio sacrae Biblia, quae specianteminùs, non legunt, quasi contra ●●orum praescriptum nihil facturi. Re autem vera secum ipsi a●ferunt praeiudicatam sententiam: nec attendunt quid Christus dieat, neo statuunt quicquam, nisi quod lubet. 24 Itaque libertai illa; quam oportuit esse in omnibus consultationibus, maxime verò de rebus sacris, quoque maxime convenit Spiritus sancto, & modestie hominum Christianorum, prorsusism fr mrfio sublata est. Paulis ait, si alteri assidenti revelatum 1. Cor. 14. 30. fuerit, prior aceat: isti vero comprehendi iubent, & in carcerem detrudi, & ignilus mandari, si 〈◊〉 quicquam contrà multiat▪ Testis adhuc est crudelis interitus duorum sanctissimorum hominum, & fortistimorum virorum, johannis Hus, & Hieronymi Pragen●is; quos illi duos contra sidem publicam inter ●ecerunt, & fidem Deo, hominibusque 〈◊〉. Sic impius propheta Zedechia●, cum aptasset sibi corn●● 〈…〉 impegit Micheae Prophentae Domini: & mene, inquit, reliquit Spiritus Domini, & accessit ad 〈…〉 Ionque nunc exclusis omnibus, soli regnant in Concilijs, & soli obtinent suffragia, atque ita scribunt, & promalgant leges, ut 〈◊〉 Ephesijs, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 illi) hic vivat 〈◊〉 prudentior, nisi malit exul, atque extorris vivere. Nostrorum enim isti hominum prorsus nominèm audire volunt. Ante 10. annos 〈◊〉 Concilio proximò 〈◊〉 Legati Principunt Germaniae▪ & liberar● 〈…〉 tum, qui câcusâ 〈◊〉, ut audirentur, ab omni colloqu●● & conuen●● 〈…〉. Episcopi 〈◊〉, & Abbatos respondebant, nolle 〈…〉 liberum causae cognitionem, neo ve●●t controversias disceptari ex verbi Dei: nost 〈◊〉 autem 〈◊〉 homines nullo modo ess●●udiendos; nisi 〈◊〉 vellent recantare▪ quod si notent non alia lege venturos esse in Concillunt, quâm ut audirent 〈◊〉 suam. Num julius; in Brent illo su●, quo 〈…〉, publice 〈◊〉, ut aut 〈◊〉 sententiam, aut cuasâ in auditâ condemnarentur pro 〈◊〉. pius antem Papa quartus is qui nunc instituit Concilium, revocare▪ omnes eos, qui ab Ecclesiae Romanae author 〈◊〉 〈…〉 cesserunt▪ id est, maximam partem orbis Christiani, neo visos unquam, nec auditos iam antea 〈…〉 praeiudicio prohiereticis haberi iussit. Omnino, aiunt taque semper in omni sermone tactare solent, rectè habere sua omnia: s● 〈◊〉 tantillum 〈◊〉 de doctrina & religione sua mutatum 〈◊〉▪ Albertus▪ 〈…〉 Ecclesiae Romanae ait, ●●●portissimae quidem scripture credendum esse. Hoc 〈◊〉 est Ecclesiam in integram velle restituere▪ hoc est veritatem velle 〈◊〉▪ hac illa est libertas Conciliorum, & moderatio●. 25 〈…〉 omnia sint iniquissima & à ratione 〈◊〉 Conciliorum, & ab hominum modestorum deliberatione alientissim●: 〈◊〉 tamen multo est 〈◊〉, quòd 〈…〉 de Pontificis Romani ambitione ac tyrann 〈…〉 conqueratur, & de instaur, 〈…〉 Dei 〈◊〉, & nihil ag● 〈◊〉, nisi ide in ordinem loco haberi iubet, quo voces ipsius Petri: qui si mille animas abducat secum ad inferos, tamen negatse eâ ca●●â posse à quoquam reprehendi: qui ait, se ex iniustitia facere posse iustitiam: Quem Camotensis ait corrupisse scripturas, ut haberet plenitudinem potestatis. Quid plura? quem ipsius contubernales & satellites, Ioachimus Abbas, Petrarcha, Marsilius Patavinus, Laurentius Valla, Hieronymus Savanorola non ambigue pronunciarunt esse Antichristum. Huius unius iudicio ac voluntati omnia subijciunt, ut idem reus sit, idémque iudex: ut accusatores ex inferiori loco audiantur, reus autemsedeat sublimis protribunalibus, & ipse de se pronuntiet. Has enim leges tam aequas, támque rationi consentientes scripsit nobis Papa julius. Nullum, inquit, ratum Concilium est, aut erit unquam, quod Romanae Ecclesiae non fuerit authoritate fulcitum. Bonifacius octaws, omnem, ait, creaturam oportere subiectam esse Ecclesiae Romanae, idque de necessitate salutis. Et Palchalis Papa, quasi inquit, Romanae Ecclesiae legem Concilia ulla praefixerint, cum omnia Concilia per Romanae Ecclesiae authoritatem, & facta sint, & robur acceperint, & in eorum statutis Romani Pontificis authoritas patenter excipiatur. Et alius quispiam, quod Papa, inquit, approbat vel reprobat, nos approbare, vel reprobare debemus: Et quod Papa approbat, non licet alij improbare. Et nescio quis parasitus, amissopudore, Etiamsi totus mundus sententiet in aliquo contra Papam, tamen videtur quòd standum sir sententiae Papae. Et alius quispiam non minùs impudentèr; Sacrilegij, inquit, instar esset, disputare de facto Papae, qui tametsi non sit bonus, tamen semper presumitur esse bonus. Et alius etiam impudentiùs, Papa, inquit, habet celeste arbitrium: ergo in illis quoe vult, est illi pro ratione voluntas: nec est qui dicat illi curitafacis? Vtque alia complura, quae buc adduci possunt, sunt enim infinita, relinquam, & finem aliquando faciam; Innocentius Papa nonus, omnium impudentissime, Neque ab Augusto, inquit, neque à Regibus, neque ab universo Clero, neque à toto populo iudex rudicabitur. O Deum immortalem quantiaum abest, ut hoc etiam dicant: Ascendam super Aquilonem, & ero similis altissimo? Si ista verasunt omnia, & Papae nihil mentui sunt, quid opus est Concilio? Aut si Concilium fincerum & liberum habere volunt, vollantur ista omnia, ut improba & superba mendacia: nec tantum ex usu & foro, verum etiam ex libris omnibus auferantur, ne summarerum in unius hominis, eiúsque multis iustissimis de causis suspecti voluntate, ac libidine relinquatur. Atqui Pontifices aiunt, se errare non posse, & ad praescriptumsuum exigendum esse verbum Dei. atque etiam antequam adeant ad dignitatem Pontificiam, iurantur in fidem recentium quorundam Conciliorum quibus omnia foedum in modum sunt depranata, & sanctè promittunt se nolle quicquam ●immutari. Quare quid mirum est, si in Concilijs nihil proficitur, si errores & abusus non tolluntur, si Legate Principum frustra tam procul ex omnibus terris convocantur? Tamen audio esse quosdam hoc tempore homines, non malos, sed paxùm, quid dicans, attendentes: qui quamuis arrogantiam in Pontifice, & fastum Porsicum, & Epicur eum contemptum religionis damnent, tamen eius authoritatem saluam & incolumem esse vesint: Et quamijis cum interdum fateantur esse Antichristum, tamen eundem, post quam semel ascendit inillam sedem, non dubitent esse Vniversalem Episcopum, & caput universae Ecclesic Christi. Atque bîc itatriumphant, & sibi placent, ne si Spiritus sanctus affixus esset ad Molem, 〈…〉 ni. At non locus sanctificat hominem, inquiunt, sed homo locum. Et Hieronymus, quemadmodum citatur ab ipsis Non filij, inquit, sanctorum sunt, qui tenent loca sanctorum: sed qui imitantur facta illorum. Alioqui CHRISTVS ait, in Cathedra Mosis sedisse scribas, & Phariseos: authoritatem autem illorum monet tantisper esse agnoscendam, si respondeant ex verbo Dei. Quid aliud, inquit Augustinus, dixit Christus, nisi per mercenarios vocem pastoris audite? sedendo enim in Cathedra legem Dei docent; ergo per illos docet Deus. Sua verò si illi docerevelint, nolite audire, nolite facere. Paulus etiam ait, Antichristum, hominem illum peccati sessurum esse in loco sancto. Itaque Hieronymus rectè monet, Attendis, inquit Petrum, sed & judam considera: Stephanum suscipis, sed & Nicholaum respice. Non facit Ecclesiastica dignitas Christianum; Haec Hieronymus. Et certè aiunt Marcellinum Papam sacrificasse Idolis, Liberium Papam fuisse Arrianum: joannem Papam 22. impiè sensisse de immortalitate animarum: joannem Papam 8. fuisse foeminam, & in Papatu incesta libidinecum adulteris concubuisse, & in lustranda civitate, in ipsa pompa, atque in oculis Episcoporum & Cardinalium peperisse: Et Liranus ait, multos Pontifices Romanos à fide Christi defecisse. Quare non nimiùm fidendum er at locis & successionibus, & inanibus titulis dignitatum. Impius Nero successit Metello pio. Annas & Caiphas successerunt Aaroni; & Idolum saepe successit in locum Dei. 26 Sed quaenam, obsecro, est illa tanta vis & authoritas de qua istiitainsolenter gloriantur? aut unde ad eos delata est? de coelo, an ex hominibus? Christus, inquiunt, ait Petro, super hanc petram aedificabo Ecclesiam meam: his verbis authoritatem Pontificiam confirmari. Ecclesiam enim Christi in Petro, tanquam in fundamento collocari. Atqui Christus his verbis nihil Petro dedit seorsim à caeteris Apostolis. Neque aut Pontificis mentionem ullam facit, aut urbis Rome. Christus illa est petra, Christus est illud fundamentum. Nemo, inquit Paulus, potest aliud fundamentum ponere, quàm quod iam antea positumest, quod est Christus jesus. 27 Et Augustinus, super hanc Petram, inquit; aedificabo Ecclesiam meam: super hanc, inquit; intelligitur, quam confessus est Petrus, dicens, tu es Christus filius Dei vivi. Non enim, inquit, dictum est, Tu es petra, sed tu es Petrus; petra autem erat Christus. Et Diws Basilius, super hanc Petram, hoc est, Tract. 1. in Matth. inquit, super hanc fidem aedificabo Ecclesiam meam. Et antiquissimus pater Origines, Petra, inquit, est quisque discipulus Christi, ex quo biberunt de spirituali consequente Petra: Et super talem petram construitur omnis Ecclesiastica doctrina. Quod si super unum illum Petrum tantum existimas aedificari totam Ecclesiam, quid dicturus es de joanne filio Tonitrui, & Apostolorum unoquoque? alioqui enim audebimus dicere, quòd adversus unum Petrum non praevaliturae sint portae inferorum, adversus caeteros Apostolos ac praefectos sint praevaliturae? ac non potiùs in omnibus & singulis eorum, de quibus dictum est, sit illud, quod dictum est, & portae inferotum non praevalebunt adversus eam: & illud, super hanc petram aedificabo Ecclesiammeam? an verò soli Petro dantur à Christo claues regni Coelorum, nec alius beatorum quisquam eas accepturus est? quod si hoc dictum, Tibi dabo claues regni coelorum, caeteris quoque commune est, cur non simul omnia & quaeprius dicta sunt, & quae sequuntur, veli●t ad Petrum dicta sunt omnium communia? una, inquit Helarius, est foelix fidei petra, quam ore suo Petrus confessus est. Et rursus, Super hanc, inquit, confessionem Petri aedificata est Ecclesia. Et non ita multò post, Haec inquit, fides Ecclesiae fundamentum est. Ad hunc modum alij etiam patres. Hieronymus, Cyrillus, Beda Ecclesiam exaedificatam aiunt, non in Petro, sed in fide Petri, hoc est, in Christo jesu filio Dei, quem Petrus coelesti instinctu professus fuerat. Petrus, inquit Augustinus, à petra dictus est; non petra à Petro. Nec ego me, inquit, aedificabo super te, sed te aedificabo super me. Imò etiam Nicolaus Liranus, etsi non semper bonus author, scis enim in quae tempora inciderit eius aetas, tamen hoc rectè vidit, super hanc, inquit, petram, id est, super Christum. Ex quo non potest Ecclesia constare in aliquo homine, ratione potestatis, vel dignitatis Ecclesiasticae, quia multi Papae inventi sunt Apostatae. 28 Quâ ergò in re sit a est ista authoritas Pontificia? In docendo? at nihil docent. In ministrando sacramenta? at non ministrant. In pascendo? at nihil pascunt. Atqui haec est illa potestas, quam Christus contulit in Apostolos. Ite, inquit, in universum mundum, & praedicate Euangelium: &, posthac eritis piscatores hominum: &, sicut me mifit vivens Pater, ita ego mitto vos. Isti verò, quò eunt? quid docent? quid praedicant? quid piscantur? unde eunt? à quo mittuntur? Non est ista authoritas Apostolica, sed superba & intolerabilis dominatio, per vim & tyrannidem usurpata. Nemo nostrum, inquit Cyprianus, Episcopumse Episcoporum dicit, aut tyrannico terrore collegas ad obsequendi necessitatem compellit; quando habeat omnis Episcopus prolicentia libertatis & potestatis suae arbitrium proprium, tanquam iudicari ab altero non possit, quum nec ipse possit, alterum iudicare. Et hoc, inquit, erant utique caeteri Apostoli, quodfuit Petrus, pari consortio praediti & honoris, & potestatis. Et Diws Hieronymus; Maior, inquit, est authoritas orbis, quam urbis. Quid mihi profers unius urbis consuetudinem? quid paucitatem, de qua ortum est supercilium, in leges Ecclesiae vendicas? ubicunque fuerit episcopus, sive Romae, sive Eugubij, five Constantinopoli, sive Rhegij, eiusdem est meriti, & eiusdem sacerdotij. Potentia divitiarum, & paupertatis humilitas, superiorem vel inferiorem Episcopum non facit. Et Gregorius, Petrus, inquit, praecipuum in corpore membrum, joannes, Andreas, jacobus particularium plebium capita: omnes tamen sub uno capite membra Ecclesiae sunt. Imò sancti ante legem, sancti sub lege, sancti in gratia, & omnes perficientes corpus Domini in membris sunt constituti, & nemo se unquam universalem dici voluit. 29 Haec illa est potestas, quam bodiè quidam ita strenuè defendunt, & quicquid de Pontificis vel vita, vel religione sentiant, tamen illam sacrosanctam & integram esse volunt, quasi sine ea Ecclesia Dei incolumis esse non possit: aut nisi Papa velit & iubeat, Concilium non sit Concilium; & si totus mundus contra sentiat, nihil sentiat. Quare cum videas haec omnia iniquissimè esse comparata, nihil hodiè in Concilijs sincerè & verè fieri, mirari non debes, si nostri homines, domi manere malint, quàm tam procul frustraproficisci, ubi & operam lusuri sint, & causam perdituri. 30 Sed iniussu Pontificis, inquies, & Concilij, nefas erat in religione voluisse quicquam immutare. Imò verò, Pontifices ipsi universum prope statum primitivae Ecclesiae sine ullo Concilio mutaverunt. Est quidem ista speciosa & pulchra oratio, sed erroribus foedissimis praetexitur. Morari enim tantùm volunt expectatione animos hominum; ut mor â ac taedio hebescere incipiant, & ad extremum spem abijciant. Quid enim? an dum Papa convocet Concilium, & Abbates atque Episcopi domum redeant, volunt interea populum Dei falli, errare, decipi, circumfundi erroribus & ignoratione Dei, & abduci ad interitum sempiternum? non licet cuiquam nostrum credere in Christum, profiteri Euangelium, ritè & verè Deum colere, sugere superstitiones et cultus idolorum, nisi isti velint? miserabilis verò esset status Ecclesiae Dei, si in tot erroribus tam latè diffusis, tam crassis, tam coecis, tam foedis, tam perspicuis, et manifestis, ut eos ne adversarij quidem nostri negare queant, nihil possit efsici sine concursu orbis terrarum, et Concilio generali, eius praesertim, cuius et expectatio incerta sit, et exitus multo incertior. Quum Persaeolim in Graeciam irrupissent, et coepissent omniapopulari, & Lacedaemonij, quorum virtus inter omnes tum Graecos eminebat, quó que oportuit primo quoque tempore procurrere, ad rem gerendam Lunam oportuniorem expectarum (erat enim ea inis tam inac a Lycurgoauita superstitio, ne proficiscerentur ad pagnam nisi inplenilumo) patriâ intorea dum illi cunctabantur diripi, & incendi potuisset Portcululij inqutunt est in mora. Agitur salus Ecclesiae Dei, diabolusrugit ut Leo, & circuit & quaerit quem devoret: homines simplices facilè trabuntur in fraudem, & quamuis saepe tanguntur zelo Dei, tamen imprudentes persecutur filium Dei utqu Nazianzenus ait, Quum putent se pugnare pro Christo, pugnant saepe contra Christum. Episcopi autem, quious oportuit ista esse curae, aut ut inanes laruae omnia susque aeque ferunt: aut, ut quod res est dicam, augent etiam errorem & conduplicant caliginem. An ergo nos oportuit sedere otiosos, & huiusmodi patrum cognitionem expectare, & manur comprimere, & nihil agere? Imò, inquit Cyprianica, unus est Episcoputus, cuins a singulis in solidum pars tenetur, & certè pro sua cuique parte Domino redaendaest ratio. Sanguinem illorum, inquit Dominus, de manu tua requiram. Quòd si quis admoveat manum ad stivam, & respiciat àtergo, & sollicitus sit, quid alij sentiant, & expectet authoritatem Concilij generalis, & interea recondat thesaurum Dominisui, audiet, Serve male, & pexside: tollite illum, & abiicite intenebras exteriores. Sinite, inquit Christus, mortuos sepelire mortuos suos. Tu veni & sequere me, veritas Dei non pendet ab hominibus. In humanis quidem Concilijs prudentis est expectare iudicium & consensum hominum: In rebus autem divinis vox Dei debet instar esse omnium: quam postquam mens pia semel accepit, statim cedit, & manus dat, non tergiversatur, aut expectatalios Intelligitenim se non Pontisicis, aut Concilij arbitrio oportere credere, sed voluntati Dei: eius autem voci obtemperandum esse, invitis omnibus. Propheta Elias Domino iubenti statim obsecutus est, etsi se credebat esse solum. Abrahamus monitu Dei migravit è Chaldea. Lot egressus est è Sodomis. Tres illi Israelitae publicè ediderunt confessionem religionis suae, et publicè aetestati sunt Idololatriam: nihil expectato generali Concilio. Exite, inquit Angelus, de medio eius, et nesitis participes peccatorum eius: néue accipiatis de plagis eius: Non dicit, expectare Synodum Episcoporum. Sic primùm publicata est veritas Dei, sic eadem nunc restituenda est. Sine publico Concilio Apostoli primùm docuerunt Euangelium. Sine publico Concilio idem potest postliminio revocari. Quod si Christus ipse ab mitio, aut eius Apostoli cunctari voluissent, et rem omnem ad futurum Concilium reiecissent, quando tandem exivisset sonus illorum in omnem terram? quomodo vim pertulisset regnum coelorum, aut violenti in illud invasissent? ubi nunc esset Euangelium? ubi nunc esset Ecclesia Dei? Nos quidem non formidamus, aut fugimus, imò multo potiùs optamus et cupimus Concilium: modò liberum, modò ingenuum, modò Christianum, modò ad Apostolorum exemplar conveniatur, modò Abbates et Episcopi à religione iurisiurandi, quo nunc Romanis Pontificibus obstricti sunt, eximantur. modò universa illa coniur atio dissoluatur: modò nostr arum partium homines modestè, ac liberè audiantur: modò ne inauditi condemnentur: modò ne quic quid agatur, unus quispiam infirmare et rescindere possit omnia. At cum id his moribus et temporibus impetrari non posse, et omnia absurda, inepta, ridicula, superstitiosa, impia, tantùm quòd semel recepta essent, consuetudinis causâ pugnacissimè defendi videremus, proprium esse iudicavimus, ut municipali Concilio Ecclesijs nostris prospiceremus. 31 Scimus enim spiritum Dei nec lecis allignum esse, nec numeris hominum. Dic, inquit Christus, Ecclesiae: non sane Vniversae, quae diffanditur in totum terrarum orbem, sed particulari, quae possit vnd aliquem in locum convenire. Vbicunque, inquit, erunt duo, aut tres congregati in nomine meo, ibi sum ego in medio illorum. Sic Paulus, ut instauraret Ecclesias Corintbiorum & Galatarum, non iussit expectare generale Concilium: ad ipsos scripsit, ut quicquid esset erroris aut 〈◊〉, id 〈…〉 resecarent. Sic olim, cum Eoi copi dormirent atque aliud agerent, aut etiam contaminarent & polluerent templum Dei, temper Deus extraordinariâ ratione ●lios 〈◊〉 excitavit, magno viros spiritu, atque animo qui omnia in integrum restiterent. 32 Nos vero nhil temerè, nihil nisi summa cum ratione fecimus, nihil nisi quod videba●●is & semper licuisse fieri, & à sanctis patribus saepe sine ulla reprehensione fi●●e factum. Itaque convocatis Episcopis frequenti Synodo, communi consensu omnium ordinum, Ecclesiae sordes, quas vel incuria hominum, vel malitia infuderat, tanquam Augiae stabulum repurgavimus, & quantum assequi maximè potuimus, omnis ad pristinum nitotem, ad postolicorum temporum, & primitivae Ecclesiae similitudinem rev●c●uimu. Idque & potuimus rectè facere, & quia potuimus fidenter secimus. 33 Libet hic audire, quia Gregorius Papa. 1. hac de re scripserit, quanquam magis libet, quò ille de Anglicarum Ecclesiarum institutione ad Anglorum Episcopum Augustinum ea scripserit. Hortatur autem, non ut ad Concilium referat, sed ut ipse pro sua pradentia id instituat, quo videat pietatem maximè posse promoveri. Novit, inquit, fraternitas tua Romanae Ecclesiae consuetudinem, in qua se meminit esse nutritum. Sed mihi placet, ut sive in Romana, sive Gallicorum, sive qualibet Ecclesia invenisti quod plus omnipotenti Deo possit placere, eligas solicitè, & in Anglorum Ecclesiam, quae adhuc in fide nova est, & inconstitutione, praecipua, quae de multis Ecclesus colligere poteris, infundas. Non enim pro locis res, sed pro rebus loca amanda sunt. 34 Ad eundem modum scribunt Patres in Concilio Constantinopolitano ad Damasum Episcopum urbis Romae, & reliq os Episcopos Occidentis. De Cura, inquiunt, administrationis singularum Ecclesiarum scitis veterem sanctionem & definitionem Nicaenorum patrum semper invaluisse, ut in unaquaque provincia cultores, assumptis etiam, sivideatur, finitimis, conferant Ecclesiasticos honores ijs, quo● utiliter gesturos esse confidunt. Et Aphricani Episcopi ad Celestinum Romanum: Praesbyterorum, inquiunt, & sequentium. Clericorum improba refugia, sicut te dignum est, repellat sanctitas tua. Quia & nulla patrum definitione hoc Ecclesiae denegatum est Aphricanae: & decreta Nicaena, sive inferioris gradus Clericos, sive ipsos Episcopos suis Metropolitanis apertissime commiserunt Prudentissimè enim iustissiméque quaeque negotia in suis locis, ubi orta sunt, esse finienda: nec unicuique provinciae gratiam sancti spiritus defuturam. Quae aequitas à Christi sacerdotibus & prudenter videatur, & constanter retineatur. 35 Multo verò melius, & ad hanc rem, qua de nunc agimus, accommodatius Eleutherius Episcopus Romanusad Lucium Regem Britanniae: Petiistis, inquit, à nobis leges Romanas, & Caesaris vobis transmitti, quibus in regno Britanniae uti voluistis. Leges Romanas, & Caesaris semper possumus reprobare: Legem Dei nequaquam. Suscepistis enim miseratione divina in regno Britanniae legem & fidem Christi: habetis penes vos in Regno vestro utranque paginam. Ex illis Dei gratiâ per concilium regni vestri sume legem, & per illam Dei patientiâ poteritis vestrum Britanniae regnum instituere. Vicarius verò Dei est is in regno illo, iuxta Psalmistam: Domini est terra. Quid multis? Victor Episcopus Romanus habuit Romae Synodum provincialem. justinianus Imperator mandat, si quid opus sit, in singulis provincijs habere Synodos: Id ni fiat, se fore ultorem & vindicem. Vnaquae que, inquit Hieronymus, prou incia haber mores & ritus & sensus 〈…〉 facile non possis. 〈…〉 Laodicenum, Ancyranum Antiochenum, Turonense, Carthaginense, Milevitanum, Toletanum, Burdeg●lense; non 〈◊〉 est Ista nova ratio. Sic 〈◊〉 regebatur Ecclesia Dei antequam patres ad Nicenum Concilium convenissent. Non enim statim decurrebatur ad Concilium generale. Theophil●● habuit Conuentum provincidlem in Pa●aestina: Plamas in Ponto: Irenaeus in Gallia: Bachylus in 〈◊〉: Orige 〈…〉 in Arabia. Mitto alia Concilia municipalia quamplura, quae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Africa, Asia, Graecia, Aegypto, pia, orthodoxa, Christiana, miussu Pontificis Romani Episcopi onim tum pro renata ut quidque incidisset, statim domestico Concilio succurrebant Ecclesiis suis, & modò vicinorum Episcoporum fidem imploravant, modò oper as mutuas tradebant, & si quid opus esset sese vicissim ultro invabant. Nec tantum Episcopi, sed principes etiam indicabant religionis causam ad suum officium pertinere. Nam ut mittam Nabuchadnezarem, qui capitale sancivit, si quis blasphemâsset Deum Israel: aut Davidem, Solomonem, Ezechian, josiam, qui partim ex ●dificarunt, partim repurgarunt templum Dei: Constantinus Imperator sine Concilio suslultt e●ltum idolorum, & gravissimis verbis edixit, capitale fore, si quis Idolo sacrificasset. Theodosius Imperator solo aequari iussit templa deorum. jovinianus Imperator, statim ubi esset renunciatus, tulit primam legem dereducendis exulibus Christianis, justinianus Imperator dicere solebat Religionem Christi non minùs sibi esse curae, quàm vitam suam. josua quum sactus esset Dux populi, statim accepit praecepta ae religione & de colendo Deo. Sunt enim Principes nutritij Ecclesiae, & custodes utriusque tabulae. Nec aliâ magis causâ Deus semper voluit Politias existere, quam ut essent, qui religionem & pietatem incolumem conservarent. 37 Quo magis hodie graviusque peccant multi Principes, qui appellantur quidem Christiani, qui sedent otiosi, & indulgent voluptatibus, & patienter ferunt impios cultus & contemptum numinis, & haec omnia devoluunt ad Episcopos, ad i●os ipsos, quibus sciunt omnem religionem esse ludibrio: quasi cura Ecclesiarum & populi Dei ad ipsos nihil pertineat, aut ipsi tanquam pastores quidem sint armentarij, & corporum tantùm, ac non etiam anima● um curam gerant. Non meminerunt se servos esse Dei, eâ causâ delectos, ut seruiant Domino. Ezechias rex non priùs ascendit in domum suam, quàm vidisset perpurgatum templum Dei. Et David rex, Non dabo, inquit, somnum oculis meis, nec patiar ut conniveant palpebrae meae, donec inveniam locum Domino, & Tabernaculum Deo jacob. O si Principes Christiani audire vellent vocem Domini sui. Nunc reges intelligite, inquit Dominus, erudimini, qui iudicatis terram. Ego, inquit, dixi, dij estis, hoc est, homines divinitùs electi, quibus nomen meum esset curae. Cogita tu, quem ego desterquilinio excitavi, & in summo dignitatis & honoris gradu collocavi, & praefeci populo meo, cum ita studiosè aedifices & ornes domum tuam, quo animo potes contemnere domum meam? Aut quomodo quotidie oras, ut regnum tuum tibi posterisque tuis confirmetur? An ut nomen meum semper afficiatur contumetia? ut evangeliam Christi mei extinguatur? ut servi mei meâ causâ, ante oculos tuos, te inspectante, tracidentur? ut tyrannis longiùs grassetur? ut populo meo semper imponatur? ut per te scandalum confirmetur? Vae illi per quem venit scandalum; vae etiam illi, per quem confirmatur scandalum. Horres sanguinem corporum, quanto magis horrere debes sanguinem animarum? Memineris quid acciderit Antiocho, Herodi, juliano: Ego regnum tuum transferam ad hostem tuum, quia peccasti adversum me: ego muto tempora & vices temporum: abijcioreges & instituo, ut intelligas me alunssimum esse, & vim habere in regno hominum, & illud dare cui volo: ego humilio, & ego exalto, ego glorificantes me, glorisico, & eos, qui me contemnunt, afficio contumeliâ. ANDREA'S DUDITHIUS EPISCOPUS QVINQVEECCLESIENSIS in Epistola ad Maximilianum II. Caesarem; ubi sententiam suam refert de Calice Laicis concedendo, & Sacerdotum coniugio. QVid profici potuit in eo Concilio, in quo numerarentur, non suis momentis ponderarentur sententiae? si caussa, si ratione pugnandum fuisset, si pauci quidam socij nobis adfuissent, viceramus, quamuis pauci magnas copias adversariorum. Sed cum numerus tantùm prodiret in aciem, quo longè inferiores futuri fuissemus, in optima causa victores discedere non potuimus. Singulis nostrum centenos de suis Papa potuit opponere: ac, si centeni parum multi viderentur, repentè mille creare potuit, quos suis laborantibus subsidio mitteret. Itaque videre erat, quotidie famelicos & egentes Episcopos, exmaiori parte barbatulos adolescentes, luxúque perditos Tridentum volitare, conductos ad sententiam secundùm Papae voluntatem dicendam, indoctos illos quidem & stolidos, sed tamen impudentia & audacia utiles. Hi cum ad veteres adulatores Papae accesserant, tum verò victrix exultabat iniquitas, neque decerni iam quidquam potuit, nisi in eorum sententiam, qui Papae potentiam, luxúmque defendere, summam religionem arbitrabantur. Erat aliquis vir gravis & eruditus, qui tantam indignitatem ferre not poterat: hic, ut non bonus Catholicus, terrore, minis, ac insectatione à Concilio ad probandum quae nollet, traducebatur. In summa, in eum statum res est adducta, istorum, qui illuc facti institutique venerant, improbitate, non ut iam Episcoporum, sed laruarum, non hominum, sed simulacrorum, quae neruis moventur alienis, ut Daedali statuae fuisse perhibentur, Concilium illud videretur. Erant Episcopi illi conductitij plerique, ut utres, rusticorum musicum instrumentum, quos, ut vocem mittant, inflare necesse est. Nil habuit cum illo conventu S. Spiritus commereij, omnia erant humana consilia, quae in immodica, & sanè quàm pudenda Pontificum tuenda dominatione consumebantur. Illinc responsa, tanquam Delphis, aut Dodonâ expectabantur: illinc nimirum Spiritus ille S. quem suis Concilijs prae esse iactant, tabellarij manticis inclusus mittebatur: qui, quod admodum ridiculum est, cum aliquando, ut fit, aquae plwijs excrescebant, non ante advolare poterat, quàm inundationes desedissent. Ita fiebat, ut Spiritus non super aquas, ut est in Genesi, sed secus aquas ferretur. O portentosam & singularem dementiam! Ratum nihil esse poterat, quod Episcopi, tanquam plebs, sciscerent, nisi Papa autor fieret. AN ALPHABETICAL TABLE OF ALL THE Principal matters contained in this History of the Council of TRENT. A ABuses in the Church of Rome are collected, to be reform. pag. 83, 84 Acclamations used in former Counsels, and imitated in Trent. 813 Adrian 6. is created Pope: is much feared for his severity. 19 Is learned in school-divinity: was borne in Vtrect: resolveth to reform the Court of Rome. 20 Is dissuaded from it. 23 He lamenteth because the Popes cannot do good, though they desire it never so much. 24 He confesseth the abuses of the Clergy, not exempting the Apostolic Sea. 25 His death, and praises, 30 Amante Seruita a Friar of Brescia concurreth in opinion with Luther concerning the Eucharist, and is silenced. 522 Ambassadors in Trent hold a consultation how to remedy the proceed in Council, and choose the French. Ambassador Lansac to speak for them. 570, 571 The Ambassadors in Trent did not subscribe the Decrees when the Council was ended. 813 Andreas Vega, chief of the Franciscans, disputeth, that the opinions of the Lutherans ought not to be condemned without declaring the opinion of the Catboliques. 179 He writeth against Soto. 216 Anna du Bourg is burned in France for religion; and his constance causeth a great increase of the reformed religion. 419 Annats are spoken against by the Bishop of Nismes. 716 Appeals, and their original. 334, 335 Apostolic Sea what it is. 321 Archbishop of Collen is cited by the Emperor to clear himself of Lutheranisme objected 'gainst him. 124 and by the Pope at the same time. 125 Is sentenced by the Pope; but the sentence is not executed by the Emperor until certain years after. 165 He is obeyed by his people. 189 is proceeded against by the Emperor, and Prince Adolphus put in his place. 259 Arch-bishp of Otranto opposeth the Cardinal of Lorraine, and hath forty voices at his command. 719 is reprehended by the Spanish Ambassador for making private congregations, 759 Archbishop of Toledo is in the Inquisition of Spain; his book is examined in Council, and approved. 750 Aremboldus is agent for the Pope's sister, to vent her indulgences. 5 Augustan Confession whence it had the name; and when the first liberty to beprofessed publicly. 63 avignon rebelleth against the Pope. 429, 430 B BAndo set forth by the Emperor against the Duke of Saxony, and the Landgrave of Hassia. 201 Baptism discussed. 242 Whether that of john be equal to Christ's Baptism. 243 Battle of S. Quintin, in which the French King received a great overthrow. 406 Battle in France between the Protestants and Papists, in which the Prince of Conde was taken prisoner, 647 Causeth much joy in Trent. 649 Bavaria desireth liberty of religion. 397. 398 The Bavarian Ambassador maketh a biting Oration in Council against the corruptions of the Clergy. 527 A tumult is raised in Bavaria for the communion of the Cup; and marriage of Priests. 716 Bessarion was created Cardinal, and wanted not much of being Pope. 75 Beza speaketh in the Colloquy of Poisi. 452, 453, 454. Birague the french Ambassador cometh to Trent. 714 The Counsels answer. 718 He parteth from Trent, & goeth to the Emperor: His negotiation. 720 Bishop of Bitonto maketh a foolish Oration when the Council was opened. 132 is in danger to be excommunicated in Rome for not paying his Pensionaries. 153 Bishops of Ficsole and Chiozza are complained of to the Pope by the Legates for speaking freely in Council. 167 Bishop of Vintimiglia is the Pope's secret minister in Council. 517 Bishops employed in the Council by Card. Simoneta to jest at others. 526 Bishops what qualities they ought to have. 249 261. By what law Bishops are instituted, is not permitted to be disputed in Council. 589 Whether their degree be an order, 591 How they are superior to Priests. 595. 596 Whether their institution be de iure divino, or Pontificio 596, 597, 598, 599, 604, 636, 637. Laynez General of the jesuites spendeth a whole congregation to show that it is de iure Pontificio. 609, 610 The French Prelates would have this question wholly omitted. 634 Bishops not made nor confirmed by the Pope. 635. Cannons of the Institution of Bishops are made in Rome, and brought to Trent. 657 The Decree of the Institution is made. 723 but deferred, for fear of making the Council too long. 731, 732 A question is discussed in the Council, whether the most worthy aught to be elected Bishops. 725 The Spanish Prelates will not abandon their opinion, that the institution of Bishops is de iure divino, 735 But are persuaded to be quiet. 737 Bull of Leo the tenth against Luther. 10, 11 A Bull of the convocation of the Council, to be 〈◊〉 in Mantua. 79 Another of the convocation of the Council to be held in Trent, against which the Emperor excepteth. 101 Bull of faculties for the Legates of the Council of Trent. 112 Bull for the dissolution of the Council. 112 Bull of the Translation if the Council. 128 Bull of the Legation the Legates will not suffer to be read. 130 Bull of the translation of the Council to Bolonia. 266, 267, 268 Bull of the restitution of the Council to Trent. 307 which the Emperor would have to be altered. 307, 308 Bull of Pius 4 for the intimation of the Council in Trent. 435 C. CAictan, the Pope's Legate, in what sort he treateth with Luther. 7 is blamed in Rome for using him basely. 8 Calistini in Bohemia. 2 Camillus Oliws, Secretary to the Card. of Mantua, is in disgrace with the Pope. 518 Campegio is sent Legate to the Diet in Noremberg. 31 He maketh a little reformation of the clergy of Germany. 32 Which is received by some few Princes. 33 Is made Legate again. 52, 53 Is sent into England about the divorce of Henry the eight, and recalled to gratify the Emperor. 68 Canonical books of the Scripture. 152, 153 Catherinus writeth against Soto, concerning the meaning of the council in the point, De natura & gratia. 229 Character imprinted in the collation of the Sacraments, what it is. 239, 240 It is imprinted in the collation of Priesthood. 738 Card. Colonna is cited to Rome. 38 sacketh Rome. 41 is excommunicated, and appealeth to a Council. 42 Cardinals imprisoned, mocked, and beaten in Rome 44 Cardinals created. 74, 272, 361, 396, 825 Cardinals are not contained within any general terms of any law, if they be not particularly ●amed. 262 Card. Poole is made Legate for the Council in Trent. 111 And after his return from thence, is made one of the Deputies in Rome over the council in Trent. 168 Is named to be Pope, but not elected for suspicion of Lutheranisme. 298 Is made Legate for England by Pope julius the third. 384 Come to London with the cross before him, and maketh an oration in the Parliament. 385 is deprived of his Legation of England by Paul the 4. 405 Cardinal Crescentius, the Legate in Council, ●doteth. 375 Is carried to Verona, and there dieth. 377 Card. Morone was imprisoned, and ready to be sentenced for an heretic by Paul. 4. 416 Is made prime Precedent of the Council by Pope Pius 4. and have secret instructions. 688. his entry into Trent. 693 Is received in congregation. 694 His public negotiation with the Emp. 695 His private negotiation with the Empe. 705 He is taxed by his fellow Legates for taking too much upon him. 724. Cardinal of Lorraine speaketh in the Colloquy of Poisi. 453 Had a desire to be Patriarch of France 603 Entereth. Trent with many French Prelates. 624 Maketh an oration in Council. 629 Goeth to Ispruc to consult with the Emperor about the affairs of the Council. 664. 668 Writeth a consolatory letter to his mother after the death of his brother, the Duke of Guise. 681 Goeth to Venice to put away grief. 689 Is said to speak in Council like a Lutherane. 704 Remitteth his rigour for matter of the Council, by reason of the great change in France. 712 Is opposed by the Archbishop of Otranto. 719 Resolveth to give the Pope all manner of satisfaction. 733 Is complained of by the Spanish Prelates. 743. 744 Excuseth his change of mind. 751 Come to Rome, where he is lodged in the Pope's Palace, and visited by the Pope in person. 767 His negotiation. 768 He taxeth the French Ambassadors for protesting in Trent. 778 Returneth to Trent, and hasteneth the ending of the Council. 781 was the chief man to make and roar out the acclamations in the end of the Council. 813 Is taxed in France at his return. 818 His defence. 821 Cardinal of Ferrara is sent Legate into France, where he is ill entertained at the first. 455 He muketh acquaintance with the Hugonots. 456 Hath a grant to exercise his faculties; which the Chancellor refuseth to subscribe. 458 He meeteth the Card, of Lorraine in Asti of Piedmont, to persuade him to favour the Pope's affairs in Council. 700 But cannot effect anything. 711 Cardinal of Mantua, Legate in the Council, is distasted by the Pope. 507 Is opposed by Cardinal Simoneta. 513 The dispatches are not addressed to him. 517 Is reconciled with Cardinal Simoneta. 54 writeth to the Pope that he can dissemble no longer. 675 He dieth. 678 Cardinal of Bourbon desireth a dispensation to marry. 668 But the Frenchmen dare not propose it in Council. 680 Cardinal Seripando, one of the Precedents, dieth. 687 Cardinal Navaggero, the new Precedent entereth Trent. 699 Cardinal Chastillion calleth himself Count of Beawois, quitteth the Cap, mocketh the Pope and is deprived by him. 767 Catechism is handled. 802 Ceremonies used in opening the Council. 130 Charles the fisth Emperor is suspected by the Pope for his greatness. 35 Maketh two answers to the two Briefs of the Pope. 39 writeth to the Cardinals. 40 Maketh show of grief for the Pope's imprisonment, but keepeth him fast. 44 Is crowned in Bolonia. 52 Goeth to Rome; is proud of his victory in Africa. 78 Is distasted with the Pope. 110 And reconciled again, 111 Maketh the Pope afraid by residing at Ispruc, so near the Council. 355 Useth means to make the Empire hereditary; but is crossed by his Nephew Maximilian. 382 Quitteth the world. 404 Charles the ninth the French King, seemeth to favour the Protestants. 449 Alieneth Ecclesiastical goods without the Pope's leave. 712. 713 Wherewith his Holiness is very angry. 713. 793 Church, what power it hath concerning the Sacraments. 669 Whether it can make marriages void. 756 Clement the seventh Pope, thinketh a Council to be dangerous when the Pope's authority is in question. 34 Maketh a league with Francis the first, the French King, and inveigheth against the Emperor. 37 He was illegitimate, and created Pope by Simony. 42 Is taken prisoner 44 Escapeth out of the Castle in the habit of a Merchant. 45 Doth suddenly recover his greatness. 47 Dissuadeth the Emperor from desiring a Council 50 And persuadeth him to proceed severely against the Lutherans. 51 Sheweth a desire to call a Council, but meaneth to avoid it. 58 Is aliened from the Emperor, and joineth with France. 64 His death, virtues, and vices. 71 Colloquy between the Protestants and Papists. 56 Another in Aganoa. 92 In Worms. 93 In Ratisbon. 95 And again in Ratisbon. 126 Colloquy in Worms of four and twenty Doctors. 407 Of Poisi in France 451 Commendaes', what they are, is showed by the Author in a large discourse. 500 Commenda of all the Benefices in the world, given by Clement the seventh to his Nephew Hippolytus Card. de Medici. 251 Communion of the cup denied by the Pope. 290 Treated of in France. 457 Demanded, and discussed in Rome. 458, 459, 519, 520, 522, 523, 526, 528, 529, 537, 556, 559, 560. Is denied in Council by plurality of voices. 567 Concubines of Priests are of Ecclesiastical jurisdiction. 82 Conclavists and their privileges, 554 Conference at Marpurg between Luther & Zuinglius. 49 Conference in Nizza between the Pope, French King, and King of Spain. 85 Conference between the Pope and Emperor in Lucca. 100 And another in Busseto. 104 Confirmation, the Sacrament, is handled; and a question disputed whether Bishops be the only ministers of it. 244 Confirmation of the Decrees of the Council, whether it ought presently to be made by the Pope, is much disputed. 814, 815 etc. conservators are judges granted to some particular men by the Pope, to maintain them in their pretended rights. 352, 353 Conspiracy in Genua of the Fieschi against the Dorij. 222 Conspiracy in France against King Francis the second. 421 Contarini is Legate for the Pope in Ratisbon. 94 Speaketh as ambiguously as an oracle: his exhortation to the Prelates. 96 Complaineth that his answer was mistaken. 97. Is suspected to be a Lutheran. 100 His death. 103 Continuation of the Council is disliked by the Emperor and the French King, but approved by the King of Spain. 441, 477, 506 The Pope resolveth the continuation shall be declared, that the Council may be dissolved, but dareth not stand to it. 511 Coronation of the Emperor in Bolonia. 49. 52 Counsels for what causes they began to be celebrated. 2 Council of Trent is opened by singing amass of the holy Ghostonely. 116 Counsels held by Secular Princes. 136 Counsels do deliberate of faith, not by divine inspiration, but by humane disquisition. 230 The question, whether they have greater authority than the Pope is forbid by the Legates to be handled. 231 How the Spirit did work in the Council of Trent. 276 The Council is remanded to Trent from Bolonia. 302, 303 Counsels do not bind by their decrees the Churches absent. 320 The Council of Basil what authority it had. 566. The Council of Constance is commended by the General of the Serui. 567 The Council of Trent was assembled to remedy abuses, but was used to increase them, The State of it is quite altered. 782 The conclusion of it. 803 Count of Luna is received in congregation, and protesteth about his place. 707, 708 Creed established in the fourth Session. 147 D. DEcrees of justification. 223 And of Reformation. 226 Are censured in Germany. 227 A decree concerning the Sacraments. 263 Concerning Baptism. 264 Concerning Confirmation. 264 A decree of Reformation. 264 A Decree concerning the Eucharist. 339 A decree of Reformation. 340 The decree (Proponentibus Legatis) is made, and contradicted. 469 The Spanish Ambassador desireth it may be abrogated. 720 The Emperor dissuadeth the King of Spain from desiring the abrogation of it. 727 A decree of the institution of Bishops, and of Residence. 723 Another concerning Residence. 736 Concerning Priesthood and the other Orders. 738 Another concerning Order. 740, 741. A Decree of reformation. 787, 788 Another concerning Purgatory. 799 Decrees of the Council of Trent must not have any glosses or interpretations made upon them, but all doubts must be referred to the Pope. 817 Degradation of Prelates, and the laws thereof. 336, 337 Denmark embraceth the reformed religion. 84 Deputies appointed in Rome over the Council. 168, 256, 257 Diet of Worms. 13 Of Noremberg. 24. Of Spira. 35, 36 Of Ausburg. 52. Of Aganoa. 92 Of Ratisbon. 94, 126, 183 Diets in Ausburg. 272, 292, 306, 388 Diocesan Counsels held in diverse Provinces. 296, 297 Dispensations, whether they may be granted without a lawful cause. 253 What they are. 675 are maintained at large by Laynez, General of the jesuits. 721 Whether they have brought more advantage or disprofit to the Sea of Rome. 791 Distributions called Canonical, what they are. 495 The power of Bishops concerning them. 556 Divorce is handled by Dominicus Soto. 670 and by john Ramirez. 671 The Venetian Ambassadors desire that the Grecians within their dominions may be permitted to put away their wives for fornication, because they have always done so. 755 Dominicans were employed in Saxony to vent Indulgences. 5 are opposite to the Franciscans in the point of the real presence. 328 Duke of Saxony, called john Frederick, disputeth whether he may carry the sword before the Emperor, and stand at the Mass. 52 He publisheth a Manifest against the Emperor. 190 Who setteth forth a Bando against him. 201 He had equal authority with the Landgrave of Hassia, which maketh them both unfortunate. 204 He is taken in battle, and condemned to die. 270 But pardoned upon very hard conditions. 270 Duke of Saxony, called Maurice, created Elector by the Emperor Charles the 5. sendeth ambassadors to the Council. 362 Who demand a safe-conduct. 363 One of them maketh an Oration in Council. 367 The Duke taketh Ispruc, scarreth Charles the Emperor very much, who setteth john Frederick the deposed Duke at liberty. 378 Duke of Wittenberg sendeth ambassadors to the Council, who present the Confession of their faith. 355 He sendeth order to them to proceed in their negotiation. 359 The Precedents will not suffer their confession to be disputed of in Council. 359, 360 One of the Ambassadors maketh an oration in Council. 369 Duke of Alva might have taken Rome, but instead of that goeth thither for absolution. 406 Duke of Savoy taketh arms against the Protestants of his valleys. 421 Is overthrown by them, and maketh a peace. 446. Hath many Protestants within his territories. 710 Duke of Bavaria sendeth ambassadors to Rome for the Communion of the Cup. 646 And desireth that his Priests may marry. 679 E. ECchius opposeth Luther. 6 Ecclesiastical goods are aliened in France without the Pope's consent. 93 Ecolampadius dieth with sorrow for the death of his fellow Zuinglius. 60 Edict of Ausburg about religion. 57 Edict of the French King H 〈…〉 y 2. concerning religion. 297 Edict of juli made in France. 448 Edict of March made in France. 471 Edward 6. King of England, maketh a change in Religion. 295 He dieth. 283 Electors of Mentz and Triers, crave leave to departed from the Council. 362 And do departed. 374 And so doth the Elector of Collen, 374 Elizabeth obtaineth the crown of England: the Pope refuseth to acknowledge her: she causeth a disputation to be held in Westminster in matter of religion. 411 She is invited to the Council in Trent. 436 But will not suffer the Pope's Nuncio to come into England. 440 The Council would have proceeded against her; but is dissuaded by the Emperor. 727 Episcopal jurisdiction is discoursed of by the Author. 330. 331. etc. Erasmus is condemned for his annotations upon the New Testament, which are confirmed by Pope Leo the tenth. 473 Excommunication is denounced against all Heretics in general only, in the end of the Council. 813 Exemptions what they are, is showed in a large discourse made by the Author. 220 Exemption of Cathedral Churches in Spain from the jurisdiction of Bishops, raiseth a great stir in the Council. 797 F. FAber, sent to Zuric by the Bishop of Constance, refuseth to dispute with Zuinglius. 17 Faction made in Council by the Pope and Legates. 142. 256 A faction between the Dominicans and Franciscans. 175. 229. 258 A faction made in Council by the Pope. 463. 504. 580 The Papalins themselves did not like that the Pope should labour so openly to make a mayor part. 585 A faction made by Cardinal Simoneta about the institution of Bishops. 607 Practices used by the Legates to persuade the Prelates. 621 A factious banquet made by the Archbishop of Otranto. 627 Cardinal Madruccio said openly there was a Council within the Council. 658. 659 Faith how many significations it hath. 194. 195 Ferdinand desireth to possess Transiluania, and causeth the Bishop of Veradino to be slain: is absolved by the Pope. 373 Publisheth an Edict against innovation in Religion. 387 And a Catechism. 387, 388 Is installed Emperor, and not acknowledged by Pope Paul the fourth, but after is acknowledged by Pope Pius the fourth, unto whom he rendereth obedience. 420 Goeth to Ispruc, that he may be near the Council. 649 Putteth in consultation seventeen very important points, concerning the present Council. 673 Writeth to the Legates and the Pope very effectually for a serious reformation. 682. 683. Gives his word to Cardinal Morone to use connivency hereafter for matters of the Council. 705 His sudden sickness maketh the Fathers in Trent afraid. 779, 780 Fisher, Bishop of Rochester, is created Cardinal for his great worth; and is beheaded 43. days after. 74 Florence becometh free, and doth deface the Statues of Leo the tenth, and of Clement the seventh. 44 Form of proceeding in Council. 344 Francis the first, the French King, is taken prisoner at Pavia. 35 It set at liberty, and absolved from his oath. 37 Francis Sforza, Duke of Milan, dieth. 77 Francis of Toledo is Ambassador for the King of Spain in Council. 154 Persuaded that the reformation should be handled before the doctrine. 166 Francis the second, the French King, persecuteth the Protestants. 417, 418 He dieth. 436 Free will is discussed 208, 209, 210 French Ambassador speaketh in Council. 509 The French Ambassadors desire that their Prelates may be expected. 552 The French Ambassador De Ferrieres maketh an oration. 631 And another. 666 Which vexeth the Fathers. 667 The French Ambassadors go to Venice. 790 French petitions are written against in Rome. 674 The Pope resolveth not to consent to them. 690 French Prelates cited to Rome for Lutheranisme. 693 Sentence is pronounced against them, 790 They are defended by the King. 795 G. Geneva promoteth thereformed religionin France. 422 The Pope persuadeth the French King to make war against that city. 423 George Fransperg, General of an army of Dutchmen, carrieth an halter towards Rome, to hang the Pope; but dieth before he cometh thither. 43 George Martinaccio, Bishop of Veredino, desireth to hold Transiluania in liberty; refuseth the offers of K. Ferdinand, and is slain by his ministers. 873 Germany is in the power of the Emperor, the two Protestant Heads being retired into their countries. 221 Glosses are forbid to be made upon the Decrees of the Council of Trent. 813 Granuell publisheth a book, to compose religion in Germany. 95 He is sent to the Diet in Noremberg. 103 Groperus discourseth of Appeals. 334 Guise passeth into Italy with an army to assist the Pope. 404 Is defeated by the default of the Caraffis. 405 Is recalled by the French King. 406 The Guisards hold a parley in Germany with the Duke of Wittenberg. 480 The Duke of Guise is slain under Orlience by john Poltrot, a private Gentleman. 681 His death maketh a great alteration in France. 682 H. HEnry 8. King of England, writeth against Luther, and gaineth the Title of Defender of the Faith. 16 Marrieth Anne Bullen. 68 Withdraweth his obedience from the Pope, and denieth to pay the Peter pence. 69 Protesteth against the council of Mantua. 83 And again against the council of Vincentia. 85 is excommunicated by the Pope, and the reasons are declared. 86, 87 The excommunication was generally contemned. 87 He maketh an Edict in matter of religion. 89 He dieth, and his death causeth much joy in Rome and Trent. 260 Henry 2. the French King, maketh a solemn entry into France: proceedeth severely against the Protestants. 297, 298 Professeth extraordinary good will to Pope julius the 3. 305 Protecteth Parma against the Pope and the Emperor. 311 Protesteth against the council of Trent. 315 319 Persecuteth the Protestants. 322 But afterwards useth moderation. 407 Proceedeth against the Counsellors of Parliament in a Mercutiall. 414, 415 He dieth. 416 Hermit Friars were ordinary publishers of Indulgences in Saxony, but were excluded by Aremboldus. 5 Hierarohie of the Church, what it is. 589, 590, 591. The form of Hierarchy in what it consisteth. 591, 592 it should rather be called Hierodoulia. 743 Hugonius a French Divine, betrayeth his countrymen in Council. 632 but cannot endure the flattery of Laynez, the jesuite, in maintaining the Pope's authority. 722 Hugonots in France do wax bold. 470 they have 2150. Churches in France. 480 I. Iesuites' will observe no rule in Council. 543 why their General is not in the Catalogue of the assistants in Council. 554 Salmeron the jesuite proceedeth by faction in matter of faith. 555 Laynez, General of the jesuites, spendeth a whole congregation in a discourse concerning the Institution of Bishops. 609, 610, 611 His suffrage concerning dispensations. 721 Favours done to him in Council by the Legates. 721. 722 The jesuites do profess to live by begging, but will not be bound to it. 799 They make use of the negligence of the Fathers in Council, to raise their order to more greatness. 801 Images, and their doctrine. 806 Index is disputed on. 474, 475, 502 a Decree made concerning it. 480 Indulgences when they began to bring money to the Pope's coffers. 4 a plenary Indulgence granted by Vrban the second, and Leo the tenth. 4 the profit of the Indulgences of Saxony is granted to the Pope's sister. 5 The doctrine of Indulgences was never well understood before Luther wrote against them. 6 four different opinions concerning them, and all Catholic. 22 The Council dareth not handle Indulgences exactly. 801 The Decree concerning them. 812 an Indulgence granted by the Legates in Trent without authority. 113 In quisition brought into Naples. 271 and into the Low-countrieses. 300 the office of Inquisition is mainly promoted by Paul the fourth. 409 the Inquisition should have been brought into Milan: which causeth a great tumult there, and in the Council. 757, 758 Intention of the Ministers to do as the Church doth, whether it be necessary in Baptism, and the other Sacraments. 240, 241, etc. Interim, or peace of religion, is made in Germany. 62 It displeaseth both Papists and Protestants. 294. Is abrogated. 379 john Tancherel is condemned in France, for maintaining that the Pope may depose kings, 463, 464 Ireland is made a kingdom by Pope Paul the fourth, which title it had long before. 392 Ispruc is taken by the Protestants. 378 jubilee published in Rome. 130 And in Trent. 203 Another jubilee celebrated in Rome for joy of the determination to celebrate the Council 435 julius the 2. Pope was more a soldier then a Clergy man. 3 julius the 3 created Pope. 298 Is more inclined to pleasure then business: createth a young Car. of unknown parents. 299 Restoreth the Council to Trent. 302, 303 Is aliened from the Emperor. 371 Suspendeth the Council. 376 Maintaineth his reputation by the Patriarch of Armenia. 382, 383 Rejoiceth for the restitution of the obedience of England: he dieth. 389 justice, by whom it is to be administered in Council. 82 justification is discussed in many articles. 192 Which did trouble the Prelates and Divines, because it was never well discussed by the Schoolmen. 194 K KIng of Denmark embraceth the reformed religion. 84 King of Navarre hath a guard set upon him. 436 Is set at liberty, and governeth France. 437 Writeth to the Protestant Princes in Germany, that he will preserve Religion in France. 480 Was slain with a Bullet at the siege of Rouen. 640 His death maketh a great alteration in France 641 Knights of Malta send an ambassador to the Council; who is received in Congregation, and maketh an Oration. 762 L. Landgrave of Hassia preventeth a division amongst the Reformatists in the Diet of Spira. 47 publisheth a Manifest against the Emp. 190 who setteth forth a Bando against him. 201 Landgrave and Saxon had equal authority in the war against the Emperor, which was a great disadvantage to them. 204 He yields himself prisoner to the Emperor. 270 is set at liberty 379 Lateran Council what advantage it brought to the Sea of Rome. 19 Latin translation of the Bible is discoursed of 155, 156, 157, etc. and is approved. 159 it is said that no errors of faith are in it. 161 Laws of Popes are more strictly observed then the laws of God. 488 League between the Pope and the French King is confirmed by marriage. 67 between the Pope and the Emperor against the Protestants. 188 the League between Charles the Emperor and Henry 8. King of England offendeth the Pope. 105 a league of all Catholics against the Protestants is treated by the Pope. 515 but cannot be effected. 516 a league between the Pope & the French K. against the Emp. confirmed by marriage. 252 another of the Protestants in Germany against the Emperor. 312, 484 Legates in Trent desire to have two sorts of letters from the Pope and a cipher. 113 Leo 10, Pope his description. 3 Lewis 12. French King is excommunicated. 3 Liberty of Friars is held dangerous by the Legates, and repressed. 228 a Friar of Brescia is disgraced for speaking of the Eucharist like Luther. 422 Liberty of the Council violated by the Pope. 503 Liberty of the Council is thought by the Speaker to be too great. 533 and by the French Ambassadors to be none at all. 542 as also by the Spaniards. 551 The Precedents use means to curb the Spanish Prelates. 620 the Cardinal of Lorraine said openly the Council was not free. 635 The Bishop of Veglia quitteth the Council for fear. 644 the Prelates are terrified with the Pope's authority. 645 Martin Guzdalin, a Spaniard, complaineth that the Council is not free. 661 and the Spanish Ambassador doth the like: who is answered by Cardinal Morone. 754 Limbo is the place where children are, who die without Baptism, before the use of reason. 178 Luther speaketh against Indulgences. 5 And against the Pope's authority. 7 Appealeth to the Council. 8. 12 Passeth to other points of doctrine. 9 Burneth the Pope's Bull, and Decretals in Wittenberg. 12 Is called to the Diet of Worms. 13 And an Edict is published against him after his departure. 15 Which was never executed by the Princes of the Empire. 26, 27, etc. His answer to Vergerius. 75 He dieth. 148 divers fables are raised of his death. 149 M. MAntua is chosen to hold the Council in. 79 Wherewith the Duke is contented at the first, but repenteth afterwards. 82 Marcellus the Second created Pope. 389 Purposeth to make a severe reformation of the Court and Clergy, and to erect a religious Order of an hundred persons. 390 He dieth, having sat but two and twenty days. 392 Marriage of Priests what inconvenience it bringeth. 460 Why it is forbid. 680 Matrimony is proposed to be disputed. 662, 665. The inconvenience of secret marriages. 665, 668, etc. Whether Priests may marry. 678, 679 A marriage is desired and sought by the King of Spain between his sister, and his son Charles. 685 Marriage of children without consent of their parents is spoken against by the French ambassadors. 746, 747, 754 Marriage of Priests is promoted, and opposed in council. 747 The abuses of matrimony are discussed. 747, 748. A question discussed, whether one may be forced to marry. 749, 750 divers opinions concerning clandestine marriage. 782 The doctrine of Matrimony is decreed. 784 The reformation of the abuses of it is decreed. 784, 785 The impediments of Matrimony are decreed. 785. Mary obtaineth the Crown of England. 383 Establisheth Popery. 384 Is married to King Philip. 385 Appointeth ambassadors to go to Rome. 386 Persecuteth the Protestants. 387 Her Ambassadors come to Rome. 391 She dieth. 411 Marquis of Brandenburg sendeth Ambassadors to the Council. 342 Mass is discussed. 542 they dispute to prove it to be a sacrifice. 544, 545, etc. a Portugal Divine saith it can be proved by tradition only. 546. the doctrine of it. 573 the abuses of it. 574 Mattheo Langi, Archbishop of Salzburg, did not dislike the assertions of Luther, but scorneth that the world should be reform by a Monk. 55 Maxim in Council about the mayor part of voices. 576 Maximilian the son of Ferdinand passeth by Trent. 360 promiseth the Protestants there to labour with his Uncle, the Emperor, that the Council may be free. 361 is thought to be a Protestant. 426 which he doth not deny to the Pope's nephew. 429 is crowned King of Bohemia, and elected King of the Romans. 641 refuseth to promise obedience to the Pope. 723 Merits, whether they go before grace, or follow. 198 N. NAples doth mutin, because of the Inquisition brought in, and is cherished by the Pope. 271 Nations, whether they ought to have voices in Council, or particular persons. 137, 508 Nationall Council is prepared in France. 314, 425. Number of the Prelates in the Council of Trent. 317, 462 the number of those who subscribed the Decrees of the Synod. 813 Nuns which are called Penitenti, or Convertite, have been Courtesans. 808 O. OAth prescribed to be taken by those who are to be admitted to Bishoprickes, Abbacies, Benefices, etc. 732. 733 Octavius Farnese conducteth the Italian troops into Germany against the Protestants. 203 receiveth a French Garrison into Parma. 311 Oration made in the Council by the Bishop of Bitonto. 132 another made by the French Ambassador, Guido Faber. 508 Displeaseth the Fathers. 509 And is answered. 511 An Oration made by the Bavarian Ambassador. 527 An Oration made in Council for the Count of Luna. 709 Displeaseth all the Ambassadors. 710 Oration made by the French Ambassador de Ferrieres against the reformation of Princes 771, 772, 773 Is answered. 775 Which causeth him to make an Apology 775 Order is held to be a Sacrament, and is discussed. 586 Seven orders, and all Sacraments. 587 How the holy Ghost is given in ordination. 592, 593 What ceremonies be necessary in conferring orders. 593 The number of orders, and their several functions. 734 The Decree concerning them. 738 And the Anathematisms. 739 Ordination to the title of the Patrimony is discoursed on by the Author. 490 divers opinions concerning it. 491 Oriental Christians. 572 P. PAlatine of Rhine speaketh bravely in the Diet. 14 Embraceth the reformed religion. 148, 398 Parishes how they came to be divided. 498 Parma and Placentia are given by Pope Paul the 3. to his bastard son. 121 Whereat the Cardinals do murmur. 128 Parma is restored to Duke Octavius by Pope julius the 3. 311 Pasquins made in Rome, against the Council. 148. Patriarch of Armenia comes to the Pope. 382 Paul the 3. created Pope. 71 His chiefest virtue was dissimulation. 71 He persuadeth the Cardinals to reform themselves. 72 Laboureth to gain Milan for his family. 104 Recalleth his forces out of Germany, and is jealous of the Emperor by reason of his victory. 222 Recalleth the whole business of Reformation to himself; of which the Legates durst not make use. 254 He dieth. 298 Paul the 4. receiveth the English Ambassadors. 391 Commandeth the restitution of the Church goods in England, and the Peter pence. 392 Is proud and choleric. 394 Createth Cardinals contrary to his oath. 396 Pretendeth to make peace between the Emperor, and French King, but intendeth nothing but war. 401 Proceedeth against the Colonnesi. 402 Threatneth the Emperor and his son, and provideth for war. 403 Imprisoneth many great persons. ibid. Createth 10. Cardinals more. 404 Persecuteth his own family, and instituteth a new government in Rome. 408 He dieth; for which the Romans rejoice, and show they did detest him 416 Peace concluded between the Pope and Emperor. 46. is renewed. 64 a peace between the Emp. & French K. 109 Peace made between the French King and the Hugonots displeaseth the Pope. 693, 695. The conditions of it. 696. Peace is concluded between the Emperor and the Protestants. 378 a peace of religion is established in the Diet of Ausburg. 394 the peace of Cambray between the Kings of France and Spain. 412 Penance and the Decree thereof. 346, 347, etc. The censure of the Decree. 357, 358 Petrus Aloisius, the Pope's son, Duke of Placentia, was murdered in his own Palace. 273 Philip, King of Spain, is in great peril at Sea in his journey into Spain. 417 He persecuteth the Protestants at his arrival. ibid. is angry with the Pope for countenancing the King of Navarre. 443 and with the French King, for making peace with the Húgonots. 701 Picards in Bohemia. 3 Pius the fourth is created Pope. 418 hasteneth the General Council in Trent for fear of a national in France. 425, 426 but doth secretly cross it. 427, 433 maketh levies of soldiers. 551 Plotteth to make a mayor part in Council. 580 which the Papalins themselves said he did too openly. 585 is afraid to be accused of simony. 628 complaineth that he is suspected to hold the council in servitude. 595 giveth rewards to those that favour him in council. 660 resolveth to join with the King of Spain, and to neglect the Emperor and French King. 685 falleth very sick; which causeth the Fathers to anticipate the Session, and precipitate the Council. 802, 803, etc. Reserveth power to the Pope only to interpret, the Decrees of the Council. 817, 818 Placentia is seized by the governor of Milan, the Duke being slain. 273 and the restitution is demanded by the Pope. 287 Plurality of Benefices how it began, and the progress of it. 250, 251, etc. A dispute by what law it is forbid. 253 Polonian Ambassador maketh five demands in Rome all distasteful to the Pope. 399 Polonian Ambassadors come to Trent, and departed presently. 460, 463 Polonian Ambassador is received. 617 Polygamy how it was permitted. 671 Pope's authority was reserved in Council, by saying, Saving in all things the Pope's authority, but it is not suffered so to pass. 260 Pope's laws are more strictly observed then the laws of God. 488 Laynez saith the Pope is about the Council. 613 Pope dying in time of the Council, whether the successor ought to be created in Rome by the Cardinals, or in Trent by Nations. 627 The French opinion concerning the Pope's authority. 641, 661 How fare he may dispense. 675 The Emperor is of opinion that the Council is above the Pope. 683 But Pius the fourth goeth about to prove the contrary by many quotations, which her sendeth to the Emperor 684 Which are examined by the Cardinal of Lorraine and the other French Prelates. 687 The Pope's authority is much extolled by Laynez. 721 To the great distaste of the Frenchmen, 722 The point concerning the Pope's authority is deferred for fear of prolonging the Council. 731, 732 The Decree is read for saving the Pope's authority, which was never mentioned before. 812 The Pope's authority whether it be necessary to confirm the Decrees of the Council 812 Pope only must interpret the Decrees of the Council of Trent. 818 Portugal Ambassador is received in Congregation. 476 Preaching claimed by the Regulars, as belonging to them; which is denied by the Prelates. 161, 167 Precedence is claimed by Don Diego the Spanish Ambassador before the Cardinal of Trent. 114, 117 By the Duke of Florence before the Duke of Ferrara. 443 Princes of the blood in France have precedence of the Cardinals. 449 The Prelates in Trent differ about precedence. 467 and so do the Ambassadors of Portugal and Hungary. 480 Likewise the Bavarian and Venetian Ambassadors differ about precedence. 501 and so do the French and Spanish Ambassadors in Trent. 663 In Rome. 713 and again in Trent. 727, 728, 729 Predestination is discussed. 210, 211, etc. Precedents, sent by the Pope, did never govern Counsels before that of Constance. 137 They gave auricular voices in Trent. 616 Precedents named for the second reduction of the Council in Trent. 310 For the third reduction. 444, 445 The Precedents only do give audience to the Ambassadors. 553. Two new Precedents. 681 Precedents of Counsels, what authority they have. 707 Priesthood, and the decree concerning it. 738 The Anathematisme belonging to it. 739 Prince of Conde is imprisoned. 436 Prince of Orange marrieth a daughter of the Duke of Saxony. 456 Proctors sent by the Viceroy of Naples to give voice in Council for all the Clergy of that kingdom. 118 The Pope decreeth that none shall give voice by Proctor. 118 The Proctors of the Archbishop of Mentz are about to leave the Council. 122 Prohibition of Books is discoursed on by the author. 472 Protestants make a conditional submission to the Council. 274 A consultation how they are to be received in Council. 367 Protestant Divines of Wittenberg and Strasburg come to Trent. 374 Fifty thousand Protestants were executed in the Low-countrieses within a short space. 413 The Protestants assemble in Noremburg, and the Pope sendeth Nuncii unto them 439 Protestations of Doctors, that they refer themselves to the Church, are but words of compliment and of good manners. 249 Protestation of the Emperor against the Council of Bolonia. 279, 280 Another Protestation in Rome before the Pope. 281 Which the Pope saith the ambassador did make without commission from his master. 282 The ambassador protesteth again. 284 The French K. protesteth against the Council in Trent 319 The intended protestation of the French ambassador about precedence 730, 731 Proverb in Trent very blasphemous about the bringing of the holy Ghost from Rome. 497 Another proverb in Council, We are fallen from the Spanish Scab to the French pox. 640 A kind of proverb made in France concerning the authority of the Council. 822 Purgatory is spoken of. 799 Q. Queen Mary, governess of the low Countries, favoureth the Protestants. 89 Queen mother of France refuseth a Spanish army to assist her against the Hugonots. 648 Writeth to the Pope and Cardinal of Lorraine 712 Is complained of by the Pathers for being ruled by the chastillon's and other Hugonots in France. 776 Queen of Scotland writeth to the Council of Trent. 703 Queen of England should have been proceeded against in Council, but the Emperor would not suffer it. 727 Queen of Navarre is cited to Rome for Lutheranisme. 780 And is defended by the French King. 794, 795 R. REformation made by Cardinal Campeggio in the Diet of Noremberg. 32, 33, etc. A reformation made in Rome under Paul the third, was suppressed. 79 A reformation of the Court of Rome is set on foot and much discussed. 83, 84 The Emperor would have Reformation handled before Doctrine. 202 It is wholly recalled by the Pope to be handled in Rome; but the Prelates will not yield 254, 255 A reformation of the Clergy published by the Emperor. 292 A reformation made in Council is complained of by the Priests. 343 Another is made in Rome of small matters only. 505 Twenty points of reformation are proposed by the Emperor's Ambassadors. 513 Nine points of reformation. 532, 538 The chief points of reformation are omitted. 568 Reformation is mainly promoted in Council by the Imperialists and Spaniards. 588 The free speeches in Council concerning reformation, do trouble the Legates. 595, 600 The reformation of Princes how it began. 617 Articles of reformation proposed in Council by the Frenchmen. 650, 652 The Pope thinketh that a reformation will not reduce the heretics. 700 A reformation of Cardinals is mainly promoted, but vanisheth quickly. 726 A reformation proposed by the Imperialists. 751, 752 The reformation of Princes is deferred 760 An hundred Prelates do combine to promote it. 766 It is declared at large. 769, 770 The Emperor distasteth it, and the French ambassador de Ferrieres, maketh an oration against it. 771, 772 The Decree of the general reformation. 808, 809, etc. The reformation of Princes. 811, 812, etc. Regulars are complained of by the Prelates, and defend themselves. 169 They begin to mutiny about their exemptions. 761 Their reformation. 806 Religion is changed in England. 295, 384, 421 Religion is changed in Denmark. 84 Religion is changed in the Palatinate. 148, 398 Religion is changed in Scotland 426, 451 Reputation is the chiefest ground of the Papal greatness. 29 Residence is treated of. 191, 216, 217, etc. Whether it be de iure divino. 218, 219 The Cardinal of Monte will not suffer that question to be decided. 232 The question is set on foot again. 486, 487, etc. It causeth great fear in Rome. 502 Is disputed on again. 505, 510 The disputation of it is diverted by the Legates. 550 Residence is decreed. 723, 736 The reformation of it is decreed. 739 Richard of Vercelli dieth with grief because he was in disgrace with the Legates for speaking freely in Council. 566, 569 Rites of the Roman Church are diverse. 548 Rome is taken by the Colonnesi. 41 And by the Dutchmen, and Duke of Borbon. 43 Rota in Rome (which is the greatest Court of justice there) rejecteth a cause of the Bishop of Segovia assisting in Council, for suspicion of heresy, because he did not second the Pope's designs. 678 S. SAcraments in general are handled. 234, 235, etc. How they do contain and cause grace. 237 A decree of reformation is made concerning them. 245 and Anathematisms. 248 Safeconduct is required by the Protestants to go to the Council. 316 The Contents of it. 341 It is disliked by the Protestants, 343, 344 The Council refuseth to alter it. 369 Santa-Croce the Legate is threatened by the Emperor to be cast into the river Adice. 202 Schism in the Council, some remaining in Trent, and others being gone to Bolonia. 269, 274 Scotland shaketh off obedience to the Pope. 426, 451 Session the first, held in Trent, Deocin. 13. an. 1545. 130 The second jan. 7. 1546. 139 The third, Feb. 4. 1546. 147 The fourth, Apr. 8. 1546. 162 The fift, june 17. 1546. 184 The sixth, jan. 13. 1547. 223 The seventh, March 3. 1547. 263 The eight, March 11. 1547. 267 The ninth, and first in Bolonia April 21. 1547 270 The tenth, and second in Bolonia june 11. 1547. 276 The eleventh Session, and first in the second reduction in Trent May 1. 1551, 313 The twelfth and second in the second reduction in Trent Sept. 1. 1551. 317 The thirteenth Session Oct. 11. 1551. 339 The fourteenth Novemb. 25. 1551. 356 The fifteenth jan. 25. 1552. 369 The sixteenth, which is the sixth and last under Pope julius the third April 28. 1552. 376 The seventeenth, and first under Pope Pius the fourth Feb. 26. 1562. 469 The eighteenth, and second under Pius the fourth Feb. 26. 1562. 480 The nineteenth, May. 14. 1562 506 The twentieth june 4. 1562. 511 The one and twentieth jul. 16. 1562. 539 The two and twentieth Sept. 17. 1562. 572 The three and twentieth jul. 15. 1563. 737 The four and twentieth Nouem. 11. 1563. 783 The five and twentieth and last of the Council of Trent. December 3. and 4. 1563. 805 Session in the Council of Trent had no real difference from a general congregation. 662 Silvester Prierias writeth against Luther. 6 Simoneta maketh a faction about the Institution of Bishops. 607 Simony is discussed, with all doubts belonging to it. 398, 399, 492, etc. Simony is laid to the charge of Pope Pius the fourth. 628 Smalcalda, in which there was a great assembly of the Protestants. 77 Soto is suspected to be a Lutheran. 178 writeth three books De natura & gratia, as a Commentary upon that Decree of the Council; and is opposed by Andreas Vega. 216, 229 Being ready to die he writeth a letter to the Pope concerning Conciliarie matters. 693 Subscription of the Decrees of the Council. 813 Swisses are divided in religion. 45 Make a league after the death of Zuinglius 60 are invited to the Council by the Pope. 164 are much favoured by Pope julius the third. 313 Supplication sent out of France into Spain. 447 Suspension of the Council is made for two years. 376, 377 But continueth ten years. 381 T THechel, a Dominican, writeth again Luther. 5 Title of the Council is much questioned 134, 141, 142, 481. Titular Bishops spoken against and defended. 717 The Bishop of Conimbria speaketh against them. 735 Traditions are di●oursed on. 151, 152, etc. Are made to ●e of equal authority with the Scripture. 154 Translation of the Council to Bolonia is resolved on in Rome. 259 and executed in Trent. 266, 267, etc. The discussion of the cause thereof is referred to certain delegates in Rome. 283 Treasure of the Church what it is. 6 Trent is named for the place to hold the Council in: but the Protestants will not consent. 101 The Legates are recalled from Trent, because they were left alone. 104 and are sent thither again. 111 The Council of Trent is protested against by the Protestants. 126 It beginneth the 13. of December, Anno Dom. 1545, 129, 130 V. VErgerius is sent Nuncio to King Ferdinand. 52 Is made Nuncio in the place of Hugo Rangone, Bishop of Rheggio. 66 Is recalled out of Germany. 72 and sent back. 73 His negotiation. 74 Returneth to the Pope, and is rewarded. 78 Goeth to the Colloquy in Worms under a false name. 93 Flieth to the Council for succour, and after quitteth both it and Italy. 154 Discovereth the plots of the Romanists to the Swisses and Grisons. 345 Writeth against the Bull of the intimation of the Council. 436 Being in Valtellina, maketh objections against the Council. 743 Vincentia is chosen to hold the Council in. 84 Three Legates are sent thither. 85 The Council is deferred. 86 and afterwards suspended during pleasure. 90 The Venetians will not suffer the Council to be held in Vincentia. 100 Virgin Marie is exempted from sin by the Franciscans. 175, 180 How she came to be worshipped. 181, 182 Unction, and the doctrine of it. 350, 351 Unction of Benefices was invented to Palliate Plurality. 251 Universities of Louvain & Collen condemn Luther's Books. 9 and so doth the University of Paris. 16 Voices in Council to whom they belong by right. 62 How they have been given in Council in all ages. 135 Whether they may be given by Proctors. 707 Vulgar tongue in the Church what inconvenience it bringeth. 460 How it hath been used in former times. 577, 578 W. WAldenses, or Albigenses in the Alps. 3 are miserably slain by the Frenchmen. 119 Obtain a great victory against the Duke of Savoy. 446 War between the Emperor, and the French King. 102 The Pope doth more intent the war against the Protestants, than the Council. 144 Rumours of the Protestants arms causeth the Counsel to be suspended. 377 War in France between the Protestants and Papists. 647 Wolsey is delegated by the Pope to hear the cause of the divorce of Henry the eight. 68 Works of good men how they are to be valued. 196 Works before grace. 198 Works after grace. 199 Z. ZVinglius in Zuric opposeth the Pope, beginning from the abuse of Indulgences preached by Friar Samson amongst the Swisses. 9 The Bishop of Constance writeth, and the Dominicans preach against him; by which means he is the more stirred up. 16 His difference with Luther. 48 Is slain in battle. 59 Zuric maketh a Decree in favour of the reformed religion. 17 FINIS. LONDON, ¶ Printed by Bonham Norton, and john Bill, Printers to the Kings most Excellent Majesty. ANNO DOM. M. DC. XXIX.