AN EXACT DISCOURSE Of the Subtleties, Fashishions, Policies, Religion, and Ceremonies of the East Indians, as well Chyneses as javans, there abiding and dwelling.  
Together with the manner of trading with those people, aswell by us English, as by the Hollanders, as also what hath happened to the English Nation at Bantan in the East Indies, since the 2. of February 1602. until the 6. of October 1605.  
Whereunto is added a brief Description of java Maior.  
Written by Edmund Scott, resident there, and in other places near adjoing, the space of three years and a half.  
AT LONDON, Printed by W.W. for Walter Burr. 1606.   

To the right Worshipful Sir William Romney Knight, Alderman of London, and Governor of the worshipful Company of Merchants trading to the East Indies, and to the rest of the Committees.  
RIght Worshipful, because heretofore it hath been a usual custom, that those which first have been resident in other foreign Countries, as Turkey, Persia, and Muscouie, have registered such matters as have happened worthy of note in their times, being in those parts of the main Continent Land; wherefore I having been lately Resident for your Worship in the Island of java maior, toward the East parts of the world: Albeit I am no Scholar to perform it with an eloquent discourse; yet fearing, and withal being put in mind by some friends, that if I neglected it, I should be condemned of sloth: have thought good to present unto your Worship, these few Lines: the which may certify you of the great blessings of God, both in preserving the greatest quantity of your goods, and our lives; which are come home out of that rude and dangerous Region, into our own native Country. Likewise your Worship shall understand by this plain Discourse the situation of the place, and the manners and fashions of the people; with some other strange accidents, which for brevity sake I did not certify you of by my Letters sent from thence: but in this small Volume you shall see, from time to time, how every thing hath been ordered, and performed in your business, and other affairs. All which, I hope, will be to your good liking, considering the place, and extremity we were in. So desiring GOD to bless and prosper all your proceed, I rest,  
Your Worships, Edmund Scott.   

A Description of the EAST INDIES.  
AFter our Ships were laden, and all things set in as good order as it could be: upon the xxi. day of February 1602. our General taking his leave of the shore, departed, leaving behind him to be resident in Bantan nine persons; over whom he appointed Master William Starkey to be chief Commander. Likewise he left thirteen more, which he appointed to go in our Pinnace for Banda: of which he appointed for chief Commander over the rest, Thomas Tudd Merchant: and for Master of the Pinnace, one Tho. Keych. The General at his departure left order, that this Pinnace should be sent away with all speed: wherefore having taken in, to the quantity of 56. Chests and Farthels of goods upon the 6. of March at night, she set Sail: but by reason of contrary winds, after she had spent near two months beating up and down in the Seas, she was forced to return again to Bantan. Also; at our generals departure, he left us two houses full of goods, and likewise some goods lying in the Dutch House: But we were too few in number to keep one well amongst such a sort of beggarly slaves, had not God of his great mercy preserved us; neither could our General spare any more at his departure. It is not unknown to all that were there, the quarrel betwixt the Iauanes and us before the Ships departed, who sought all means they could, to be revenged: in so much, that presently after the departure of our Pinnace, they began to practise the firing of our principal House with fiery Darts and Arrows in the night: And not content with that, in the day time if we had brought out any quantity of Goods to air, we should be sure to have the town fired to windward not far from us. And if those fiery Arrows had not by God's providence been espied by some of our own house (as they were) it was thought of us all, that that House and goods had been all consumed; as might plainly appear at the top, when we came to repair it. But as the malice of the rascal sort of people began now to appear, and continued for the space of two years against us, so God's mercy began to show itself unto us, and continued to the last day: as this Discourse will plainly show hereafter. His name be blessed for it.  
So soon as we had dispatched away our Pinnace, we began to lay the foundation of our House (which was 72. foot long & 36. foot brood) but by reason there was at that time a new Protector chosen, we were put to some trouble and cost, before we could be permitted to go thorrow with it. Also we aired all our prise Goods: And Master Starkey caused the Lethers of most of the Packs to be stripped off: by whose counsel it was I know not, but those Goods did not keep their colours nothing so well as the rest, as we found afterwards. The 21. of March, by reason of a Chyna Captain that shot a piece, the Town was set a fire: in which fire, were many houses full of goods all consumed. Amongst other, the Dutch-house was burnt to the ground, wherein we had lying 65. Farthels of goods, besides some Pepper. Also we had some Pepper lying in a Chinese's house, which for the most part was burned and spoiled: so that we lost 190. sacks clear, besides the damage the rest received. Our loss by this Fire was great: but we may praise God it was no more, considering how near the fire came to both our Houses, & how unfit they were at that time, for such a danger; especially one, where the Fire came within three yards of it, in so much that the james of the Windows were so hot, that one could hardly suffer his hand to touch them, and yet the old & dry thatch took not fire; to the great admiration of all people that were there of many Nations. There was gathered about this House, all the Villains in the Country, so that all that night, we that kept that House durst take no rest for fear they would throw some fire brands upon it. In the evening some of us standing in the door, there came javans (whom we knew to be notorious thieves) and asked us how many we were that lay in that House? We demanded again what they had to do to ask; and if they would know, they should come at midnight & see. At which answer, they departed very much discontented: But such is their boldness there, that in the day time, they would come and look before our faces how our Doors were hanged, and what fastening they had within: and many times we were informed by some that wished us well, that if we did not keep good watch, that there was a crew that meant to enter suddenly upon us, and to cut our throats: in so much that we being but four at that house, what with our watching, and what with the disease that reigneth much in that Country (which is looseness of the body) we were grown to very great weakness, and two of us never recovered it.  
The 19 of April 1603. there came into the Road 9 Sail of Hollanders, over whom was General Wyborne van Warwycke; who shortly after, sent two of them for Chyna, two for the Molluckos, two laded at Bantan, one went to jortan: Also he dispatched a Pinnace to Acchyn to will certain Ships that went from thence by Cap. Spylbecks' directions to Zelon to win a small Fort from the Portugese's, to come to Bantan: in the mean time he with one Ship, stayed until their arrival. We are very much beholding to this General for Wine, Bread, and many other necessaries and curtisies received of him: He would often tell us how Sir Richard Luson relieved him when he was likely to perish in the Sea: for the which (he would say) he was bound to be kind to English men where soever he met them: and to speak the thruth, there was nothing in his Ships for the comfort of sick men, but we might command it, as if it had been our own. Also, he in his own person did very much reverence the Queen's Majesty of England, when he talked of her.  
The 25. day of April died Thomas Morgan our second Factor here, who had been sickly a long time. Also M. Starkey began to grow very weak.  
The 28. day came in our Pinnace, which was sent for Banda, having lost one of her Factors, William Close; and the rest but weak and sickly. About this time, there came certain of the King's Officers and forbade us to go forward with our House: the reason whereof (as I do judge) was because the new Protector had not as yet received a Bribe: and the Sabyndar and he being at that time not friends, he could do us little pleasure, wherefore we complained to Cay Tomongono Gobay the Admiral, who in deed is the Father of all Strangers in that place: He presently made a great Feast, and invited all the principal of the Court: At which Feast, he began to discourse of our cause, telling them what a shame it was that the King and they would not keep their words to the English General and Merchants; and that rather than he would break his word, he would go dwell in a small Cottage himself, and we should have his House: But after much ado, he made them grant that we should go forward with our House, the which in short time after was finished.  
Our principal Merchant fearing Pepper would be dear, by reason of the Hollanders shipping that was there present, and the rest that were to come, bought up as much Pepper as he could: and because our House was not as yet ready, he disbursed his money before the Pepper was weighed; and by reason the flemings are not curious in receiving their Pepper, when we came to weigh ours, we were forced to receive it as they did, or else we should have neither money nor Pepper: so that we had in that parcel much foul and bad Pepper.  
About the fine of April, came in Capt. Spylbeck, who was at the taking of the Ship of S Thomy with our General, and had an eight part with us, whereby he somewhat hindered our market. Shortly after him, came in General Hymskerk with the rich Ship of Machane.  
The 10. of May we lost one more of our Company james Haward. Likewise M. Starkey caused the Pinnace to be new sheathed, thinking she should proceed of her Voyage again. Also he went and lay at an Island to see if he could recover his health there, but he grew every day weaker and weaker: wherefore it was thought best of us all, to make sale of the Pinnace to Captain Spylbeck, who was desirous of her, and to retain her men at Bantan: for M. Starkey being not likely to live, it had been no wisdom to leave the whole state of our business upon the life of one Factor, and so small a crew of men as was there beside: Likewise finding his time to grow near to an end, he thought good upon the last of May, to give over his authority, and to spend the rest of his time with General Warwick, who also lay upon this Island for his recreation: and albeit he wanted nothing that either his Doctor or Surgeons could minister, but nothing will prevail when God please to call, so that upon the last of june he ended his days: whose Burial General Warwick caused to be honoured with a volley of Slot and Pikes, the which with the Colours were trailed upon the ground, according to the order of soldiers burial.  
The 4. of june the great Market on the East side of the River, was by villainy of certain javans (who thought to get some spoil of the Chyneses goods) set on fire: In which Fire, some Chynese that were indebted to us, lost all that they were worth; so that we escaped not without some loss by it.  
The 17. of july deceased Thomas Dobson, one of the Factors left for Banda.  
The 27 day the Town was burnt again on the East side of the River.  
The 5. of August at 10. a clock at night, there came to our House Capt. Spylbeck, Capt. john Powlson, and some other Dutch Captains, who told us they had that day been with the Protector about some business, who asked them if they would take our parts, if he should do any violence to us? To the which they answered (as they said) that we and they were near neighbours, wherefore they might not see us wronged. They said more, that he straightly charged them, that whatsoever he should do unto us, that they should not be offended, nor aid us any way. This sudden news caused us much to marvel, for not past 4. or 5. days before, he sent many of his Slaves to build the upper work of our House: for indeed because it was somewhat higher than any other Houses in the town, many of the chiefest did envy at it, so that we could get no workmen that durst do it: and we had more trouble about this, than we had when the foundation was first laid. I was minded the very next day following, to have gone to the Protector, and to give him a Present, & also to give him thanks for his men; but hearing this news, I thought it best first to go to Cay Tomongon Gobay the Admiral, whom I knew to be our friend, to certify him what we had heard by the Hollanders, desiring him as he had always professed to be our Father, that he would tell us whether the Protector would do us any violence or no. He told me, the Protector would do us no harm without his knowledge: and further he bid us fear nothing, for so long as he lived, we should receive no violence at any man's hands: Always provided, that we kept good watch in the night, for fear of Fire and thieves. From thence I went presently to the Protector, and gave him a small Present, and also thanks for his men. The Present he received, but I perceived by his countenance he was angry. He told me that that day he had much business with the King, but the next morning he would send for me, for that he had to speak with me. Well thought I, thou canst do no more than God will give thee leave. The same day the Admiral sent his Son to him, to know what his meaning was to use such threatening speeches of us? but he denied them. In the morning following he sent for me. When I came, he asked me what they were that had told me he meant to harm us? I told him, The Hollanders. He asked me again whether they were Slaves or Captains? I told him they were Captains. He bade me I should show his Scryvana those Captains. He said more, that if any javan or Chynese had done it, he would have sent for him, and have cut his throat before us. Then he began to find fault with us because we did not come to him when we had any suit, but went always to the Sabyndar, or the Admiral? I answered again, that he was but new come into his place, and that we had as yet no acquaintance with him, but hereafter I would come to him. Then he promised me he would do us all the friendship he could: But it was but dissimulation to borrow money of us, as hereafter shall be declared.  
Now whether the Protector lied to us, in denying it; or that the Hollanders did dissemble with us, we can not certainly tell; but he said plainly, the Hollanders lied: and to speak thrueth, I think they can dissemble, and the Protector is a villain.  
Also, the Hollanders about this time, spread a rumour through their own Fleet, that the King would force us to lend him 5000. Rials of 8. otherwyes he would cause our House to be plucked down again: the which was false, for neither the King nor the Protector had not at that time, sent to us for any, nor did not in four months after.  
The 17 day of August Captain Spybeck having vented all his Commodities, and laden his Ship and his Pinnace with Pepper departed thence, having in his company two Ships more of General Warwick's Fleet, which were also laden there with Pepper; with whom we shipped home four men, to ease the company of some charge: of which four, the Master of our Pinnace (we sold) was one, who died before he went out of the Road. Master Starkey before he died, caused me to ship them home: but after they were gone, I wished they had been there again, for we were brought so low with looseness of body, by reason of bad dyat, and drinking of that bad water, that we thought we should all have died.  
The 19 of August we brought out certain Packs of Goods to air, wherefore a javan (being Slave to one of the principal of the Country (threw some Fire work upon a thatched house a little to windwardes off us: we espying it, pursued him, and took him, and carried him to Cay Tomongon the Admiral, who put him in Irons: within an hour after, there came more of his fellows, who would have taken him away perforce, wherefore the Admiral's men and they fell by the ears, and many were hurt on both sides. So soon as the Admiral's men had beaten them away, he sent him to the King; but because his Master was one of the kings friends, he was not put to death, although by the Law of the Country he should have died: neither did we greatly seek it, because his Master was our very good Friend.  
Likewise, if any javan offend, he must be punished with death: for if they afflict any lesser punishment on them, they are so wicked and bloody a people, that they will be cowardly revenged, not only of Strangers, but of their own Masters: so that if any Slave do offend his Master, he doth quite forgive him; if not, he dies for it: but they are very obedient, and will seldom offend their Masters, because they are for the most part as wicked as themselves.  
The 22. day of August at night, there were certain javans gotten into a great yard hard by our House, (who when we were singing of a Psalm, which we did use to do when we did set our Watch) these Rogues threw Stones at our Windows as if they would have beaten down our House: and some of the Stones came in at the Windows, and miss us very narrowly: Wherefore I set a Musket and a Pike in our Gate; and myself, with some other of my company, went as closely as we could towards the Yard: but we were to pass thorough a Chines House before we could get in. I desired the Chines to open his door, but by no means I could get him; wherefore we ran against the door, and broke it down and entered through his House, swearing by the great GOD of Heaven (which Oath some of those people do use) that whosoever we found in the Yard should die: but they hearing us break down the Door, ran out at an other back gate all but two, which were dwellers in this Chines House, who hide themselves in an out house: but by reason of the grievous crying out of their Women and Children, and also our fury being somewhat assuaged, we did do no execution upon them, although we set our Rapiers to their breasts, and made them kneel down and hold up their hands for pardon, for their speech was gone for fear. Then we ranged all the Town on that side the River, to see if we could find any of the rest: for we had authority at that time, to have slain any javans that dwelled on the other side the River, if we took them on our side in the night.  
Not long after, but we were served the like trick by Chynese, the which if we could have known them, should have paid dear for it: but we terrified those that dwelled about us so, that never after we had that abuse offered again.  
About this time, there grew a quarrel between the Hollanders and the Chynese, and some wear slain and hurt on both sides.  
At the very same time that we took the javan throwing of Fire, they had a man slain, for whom they were great suitors to the Court for justice, affirming that he, or one of his fellows had done it, and would needs have had him put to death: although they could not prove it.  
One day they being very importunate, the Protector demanded of them if when they came to any Country to trade, whether they brought Laws with them, or whether they were governed by the Laws of the Country they were in? To the which they answered, That when they were aboard their Ships, they were governed by their own Laws; but when they were a shore, they were under the Laws of the Country they were in.  
Well (said the Protector) than I will tell you the Laws of our Country, which is this: If one kill a Slave, he must pay 20. Ryales of 8. If a Freeman 50. Rials, If a Gentleman 100 rials. The Hollanders requested to have that under his own hand: the which they had, and it was all the mends they had for killing of their man. If they would have taken 50. Rials of 8. they might have had it.  
About the fine of September came a junke full of men from the Island of Lampon, which standeth in the straits of Sunda, and are enemies to the javans, and all others that are dwellers in Bantan: These are so like the javans, that the one is not known from the other. Also there were many javans consorted with them.  
These men having their junke riding in a creak hard by the Town, and being in all points like unto the javans, would boldly come into the Town, and not only in the evenings and nights come into houses and cut off the people's heads, but at noon days; in so much that for the space of a month we could take little rest for the grievous crying out of the people.  
One day while we were sitting at dinner, they came and took a woman being our next neighbour, and muffled her so with a Sack, that she could not cry, and so carried her into a tuft of Bushes on our backside, and there cut her throat, and meant to have cut off her head, if they had had time: Her Husband missing her, and looking out might see them carry her; who so soon as he cried out, we rose from dinner and pursued them: but it was too late to save her life. Also they were very swift of foot, so that we could come near none of them: and for any thing that we knew, they might be amongst us; for after the javans were come, we could not know them. It was thought of some, that they lay hid in the bushes till the coming of the javans, and then stole out, and put themselves among them.  
There were some javan women that would cut off their Husband's heads in the night, & sell them to these people. They did linger much about our House: and surely if we had not kept good watch, they would have attempted the cutting of our throats: if not for our heads, yet for our goods. But after a while, many of them were known, and being taken, executed: the which were men of a very goodly stature.  
The reason why they do make these hard adventures, is, their King gives them a woman for every Stranger's head they bring him: wherefore many times they would dig up such as were new buried at Bantan, and cut off their heads, and so coussen their King.  
Also at this time, we were given to understand by some credible men that wished us well, of whom the Admiral was one: who every time he saw any of our House, would bid us have a special care of our good watch, because there was certain of the principal of the land in birth, though not in wealth, nor office, (who had many Slaves, but little to maintain them) had laid a plot to have slain us in the night, and to have made spoil of our goods, (which they took to be ten times more than it was) and after to have given it out the Lampoons had done it: Whereupon we were forced to have lights burning all night round about our House: otherwise in dark nights they being so black as they are, might have entered suddenly upon us before we should descry them: for all the upper work of our Houses (by reason of the heat) are open, and they are built with Canes, and likewise the fence round about the Houses; which is but a weak building, and may quickly be borne down.  
These Heathen Devils came forth two or three times, thinking to have executed their bloody pretence, but God would not suffer them: for so soon as they came within sight of our lights, and might hear our Drum sound at the end of every Watch, their hearts failed them, so that they durst not give the attempt, for they supposed we were ready, not only with our small Shot, but with our Murderers to give them entertainment: and to speak truth, they should have found it so in deed.  
After they had weighted long, and could never find opportunity, they fell out amongst themselves, and so were dispersed.  
The 14. of October General Hymskerke with his vice, set Sail from Bantan, having taken in about 5000. Sacks of Pepper: of which quantity I sold him 1000 Sacks of the Pepper Master Starkey bought: and being in all five Ships in company, that is to say, his two Men of War, the Ship of Mackow which he had taken, and two Ships of General Warwick's Fleet: the Mauricius which laded Pepper at Bantan, & one small Ship that was laden with Cloves, Mace, and Nutmegs at Greessoy.  
The 17. of October at night about eight of the clock, there was some of these damned crew of javans, had broken down our Fence on the backside, and came unto the fore part of the House, where stood a Chest of one of our mens without doors, for our Warehouse was at that time so pestered, that we could not spare it room within: this Chest had some pillage in it, which he had in the prize, and also bought of other Sailors being his fellows; and in the day time did use to open it and show his commodities, whereby he made the javans teeth to water: we not looking for such guests so early, they had carried it into the backside, and almost been gone withal before we descried them: but so soon as we perceived them, we followed so fast, that we made them leave their prize behind them; which we brought back, and set it in the House above the stairs: also we plucked in the Bridge they had made to come over a Ditch which was on our backside.  
Some two hours after, one of our men having occasion to go down, went to the place where the breach was, and saw they had laid the Bridge again: I hearing this, caused two Shot to stand ready to give them their entertainment.  
Not long after, but one bold impudent Rogue came in, and going upright, came up along an Entry where there stood a Candle in a Window right before his face, and also a Shot standing by the Candle: but I think the light so dazzled his eyes, that he saw him not: in fine he shot and wounded him; but not so sore but that he scrambled away: the other Shot meant well at him again, but his Piece being moist, would not off. He fell down in our backside, but yet he crawled over the Bridge, and so got away into a thicket of Bushes which was on the other side the Ditch.  
The javans perceiving they could get nothing at our hands but Lead, the which they had had many times before, and found it to be a metal too heavy for them, they began now to fall to work with the Chynese, whose houses at this time were full of our Goods which they had bought: insomuch that every night for a long time, we had greevons crying out, and we looking every hour when we should be assaulted, durst take no rest in the night.  
Many Chynese about us were slain: and surely if we had not defended them with our Shot, many more would have been slain: for the singing of a Bullet is as tirrible to a javan, as the cry of the Hounds is in the ears of the Hare: for they will not abide if once they hear it.  
But these continual Alarames and grievous outcries of Men, Women, and Children, grew so rife in our ears, that our men in their sleep would still dream that they were pursuing the javans: and suddenly would leap out of their beds and catch their weapons. Their next fellows hearing the doleful noise there made, would bustle up, and in their sleep wound one another before those that had the watch could come to part them: and if they should have set the weapons further from them, than they would not have been ready, if we should have had occasion; the which we looked for every minute: and being but few of us, I took my turn to watch as long as any: in which I have stood many times more in fear of my own men, then of any other: and when I have heard them bustle, have catched up a Target for fear they would have served me, as they did their fellows.  
But all this fear was nothing to us, in comparison of that which I will now speak of: The which was Fire; Oh this word Fire! had it been spoken near me either in English, Mallayes, javans, or Chyna, although I had been sound a sleep, yet I should have leapt out of my Bed: the which I have done some times when our men in their Watch have but whispered one to another of Fire, in somuch that I was forced to warn them not to talk of Fire in the night, except they had great occasion: and not only myself, but my fellows, Thomas Tudde and Gabriel Towerson, who after our Watches had been out, and we heavy a sleep, our men many times have sounded a Drum at our Chamber doors, and we never heard them; yet presently after, they have but whispered to themselves of Fire, and we all have run out of our Chambers.  
This may seem strange, but it is most true, such was the fear we lived in, and not without cause; for many times when I have watched while twelve a clock at night, I have been raised up after, three times before morning by Alarames of Fire.  
And I protest before GOD, I would not sleep so many nights in fear again for the best Ships lading of Pepper that ever came from thence.  
I speak not this to that end I tendered my own private life so much, but for fear of the great loss and damage the adventurers and my Country, should have sustained if we should have miscarried: Neither let any that may be sent thither hereafter, be any whit discouraged by it: for than we were Strangers, and now we have many friends there, and the Country is grown to much better civility: and as the young King grows in age, will more and more; because the government will be better.  
In three months space the Town on the East side the River was burnt five times: but GOD be praised, the Wind always served us: and although the javans many times fired it on outside, yet it pleased GOD still to preserve us so, that by reason it blew but little wind, it was quenched before it came to hurt us.  
The 27. of October came in a pinnace from Pattania, who brought news that the P●rting●les had besieged Jore, but the Ships that were lately at Zeilon, were come of jore, and had beaten them away.  
About this time also, there was much falling out between the Hollanders and the Country people, by means of the rude behaviour of some of their Mariners, and many of them were stabbed in the evenings: and at that time, the common people knew not us from the Hollanders, for both they and we were all called by the name of Englishmen, by reason of their usurping our name at their first coming thither to trade: and as we passed along the Strees we might hear the people in the Market railing and exclaiming on the Englishmen, although they meant the Hollanders: wherefore fearing some of our men might be slain in stead of them, we began to think how we might make ourselves known from the Hollanders: and now the 17. day of November drawing near, the which we held to be our Coronation day, (for at that time, not the year following, we knew no other but that Queen Elizabeth was living) we all suited ourselves in new Apparel of Silk, and made us all Scarves of white and red Taffeta, being our Country's Colours. Also, we made a Flag with the red Cross thorough the middle: and because we that were the Merchants would be known from our men, we edged our Scarves with a deep Fringe of Gold, and that was our difference.  
Our day being come, we set up our Banner of Saint Gorge upon the top of our House, and with our Drum and Shott we marched up and down within our own ground, being but fourteen in number, wherefore we could march but single one after another; plying our Shot, and casting ourselves in Rings and Esses.  
The Sabyndar, and divers of the chiefest of the Land, hearing our Pieces, came to see us, and to inquire the cause of our triumph. We told them, that that day six and forty year our Queen was Crowned, wherefore all Englishmen, in what Country soever they were, did triumph on that day.  
He greatly commended us for having our Prince in reverence in so far a Country.  
Many others did ask us, Why the Englishmen at the other House did not so? We told them they were no Englishmen but Hollanders, and that they had no King, but their Land was ruled by Governors,  
Some would reply again and say, They named themselves to be Englishmen at the first, and therefore they took them to be Englishmen: but we would tell them again, they were of an other Country near England, and spoke an other Language; and that if they did talk with them now, they should hear they were of an other Nation,  
The multitude of people did admire to see so few of us deliver so much Shott: for the javans and Chynese are no good Shott.  
In the after noon I caused our men to walk abroad the Town and the Market, whereby the people might take notice of them.  
Their red and white Scarves and Hatbandes, made such a show, that the Inhabitants of those parts had never seen the like: so that ever after that day, we were known from the Hollanders; and many times the Children in the Streets would run after us crying, Oran Enggrees bayck, oran Hollanda iahad: which is, The Englishmen are good, the Hollanders are nought.  
I stood in doubt many times, whether I should put this in practice or no, for fear of being counted fantastical, when it should be known in England: but by the persuasions of Thomas Tudd and Gabriel Towerson, and chiefly the present danger we stood in, forced me to it.  
I was like to overpass one matter concerning the Hollanders worth the speaking of: and that was this.  
A little before General Warwick's departure hence, which was upon the second day of this month of November, the Hollanders feasted one an other, and also us, aboard their Ships; and being merry, they spared neither Powder nor Shott: it happened one night they sent two Shott towards the Court, one fell in a Prawe hard by, and split it: the other light within the Court, and put the King, the Protector, and all the rest, in great fear: the next day the Protector sent for me, because we had dined there the day before, he thought we had had interest in those Ships.  
When I came, he asked me what we meant to let sly our Shott into the Court? I told him, that we were but invited thither to dinner, and that we had nothing to do neither with the Ships nor with the Shott; neither were we there at night when those Shott were discharged. He gave me one of the Shott, being of a whole culverin, and desired me that I would show it to the Dutch Captains, and tell them from him, They should drink their Drink and spare not: but they should keep their Shott. The which I did: but the Hollanders said, It was good sometimes to let them see what they could do, if need were: For they were discontented, because they had had some men slain in the evenings, and could have no redress. Also, they had been suitors a long time to build such a House as we had, but could not as yet have grant.  
General Warwick went for Pattania, and from thence to Chyna.  
The 6. of December came in two Ships, which some six months before he had sent thither: who coming under the Island of Mackow, found a Carryck there riding at an Anchor, being full laden with raw Silks, Musk, and divers other costly Wares ready to departed: and at that time, her men were almost all a shore, so that they took her without any resistance, or very little: They laded there two Ships, and the rest they set a fire; so that there was (by their own report) twice so much burnt, as they brought away.  
Coming back, they met with a great junke of Siam, with whom they fought, and killed them 64. men: they had some slain and hurt also: but when they had taken her, and knew her to be of Siam, they let her go again, because they had, or shortly meant to send Factors thither. There the Captain of the junke was slain, who (they say) when they haled him, would not tell them of whence he was: and when they bade him strike, answered, He would not for never a Sail that swam in the Sea.  
The Hollanders not knowing Musk, sold great store to certain of japan which they met at Sea, for little or nothing.  
After they had spent some forty days in Bantan, and their Mariners vainly consumed their Pillage, (the which was great) upon the 17. of januarie they set Sail from thence, being four Ships in company; their two, one that laded at Bantan, and one that some two months before came from Chyna, and had spent four years out of their Country; of which time, they had been 14 months at Cuchinchyn: where they at their first coming were betrayed, and their Captains taken prisoners, whom they made kneel on their knees 24 hours, having their necks bare and one standing with a sharp Sword ready to have strooken off their heads, when the word should be given: they bore them down to be men of War, and Spies, and no Merchants.  
These Dutchmen were Papists, wherefore in the end, the Portugal Friars saved their lives: and afterwards they were kindly used: but their Ransom cost them dear first. They were two Ships, but the one was so Worm-eaten, that they were forced to take out that lading she had into the other, and to dock her up at Pattanies.  
After coming to Bantan, the Admiral, and vice, the two Masters, and principal Merchant, there docked up their bones.  
About this time, the Protector sent to me divers times, to lend him 2000. pieces of 8, and if not 2000; 1000: but I put him off, telling him, we were left there with Goods, but no Money: also, that the people of the Country ought us much, the which we could not get in: Likewise, that as yet we had bought but little Pepper; wherefore we must buy all we could, to get lading against we expected our Ships.  
The Hollanders that came in so rich from Mackow, had so bribed him, that now he began to hearken to them concerning the building of a fairer House.  
Also, they agreed with an other Chines (a Rich man) to build an other for them: the which he did, from the foundation to the top, all of Timber and Brick.  
But this Chines, and they, had exceeding much trouble and cost before they could enjoy it.  
Also, about this time, I caused a Porch to be built before our new Pepper House door: likewise the Windows to be all Bricked up, and the Ceiling aloft to be searched and mended, with the Foundation also: the which was laid upon Tymbars, by reason the ground there is soft and marish: and when much rain falls, it washes away the earth, whereby many times the ends of those Timbars will be bare.  
Of late the Sabyndar had received an exceeding great loss by fire, whose house all men thought to be fire free: but they were deceived; which caused us much to stand in doubt of our own.  
The 6. of February we lost one of our company Robert Wallys, and many more of our men were sick and lame, which came by the heat of the pepper in milling and shuting it, so that ever after we were forced to hire Chyneses to do that work, and our own men to oversee them only.  
The 16. of February came in a great ship of Zealand from Pattania, but five or six days before her coming she sent in a small ship or pinnace willing their factors to buy up all the pepper they could, which made us think that General Warwick with all his ships was coming to lad there, wherefore we bought up all that we found to be good and merchantable: for the Chynese spoiled much with water and dirt, because the Hollands refused none: and it is of a certain that the Chynese bought one of another, & sold it to the Hollanders again at the same price they bought it, and yet they would gain 10. Rials of eight in 100 sacks, by putting in water and dirt: for were it never so bad, they knew their chapmen, and blow which way the wind would, they had shipping to come thither, either from the East, or from the West, insomuch that one would have thought they went to carry away the pepper growing on the trees, mountains, and all. The people there hearing our countries are cold, have asked us if we beat pepper in our mortars, that we plaster our walls with, to make our houses warm.  
This ship had taken much good purchase, but they swore those Englishmen they had with them, and also charged them upon loss of their wages, they should tell us nothing, the which we took very unkindly. The Captain's name was jacob Peterson, and now he was Vice Admiral to Van Warwick, for after his Vice Admiral was slain at Zelon by the treachery of the king of Candie, he succeeded him in place: he had taken a Portugal in the straits of Mallacka, laden with wine, and he dealt very bountifully with us, requiting the courtesies we did them. When their factors had their house all consumed with fire, we gave them both meat, drink, clothes, and howse-roome, and also lent them money. There was at this time three houses off Hollanders and Zelanders, and all lay for several accounts, and bought up pepper, every one so much as they could get.  
The fifth of March the Protector sent to me in the king's name to borrow a thousand rials of eight, wherefore I was forced to lend them five hundred, or else they would have fallen out with me: About this time there came in a junke from jore, with certain Hollanders in it, who stole away with their goods, because jore had a long time been besieged by the Portugals of Mallacka, so that they of the Town could hardly look out: they said the Portugals offered the King of jore peace, upon condition he would deliver those Hollanders that were there into their hands, or kill them himself: to the which the king answered that he would first lose his kingdom.  
In the beginning of this month of March, and to make an end of this old and wonderful year 1603, we had two great fires on the other side the water, which did much spoil, but GOD be thanked the wind always favoured us. 
1604.  And now to begin the new year 1604. My pen affords to speak of little else but murder, theft, wars, fire, and treason, and first to begin with a Tragedy, we had a Mullato of Pegne in our house, which our ships brought from Athyne: and in the great ship that came lately from Pattanya, there was one of his countrymen, who one Sunday being the eight of April had gotten a bottle of wine, and brought it a shore to make merry with our Mullato.  
In the after noon they walking abroad, met with the Provost of their ship, who bid their Mullato to get him aboard, but he answered he would not. Whereupon the Provost struck him: our Mullato seeing his countryman misused, and being somewhat tickled in the head with wine, which he did seldom use to drink, thought he would revenge his countryman's quarrel: Wherefore he presently came home, the evening being come, he took a Rapier and a Target, and also had his Cryse at his back, and so went forth: and because at that time there was much quarreling and brabbling between the javans, and the Hollanders: I charged our men that if they were sent out in the evening about any business they should take their weapons with them, for fear some javans that knew them not, might do them a mischief in the dark; we thinking the Cook had sent him into the market for herbs, or some thing which he wanted, mistrusted nothing.  
Also there went out with him a slave of the Sabindars, which was borne and brought up amongst the Spayniards at the Manelies, they meeting with the Provost, and the other Mullato together, our Mullato began to quarrel with the Provost, and presently out with his Cryse and stabbed him: then fearing his countryman would bewray him, stabbeth him also, and would have slain him that went out with him, had he not run thorough a great ditch, and so got from him, then meeting with a poor javan, and being nuzzled in blood, stabbeth him likewise.  
The Fleming not able to go to the house, fell down in a lane hard by the house: presently the merchants had notice by some, that one of their men lay hard by wounded: so soon as they came to him, he told them an English man had slain him: Wherefore the Hollanders came to our house, and desired to speak with me, who told me, that one of our men had slain one of theirs. I asked them if they knew which it was, they said no, but they thought it was our Mullato: presently we had him in examination, who denied it stoutly, we looked on the point of his Rapier which he had out: Also upon his Cryse, and could discern nothing, for he had washed his Cryse before the Hollanders came: then I sent Master Towerson with them, and also our Mullato to hear what the man could say, if he were not speechless: when they came, they asked him who had hurt him, he said an English man. Master Towerson asked him whether it was a white man, or a black, because he named still an English man, we were in some doubt: the Fleming being also in drink said, a white man, then presently he said again, is was dark, he knew not well, and so gave up his life.  
As they came back, our Mullato told them there was an other man dead, and brought them to the side of the ditch where he was tumbled in; they asked him how he knew: he said he saw him by the light of their candle, which they all said was unpossible, except he had known of him before: then coming a little further, they stumbled on the javan, the which when they saw, made them all amazed, fearing than they should find more. Then one of the Dutch merchants looked very near upon the handle of his Cryse where he might perceive a little shadow of blood, but it could hardly be discerned: wherefore after they came home, I caused the sheath of his Cryse to be cleft, where we might see fresh blood within. The Hollanders desired to have him to their house, but I told them no, he should be as safe with us, we put him fast in Irons, but still he denied it: I asked him how his Cryse came bloody, he said he knew not: I told him it was too apparent. Then he confessed he had slain the javan, and said that the Fleming and his countryman were by the ears, when he came, and had slain one another: we told him the Fleming than would not have laid it to him only, we said no more to him that night. Wherefore he laid him down and slept sound, not taking any thought in the world, as it should seem: but I am sure I could take no rest that night for thinking what trouble I was like to have, what between the Hollanders for their men, & the protector for the javan. The next morning I sent for the Sabyndares' slave, who when he came, at the first denied all that he knew, saying he saw nothing of the matter: but being urged to speak the truth, he kneeled down desiring us to be good to him, and he would tell the truth: who presently told the manner how our Mullato came to the Fleming, and first killed him, and then his countryman and after how he pursued him. Then we demanded of our Mullato whether he had slain them all or no? who confessed he had done all three murders, the which we were very sorry to hear: for if he had slain no more but the javan, he should not have died for that. All this while he continued in a careless and reprobate sense, setting his fact and death very light, the Hollanders would have executed him presently, but I would not suffer them, until I had spoken with the Protector: for I knew not then how I should agree with him for the javan, only this I knew, that money he must and would have: but if I had found him too unreasonable, I meant to have delivered the prisoner into his hands, and to have let the Hollanders and them agree about the matter: the Hollanders thinking every hour ten till they had his blood, came again at noon to our house; we presently went all to the court, where the Dutch Merchants sat down at the left hand of the King, and the protector, and the vice Admiral at the right hand: but I sat down above him between the protector and him, at which I think the Hollanders grudged, but that is all one: for an Englishman scorns to give place to Hollanders in any foreign Country, if they be of equal calling.  
when we had declared to the King and the protector, wherefore our coming was, the which they were not ignorant of; the protector demanded fifty rials of eight for the javan, we answered again, that by the laws of their country they could demand nothing near so much; and more I said, there was no reason we should pay any money, and the party to lose his life: also the Protector said that he had nothing to do with the Hollanders that were slain, nor with our laws, wherefore for them we might agree among ourselves, but for the javan, the King must, and would have money: and stood a long time upon thirty rials: I said that rather than I would give so much, I would deliver the party to him: so he should have man for man, and he might save his life if he would, but I meant it not, when I saw his first demand was but fifty rials: for he knowing our house so well, might afterwards have been drawn to do us a mischief. The principal Merchants of the Hollanders hearing me talk of saving his life, began to rage and to swear he should die, if there wear no more men in the world: to which perentory speech, I answered, that it lay not in them to put him to death, if I list to save him; and were it not that the deed was so odious before God, and Men, and that I feared the blood of those Christians that were murdered, would cry to God, from the earth for vengeance against me: I would save his life, if it were but to cross their humours, only for their perentorie speeches. The Protector hearing us at these hot words, feared we would have gone by the ears: wherefore presently he sent away the King, and also told us he had much business desiring us to make an end, he said that twenty rials was the laws of the country, which we must and should pay, and so he rose and departed; I dare say, he was afraid we would have cut his throat: for he took us all to be bloody fellows. The Hollanders would have paid the twenty rials, and would have had the executing of him: I told them no, rather than he should fall into their hands, I would pay the money out of my own purse. As we came from the court, they were talking of his death, saying he should have the bones of his legs and arms broken, and so he should lie and die, or else have his feet and hands cut off, and so lie and starve to death: but I said he should die the ordinary death of the country, & no other. The Hollanders & we parted at their house which stood in our way home, when we were come home, I told him he must die the next morning, and willed him to call upon God to forgive him his sins, especially this last bloody deed: for though he was a Pegus borne, yet he was a Christian, & brought up among the Portingalls: I set others to instruct him too, but he continued still in an obstinate mind: at this time there stood by an Arabian borne, who hearing us giving him that good counsel, and saw he would take none, so soon as we left him he went to work with him, he belonged to the Dutch ships, and spoke the spanish tongue marvelous well, he first laid open unto him his grievous offence, and afterwards the mercy of God, who had sent his son into the world to redeem us, and to wash away our sins were they never so bloody, if if we would repent: within one half hour he brought him to be the penitent's creature that ever I heard in my life.  
In the evening I sent one to the executioner of the town, willing him to come the next morning: but here I must not omit to tell you, how the very same day seven night before, this executioner came to me for money, for killing a Certain Chines who had coined false rials; and because this concerned much the Hollanders, they followed the matter hard: for it was well known, that all the rials we brought were good: for they were almost all of the new stamp that was coined in the tower of purpose: he told me the Hollanders had given him two rials and a half, for killing the false coiner, & asked me what I would give him; I answered him I would give him nothing: for I had nothing to do with the coiner, and, when he killed a man for me, I would give him five rials: the next morning this officious hangman or executioner not forgetting my late promise demanded five Ryalls for his fees: and because he should not think but that an Englishman would be as good as his word, although it were made but to a hangman, I gave him five rials, and withal gave him a great charge not to torment him, as he did the Coynar, but to dispatch him at the first stab, wherefore I lent him my own Cryse which was very serviceable for such a purpose; he answered that when he killed the coynar, he did not execute his own father.  
For their manner is; that when a javan of any account is put to death, although there be a common executioner, yet their nearest of kin doth execute his office, and it is held the greatest favour they can do them.  
On tuesday being the tenth of April the Hollanders came with a guard of shot in the morning, than we leading him into the fields the people of the town both javans and Chynese hearing that there was an Englishman to be executed, came flocking amain: but when they came many wear blank, and we might hear them tell one another it was a black man: we told them he was just of their own colour & condition and that an Englishman or white man would not do such a bloody deed: the executioner, as I had given him charge, did his best to rid him quickly out of his pain, for belike he dreamt I should have more work for him shortly, the which within two months after I had to my great trouble, grief and sorrow: when he lay gasping on the ground, I openly told the Hollanders that, that was the fruit of drunkenness, & bid them ever after beware of it.  
So soon as we had seen him buried, we returned all home to our house, where we dined, and after dinner the Hollanders and we parted exceeding great friends: and the same evening the vice Admiral having one ship more in company, set sail for Holland: the fourteenth day Thomas Tudd, the companies chief factor, left there for Banda who had been a long time sick, departed this life: so that of seven factors left there for that place and Banda, we were now but two living: and we had lost in all, since the departure of our ships eight men beside the Mullato that was executed, and we were now ten living and one boy.  
The twentieth day died jasper Gensbury who was Admiral of the two ships that was betrayed at Cuchinchyna. The two & twentieth of April came in a great junke from Chyna, which was thought to be cast away because she tarried so late, for they use to come in February and March, but by reason of her coming Cashys kept all the year a very cheap rate, which was a great hindrance to us in the sales of our prize goods, for when Cashys were cheap and rials dear, we could not vent a piece of stuff at half the value we did at our first coming. Again the Chynese this year sent all their Rials they could get for Chyna, wherefore we were forced to give them credit, or else we must lose the principal time of year for our sales. Pepper the Hollanders had left none, but what was in our hands, and the Sabindars, who would not sell for any reasonable prise: also our goods now began to grow old, and the colours of many sorts began to fade; for the warehouses in that place, are so hot and misty, that although men take never so much pains in airing, and turning the wares, yet they will spoil any sort of cloth which shall lie long in them.  
It is not long since I made an end of a most pitiful Tragedy: now I must begin a story of theft and fire, the which must also end as the other did: only the first for the most part were Christians: and these were Heathen dogs: a long time we lived in fear of fire, but now we felt the brunt and smart of it, and if God most miraculously had not preserved us, we had all perished both lives and goods, the which came to pass by the villainy of a Chines borne, but now turned javan: who was our next neighbour, and kept a victualling house; and brewed Arack, which is a kind of hot drink that is used in most of those parts of the world, in steed of wine. This offspring of the devil, and heir of hell, had two out houses, which joined to our pales one the south side of our house, where his guests did use to sit, and in the one he used to brew, but now he began an other trade, and became an Ingyner, having got eight fyrebrands of hell more to him, only of purpose to set our house a fire.  
These nine deep workers digged a well in one of these houses, from the bottom of which well, they brought a mine quite under the foundation of our house, but when they came up to the planks of our warehouse, they were at a stand: before they could make this mine, they were forced to dig a very deep well in their yard to draw away the water which did abound in this mine, and because we should mistrust nothing, they planted Tobacco and many other herbs hard by that well, and would every day be watering of them. Also we might hear them boiling of water every day, but because they were brewers, and had many tubs to wash, and to fill, we mistrusted nothing of that ensued: when they came to these planks aforenamed, they durst not cut them, for we were always some of us walking over them, both night and day, after they had waited two months & could never find opportunity to cut the boards, they began to cast their Cerberous heads together, how they should get in, but the devil deceived them, & set them wrong to work, for if they had continued still until they had come but cross the warehouse opposite against them, they had found three thousand Rials of eight, buried in jars for fear of fire: & also that room was not boarded at all, so they might have come into the warehouse, & had what they sought for: well one of these wicked consortship, being a goldsmith & brought up always to work in fire, told his fellows he would work out the planks with fire, so that we should never hear nor see him: little did he think, that we should ever come to work with fiery hot Irons upon him: this seemed to be a rare device, whereupon it was put in practice; & upon the eight & twentieth of May about ten a clock at night, they put too a candle & burned a round hole through the boards: so soon as the fire came through, the mats of our packs took fire, which presently spread & began to burn. All this time we knew not of it, nor could perceive any thing by reason of the closeness of the warehouse: for all the windows were plastered up for fear of fire over head, which we looked for every minute, but for it to come that way we never once dreamt: after the first watch was out; wherein I was one myself, the second watch felt a strong funke of fire: for it was by that time much increased, but they knew not where it should be; wherefore they went down and opened the pepper house door, where came out an extraordinary heat yet they could perceive no fire: they searched in every corner about the cooke-roome but could discern nothing: than one of them remembered a hole which a rat had made behind a trunk, that went through the ceiling down into the cloth warehouse: this hole we had twice or thrice stopped and sought means to kill the rat, because so soon as we had stopped it, she would open it again in the night: In so much that we were forced to keep mortar ready tempered in a pan to stop it at an instant, if fire should take us over head: he looked behind his trunk, where he might plainly perceive the smoke to esteem up out of the hole, then presently he came into my chamber and told me our cloth warehouse was a fire: I hearing this word fire, although I was fast a sleep yet it was no need to bid me rise: neither was I long a slipping on my clothes, but presently ran down and opened the doors whereat came out such a strong funke & smoke that had almost strangled us: this smoke, by reason it had no vent, was so thick, that we could not perceive where about the fire was, and all that time we had two great jars of powder standing in the warehouse, which caused us greatly to fear blowing up, yet setting all fear aside we went to it, and plucked all things off, that lay on them, which feeled in our hands very hot: the powder we got out, and carried into our backside, than we searched boldly for the fire and found it, we lighted candles, but the thickness of the smoke put them out; then we tied twelve great wax candles together and lighted them all, which continued a light: we plucked out packs so fast as we could, but by reason of the heat and smoke, which choked us, being so few as we were could do little good upon it: wherefore we let in the Chynese, than came in as well those that had done it, as others, hoping to get some spoil, those that were minded to help us, which were but few, durst not for fear of our powder: for they knew well we had some there, until they had been in the backside and showed where it stood: then they would have had me broken up the ceiling over head, and there to have powered down water, the which I would by no means, but still desired them to help pluck out packs: for if we should have given the fire vent, it would have flamed up to the theatch before we should have gotten half water enough: and when we had been a fire over our head and under foot, and all the houses round about us, it had not been possible to have saved the worth of one groat: then they would have had me have broken down the house where the fire was, but this was but to have many ways in to have stolen our goods; neither could I get above two or three to help our men to pluck out packs: as for Master Towerson and myself, we had work enough to stand by with our sword, to keep them from throwing them over the pales, after they were out.  
Also they were not without their consorts on the other side to receive them. When I saw that these damned Chyneses would do us little good, but rather harm, I was almost in despair, and having at that time a thousand pounds in Gold, (which I had received of General Hemskerke for pepper) in my Chest above stairs I ran up, thinking to fetch it, and to throw it into a pond on our back side. But when I came to my chamber door my mind altered, and I thought I would go see once again what might be done: and coming thorough our house, I chanced to cast my eye into our dining room, which was right over the place where the fire was, where there was Chyneses that had removed the table, and were breaking up the bricks of the ceiling: Amongst which was one unkind neighbour which was the principal Actor: I bid them leave and get them down, the which they would not, until I began to let fly amongst them. When I had driven them down, I went down after them, and desired some merchants that stood by, with whom we had dealings, that they would urge the rest of the Chynese to help us pluck out packs, promising they should be well paid for their pains. It pleased God to put so much good in their minds, which I think never had any before not since: So that they fell to work of all hands, and presently the room was cleared, out of which came fifty and odd packs, whereof sixteen were a light fire: and also they emptied the next room; for we knew not all this while how the fire came, not yet how far it went: but the Chynese did know the most part of them. For when the first room was empty, and the fire on the walls quenched, few of them would set their hands to one pack in the next room, saying that the fire was quenched, and the danger all past: when the fire was all out, I stood musing alone by myself how this fire could come, being very much grieved in mind.  
Then came to comfort me two or three Chynese, who told me, I did not give sacrifice to God, wherefore this mischance was happened unto me. I told them I did give sacrifice to God every day, but not after their manner, nor never would: but had we known then that the Chynese had done it, we should have sacryfised so many of them, that their blood should have helped to have quenched the fire: so soon as we were at leisure, I gave to every one of them a tick of my hand, who were about forty in number, and willed them to come in the morning, and I would pay them: for they would not set a hand to help, until I had promised to pay them. All this while our house and yard lay like a small Town that had been newly sacked by the enemy, and goods lay some hafe burnt, and some trodden in the mire and dirt, and what with fire, and water much was spoiled: so soon as it was day, the Chynese came for their money, the which they are ever exceeding greedy of. I proffered them a piece of eight a man, which they much scorned, I asked them if it were not enough for half an hours work: they answered again, that if they had not helped us, we had had our house burnt, and so had lost all. I told them again, that it was not long since, that if I had not helped them, they had had their throats cut: when they could get no more, they took that, some of them wishing our house had been consumed, although they spoke it not before us: for if they had, we should have banged them, such is their wicked mind. Now we began to call to mind, who had been in the warehouse the day before, than we remembered that there were certain Mullaynes there to look upon goods: Also one of our men had been there with a Candle, for we could never show any goods, but we were forced to light a Candle: But Master Towerson was there all the while, who said he never came near that room where the fire was, neither was the door ever opened, but either he or I was there, who did evermore look to the Candle ourselves: we thought then that some of those Mullays being hired by some Portugals, had secretly as he passed by that room, tossed in a Ball of fire, which he might bring closely for the purpose. There was at this time a certain Chines, a bricklayer, which wrought at the Dutch house: who in the morning told a Fleming that had been long in the country, that certain Chyneses had done it, but he said they were fled: he said more, if we looked well in the room, we should find the manner how it was done. The Dutchman told an English surgeon what he had heard, and willed him to come and tell us, and he himself because he was perfect in the language, would go and inquire after them: The English surgeon came to me, and desired me he might see the room, where the fire was: I presently called for a Candle, and showed him the room: he going to one corner found a little round hole, which was burned thorough one plank of the flower, whereat I put down a long stick which I had in my hand, but could feel no ground. Then I called for an Axe, and as softly as we could, we wrinched up the plank, where under was a way, that the greatest chest or pack in our house might have gone down: Which when I saw, as secretly as I could, I called three of our men, and went to the house, from whence the mine came, having our weapons. I set one in the door, and charged him he should let none come out, whatsoever he were, and myself with the other two went in, where in one room we found three men, there were two more in an other room, who hearing us, fled out at a back door, which we knew not off before we saw them: those three after two or three blows given, we brought away, one was a dweller in the house, but the other two we could prove nothing against them. I laid them fast in Irons, and presently I sent Master Towerson to the Protector to certify him how the case stood, and to desire him they might be sought out, and have justice done upon them, which he promised should be done.  
But I think, never a good Protector in the world, would have been so slack in performance, for such a matter as this. The Dutch merchants seeing we had taken some, and doubting the Chyneses would rise against us, came very kindly with their weapons, and swore they would live and die in our quarrel: when we had laid out those goods that had received some water, to Air, than we examined this party that dwelled in the house, who told us the names of six that were fled, but he would not confess that he knew any thing of it. Also he said the other two knew nothing of the matter, neither could he tell as he said, whether the rest were fled: Shortly after, the same day came to me the King's principal Scrinana, called Cay Callybon, who in the night time had been at our house with a great crew of men, to see that no javans in our trouble should offer us any violence. This man told me that one of our prisoners was his kinsman, and knew nothing of the matter, wherefore he desired to have him released, promising that if we could prove any thing against him hereafter, he should be forth coming.  
Whereupon I delivered him: many than came to me, and told me that the other was a stranger, and dwelled at jortan, and that he was guiltless also, but he that dwelled in the house, every one said he was accessary to it. Nevertheless, because that party had used much to the house, and had dealings with those that were dwellers there, I would not take their words, but still detained him. I have not known a man better beloved in a Town in my life, than this man was there: Insomuch that there were some came to me lamenting, and making suit for him every day, but I would always tell both him and them, that if he were not guilty, he should fear nothing, for I would not shed his blood wrongfully for all the goods in the world: and if he were guilty, all the world should not deliver him out of my hands: in the mean time I said he should lie well, and eat no worse than I did, whereat every man was contented: he was a Chines borne, but now turned javan, and withal a very lusty proper man as one should see: the next day the Protector came to our house to see the mine, which when he saw, he said it was a most villainous piece of work, he said more, he had heard of Towns and Castles that had been overthrown by undermining, but he never saw a mine before: We still cried to him for justice against those that had done it, he bid us do justice on those we had when we would, and so soon as the rest could be found, we should have them, so that if we had had no more care than he; we might have executed one that was not in fault.  
Although he himself could and did tell me, that he was guiltless, but I told him again that I greatly suspected him, because we had known him a long time, very conversant with him that was the principal dweller in the house, and that he had lain many nights in the house, which was the greatest suspicion of all. Then he bid me kill him if I would, but I told him, not for the world, except I could evidently prove that he was one that did it, or knew of it, before it was done.  
Now we were in a jealousy, that the Protector and some other of the principal of the land had an interest in this act. Wherefore I thought good to bring this man that dwelled in the house to some torture to see what I could make him confess. After three or four days that we had trimmed up our house, which was all soiled with smoke and dirt, by throwing of water: and also trimmed and aired our goods, that had received some damage: We went to work with this fellow, who when he saw the Irons lie burning in the fire, began pitifully to bewail his own misery, saying: O Fathers and Mothers, when you bring your children into the world, you do not know what misery shall come unto them. Then being demanded whether he was one or no, he began a frivolous tale, saying that he heard men that went by the gate say, that two other put to the fire, and that they two were guiltless. 
The confession of Saw●an turn hot.  Then fearing him with hot Iron, but not touching him, he confessed the whole manner of all, and that he did help: he said those 2 out houses were built for that purpose at the first, although they put them to other use, because we should not mistrust them, and more that the mine was made two months before, in which time many nights before they had been in the mine, striving to get into our house, but could not. Then we demanded of him, who put to the fire, and why they did it.  
To the which he answered, that because they durst not cut the boards, for fear we should hear them, they thought to work them out by the fire, and that one Hinting and Boyhie did it. I asked him what his office was, he said that himself and one Vniete that was the principal dweller in the house bailed out the water: we asked him how they put to the fire, he said with a candle, and that the candle went out three times, and they still lighted it again: then I asked him whether the other of jortan did help, or if he knew of it, to the which he said no: and the Iron being laid down, he denied again that he knew of the pretence, but that he had heard of all this since by others, for which denial I caused him to be well burned under the nails of his fingers.  
Then he confessed again he knew of all the pretence: then fearing him again with an hot Iron, I asked him if this fellow of jortan did not know of it, he said no: then we burned him, the which he endured, though with great impatience: I demanded who was the first that called them together, and set them a work: he said Vniete. I bid him name over all those that were accessary, which he did. I told him that some great men of the country, or the rich Chines had set them a work, and that I would make him confess the truth who they were: then burning him, he roared out and said, he would accuse no man that was not guilty, how much soever we did torment him: I bid him name again all that knew of it, the which he did as before. Now while this was in hand, Master Towerson, and one of the Dutch merchants went down into our yard, where this fellow of jortan was in Irons, and having newly been eating, his manacles were off from his hands: the Dutch Merchant coming by him, and having a japan sword in his hand: he wrong it from him, but Master Towerson being by, they took it from him again, before he could draw it: He being asked what he meant to do, he answered he would have slain himself for fear of being tortured, but I doubt he would have killed one of them first: We much blamed him, and told him we meant not to torture him, and willed him not to go about such a thing any more.  
In the afternoon the Protector sent to me, willing me to deliver him: but I knowing him to be a Governor or Protector which had but little wit, sent him word again, that if he were guiltless, he should receive no harm, and until I knew the certainty, I would not deliver him. This fellow that we had already tortured, being very unwilling to die, said that what he confessed was, because we should not torment him, and denied again that he was guilty, I seeing his drift, spoke him fair, and promised him his life if he would tell me the truth, who was the principal that set them a work, and indeed if I had perswaswaded him, I meant as I said. Then he told the whole story again, the which was just as it was before, also he confessed he was one: wherefore the next morning I sent him to execution.  
As he went out of our gates, the javans who do much rejoice when they see a Chines go to execution, as also the Chynese do when they see a javan go to his death, reviled him: but he would answer again, saying the English men were rich, and the Chines poor, therefore why should they not steal from the English if they could?  
The next day the Admiral took an other of them, and sent him to me, who knew there was but one man with him: and therefore resolved with himself, not to confess any thing to us: he was found hid in a privy, and this was he that put the fire to our house, this was a Goldsmith, and confessed to the Admiral, he had slipped many rials, and also coined some counterfeit: some things he confessed to him concerning our matter, but not much, the which the other had confessed before: but he would tell us nothing. Wherefore because of his sullenness, and that it was he that fired us, I thought I would burn him now a little, for we were now in the heat of our anger. First I caused him to be burned under the nails of his thumbs, fingers, and toes with sharp hot Iron, and the nails to be torn off, and because he never blemished at that, we thought that his hands and legs had been numbed with tying. Wherefore we burned him in the arms, shoulders, and neck, but all was one with him: then we burned him quite thorough the hinds, and with rasps of Iron tore out the flesh and sinews. After that I caused them to knock the edges of his shin bones with hot searing Irons. Then I caused cold sense of Irone to be served into the bones of his arms, and suddenly to be snatched out: After that, all the bones of his fingers and toes to be broken with pincers. Yet for all this, he never shed tear, no nor once turned his head aside, nor stirred hand or foot: but when he demanded any question, he would put his tongue between his teeth, and strike his chin upon his knees to bite it off: when all the extremity we could use was but in vain, I caused him to be put fast in Irons again, where the Emmets which do greatly abound there, got into his wounds, and tormented him worse than we had done, as we might well see by his gesture: the King's officers desired me, he might be shot to death, I told them that was too good a death for such a villain, and said more that in our countries if a Gentleman, or a soldier had committed a fault worthy of death, than he was shot to death, and yet he was befriended too, but they do hold it to be the cruelest & basest death that is: wherefore they being very importunate, in the evening we led him into the fields and made him fast to a stake; the first shot carried away a piece of his arm bone, and all the next shot struck him through the breast up near to the shoulder: then he holding down his head looked upon the wound; the third shot that was made, one of our men had cut a bullet in three parts, which struck upon his breast in a triangle: whereat he fell down as low as the stake would give him leave: But between our men and the Hollanders, they shot him almost all to pieces before they left him: now in this time the Admiral and the Sabindar sent us a guard of men every night, for fear the Chynese would rise against us, but we feared it not: yet we kept four of the men to be witnesses, that whatsoever we did (if they should rise) was but in our own defence: after I had kept this fellow of jortan nine or ten days, and could prove nothing against him, I gave him a piece of stuff to make him a suit, and set him free. So soon as he was out of our gates, every one that met him took him by the hand, and greatly rejoicing would say, that now they saw the Englishmen would do no more but justice.  
The third of july following, the old woman that was chief Governs there, helped us to an other of them, but not without a bribe: for they will do nothing there without bribes, although we told them every day, the laws of God and the strict laws of our countries, for such a matter as this; and they will give you the hearing of all, and say it is good: but nevertheless they will do as they list themselves, which shall be not to follow any thing that is good: and truly my opinion is, that their learned men know very little, but what human nature teacheth them, yet their high priest Cay Cally told the King and the Protector that he found in his books, that such as should do such a deed as they had done, should die by the law. But now to my purpose; this outcast of all goodness, had stolen our generals Cryse, when he was hear, and had received punishment for it, also in these days he had stolen from us many times, & many times before I had had the beating of him, and could have found in my heart to have killed him, but now was the time come, that I was to pay him for all: his name was Boyhye, and as I heard, he was one of those that helped Hynting to put to the fire: wherefore for these manifold Injuries, all the people thought I would have tormented him grievously, but he being as he seemed penitent, and confessed all that the other did, and two malefactors more, which they would never confess: and because they should see, that Englishmen knew as well how to be merciful as to torture, if occasion served, I let him die by a Cryse only, without any torture: he greatly entreated me that I would not torture him; I promised him I would not, on condition he would tell me the truth, who set them a work, and who they were, all that were the doers of it, and also who knew of it before it was done: the which if one may believe a villain, he did, and they were these that follow, Uniete the chief, Sawwan his partner that dwelled in the house with him, Hynting, Onygpayo, Hewscamcow, vree, which was shortly after slain with a Crise for lying with a woman: himself, Boyhie, Iccow, & Laccow, which were fled to jackatea, the which Iccow & Lackow I had never heard off before: I made all I could to get them, but I could not, except I would the means have been at exceeding great charges.  
There were others that belonged to some javans, which were great men: and getting into their houses, we could not get them, some of which Iauans did offer them to sell to us, and we did beat the price, as one would do about an Ox or a Calf, but they held them so dear, that I durst not deal with them: I proffered them as much for every one, as they might buy them an other slave in their rooms, and some benefit: but they were so fit Instruments for their purpose, being practised in all villainy, that they would not part with them without a great sum: for the javans and Chynese from the highest to the lowest, are all villains, and have not one spark of grace in them, and if it were not for the Sabyndar, the Admiral, and one or two more, which are Clyn men borne, there were no living for a Christian amongst them: without a Fort or very strong house, all of brick or stone. The principal of the Chynese might have helped us to them all, the same morning when the deed was done, if there had been any honesty in them, and surely the pretence of stealing was known to them all, before it was acted: but that they would set our house on fire, I think they were ignorant. Amongst all other of the devils Instruments here upon earth, there was one of the King's blood called Pangean Mandelycko, who kept one of these nine villains in his house: one day he coming to our house to buy cloth, we desired him he would deliver this fellow into our hands, promising him that we would cause our General to give him thanks when he came, and that he should be no loeser by it; but by no means he would not: we told him how good it would be for their country to root out such villains as they were: he answered again that we should tell those so that had the government of the country in their hands, or cared for the good of the country, for he did not: some three or four days after he came again to our house, and would have had me given him credit, for six or seven hundred rials of eight in cloth, but because he was a man not to be trusted, I excused the matter, saying that I looked every day for our ships, and that I could deliver no goods, but I must have pepper presently, whereby I might have loading ready: after he had been very earnest, and saw he could not prevail: he went out very angry, and being at our gate he looked back upon our house, and said it was pity but it should be burnt again: also he would have had a Chines that we had some dealings with, to have helped him to some Chynese that dwelled near us, to undertake the firing of our house again: he being a man generally hated of all for cruelty that he had done, the Chynese told us what he said: wherefore I would presently have gone to the court to have complained of him, but many wished me not to do so, for they said he was a desperate villain, and cared neither for King nor Protector: but if we brought him to his answer before the King, would do us a mischief whatsoever came of it.  
The King and the Governor had sent oftentimes to him to deliver us that fellow he had, but he cared not for them: shortly after we had many shrewd attempts to have fired our house, for the town was fired in three places at one instant, in the night, a little to windeward of our house, and twice an other night, but Chief by the mercy of God, who preserved us, and by the diligence of the Chynese who are grown very poor upon it, it was always quenched, neither had we any body to complain to that could help us, but only God, and next unto him our trust was in our sword and shot, which kept the proudest of them in such awe in the night, that they durst not come within our reach. He kept a crew of villains like unto himself, who no doubt if they could have fired the upper work of our house, would have been there, to have seen what spoil they could have done in the tumult, but God be thanked we were not without friends, which would have sent us three times so many more for our guard, than he was able to make, and did when time came, that the upper work of our houses were burnt: and shortly I must tell a longer tale than this, of this ungodly Pangean, what trouble he put both the King and us to, and how in the end he was banished.  
Amongst all these sorrowful and troublesome discourses, it happened that certain Chyneses which dwelled hard under our pales, did steal away an other Chyneses wife: and being hardly pursued by her husband, they had no means to shift her away, but to put her over the pales into our ground.  
At that time we having newly shot much pepper in to our warehouse, which was so extreme hot, that we were forced to keep the door open night and day, having always a regard to it in the night; this being a fit place for her to hide her in, got behind the door, so far as she could stand for heat; and her husband would have sought all javan, & Chyna, before he would or durst come thither to seek.  
In the night, after our watch was set, one of our men went into our backside, the which place we did all very much frequent night and day; but as he was coming back, and being a little starr-light he saw the woman stand in the pepper house door, who came forth to take breath: for she had been better to have been in a stove so long: he presently swore a great oath; a Woman, or the Devil in the likeness of a Woman: for it was very strange to see such cattle within the English pale at that time of night, I walking in our gallery and hearing this, remembered that I had read of many man that had been overthrown by the deceit of women, began to grow in great fear and suspicion that some Chines or this envious Pangean, whom I lately entreated of, had sent her with some secret fyrework, to work the destruction of us all; wherefore I ran down and caused her to be searched and examined presently: she told us that her husband would have beat her, wherefore she was forced to climb over our pales and to hide herself: then I caused our pepper house to be searched, first by dark, and afterwards with some lights, for fear still of fire works: when no thing could be found, I threatened down the admirals men that watched there, that they had brought in their whores, the which they all forswore: then I threatened our own men, who swore likewise to the contrary: but I not satisfied yet, and purposing to know the truth, locked her up in a porch all night, & took the key with me: also I gave the watch both javans and Englishmen, a charge to walk before the door, the which they did; and to look well out round about the house, for fear of some villainy.  
I was never so vexed in my life with a woman, although I think many a good man hath: I considering of it in the night, thought it might very well be as the woman said: and knowing again that it was an ordinary thing for the Chynese to beat their wives, especially she being a Cuchinchina woman, which had no friends in town: for the javans will hardly suffer them to beat their women: wherefore now I thought it would prove but some such jest: the next morning her husband came, who falling down one his marrow bones, desired me to be good to him: for having so lately tortoured some Chynese, he thought I would torture him.  
But in my conceit he needed no more plague or punishment then such a wife: wherefore I presently dismissed them both.  
Yet this man was not so ill matched, but he had a neighbour was worse: who being sat at breakfast, with four more of his friends, were all poisoned by one of his women: but so soon as they perceived themselves to be so sped, they drunk every one of them a good quantity of beazer stone, some thirty grains a piece, the which recovered them all: but their necks and faces broke out in that manner, that it would have pitied a body to have seen them.  
The woman I say executed, and so did diverse other of our house, who will witness this to be of a truth: and that all the Chynese within few days recovered their health again.  
The people of those parts are given much to poisoning: which is the cause they hold their bezoar stones in so high Estimation, that there is not any of account, but they will always have some ready in their house, and the Noblemen do hoard them up for great jewels.  
And surely I do hold that to be the thing, next under GOD, that hath preserved the most of our lives that have been long resident there. Now a word or two concerning the Dutch shipping, & shortly after into fire & troubles again. the fifteenth of july came in the Moon from Amboyna being laden with cloves. In whom came three young youths which were the sons of three the chiefest governors of that Land: their coming was to require aid of the English, or Dutch, which should come first to Bantam against certain Portugese's which had a small forte there, and did sore annoy them: also there came in a small Flybote which had taken a pinnace or shuppe, which the Portugese's not long before had taken from Captain Barkell and Captain Bugall, at Mackow: they took her under an Island a little to the eastwards of java: she was bound for Mallacka and had in her a chest of letters, which should have gone for Goa, wherein the Portugese's of Mackow had writ for powder, shot, and all kind of munition for wars. The upper work of our house being built of canes, and being withal both high and long, every puff of wind was ready to turn it over: and we were forced every foot to be at much trouble and charges about mending & setting it to right: wherefore in this month of july, we sent a prawe to an Island hard by, to fetch timber for the main posts round about, and new built it again; but we hardly enjoyed it two months, before fire consumed it.  
Also the Protector a little before had given us all the houses and ground which joined to our pales, and belonged to those Chynese which undermined our house: But although it were given, yet I think there was never Englishmen paid so dear for so little ground in any country in the world, the houses were rotten, but the ground did us great pleasure.  
Also there was a Pangean or gentleman which had a house and ground, the pales of which ground came so near our Pepper house door, that it was very troublesome to us, when we should carry in or out, pepper: wherefore I bought that house with the ground, so that now we had a very spacious yard, this house I filled full of pepper, but because it was not boarded within, the weight of the pepper, being shot, bore out the side of the wall. Wherefore we were forced to take out all our pepper again, being two thousand and forty sacks, and to board it within to our exceeding great trouble, and some cost. Also I hired an other house right over against us, which held six hundred and odd sacks of pepper, and some other houseroom was lent us by our friends: for the pepper that we had, and were now to receive, took up a great deal of their kind of houseroom, by reason their building is but low.  
The nine and twentieth of August, the Noon set sail from thence to Holland leaving there those young men which came in hither from Amboyna, who would many times come to our house, and I always gave them kind entertainment: and it is most certain that if we should have any store of shipping of force to come, there we should have any thing at their hands, before the Hollanders.  
The third of September it happened two of our men to fall together by the ears: I finding them in this disorder banged them, and also committed them to the Irons the next day: they being prisoners had somewhat harder far then their fellows: wherefore they said they would know whether I had any such authority or no: and more, that rather than they would be so used, they would be revenged on me: and also set the house on fire. I hearing these rebellious speeches, laid as many Irons on them as they could bear; and whereas before they sat dry in the house, I sent them into our backside, where no candles nor fire should come near them, there to abide both hunger and cold: and because they had offended before, and also had received punishment for it, and yet would not beware: I thought now to have sent them home in the next ship that went, as prisoners to the company: But by their great submission, and the Hollanders and other merchants in the Town entreating for them, but chiefly the want I had of men, I was contented to release them upon sureties of their good behaviour after.  
The ninth of September the Protector sent a proclamation that no Chyneses should weigh any pepper to the strangers, meaning the English and the Hollanders; the which proclamation was procured by the Hollanders, and we knew it very well: for the same day they dined with us, and at dinner they told us, the Protector owed them ten thousand sacks of pepper: but I told them that was not so, for they would never trust him of so much: The same evening one of the principal of the Dutch merchants coming by our gate, we asked him if he heard the news: he knowing well how to dissemble said no: then we told him of the Proclamation: he making very strange of it, said that when any of our ships should come, we should talk with the Protector and others for all these injuries: but I told him we would not give him, nothing near so long a day; and that I would talk with him before the next day at night, and tell him more, than he would willingly hear.  
The next morning I went to the old woman, who commands the Protector, and all the rest, and indeed is called Queen of the land by the Sabyndar, and divers others: although she be not of the King's blood, but only for her wisdom is held in such estimation amongst them of all sorts, that she ruleth as if she were solely Queen of that Country. After we had made our griefs known to her, she presently sent for the Protector, willing us to talk with him before her: when he came, I demanded of him for what cause he had forbidden us our trade? he answered, he must buy ten thousand sacks of pepper for the King.  
I told him again, that the Hollanders themselves had confessed to me, that the pepper he would buy was for them, and that he owed them ten thousand sacks: the which he denied, saying he owed them ten thousand rials, but not ten thousand sacks of pepper: I told him it was contrary to promise made to our General, that we should be forbidden to buy, and sell freely: he said still he must, and would buy pepper for the King, and when he was served, than we should buy again.  
I replied again, that our General had a letter to our Queen, written in the kings name by consent of the Queen which sat there present, of the Protector, that then was, the Sabindar, the Admiral, and divers others of the chiefest of the land: I asked him if he would now cause the kings word, the Queens and all theirs to be broken? then he knew not well what to say. I told him more, that Kings must keep their words, or else they were no Kings: And more we told him, that such like occasions was the first falling out between: our Queen, and the King of Spain, the which cost many thousands of men's lives: And that it was well known to all Nations, that we did not only burn and spoil at home, but also came into those parts of the world, and took away his subjects goods, the which himself could witness.  
He said the king owed the land, and therefore there was no reason but he should be served before strangers, we yielded that was but reason, but we knew well, that it was not for the King, but for the Hollanders; and that if the King would buy pepper, the Sabyndar and the Admiral knew of it, but now they knew no such matter.  
Then he confessed it was for the Hollanders, he said he owed them a great deal of money, but not so much as they reported: The which they lent him long time, wherefore to pleasure them, he would buy pepper for them. I said he might, and yet not forbidden us to buy, nor yet to receive our debts: to the which he answered that all the while we weighed pepper, he should get little, and therefore we should forbear a while: Then I told him again that the Chynese were greatly indebted unto us, and now by means of his proclamation, they would not pay us. Wherefore I would lay all our debts upon the King and him, and when it should please GOD to send our ships thither, we would not lose one Ryall. After that he began to bethink himself, saying it was never his meaning to forbid us to receive our debts, and that those which proclaimed it, did more than he willed them: then I desired him to send his proclamation again and command the Chynese to make haste, and pay us our debts: The which in the after noon he did. We entreated him that he would not help the Hollanders: for we told him, that he could not help them, but he must hinder us, and that if he got by helping them one way, he would lose by hindering us another: he answered again, he would help us to, if we would: we desired him he would help neither of us, but let us shift for ourselves.  
Telling him also that he should get more by us, when our ships came, by sitting still, then by helping the Flemings. He desired us to be contented, and we should have no wrong, and so departed, so soon as he was gone, I asked the old Queen, which all this while sat by, whether the King would buy pepper or no: she said no, the king was no Merchant; but she thought the Hollanders had given the Protector a bribe to help them; but said she you shall have no wrong: for in deed she was always our very great friend, and the Protector durst not displease her: we gave her great thanks, and after a while departed: the same day being the tenth of September died Edward Buntingall our Cook.  
In the afternoon, the proclamation came that the Chynese should weigh us our debts, 〈…〉 none: many of them not willing to pay their debts till pepper came to a higher price, would not hear this last proclamation; but when we came to ask our debts would say that they durst weigh us none, which was a great hindrance unto us in getting in our debts, and we were forced to cause the Protector to send his officers to some particular men, before they would pay us: but it must be understood, this could not be done without a bribe: for we were forced both to brawl with him, and to bribe him too: for a man must do both to those kind of people or else he shall have nothing as he would, and they must be kept betwixt fear and love. I must not forget to tell how the Protector would needs have me promise him not to buy any pepper in fouretenne days, the which I did: Provided always that the Hollanders should not buy neither, nor none for them; but so soon as I came home, I heard word they had weighed a very small parcel of ten sacks: wherefore the very same night I bought one hundredth sacks.  
The Hollanders now were at a nonplus again, for in time past, when they had seen any parcel of pepper as they passed by, lying in any warehouse, they would go in and cheapen it, but wheresoever they came, the people would tell them they owed it to the English men.  
Whereat the Hollanders would go out in a great chafe: but when they saw they could get none, than they delivered the Protector money, and wrought with him as I have before rehearsed: and if we had had, but ten thousand rials of eight more than we had the Hollanders should have got little pepper that year in Bantan. It is most certain they are very much hated there; and what they do or procure, is for fear of their shipping, wherein they abound in all these parts.  
The twelfth day of September, the Protector sent rials up and down amongst those that were dealers in pepper, in the king's name, some to serve him one hundredth sacks, some fifty sacks, some twenty, some ten, some five, as it were a begging: and indeed he took it up at the kings price, which was 1/2 a Ryall in a sack less than we paid: the Chynese with much grudging served him.  
A while after, he set a tax upon them to serve him so much more; then the Chynese railed upon the Protector, and the Hollanders both: and many of them would not receive their money, but the officers would throw it down in their houses, and take their names.  
If many in Christendom had seen how Rials were carried up and down upon men's shoulders, and how they were thrust upon men, they would think they had had them on some Island hatd by for fetching. On a time when I was talking with the Sabyndar, I asked him whether the pepper the Protector bought were for the King or no; although I knew very well to the contrary before: yet I did it because I would hear what he would say: he answered no.  
But the Hollanders had complained to him, that they could get no pepper, and because (said he) the Protector is beholding to them for money, which they had a long time lent him: Therefore he did it only to pleasure them: I told him he did us great wrong by it: He said it was very true, and that the old Protector would not have done so.  
The thirteenth day of September, the king and all the principal of the land went a progress to an Island some six or seven Leagues to the Eastwardes of Bantan, where they hunted Bullocks, and Vnozuras; and every Noble man's Prawe was trimmed in very warlike manner, having their colours and shields hanging round about them: some had on their shields a half Moon, some a Star, some a Tigers head, some a furious beast which is in that country called a Matchan, some one thing, some an other: And because the order is that every one of ability, both strangers and others, at such a time presents the king as he passeth by with some present: Therefore as the kings Prawe came down the river, I laid him aboard, and gave him a present.  
The noble men that sat with the king, told me I should have been ready with half a dozen shot to have brought the King onwardly of his way: I answered them again that I lived in such fear of fire, that neither I, nor my men durst go out of doors: but they were so importunate that I might not say them nay, but presently send for some shot; for, said they, six of your shot is better than all ours: then presently I sent for half a dozen, who were attired in their best Robes, and with their scarves and hatbandes of our Country's colours, made a very splendent show.  
I brought the king to an Island about a league on his way, where all the whole train went a shore, they would needs see our men march and show them their order in discharging their shot. I told them it was not worth the seeing, except I had more men: they answered they could see by a few what more could do: the king sent us rice, Fruits, and Cockays. About four a clock in the afternoon, the king departed on his journey, and I taking my leave of him and his train, (who thanked me) went directly home.  
The fifteenth of September, by means of an old trort which was making of Candles, the Town was set a fire: the which consumed all the upper work of our three houses to our exceeding great danger, cost and trouble: the Sabyndar, who was lately returned from the king, came to us in the tumult. Also the Admiral who had charge of the Court in the King and governors absence, sent us a great train of his principal men; Likewise one of the kings uncles came to us with a great number: and also the rich Chines with a very great crew: All these came to see that no body should offer us any violence: for they knew well we had enemies of great force, not thot they hated us, but for our goods.  
Now we were laid open to all our enemies, for our fence, for the most part was burnt to the ground, and we had not a place to dress our victuals in: yet as good fortune was, we had one little shed in the middle of our yard, which was our court of guard, that scaped, where we camped a nights: the dutch house escaped though but narrowly, wherefore we borrowed some of their men: for it is to be noted, that though we were mortal enemies in our trade, yet in all other matters we were friends, and would have lived and died one for the other.  
Also the Admiral and Sabyndar sent us men every night, so that we (with our drum, shot & pikes) lived soldierlike, until our fence was made up, and afterwards too: for this was but to show us the way, and our fence was no sooner up, but we looked every hour when it should be burnt down, or borne down by those that would have had the cutting of our throats: now we paid a piece of eight for that which was not worth twelve pennies before, yet for fear the rain and weather would spoil our goods, we were forced to set sheeds over every house, until we could get timbers to build them again. All which makes our charges of building very great, and yet we are but very badly housed there.  
This burning of the town was a great hindrance to us in getting in of pepper: for the Chynese were all so busy a building, that they could not go up to the mountains to fetch it.  
About the end of this month September began great dissension amongst the principal of the Land, which grew by means of that troublesome member called Pangean Mandelicko, who, as I have written before, did seek all the means he could to set our house on fire, but now seeing he could get nothing at our hands, fell to robbing of junks which came into the road with rice and other provision of victual. Amongst other there was one which came from jore: in this junke was great store of Rice, Men, and Women: he feigned a matter & gave it out, that there was two men in the junke that had taken a junke of his, that was thieving upon that coast, the which afterwards was proved to be nothing so, Nevertheless this spoiler of a common wealth; with a great crew of villains, his slaves seized on the junke, in the night, and carried away all theryce withal the men and women, as his prisoners: the which was the next way to keep away all other junks, which used to bring victuals to the town, whereby to starve them all: for that land is not able to feed one quarter of the people that are in it.  
The King and his Protecter sent to him commanding him to deliver the people and goods, the which he had taken; but he would not: but presently fortified himself.  
Also the rest of the Pangeanes that were both of the King's blood and his, but being all traitors to the King, maintained him, so that the King's officers durst not meddle with him. The Protector sent to us, willing us not to aid the Pangeanes neither with powder, shot, nor men: also he willed us to make ourselves as strong as we could: because they were minded to banish Mandelick and feared they should have some hurly burly before they should get him out.  
I answered the messenger, that the Protector needed not to fear, we would aid such a rebel, but rather do our uttermost against him: and that I was sorry I had so few men, that I could not lend the King some aid. Also the Sabyndar and the Admiral sent almost every day to us, willing us to make ourselves strong, and to have a special care of our watch in the night: for they all greatly feared, that the rebels would surprise our house, and the Hollanders in the night: which if they could they should have been richer than the King.  
Especially ours: for they should have had more followers for our commodities, than all the Kings in java beside.  
Also they were not ignorant of the hatred, the principal rebel bore us, because I would not trust him, the rebels grew every day stronger, and stronger, and all the people of the country, and also strangers began to be in great fear.  
I was forced to borrow some small ordinance of Chyna merchants, which were our friends: and with chains and bushes to fortify ourselves, our men being busy every day making of chain, Langrell, and Crosbar shot: all trade of merchandise was laid aside; neither did any in the town look after buying or selling: and every day we should have the rebels espyals come into our yard, who would be very inquisitive what, and wherefore those were, which our men were all so hard at work upon: we would plainly tell them, that we looked every night for such a man's coming, wherefore we made provision for his entertainment: they would view the shot very much, and show it one an other, and many times would go aside and whisper to themselves. One day in the middle of this broil there came to our house one of the Pangeanes, which not long ago, was King of jackatra: and now being kept out by a kinsman of his, who held it and doth homage to the King of Bantan for it.  
This Pangean lived like a malcontent, and was every day conversant with the principal rebel, who as we do judge sent him to our house: he asked to see some cloth, the which I showed him; no sooner he had seen it but he asked me if I would give him credit for one hundred rials worth, or two hundred rials worth: he had been once with me before, when I denied him, and he was forced to bring a Chyna merchant to give his word for him: wherefore I marveled he should come again so soon, and as I did before so I gave him the denial again: then presently he bid us carry it away, ask me if I had any pieces or powder to spare? I told him no, I had to serve my own turn, and no more, he was very importunate with me to let him have some: I answered him again that I had none, but what was for provision for our house, therefore I could sell him none of that; though he would give never so much: after that he fell a reasoning with us where we lay a nights: whether we lay below, or above upon the top of our warehouse, which had at that time but a shed upon it: I told him we lay sometime below, and sometimes above, according as we saw occasion: but wheresoever we were, I told him our Dogs lay always ready, below the most part of them, and we had some above too: your dogs said he which are they? then we pointed him first to one piece, then to an other, and indeed we had a dozen stood very orderly: said he call you them dogs: we told him they would bark if occasion served.  
After he had viewed our shot and our fortifications, he departed: shortly after this man had a crew of two hundred men came from a town some seven miles of where he dwelled, who in the night time came down the great river in Prawes: presently the Alarm was given that the Pangranes were up, and would seize upon the King and the Court, which after much hurly burly in the end proved nothing.  
These men, and likewise all the Pangeanes men keep as the Lord Stanleys' men did in King Richard the thirds time, no man knowing which side they would take, but the King and all his part was in exceeding great fear of them, and durst not trust them: wherefore they sent for the King of Iackatra to come with all speed, and bring all the force he could make, for they were almost assured that when they should begin with this principal Rebel, that all the rest of the Pangeanes would join with them.  
All this while we looked for nothing but for throtecutting every night, and we counted ourselves no better then dead men: only we made account to sell our lives dear: and because we would be sure to be ready, we walked every night with our matches light in our hats, and also had our tuchboxes and pruning irons for ordinance in our hands: for if we should have pruned our pieces, they would have cloyed and so have failed us when we should have need: neither had we powder to discharge them once in two or three days, for so we might have wanted: we knew well that if they came, it would be one the sudden, and with such a cry would have ran against our pales, that we should have had no time to light a match, nor yet have heard what one another said, for their noise; neither can I forget what a foolish part the Hollanders played us, in this dangerous and fearful time.  
It happened one night, when we set our watch, one of my men put a shot in his piece, & discharging it upright, the shot fell down in one of the Hollanders out houses through the thatch: where were certain Mallays, which lay at their house, at Supper: the Mallayes as they said (but I do not believe them) brought the shot to them, & asked them if they could not live there, secure from shot, who when they saw it, their principal merchant caused six of their men to come up stairs into their house, and out of a window to shoot close over our yard.  
I was at that present walking alone in our yard, and very much troubled in mind; in so much that three of the shot was passed close over my head, before I minded them: then hearing more still which came very near me, and being withal moonlight, I thought that some Rogues had gotten into a window, and had made a mark at me: wherefore I stepped behind the corner of a house, for many times walking there I have had stones thrown at me, and came with such violence, that they have split out pieces of boards, where they lighted, missing me very narrowly.  
At this time, when the Hollanders were in hand with their shot, their were certain thieves that were breaking of a Chynese house; and being moonlight as I said before, also the shot coming over the thieves heads, they thought that some body had shot at them, wherefore they to go likewise at the very instant.  
The owner of the house had espied them, and gotten a crew together to pursue them: no sooner was the last shot over my head, but I heard a most grievous cry and uproar, coming down the street, towards our house: As the Chynese, if a polecat in the night chance to come out of the woods amongst their hens, it is enough to make one hundred of them cry out, as if there were one thousand men in arms against them.  
Every one of us betook us to our weapons; verily thinking that now they were coming, whom hourly we expected, and were glad that they came at such a time as we had every thing so ready: the thieves after they were a little past our pales, cared not for the Chynese, but turned again and cried Payyon, Payyon, which is, we are ready if you dare, whereby they brought the Chynese to a stand, right against our pales.  
We thinking all this while they had been our enemies, I had much ado, to keep our men from shooting through the pales; which if they had, they had slain many of the townsmen: Anon after, we heard a Chines (that we knew) speak; so that then I thought how the matter went; wherefore I bid one of my men shoot over the pales: the thieves hearing that, as stout as they were, took their heels amain, and the Chynese after them, like a sort of hounds, which when the Fox turned again durst not bark. Now we wondered whence this six shot should come, we knew well that no javans could deliver six shot so orderly together: but after we understood it was the Hollanders, we blamed them much, for doing so in such a dangerous time, although they meant us no hurt.  
The twentieth of October, came in the King of jackatra, with a crew of one thousand five hundred fight men, besides straggelers, and had a thousand more coming after.  
He challenged the rebel and likewise all the Pangeanes to fight with him and his company only: he had indeed a great quarrel against them all.  
For but a little before they fought means to put him out of his kingdom, but now the rebels kept their fortification, and would not come out.  
The six and twentieth of October, the King of jackatra, and the Admiral sent for us, to know if there were no means to fire them, a reasonable distance of, out of the reach of their baces, of which they had a great number: we told them, if there had been a ship in the road, it might easily have been done, but for us to do it, we thought we should hardly find things wherewithal.  
The Admiral asked me what things we would have? I told him, camphor, fault peeter, and brimstone.  
As for some things we had already: the Admiral said he would help us to all these, and desired us we would help them: also he had a long bow and arrows fit for such a purpose: but I think a Musket had been better.  
We were minded to have caused the King's ordinance to have been planted, and shot red hot bullyts amongst them; which I think would have made work both with them, and their thatched houses, and fortifications made of canes: the principal rebel had sought all the means he could to fire us, now we meant verily to see if we could fire him: but whether it was for fear of the King of jackatra, or hearing we were about such a matter, the Pangranes and the rebels both came to an agreement: within two days after the which agreement, was this; that the principal rebel should within six days depart out of the King of Bantams dominion, having with him only thirty of his household: the which he did. For the space of ten days, we looked every hour both night and day, when the King's forces and the Pangeanes would join battle, for they were both ready: but the javans, are very loath to fight, if they can choose: the reason they say is, their wealth lieth altogether in slaves: so that if their slaves be killed they are beggared: wherefore they had always rather come to a sea feast, than a pitched battle.  
In this time of trouble, what with overwatching, and with sudden waking out of our sleep, we being continually in fear of our lives; Some of our men were distracted of their wits, especially one, who sometimes in the night would fall into such a frantic rage, that two or three of his fellows could hardly keep him in his bed: neither could he tell in the morning, that he was any such man. I would not wish a more forwarder man in any time of danger, than he was, when he was in his perfect senses, but it is a great vexation to the stoutest man that is, to be much broken of his sleep, and when he doth sleep in such fear of his life, as we did there a long time.  
Shortly after his departure, the King of jackatra also departed, who promised us that if there should ever come English ship or pinnys thither, they should be very kindly used: we were very much beholding to him, for in these troubles we being one day talking with the Admiral and him, we asked them if they thought the Pangeans would join with the rebels; who answered, they would: and that they were a sort of beggarly poor men, and would seek the spoil of all such merchants as we, which came thither to trade: and the Admiral said, that if we had not had a strong house, and kept especial good watch, they would have cut our throats long ago. The King bid us keep good watch still, promising that if they came to molest us in that time, or while he were in Town, he would come himself, and all his forces to our aid.  
The Town being now somewhat at peace without brawling or fear of wars (as for blows I know not one was given before) we sent Prawes for timber, and began to build our house again, which should never have been for me, but that we feared our ships would have some weak men in them: and if we should not have had lodgings for all sorts, it would have gone worse with them than it did: and notwithstanding we did our best in that matter, we found all to be little enough for their preservation.  
The third of November, came in the Sun, from Tarnata, being laden with cloves; which stayed here twenty days, and then departed for Holland.  
The seventeenth day of November which we took to be our Coronation day, and having all our pieces and chambers lying laden since the troubles, we invited the Hollanders to dinner; in the middle of which we drank a health to our Queen, and also shot off all our Odinance; so that the like peel was never shot within the Town, and the people said we had Parrots or Monkeys, that gave fire to some pieces: for they thought it had been unpossible for so few men to keep such a stir as we did, what between our small shot, and our great: indeed our Queen was dead long before; although we knew it not, yet God be thanked we lost not our labour, sith God had sent us both a King and a Queen too. And here it is not fit I should omit one thing, and yet to make relation of it, some may think I do it of a vain glory to myself, and those that were with me: but if any do so think, in this or in any other matter which I have written, they shall do me great wrong: for it is well known to some men of account, that if it had not been by their procurement, these discourses should never have been written, nor a number of them never once been spoken off by me.  
Now to the matter: there is that resort to this town of Bantan a number of many nations, of which divers of them are Liedgers: these people having heard much fame of the English Nation in times past, before ever they saw any of us, had an especial eye to our carriage and behaviour, and we were grown a common admiration amongst them all; that we being so few, should carry such a port as we did, never putting up the least wrong that was offered either by javans or Chynese, but always did justice our own selves: And when, the Protector did wrong us himself, it was known that we did not spare to tell him of it sound, and in such sort, that he wanted very much of his will.  
It is well known also that at the first coming of our ships, the javans offered us much wrong in purloining our goods: but so many as we took, were either slain, wounded, or sound beaten. The javans thought we durst not do so, when our ships were gone: Wherefore they did practise to steal both day and night: but they found it all one, the which they did admire at, for it is most certain (and I have heard many strangers speak it, that have been present, when we have beaten some javans) That they never knew not heard of any Nation but we, that were Liedgers there, that durst once strike a javan, in Bantan: and it was a common talk among all strangers, and others, how we stood at defiance with those that hated us for our goods, and how little we cared for them, never offering any the least wrong to the meanest in the Town, and receiving from the better sort a commendation before the Hollanders, or any other Nation: and it will be a thing generally talked off, in all parts of the world, what different carriage we have been of, when it is likely there will be no English there.  
Now every day the Hollanders looked for their shipping, having little pepper, nor knowing where to buy any, for that the Chynese would rather deal with us (giving as much as they) than them; and which is more, when our Rials were gone, they gave us credit, till the arrival of our ships, which was uncertain to us; when they might have had ready money, and thanks of the Hollanders.  
In the beginning of the last harvest, the Hollanders perceiving they should get little pepper, were very importunate with us to share all the pepper we bought between us in equal halves: so that they would have received the one half of our debts, which we knew to be all sure, except some small driblets; giving us rials: and we should have received the one half of their debts, which were owing for the most part, by javans, and great men too, (so that GOD knows when they will be paid) and to have given them Rials, for so much as we should have received: Also what pepper we had bought for cloth, they would have had the one half, and what they had bought for money, we should have had the one half: their reason (which was very good) was to keep down the price: to which if I had consented we had had little lading against I expected our shiping, we having (what by debts, what by sales,) five sacks for their one; they had owing them as much as we, but we knew it to be in such men's hands, as would be long a paying.  
Shortly after that, they began to work with the Protector, as I have before rehearsed, at which time they delivered so many Ryall into his hands, aa will not be paid them again in haste.  
About this present time the emperor of Damacke, who not many years before for tyranny, had been deposed, by the kings thereabouts; going by sea from Bantam, to an other Town upon that coast, was by one of his own sons, stabbed in his bed sleeping.  
All November, and the beginning of December, we were busied both in building and getting in, and making clean of pepper.  
The fourteenth day of December came in a Dutch pinnies, which told us of the death of the late Queen Elizabeth, and of the great plague and sickness that had been over all all Christendom, the which struck more terror into our minds, than all the troubles we had passed: But they could tell no news of our shppes, which caused us much to doubt: Only they told us the king of Scots was crowned, and that our land was in peace, which was exceeding great comfort unto us. Also they told us of the peace, which was likely to be betwixt England and Spain, the which we were sorry for: because we saw what good purchase the Hollanders got in those parts, and we always hoped to have the like when our ships should come.  
The twentieth day of December came in all the Dutch fleet, and because we heard of no letters for us in the Pianies, I made hast and went aboard the Dutch Admiral to bid him welcome, also to inquire for letters; the which we found in the vice Admiral.  
The two and twentieth day of December by means of some of our friends, Vn-ietee, that was the principal that undermined our house, was descried and taken, having been long in the mountains, and for want of food was forced to repair to certain houses near the Town, from whence he was brought to the rich Chynas' house: so soon as I heard of him, I sent Master Towerson to the Protector to certify him of it, and withal to tell him, we would shortly execute him: for since the time that this mischief happened, I never went out of sight of our house myself, but once, until our ships came in, the which was when the Protector crossed us so much that then I was constrained, and my fear was so great that I thought all would be burnt before I should come back again. Likewise three times every week I used to search all the Chynese houses round about us, for fear of more undermining. The same day towards evening we descried our ships coming into the road, to all our extraordinary great joy: But when we came aboard of our Admiral, and saw their weakness, also hearing of the weakness of the other three ships, it grieved us much, knowing that Bantan is not a place to recover men that are sick, but rather to kill men that come thither in health: at my first coming aboard, I found out General, Captain Henry Middleton very sickly and weak, to whom I made relation in brief, what troubles we had passed: also I certified him, that neverthesse's we had lading ready for two ships, which was some content unto his mind, which was very much grieved for the weakness of his men: they had hardly fifty sound men in their four ships; and of the sick men a number died, also those that came thither in health, many never went out of the road▪  
The four and twentieth day, our Vice-admiral Captain Coulthirst came a shore with some other Merchants; on which day we executed this villain which we had lately taken: but it was happy for him, we had other business to go about, otherwise he should have died nothing so easy a death, as he did: After whose execution we thought ourselves reasonable well satisfied for the trouble, and misery they had put us too: for now we had slain the four principal, and one more was killed for stealing of a woman, as I have before written. At my coming away, there remained four alive, of the which two were at jackatra, one with Mandelicko the traitor, and one with Caysanapatty Lama, the which we could not as them come by: but I doubt not but Master Towerson will do his best to get them hereafter: for he and I both, if we live this hundred years, shall never forget the extreme horror & trouble they brought us to. The same day our vice Admiral, being accompanied with us that had been resident there before, and also some other of the new merchants, went to the Court to certify the king that our General had letters from the King of England, with a present for him: and more, to tell him our General was weary, having been long upon the seas, and so soon as he was a little refreshed, he would come himself to see him, and also to deliver the letters and present.  
The five & twentieth day being Christmas day we dined aboard with our General: but I should have spoken before of a Counsel that was holden on sunday being the 23 day, wherein it was thought of all, that the Dragon and the Ascension were fittest to go for the Mulluckoes, for divers reasons which needed not here be rehearsed, and the Hector & Susan to load pepper, and to be despeeded home, And the same week after we were busied in getting of fresh victuals, herbs, fruits, and flowers, for the recovery of our men, which were most pitifully paid with the scurvy.  
On sunday following being the thirtieth day of December, our General invited the Dutch Admiral to a feast, where all the Hollanders took the licker so well, that they were sick on it most part of the week following, by their own confession; and whereas they purposed to set sail on the monday for the Mulluckoes, what by means they were ill at ease, and also that the Dutch Admiral would bid our General again, they stayed until the monday after: so that by this means we got a weeks time of them, which fell out greatly to our General's advantage at the Mulluckoes, as I have heard by all that I have talked within our ships. Monday being the 31. day, our General came a shore, and being accompanied with all the merchants that were in health, and divers others, he went to the court and delivered the King's letters and present, the which were as followeth: one fair Basin and Ewer, two fair standing cups, all parsell gilt, one gilt spoon, and six muskets with their furniture: The which were kindly received: a day or two after our General spent in visiting our chiefest friends, as the Sabyndar, the Admiral, the rich Chynees, and also gave them presents, who very thankfully received them.  
Thursday being the third of januarie, the Dutch Admiral invited our General and all his merchants to dinner, where the Hollanders (as it is ever their order at a feast) took in their drink sound, or else it were no feast with them: and truly we wanted none, but it is not our country fashion to pour it in, after that abundant manner as they will. After this day we fell all to work, both a shore and aboard to pack up, and taking goods for the Mulluckoes: but after our men were a little recovered of the scurvy, the flux took them so that we continued still very weak in men, in so much that it was unpossible in man's judgement, that ever we should be able to accomplish our business in that manner, as God be thanked it is, who surely heard the prayers of some both in England, and also amongst us, and looking down in mercy upon our weakness, did raise us up again.  
On monday being the seventh of januarie, the Dutch fleet being nine tall ships, besides pinnysses and stoops, set sail for Amboy●a and the Mulluckoes: so that we rested very doubtful a long time, whether our ships should get any lading in those parts that year, by reason of their number of shipping which was gone before ours: neither could our ships possibly go sooner by means of our weakness.  
The tenth of januarie the ships that were bound home, began to take in pepper, but they were so oppressed with sickness that they could make no dispatch.  

Our 2 ships set sail for Banda, & the Mulluckoes.  The eighteenth day our ships having, taken in all the goods which we thought meet for these parts, set sail for the islands of Banda, having their men for the most part extreme weak and sickly: but how they spent their time until their return to Bantan. I must refer to their own reports: presently after the departure of these ships the Protector sent unto us to agree about custom, the which we had thought we had known since our first shipping departed; but he asked many duties which we never heard of before: and because I would not grant to pay them, he commanded the Porters they should carry no pepper. Wherefore to prevent this should not be a hindrance to us in lading our ships (for we had hindrance enough besides) I was forced to agree with him to pay in hand, according to that ●ate as our ships paid before, and to let the full agreement rest until the return of our General, and he thought he did us great kindness herein. It pleased God to take away the two masters of these two ships which we were now a lading, Samuel Spencer, Master of the Hector, and Abakkuk Pery, Master of the Susan: Also william Smith the principal Master M●te o● the Hector, & m●ny other of their principal men, with a number of their ordinary sailors: so that we were not only constrained to hire men to do them all the ease we could there, but likewise to hire so many as we could get of Goossaratt●, and Chyneses to help bring home our ships; all which hath been to our exceeding great trouble, costs & charges.  
The one and thirtieth of march, died Anthony Simkyns, the fourth of February died Master Hogsam Merchant.  
With much turmoil we got them both laden by the sixteenth of February, 
The depar●ture of the Hector and the Susan.  but it was the fourth of March before they could make their ships ready to set sail: some two or three days before which time, died Captain Roger Stiles, who was not likely to live, when our General departed, wherefore doubting him, he gave order, that Captain William Keelin● (whom he left there) should succeed him in place, if God called him; which otherwise should have remained there until his return, if not after.  
Likewise he appointed Master Edward Hyghlord for commander of the Susan, Also he left Master Surfly● the Doctor of Physic and preacher, to go home in the Hector, more he left twenty four of all sorts, for the house, whereof many were sick and never recovered. The fourth of March, as before I have said, the Hector, and Susan set sail for England: the Hector having sixty three persons in her, of all sorts, English and others: but many of her own men being sick, the Susan so near as I could learn, had forty seven of all sorts, also many Englishmen sick, I pray God send us good news of her.  
William Crane being Master of the Hector, and Richard Hackins Master of the Susan, by reason of contrary winds, they were forced to come to an Anchor under an Island until the sixth at night, when they set sail again to the watering place; unto the which the Hollanders very kindly lent them a Pilot, and also seven or eight men more to help them to water. Presently after the departure of these ships, the Hollanders bought up all the pepper they could: and I thinking our ships would want most part of their lading which were gone to the east-wards▪ also bought so much old pepper as I could, and likewise put forth money to be paid in new pepper the harvest following: for pepper now is scarce in Bantam, by reason the Hollanders have men in every place, that yields pepper: so that the shipping of those parts, which was wont to bring it to Bantam, now do not come: the tenth day I sent a Praw to the watering place, with some Rice, which they wanted for their strangers.  
The twentieth of March died Thomas Smith Anno. 1605 The five and twentieth day died Thomas Keyling. Now we looked every hour for the Hector's boat which should be left at Bantam, wherein were many of our own men belonging to our house, and also of the Hollanders men, which were all gone to help our ships to water: we looked for this boat within ten days after our ships departed from Bantam, but we heard no n●wes of them in four and twenty days after; wherefore we thought some mischance had befallen them: the Hollanders that were with them would needs have them keep upon Sumatra side, in their return from the ships, where ran such a currant against them, that they could get nothing a head: after they perceived they could do no good, they crossed all the straits of Sonda to the cost of java, where going a shore to buy victuals, they were very kindly used of the people upon that cost. The six and twentieth of March, we sent a Prawe to inquire along the cost for such a boat: who hearing in every place where they came that they were gone past, they returned; and (GOD be thanked) our boat and men were come in a day before them.  
The eight and twentieth day died Ralph Far●●l, 
the Hollanders bound for Cambey.  the sixth of April died William Wingfield, the eighteenth day died Alexander Travel, the nine & twentieth day died Georg Mountney, the thirtieth day died William Wheelar Goldsmith: the sixth of May came in a ship from Holland, who had come all along by the cost of Goa, and meeting there with two ships more of Holland which were bound out for Cambaya, 
4 Portugal ships taken.  they three had taken four Portingal● ships, wherein they found great riches: only one of them was laden with great horses, which they set one fire, and consumed both ship and horses: this ship came out of Holland in june 1604, but they could certify us of no further news than our ships had done.  
Now I must speak somewhat of the manner and order of the King's circumcision, & of the triumphs that were held there every day for the space of a month, & more before his going to church; whereby all the better sort of the people of that country had been buisied from the time of the coming in of the Chyna funks, which is in February, 
Triumphs at the circumcision of the young Prince of Bantam.  and March, until the four & twentieth of june, about making preparation for the same.  
The first of june died one of our men Georg Hart: but now to my matter. There was a great pageant made, the forepart of which was in likeness of a huge devil: upon this pageant was set three chairs of estate, the middlemost was for the King, which was placed higher than the other by some two foot: on either of his hands were placed the sons of Pangran Goban, who is heir apparent to the crown, if the King should die without Issue: this Pageant was placed one a green, before the court gate, and railed in round about.  
The manner of their country is, that when any King comes newly to the crown, or at the circumcision of their King, all that are of ability must give the King a present: the which they must present in open manner, with the greatest show they are able to make: and those that are not able to do it of themselves, do join a company of them together, and so perform it, both strangers, and others.  
About the five and twentieth of june, those shows began, and continued all that month, and the next, except certain rainy days: the Protector began the first day, & every noble man, & others had their days, not as they were in birth, but in readiness, and sometimes two and three companies in a day: because the javans have no good shot, the Protector borrowed shot both of us and the Hollanders: but when they came to set forth, there was a great strife between our men▪ & the Hollanders who should go before: they would by no means go behind our men, neither would our men go behind them: they were proud because they were many more in number: and our men were proud because they had much gayer apparel: for they were all in their silk suits, having scarves and hat bands of their countries colours which made a very fair show: and they had on their tardd coats, greasey thrummed caps, & those that had shirts on, they hung out between their legs: whereby it appears, that pride consisteth not in apparel altogether, but in mind.  
The Hollanders would go foremost, but our men would not go after them, but went in the rearward after the javans: but when I heard of it, I wished they had had wit to come home. Every morning the King's Guard, which was both of Shot and Pikes, was placed without the rails round about the pageant, being commonly in number about 300. men, but some principal days of shows there was upwards of 600. the which were placed in Files, according to our Marshal discipline: but in marching we do much differ. For whereas we commonly march three, five, seven or nine: they never go but one, and so follow one another so close as they can, bearing their Pikes upright. As for shot, they have not been used unto; their drums are huge pans, made of a metal called Tombago, which make a most hellish sound. They have also their Colours and Companies suitable, but their Standard and Ensigns are not like ours: their Ensign staff is very high, bending compass at the top, like the end of a long bow, but the colours on it are hardly a yard in breadth, hanging down from the top, with a long pendant.  
The first day▪ being the greatest day of show, there was certain Forts made of Canes and other trash, set up before the King's Pageant, wherein was certain companies of javans, placed to defend them, and other companies were appointed to assault them: and many times the assaultants would fire them.  
Now a word or two, in what manner the King was brought out every day, and what shows were presented before him. Always a little afore the shows came, the King was brought out upon a man's shoulders, bestriding his neck, and the man holding his legs before him, and had many rich treasures carried over and round about him. But I should have spoke before of his principal Guard, that came out before him, and was placed in the Rails round about the Pageant. After the King came out, a number of the principal of the land which gave their attendance upon the King: and as it should seem, they had their days and times appointed them. The shows that were brought, came in this manner First a crew of shot being led by some Gentleman slave, after followed the Pikes, in the middle of which was carried their colours, and also the music, which was ten or twelve pans of Tombaga carried upon a coulstaffe between two, these were tunable, and every one a note above another: always two went by them, which were skilful in their country music, and played on them, having things in their hands of purpose to strike them. Also they had other kind of music, which went both afore and after, but these pans are the principal. After the Pikes followed a crew of Targetters with Darts, than was brought in many sorts of trees with their fruit growing upon them: then followed many sorts of beast's and fowls both alive, and also so artificially made, that except one had been near, they were not to be discerned from those that were alive. After this followed a crew attired like Maskers, which before the King did dance, vault, and show many strange kind of tumbling tricks: of these there was both men and women. After all these followed sometimes two hundredth, sometimes three hundredth women, all carrying Presents, only at every tenth woman there went one old motherly woman soldier to keep them in order which carried nothing. These presents were of Rice and Cashes, the which was laid in frames made of split canes, curiously set out for show, with painted and gilded papers, but the Present itself was not commonly worth above twelve pence, or thereabouts. After them followed their rich Presents, which was commonly a fair tuck, and some fair cloth of their own country fashion, being curiously wrought and g●lded or embroidered with gold for the Kings own wearing, the which was carried also by women, having two Pikes borne upright before them. Also every Present which was for the Kings wearing, had a rich tier also borne over it: Last of all followed the heir to that party which sent the presents, which is their youngest son, if they have any, being very richly attired after the country manner: with many jewels about their arms and middles, of Gold, Diamonds, Rubis, and other stones; having also rich treasures borne over them. A number of men and women attending on them. After he hath done his obeisance to the King, he sits down upon a mat being laid upon the ground; which is their order in general▪ the presents are all borne by the King's Pageant into the Court, where there are some officers appointed to receive them. After all which passed, one within the King's Pageant speaks out of the devils mouth, and commands silence in the King's name. Then gins the chiefest of the Revels and Music, and now and then the shot dischargeth a volley. Also the Pikemen & Targetters with darts, do show all there feats of arms: the shot is very unskilful, but the Pikes and Targets are very expert, and always when they come to charge their enemy, they come towards him dancing, because his adversary should have no steady aim to throw his dart, or make a thrust at him. Likewise, amongst some of these shows, there came in junkes sailing artificially made, being loaden with Cashes and Rice. Also in these were significations of Historical matters of former times, both of the old Testament, and of Chronicle matters of the country and Kings of java. All these inventions the javans have been taught in former times by the Chynese, or at lest the most part of them: for they themselves are but blocke-heads, and some they have learned by Gossarats, Turks, and other nations which come thither to trade.  
Amongsts all others, we were to make a show the best we could: the which must be understood, could not be great, by reason of our small number, yet it was pretty, and such as they had not seen the like before: the manner whereof I will declare. We bought a very fair Poungarnet tree, being full of fruit growing on it, both ripe and half ripe, some young, and some budded: this tree we digged up by the roots, which we set in a frame being made of R●tanes or Carrack richeses, somewhat like a birds Cage but very wide: at the root of this tree we placed earth, and upon that green turfs, so that it stood as i● it had been still growing: upon these turfs we put three Siluer-heard C●nnyes, which our advise- admiral had given me: And at the top, and round about upon the bows, we with ●hride made fast a number of small birds, which would ever be ch●rping, see that the tree was as it had been growing; (pretty strange beasts▪) the like whereof they had never seen (feeding about it▪) full of fair fruit, and birds ●erily singing on the top; likewise we had four very furious Serpents which the Chin●ses there can make artificially, upon these we hung the Cloth, which was for the kings one wearing, which were pieces curiously wrought and g●lded after their fashion▪ some other pieces of Stuffe their were also, which was for the King to bestow upon some meaner of his followers. More we gave him, one fair Petronell damasked, a Case of Pistols damasked, with very fair Cases severally belonging to them, the which had great silk strings with tassels of Gould. Now we had no women to carry these things, wherefore we borrowed thirty of the prettiest boys we could get, and also two proper tall javans to bear Pikes before them. Master Towerson had a very pretty boy, a Chines son, whose Father was a little before slain by theives, this youth we attired as gallant as the King: whom we sent to present these things and to make a speech to him, signifying that if our number had been equal to our good wills, we would have presented his Majesty with a far better show, than we did; with many other compliments.  
Upon the 14. of july we sent these things to the Court in this manner, foremost went a Trumpeter, than ten Musketeers, all very well furnished with their countries colours: after which went four Porters, bearing the Tree, than followed the two Pikemen: after whom went the boys that bore the Petronel and Pistols, next the boys that bore the Serpents with the King's cloth, over which were rich treasures borne according to the order. Last followed the youth which should present them, who had also a rich Canopy borne over him. Likewise seven boys of his bigness in suitable liveries attending on him, besides divers others of his scholefellowes which followed him for good will.  
The King and divers others about him, took great delight in the Coneys. Also our men carried some fireworks with them, which were very delightful to the young King and his playfellows, but the women cried out for fear they would set the Court on her, and some of the chief commanded to fire no more: but Augustine Spalden our interpreter, being a bold youth, said, that if the King bade him, he would fire more whatsoever they said: Then the King brought them into a brick Castle, which was very dark, where they fired all they had, and made the King and all his train, very good sport.  
Now a word or two of the King of jackatra, who the 18▪ of july, came to present his show before the King of Bantan, also to give his present, and to do his homage, the which was performed the 23. day.  
In this manner, in the morning early, the King of Bantans Guard (which was on this day an extraordianry number) were placed in files, their Pikes set upright in the ground, and their shot lying in order, every man sitting by his arms, being clothed in red coats.  
About eight a clock, myself with some other of our Merchants, and men, went to see this show, and taking up our standing near the King's Pageant, the King's Guard would often bid us sit down: but we would answer them they must first bring us a form, for indeed there is no Nation suffered to stand in the Kings, or any great man's presence if they be near them, but us and the Hollanders, we were commanded by the Officers to sit down as well as the rest: but we were to stout, knowing they had no such Commission to stoop under thire yoke: but for other Nations they would bring them, if they refused, although the ground and place where they should sit, were never so dirty. But the javans who cannot endure to have any stand over them, would remove a good distance from us, and many of the King's Guard forsook their weapons, and would go sit a far off: neither can they endure that one should lay his hand on their head, the which is not for any point of Religion, as some will affirm, but only of mere pride. Many times when I have come into a Chynesses house, where javans have sat in the floor. I sitting down on a chest as our order was, they have all start up and ran out at doors, the Chynese would tell us if any oothr Nation should do so, but us or the Hollanders, they would stab them, but they durst not meddle with us: but now to my former matter.  
About nine a clock, the King was brought out in the same manner, as I before have mentioned some two hours after the King of jackatra came, having a guard of some one hundredth persons about him, so soon as ever he came in sight, the King's Guard all rose up, and every man proved his weapon: the which we had never seen before, when any show came in: So that it should seem, that there was great fear, not that the King of jackatra would offer any violence. But there was a number of other petty Kings, who had great troops of men, the which Kings were his mortal enemies. Wherefore fearing they might rise against him, we plainly perceived the King of Bantams Guard had their charge to be ready to defend the King of of jackatra if such a matter should happen. When he came near the innermost file of the King's Guard, he could not pass to the King, but he must needs go thorough a rank of these petty kings, whom he knew, did most deadly hate him: wherefore fearing the cowardly stab which is used amongst that Nation, he began to look very ghastly and wildly on it, although he is as stout a man as any is in all those parts: pass them he would not, but sat down upon a leather that was laid on the ground, the which every Gentleman hath carried after him for the purpose. So soon as he was set, he sent to the King to know if it were his pleasure he should come unto him. Whereupon the King sent two of the principal noble men about him, to conduct him to his presence, who after the King of jackatra had done his obeisance, the young King embraced him, and welcomed him according to the Country order.  
After this was past, the King of jackatra sat down in a place appointed for him: all this while there was some other pretty shows presented.  
About twelve a clock came his show in presence, the soldiers about 300. in number, than followed so many women with Cashes and strange fowls, both alive and artificial. Likewise there was brought in many strange beasts, both alive, and also artificial; amongst which was one furious beast called by them a Matchan. This beast is somewhat bigger than a Lion, and very princely to behold, if he be at liberty, he is spotted white and red, having many black strokes, which came down from the rains of his back under his belly, I have seen one of them jump at the least eighteen foot by many men's estimation for his prey: they do kill many people near the town of Bantan.  
And many times, the King and all the Country goeth a hunting of them, not only in the daytime, but in the night; This Matchan, which I now speak of, was in a great cage of wood, which was placed upon truckes of old carriages, and being drawn in with Buffels, he lay for all the world like a traitor on a hurdel. There was drawn in, in like manner a huge Giant, which by our estimation might be some three hundredth foot in height, also a devil came in, in like order. More there was drawn in, a Garden, having many sorts of herbs and flowers in it, in the middle of which garden was a fish pond▪ wherein was divers sorts of small fishes, and all sorts of fishes which they do know in those parts, were brought in either alive, or artificially made. Amongst these things came in many Maskers, Vauters, Tumblers, the which was very strangely & savage-like attired, which did dance & show many strange feats before the King. There was drawn in likewise, a very fair bedstead, whereon was a fair quilted bed also, twelve bolsters and pillows of silk, embroidered with gold at the end: the posts of the bedstead was very curiously carved and gilded with a fair Canopy wrought with gold.  
A number of other pretty toys was brought in and presented, of the which I neither did, nor could take view of, but only of the principal.  
Last of all came in his youngest son, riding in a chariot, that it was drawn with Buffeles, which me thought was very unseemly. In deed they have but few horses, the which are small nags, I never saw any of them put to draw, but only to ride on, and to run a little after the Barbarey fashion (as I have heard some Barbarey Merchants say,) the which exercise they use every Saturday towards evening except in the time of Lent, which is a little before ours.  
The second day after this show was presented, being Friday, and the Sabbath: the King was carried in his Pageant to Church, where he was circumcised. His Pageant was borne by many men: it was reported to me by the King's nurse, 400. but I think she lied: for me thought there could not stand so many under it.  
The 24. of july, our General came into the Road from Tarnata, so soon as we discerned the ship, and saw it was the Dragon, I took a Praw, and went aboard to bid him welcome, who declared to me the dangers they had passed, and somewhat of the unkindness of the Hollanders, although he had saved some of their lives, and that (though with great pains and travel) he had gotten a good quantity of Cloves towards his lading: wherefore after thanks to God, for his safe return, with the news of the Moluccas, which I will leave to the reports of those that were there, certifying ou● General that I doubted not to provide him of the rest of his lading.  
The 24. day came in the great Enchusen of Holland from Tarnata, and the King of jacatra came to see our General.  
The 11. of August came in two ships from Cambaia, who had taken great wealth from the Portugese's. The same day came in one ship from Tarnata.  
The 16. day came in the Ascension from Banda,  
The 8. of September, the Dutch Merchants invited out General and all his Merchants & Masters to a feast, where there was great cheer, and also great friendship was made between us.  
The 15. day of September, two Dutch ships set sail for Holland, the one being a small ship, which had laden Pepper at Bantan, the other had taken in some Cloves at Tarnata, the rest of her lading was of prize goods, which was taken out of the ships which came from Cambaia.  
The 21. day came in the Dutch Admiral from Banda.  
The 22. day our General sent some of his Merchants to the Dutch house to bid him welcome.  
I must not leave out one matter which happened since the coming in of the Ascension from Banda, the which was this; There was certain javans which belonged unto, two of the principal men of that land next unto the King who had stolen nine Muskets and calivers out of the Assentions Goner room, shortly after two of them coming to steal more were taken by our people with the manner, our General sent me aboard to examine them and to bring them ashore: They first told me they belonged to great men, which were our very good friends, but I mistrusting they did dissemble with me, bade them confess the truth, & they should find some favour, than they confessed truly whose slaves they were, and said the pieces were forth coming.  
After they came ashore, our General sent the King and the Protector word of it, and desired he might have his pieces again: the Protector sent to the Masters of these two slaves for them, but they loving the Pieces better than their men, said they had no Pieces but what they had bought with their money, yet they sent to our General to desire him to defer their execution for a day or two, the which was granted, but because the Masters were no great good willers to the King, the Protector in the King's name sent the executioner to put them to death, with a Guard of Pikes: when they came to the place of execution, our General taking pity of them, would have given them their lives, but the hangman said their lives were in the King's hands, and not in our Generals, wherefore because the King had sent him he would execute them, and therewithal was going to do his office. I seeing him so forward, stepped to him and wunge his Cryse out of his hand, in the mean time Master Towerson asked the rich Chines which was there with divers other, if our General might not pardon them if he pleased. The rich Chines with a very frowning countenance answered, with these words: Bree any one orybb mackan taye, appacar●iza bree edup: The english of which words for manners sake I will omit, presently after, this same fatal officer dispatched what he came for, which the two thieves very pasiently suffered as the manor of all that Nation is, when they are bound to it, they do hold it the greatest glory that can be, to die resolutely without any show of fear, and surely so they do, in as careless manner as it is possible for flesh and blood. The experience of which I have seen by divers both Men and Women, one would think these men should be good▪ soldiers, but it is not so, their valour is but when there is no remedy. Against the people of those parts of the world they are reasonable tall men, but they dare not meddle with Christians, except they have some exceeding great advantage of number or other means.  
The 26. day of September by means of a javans shuting of a Piece the Town was set on fire, but by reason we had good help of our Marryvars, who were many of them ashore at that time our house was preserved, but the Dutch house being to leewards, although they had never so much help could not be saved: The upar work of one of the principal houses which did join to their great house was burnt, and the out houses, wherein lay Cables, Hallsers pickelled pork, and divers other things, whereby they sustained great loss; some that had served five years lost all that they had gotten in those parts, it should seem they were aboard their ships, when the fire happened whereby they could not preserve their one: Not long after this, but the town on our side the way was twice fired by Iauans in the night, which put us to great trouble in carrying & recarr●ng our things, but by labour of our Mariners and the Chynese it was quenched.  
The third day of October our General made a feast for his farewell, whereunto he invited the Dutch-Admirall, with also all the rest of hi● Captains, Masters, and Merchants, where we were all exceeding merry, and great friendship was made between us, and I pray God they may still continue it which are there resident, for they shallbe sure to find dangers and troulbe enough beside, although nothing so much as we have done before. And if we do continue trade in those parts their must be a house built fire-free whatsoever it cost: And if we give over our trade there, it will purchase more infamy to our Nation in all those parts and in Chyna, than ever we have hitherto gained credit, for it will be thought of them all that either poverty is the cause, or that we dare not come there for fear of the Hollanders. I could allege some other reasons, but those that are best able to do it, will not be taught by me. The Hollanders have an hope howsoever they came by it, that we mean to give over our trading, of the which they are not a little proud, thinking to be lords of all those parts when we are gone. There happened quarrels between them & us, whilst our Ships rid in the road, which grew by the pride and disorder of the base sort of them, who when their drink was in, did not spare to come to our house in great troops, using some peremptory speeches to our men, & likewise hurt some with their knives, whereby we were forced twice or thrice to go by the ears with them, in which frays the Hollanders were beaten & pursued to their one gates, many were wounded some of them leving their armies, having cause to remember it, so long as they shall live. The 4. day of October our General being accompanied with divers Merchants & others, went to the Court to take his leave of the King and his nobles.  
The 6. day of October being sunday about 10 a clock our General withal that was bound home went aboard, who going by the Dutch-house went in, & took his leave of the Dutch-Admirall, and the rest of his Merchants. Also there went aboard with him Master Gabriel Towerson, who was to stay for Agent there, and some other Merchants, who after dinner some went a shore, & some stayed until the next day. About 3. a clock we weighed anchor & with some ordinance bid the town & the Dutch ships farewell. About 11. or 12. a clock at night we came to an anchor under an Island, where the next day we took in wood, which our general had sent men before hand to cut ready. The 7. day towards evening we weighed anchor again, & set sail: Mr. Towerson & some other of the Merchants than took their leave to go ashore, whom we committed to the protection of the almighty, and ourselves to the curtisy of the Sea, desiring God to bless both than & us & if it be his will to send us a happy meeting in England.   

THE DESCRIPTION of java Maior, with the manners and fashions of the people, both javans and Chinese, which do there inhabit.  
java Maior is an Island which lieth in 140 degrees of longitude from the middle part of it, and in 9 degrees of latitude, being also about 146 leagues long East and West, and some 90 broad, South and North; the middle part of which Land is for the most part all Mountains, the which are not so steep, but that people do travail to the top of them, both on horseback and on foot: some Inhabitants dwell upon those Hills which stand next to the Sea, but in the very middle of the Land (●o far as ever I could learn) there is no Inhabitants, but there are wild beasts of divers sorts, whereof some do repair near the Valleys adjoining to the Sea, and devour many people. Towards the Sea for the most part, is low moorish ground, wherein stand their principal Towns of Trade, the chiefest whereof lie on the North and north-east side of the Island, as Chiri●gin, Bantan, jackatra, and jortan or Greesey. The which low ground is very unwholesome, and breedeth many diseases, especially unto strangers which come thither, and yield no merchandise worthy trading for, or speaking of, but Pepper; the which hath been brought in times passed from all places of the Land to Bantan, as the chief Mart town of that Country.  
The which ●owne for Trade, doth far exceed Achin, or any town or City thereabouts: and Pepper was wont to be brought thither, from divers other countries, which of late years is not, by reason that the Dutchmen trade to every place to buy it up. This Town of Bantan is about 3 miles in length, also very populous: there are three great markets kept in it every day, one in the forenoon, and two in the afternoon, that especially which is kept in the forenoon, doth so abound with people, that they throng together, as in many Fairs in England. Yet I never saw any kind of cattle to sell, by reason that there are verie few tame in the Country. Their food is altogether Rise, with some Hens, and some fish, but in no great abundance.  
The javans houses are altogether built of great Canes, and some few small Timbers, being slight buildings; In many of the principal men's houses is good workmanship showed, as Carving, etc. and some of the chiefest have a square brick room, being built in no better form than a Bricke-kill, which is only to put in all their household stuff when fire cometh, but they seldom or never lodge, nor eat in them. There are many small Rivers running through the Town. Also there is a good Rhode for Ships: whereby if they were people of any reasonable capacity, it would be made a very goodly City; also it is walled round with a brick wall, being very warlike built, with Flankers and Turrets scouring every way. I have been told by some, that it was first built by the Chinese, and by others, that it was first built by the Portugese's; wherefore I cannot say certainly by which of them it was first built, but it is most likely by the Chinese, by reason of the oldness of it, for in many places it is fallen to decay for want of repairing. At the very west end of this Town, is the China town, (a narrow River parting them) which runneth cross the end of the China town up to the King's Court, and so through the middle of the great town, and doth ebb and flow, so that at a high water, both Galleys, and junckes of great burden may go up to the middle of the great town. This China town is for the most part built of brick, every house square and flat overhead, having boards and small timbers, or split Canes laid over cross▪ on which is laid bricks and sand, to defend them from fire: Over these brick Warehouses is set a shed, being built up with great Canes and thatched, and some are built up with small timbers but the greatest number with Canes only.  
Of late years since we came thither, many men of wealth have built their houses to the top all fire-free, of the which sort of houses, at our first coming there was no more but the Sabindars' house, and the rich China merchants house, which nevertheless by means of their windows and sheds round about them, have been consumed with fire.  
In this town stand the English & Dutch houses, which are built in the same manner, only they are very much bigger and higher than the ordinary houses, and the Dutchmen of late (though with great cost and trouble) have built one of their houses (up to the top all of brick) fire-free, as they suppose.  
The King of this place is absolute, and since the deposing and death of the late Emperor of Damacke, is held the principal King of that Island. He useth alway marshal law upon any offender whom he is disposed to punish. More, if any private man's wife, or wives be taken with dishonesty, so that they have good proof of it, they have power in their own hands, to cause them presently to be put to death, both man and woman. And for their slaves, they may execute them for any small fault. If the King send for any subject or stanger, dwelling or being in his Dominions, if he send a man, the party may refuse to come, but if once he send a woman, he may not refuse, nor make no excuse. Moreover, if any inferior body have a suit to a man of authority, if they come not themselves, they always send a woman, neither do they ever come or send, but they present the party they sue too with some present be their suit never so small. To every wife that a javan being a free man marrieth, he must keep 10 women slaves, which they as ordinary use as their wives, and some of them keep for every wife 40 slaves, for so they keep 10, they may have as many more as they will, but they may have but 3 wives only. The javans are generally exceeding proud, although extreme poor, by reason that not one amongst a hundredth of them will work; the Gentlemen of this Land are brought to be poor by the number of slaves that they keep, which eat faster than their Pepper or Rise groweth. The Chinese do both plant, dress, and gather the Pepper, and also sow their Rise, living as slaves under them, but they suck away all the wealth of the Land, by reason that the javans are so idle: and a javan is so proud, that he will not endure one to sit an inch higher in height above him, if he be but of the like calling, they are a people that do very much thirst after blood. If any javan have committed a fact worthy of death, and that he be pursued by any, whereby he thinketh he shall die, he will presently draw his weapon, and cry Amucke, which is as much to say, I am resolved: not sparing to murder either man, woman, or child which they can possibly come at, & he that killeth most, dieth with greatest honour & credit. They will seldom fight face to face one with another, or with any other Nation, but do altogether seek revenge of their enemy cowardly; albeit they are (for the most part) men of a goodly stature. Their law for Murder is, to pay a Fine to the King; and that but a small sum: but evermore the friends of the party murdered, will be revenged on the Murderer, or his kindred: so that the more they kill one an other, the more Fines or profit hath their King.  
Their ordinary Weapon which they wear, is called a Crise; it is about two foot in length, the Blade being waved and crooked too and fro indenture like, and withal, exceeding sharp; most of them having the temper of their metal poisoned, so that not one amongst five hundred that is wounded with them in the body, escapeth with his life. The Handles of these Weapons are either of Horn or Wood, curiously carved in the likeness of a Devil; the which many of them do worship.  
In their Wars their fight is altogether with Pikes, Darts, and Targets: of late, some few of them have learned to use their Pieces, but very untowardly.  
The Gentility (both men and women) never go abroad, but they have a Pike borne before them. The apparel of the better sort, is a Tuck on their Heads; and about their Loins a fair Pintado: all the rest of their bodies naked: Sometimes they will wear a lose Coat, somewhat like a Mandilion, of Velvet, Chamlet, Cloth, or some other kind of Silk; but it is but seldom, and upon some extraordinary occasion. The common sort wear on their heads a flat Cap of Velvet, Taffeta, or calico Cloth, the which is cut in many pieces, and seamed with a fair stitch, to make them sit flat and compass. About their Loins they wear a kind of calico cloth, which is made at Clyn, in manner of a Silk Girdle, but at the least two yards broad, being of two colours.  
Also, there cometh from thence, many sorts of White colours, which they themselves do both die, paint, and gild, according to the fashions of that Country.  
Likewise they can weave a kind of Striped stuff, both of Cotten and Rinds of Trees: but by means of their lay●sinesse, there is very little of that worn.  
The men (for the most part) have very thick curled hair on their heads, in which they take great pride, and often will go bare headed to show it.  
The Women go all bare headed, some of them having their hair tucked up like a Carthorse tail: but the better sort do tuck it up like our riding Geldings tails. About their Loins they wear of the same Stuffs which I have before mentioned, always having a fair Girdle or Pintado of their Country fashion, thrown over one of their Shoulders, which hangeth down lose behind them.  
The principallest of them, are most Religious; but they very seldom go to Church. They do acknowledge Christ to be a great Prophet, whom they call Naby Isat; and some of them do keep of Mahomet's Priests in their houses: But the common people have very little knowledge in any Religion, only they say there is a GOD which made Heaven and Earth, and them also: He is good (they say) and will not hurt them: but the Devil is nought, and will do them hurt; wherefore many of them (for want of knowledge) do pray to him only, for fear lest he should hurt them. And surely if there were men of Learning (which were perfect in their Language) to instruct them, a number of them would be drawn to the true Faith of Christ, and also would be brought to civility: for many which I have reasoned with concerning the laws of Christians, have liked all well, excepting only their plurality o● Women, for they are all very lasciviously given both men and women.  
The better sort which are in authority, are great takers of Bribes: and all the javans in general, are bad pay masters, when they are trusted; notwithstanding their Laws for Debts are so strict, that the Creditor may take his Debtor, his Wives, Children, and Slaves, and all that he hath, and sell them for his Debt.  
Likewise, they are all much given to stealing from the highest to the lowest: and surely in times past, they have been no better than Man-eaters, before traffic was had with them by the Chynese: which (as I have heard some of them say) is not above one hundred years since.  
They delight much in Ease and Music: and for the most part, they spend the day sitting cross legged like a Tailor whitling of Sticks, whereby many of them become very good Carvers to carve their Cryse handles; and that is all the work of most of them endeavour to do. They are very great eaters: but the Gentlemen allow their Slaves, nothing but Rice sodden in Water with some Roots and Herbs. And they have a certain Herb called Bettaile, which they usually have carried with them wheresoever they go, in Boxes, or wrapped up in Cloth like a Sugarloaf: and also a Nutt called P●●ange, which are both, in operation very hot, and they eat them continually to warm them within, and keep them from the Flux. They do likewise take much Tobacco, and also Opium.  
The javans themselves, are very dull and blockish to manage any affairs of a Common wealth, whereby all Strangers, go beyond them, that come into their Land: and many of the Country of Clyn, which come thither to dwell, do grow very rich, and rise to great Offices and dignity amongst them, as their Sabenda●, their Caytomongon, and others: but especially the Chyneses, who like jews, live crooching under them, but rob them of their wealth, and send it for Chyna,  
The Chynese are very crafty people in trading, using all kind of cozening & de●eit which may possible be devised.  
They have no pride in them, nor will refuse any labour: except they turn Iauans (as many of them do when they have done a murder or some other villainy) than they are every whit as proud and as lofty as the javans.  
For their Religion, they are of divers sects: but the most of them are Atheists. And many of them hold opinion, that when they die, if they be good men, they shall be borne again to great Riches, and be made Governors: and if they be wicked men, than they should be turned into some ugly Beast, as a Frog or a Toad.  
They burn Sacrifice every new Moon, mumbling prayers over them with a kind of singing voice: and as they sing, they ring a little Bell, which at the end of every prayer they ●ing out as fast as ever they can. This Ceremony they also use when any amongst them of account, lieth a dying.  
The manner of their Sacrifice is this: They furnish their Altars with Goats, Hens, Ducks, and divers sorts of Fruits, the which are sometimes dressed to eat, and sometimes raw, and then are dressed afterwards and eaten: all that they burn, is only Papers painted, and cut out in curious works, and valued by them at a certain price.  
I have many times asked them, to whom they burn their Sacrifice? and they have answered me, to GOD: But the Goserats and Turks, which are there, say, they burn it to the Devil. If they do so, they are ashamed to confess it.  
They are many of them well seen in Astronomy, and keep a good account of their Months and Years.  
They observe no Sabbath, nor one day better than other, except they lay the Foundation of a House, or begin some other great work, which day they ever after observe as a Holiday.  
When any of them that are wealthy die in Bantan, their bodies are burnt to ashes: which ashes they put up close in ●arres, and carry it to China, to their friends.  
I have seen when some of them have lain a dying, they have set up 7. Odowres burning, 4. of them being great, and burning light: and they were set upon a Cane, which lay cross upon two Crotches about six foot from the ground, and three set on the ground right under them, being very small, and burning dim. I have demanded the meaning of it many times, but I could never have other answer, but that it was the fashion of China: and surely many such like things they do, not knowing why or wherefore, but only that it hath been a fashion amongst them.  
They delight very much in Plays and Singing: but they have the worst voices, that one shall hear any people have: The which Plays or Interludes, they hold as Service to their GOD: In the beginning of which, they often use to burn a Sacrifice, the Priests many times kneeling down, and kissing the ground three times one presently after an other. These Plays are made commonly when they think their junckes or Shipping are set forth from China; likewise when they are arrived at Bantan, and also when they set out from Bantan towards China: sometimes they begin at noon, and end not till the next day morning, being most commonly in the open street, having Staiges set up for the purpose.  
Moreover, they have amongst them some Soothsayers, which sometimes rage and run up and down the streets like mad men, having sword drawn in their hands, tearing their hair, and throwing themselves against the ground: when they are in this frantic taking, they affirm (and other Chinese believe) that they can tell what shall come to pass aforehand; Whether they be possessed with the Devil or no, which revealeth something to them I know not, but many Chinese use them when they send a juncke of any voyage, to know whether they shall speed well or no: and by their report, it hath fallen out according as those Souhsayers have told them.  
The javans use Plays too, but they have no more but some History painted on a Card or Map, the which one maketh relation of with such ●esture as befitteth the matter. Likewise there be Puppet plays made by certain people of Clyn, which dwell there: the which Puppets are appareled like unto the Christian manner, and they have Lions and divers kind of Beasts artificially made, with which they perform their sport very prettily: but these hold the Plays no point of Religion, or service to their God●, as the people of China do.  
The Chinese are appareled in long Gowns, wearing Kirtles under them hanging something lower than their Gowns: They are surely the most effeminate and cowardliest people that live. On their heads they wear a Cawl, some of them being made of Silk, and some of Hair: The Hair of their Heads is very long, which they bind up on a knot right on the crown of their heads. The Nobility and Governors wear Hoods of sundry fashion, some being one half like a Hat, and the other like a French Hood: others being of Net-warke, with a high Crown and no Brims.  
Those people are tall and strong of body, having all, very small black Eyes: and very few of them have any Hair on their Faces. They will steal, and do any kind of villainy, to get wealth.  
Their manner at Bantan, is to buy Women slaves (for they bring no Women out of China) by whom they have many Children: and when they return to their own Country, not minding to come to Bantan again, they sell their Women, but their Children they carry with them: as for their Goods, they take an order to send some at every Shipping: for if they die in Bantan, all the Goods they have there, is the Kings. And if once they cut their Hair, they may never return to their Country again: but their Children may, always provided, that they never cut their hair.  
FINIS.