A TRUE SOLDIERS COUNCIL. ANNO 1624.  

THE motive of this Discourse, most renounmed Sovereign, which at this time I intent to handle, for that it hath relation to two ends or periods, to wit, peace and war, the one much to be preferred before the other, as well by divine, as human Arguments; yet for that the time agreeing with the necessity, we are in regard of the fear of the Spanish greatness hereafter, which undoubtedly he will attain unto by the innumerable masses of his Indian treasures, which are the nerves and sinews of all martial intendments, by which fair opportunities offered unto the greatness of his desire, for the enlargement of his state, glory and renown, and that there may be no object that may impediment the let thereof, but only a determination in himself not to offend his neighbours, I shall hardly beleeu that he will so much differ from his Progenitors, I mean Ferdinand, Charles and Philip, who raised not the fame of the Spanish Monarchy, by just, noble and laudable wars, but by cruel, bloody and treacherous invasions, especially against Princes of their own blood; who under pretence of relieving or giving them aid against the oppression of others, have made these passages unmoveable assurance, for the obtaining of the lands, Crowns and lives of their nearest Allies, which giveth me no cause of hope of his good dealing towards your Highness, and the States, who are neither allied unto him by blood, as these former Princes were, nor tied unto him by offices of Confederacy, whereby for former good turns received he might let you live in peace: but contrarily, we being only the stop of the Spanish fury of this part of the world: and a Nation who have not only given him infinite disgraces, as well by open battle, as sundry invasions and incursions, made upon his frontier Towns and Territories, to the irrecoverable dishonour of the Spanish people, and unmasking his former forces to all men; which indeed are but a mere show, and frighting them only; knowing their Greatness depends with filling the world with an imagination of their Mightiness. For the Spaniard may well becompared to a drum, or empty vessel; that being beaten upon makes a great and terrible noise; but come nearer them, break them, and look into them, and there is nothing within can hurt you. Or rather like the Ass, that wrapped himself in the Lion's skin, and marched a fare off, to strike terror into the hearts of the beasts, but when the Fox drew near, he not only perceived his long ears, but likewise discovered him and made him a jest to all the beasts of the Forest. So that I infer (most gracious Sovereign) that unless he now prevail with you, and by that means gain a peace to make himself more strong for a fit time to hunt you and your neighbours; his forces at this time, in respect of you and your Confederates, are so weak and resistable, as it may well appear unto your Highness, that his Monarchy is rather maintained by Opinion then Might; as it hath ever stood since the loss of the low Countries (if it had been with judgement exquisitely looked into) rather by giving out greater rumours of power, and by secrecy, then by the greatness of their own forces: So as to make this Shadow a Substance, whereby not only his Indieses should be sure, but all the world tremble at his greatness. What oath is it that he would keep? What condition that he would not break? Or, what opportunity that he would let slip for the accomplishment thereof, if thereby he might assure himself of the I'll? And therefore, though I commend peace before war; yet if the Country cannot obtain a good peace without a war, I think it consequently follows, that it is necessary for you to make a war with your enemy, whilst you have the advantage in your hands, whereby you may lay a foundation of a sure peace for yourself, Posterity, and State for after ages; rather then to dream of a peace which shall no longer hold, than he is able by breaking to revenge: For doubtless in the preservation of Kingdoms, it is no injury to do that to your enemy which he would do unto you, if he could. And therefore those Princes, States or people whosoever, that shall build so firmly upon the condition of peace to be kept by the enemy, the breach whereof may turn to his or their great danger or destruction; that Prince, State or people, in my opinion have either little judgement of themselves, or are ill advised of the Council: Security of their own estates, or too much fidelity to others, have not only been the destruction of many families, but likewise of great and potent Kingdoms, Provinces and Towns. And therefore to this day, there could never be found so great safety, to private men, or public States, as mistrust; as appeareth by Demosthenes in his second to the Athenians against Philip of Macedon. There are (quoth he) devised many strengths and defences for the maintenance of of Cities and Towns; as Trenches, Walls, Ram-parts, Dikes, Bulwarks, and such like, the which are made by men's hands, with great cost and charge: but nature (saith he) hath given to all wise men a common defence and safeguard; the which as it is profitable to all men particularly, so it is a most wholesome and sure hold and fortress, to all Countries and Cities, against all manner of tyranny, and what forts to mistrust, that which if it be well and truly kept, it will preseru and keep you all. And therefore to prevent danger in a convenient season, and to provide in time against the worst, is a thing most wholesome, necessary, and worthy of greatest commendations: For as foresight makes men wary, so confident suspicion helpeth judgement, and bringeth to light many hidden practices: and those that do not fear the complots of their enemies, nor regard of forces preparations against them, are doubtless near some dissastrous fortune, or extreme ruin of their estates and fortunes.  
How prejudicial their treatise of peace have ever been to such Princes or States with whom they have contended, is most evident, as well to us, as other Nations, as appears by their Armado in 88, who came with fire and sword to cut the throats of the people of this land: (had not God prevented their treacherous resolutions.) At the self same time they had entertained us with a main show of a desire of peace, and our Commissioners being with them for the same purpose. As also when Ferdinand of Arragon the last, and Philip Archduke of Austria were in treaty of marriage of Madam Stawdii of France, with Charles the fifth; and after was concluded, sworn and confirmed at Blois, the King of France being Lewis the twelfth; his Lieutenants mistrusting nothing in respect of the promises, the Spaniards set upon them, defeating two French Armies, the one at Calabria, under the conduct of the Lord D' Aubigney; the other at Cernigola, led by the Duke of Nemuers; by which treacherous overthrow of these two noble Captains, by done Consolis de Cordua, called the great Captain Commander of the Spaniards in these parts: they wrested from the French, most of the places in Italy, which they keep until this day. And therefore howsoever other men be opinionated of the Spanish faith and fidelity with your Majesty and State, yet for my part, I will think of them, and their promises, as a Noble man of Athens thought of a certain Orator. Your words (quoth he) my friends are like the Cypress, which although great and high, bear no fruit. And truly, as they are Spaniards I cannot well blame them; for they well know, that the Crown of Spain is at stake, and all the Indies, and his other Signiories, and therefore will not fail to put in practise all tricks that may win the game, though it be by foul play. For if he have not peace with England at this time, it is not unknown unto him that the foundation of his Monarchy will be shaken in pieces. And we cannot but see this, and yet will take no advantage thereof, whereby we may secure ourselves both for present and future times; we may be compared to the Athenians, of whom I have spoken before, who by Titus Livius report were men, who knew what to do, but would not do it: which is a fault so ominous to all states, that it not only presenteth itself against; but likewise followeth disasters and ruin to the Commonwealth that refuseth. For opportunity doth not attend upon Captains and Counsellors pleasures, but showeth itself on a sudden; and if not embraced, passeth away without returning: And therefore the advantages that one State, that are enemies hath of another, happen so seldom to the Globes, as Saturn finisheth his course but in 30 years. But our enemy is free, and I speak it to his honour, from this base and earthly resolution; for it is reported of them, by this special virtue, they have raised their state to so high a pitch: which is, that no people can readier find the occasion, or sooner take, or resolve it, when it is offered. And doubtless, to say the truth, I am much more fearful of the Spanish proceed, for that he goeth by precedent: which is an excellent kind of discipline, as well in Martial as civil actions; especially when the action is grounded upon a sure foundation. And as all Kings and Captains which desire to attain to great things, do imitate some one Prince, or General that hath preceded them: so doubtless have the Kings of Spain for these many years, imitated in all their actions (as near as the time and States with whom they have contended would give them leave) that noble, valiant and politic Captain Philip of Macedon, who indeed laid the foundation of his son's Monarchy, and this was his Maxim, That where force could not prevail, he always used bribes and money to corrupt the principal of the inhabitants: Insomuch that at a certain time at the assault of a City, which to a Captain of his seemed impregnable, and therefore thought to divert his purpose in the besieging thereof. Then art a fool (quoth he) for I will have this great City, notwithstanding the walls and ramparts, if the Gates be so big that an Ass laden with gold can but enter. And questionless, if your Majesty would but search into the Spaniards proceed, since he had the Indies, you should acquaint yourself with many such precedents of their part, to be a warning to you to look at this time advisedly to your own safety, lest you fall into the like misfortunes. And although I could allege many which (for brevity's sake) I omit, yet I will recite one (lest it should be thought I knew none) which is, viz. When Ferdinand of Arragon saw, by the sword he could not get the country of Rows●●ton and Perpignan, out of the hands of Charles the French King, which as they say had been engaged to Lewis the 11, he fell to practise with them of Religion; wherefore he corrupted with a great sum of money one Oliver Maillandor, as some say, john de Madron a Franciscan Friar, Confessor to the Lady Brawnen the King's sister, who under the root of Religion, cloaking his hypocrisy and covetousness, persuaded this simple Lady, that unless restitution was made of those Territories to the King of Spain, his government could not prosper, nor please God; she being moved in conscience with this Friar's persuasions, broke this matter to Lewis of Amboise Bishop of S. Albie, the King's Schoolmaster, who together with her, so terrified the King's conscience, that he not only made restitution of the said Territories, by the said Bishop, but likewise freely released to the King of Spain, the said Ferdinand, all the money that Lewis his father had paid for them: Marry with condition, that the said King and his Successors should ever love and honour the King of France, that he should make no wars against it, nor aid with money, victuals nor counsel, any enemies thereof, nor permit them to have passage through their Dominions. And thus were the countries restored to the Frenchmens grief. But the French King misreckoned himself in the Spanish fidelity, for having occasion to war in Italy shortly after, he was no sooner passed the Mountains, but the King of Spain forgot all his kindness, and began to practise a leagu with his enemies. So as I infer (mighty Prince) that either by show of Religion, or subtle and sophistical Arguments; or in desire you have to trust some about you, on whose shoulders ever (in regard of your opinion of their wisdoms and fidelities) you cast yourself, and your care of your estate, in all, or either of these, you are like, without the more grace of God, to receive disadvantage in this your peacemaking (and yet perhaps no fault in them.) For it seems to me wonderful, that the truth of things being one; yet may falsehood be so apparelled with the habits of likelihood and truth, as (changing countenance) it is often retained in stead thereof. As for as much as upon this Treaty now in hand, not only dependeth your own happiness, the happiness of your noble Issue, States, Kingdoms, Subjects, or whatsoever else is deer unto you; but likewise the happiness or unhappiness of all the Princes of Europe. So (most gracious Lord) in respect of these great and mighty dependences, as well in regard of your own particular, as general good of the Christian Commonwealth, which so long hath groaned under the fear of the Spanish greatness, digest and distinguish every particular; and in a point, in your own person, without trusting of any man with a matter of great importance: which although it will be very intricate by the diversity of so many things as will offer themselves to be considered, yet (renowned Sovereign) it will be very profitable to your Highness, and most acceptable and pleasing to the people, when they shall hear and see the great care the King hath of them and their safety: For as Commines saith, he thinketh it the greatest plague that God can lay upon a Realm to give them such a Prince as shall in great things give his Authority unto others, which most especially in such a case as this he ought to reseru unto himself. Although I confess Princes ought to have Ministers in all things, especially in great matters, but not to conclude any thing without the Prince's assent; nor with him neither, but by the relation of many circumstances, in regard of that affinity which truth and falsehood have in many matters of great moment. And yet I protest out of my own opinion, I am no way jealous of any of the Council; for as for them I hold them to be all most noble and worthy personages, and fit to manage great Kingdoms, as part of the Indies, and other Signories: which are as fit for you to take as the King of Spain to keep; which by your just command and valour of the English and Scottish Nations shall be gained unto you and your posterity; without which, whatsoever yourself thinketh, or other men say, neither you, nor your posterity can ever be safe, upon probable and reasonable grounds, if the Spaniards intent to disquiet you, as I will now myself prove; and as these following projects made by the Castilian themselves, may appear, by the necessity they are in to be Masters of the I'll, viz. That a mighty King, determining to preserve his own, hath no better means then by conquering that of another man's; always holding this as a Maxim, That whosoever preserveth getting nothing, neither by keeping his own, can subdue the will of perverse men, that they may not be able to make him a disturbance. These reasons aught more to prevail with your Majesty (quoth he) then with any other Prince, since you hold your great State much dispersed, and the greatest part of your power consists in things movable and uncerrain, which are the Indian Fleet; which neither Garrisons, Fortresses, nor any good proceed can hardly assure; although your Majesty had great forces and power: as at this present we may well perceiu by this Pirate Drake, who with nothing is able to molest the whole world, notwithstanding the provisions which are made on your Majesty's behalf for the preventing thereof. Wherefore (saith he) let your Majesty entertain an enterprise against England; which both is, and may be the principal disturber of your Indian Fleet and Commerce. Neither let your Majesty suppose there can be a better or safer way, for the quiet of States, or the advancement of your certain Greatness, then by removing this Mountain of Disquiet to your most high and Kingly purposes, and conquering of this I'll. As also Don Philip the second, of Castille, having a great and earnest desire to make himself Master of this I'll of the world, and perceiving two obstacles to curb his proceed in that kind; to wit, the wars of the Netherlands, and the jealousy of this State of ours hath ever had of his Greatness; and being desirous to have the fountain of this happiness to spring from one of those two heads determining to build this resolution, which with most ease, most honour, most safety, and most advantage, might be carried to his after designs. Upon consideration whereof, and mature deliberation, reasons were alleged pro & contra, amongst which, in my judgement, some are most prevailent reasons, and such doubts as the Spanish King from the mouth of him who made Reason his ground, and Experience his schoolmaster for what he said, and are following. It is my determination in this present Discourse (said he) to show, as your renowned Signiory commandeth me, by way of Real foundation, that it is much more expedient for that purpose of your Catholic Majesty to move your war against England then the Netherlands, declaring thus much notwithstanding real foundation in this point, I mean not common principles of nature, or of science, neither of Mathematical demonstrations of this present subject, is not capable, but rather reasons probably grounded upon truth. There are many, who but observing the first view of your Catholic Majesty's interest to Flanders and England affirm, that though this Island by just pretention pertaineth to your Majesty, yet you are so much the more bound to recover those countries of the Netherlands rather than conquer England; by how much by all policy, the preservation of things already possessed, must go before things never enjoyed. But though this be a great position in public affairs, yet we entreating of matters of State (I) will not judge it of that weight as that it may weigh down the balance; which galling the one side more than the other, might impair the whole sum and safety of things. We must consider what ought; but further how it is possible, more profitable, more easy, more expedient to be done: For oftentimes Princes are so pricked to war by the stimulation of honour, or of their desire to some enterprise, as that the bridle of many other circumstances, which would requisitely be considered cannot draw them back. For an example of this, we may set before our eyes the Venetian Common wealth, who thinking of nothing else but their duty to be revenged on the Duke of Milan, preferred immoderate ambition before all other respects; and so, too late, remembered, that the office of prudence, is to moderate passions, and spleen in important resolutions: especially when they draw after them a tail or train of great inconveniences. The consideration thereof; that we are more bound to preserve the things we possess, then conquer new, is not sufficient to conclude that your Majesty ought to take in hand the enterprise of Flanders rather than England; neither in that so importunate affairs should we seek occasions so light. But to the end it may appear evidently, that in every respect your Majesty is bound to the enterprise of England, I will before any thing establish a foundation to that whole edifice of my opinion, viz. That in subduing of England, you overcome at the same time the Netherlands also; but having overcome the Netherlands, England is not presently subdued; neither doth peradventure the hope increase that you shall after conquer it. But I affirm moreover, that to conquer England is not an action more difficult, or less certain, then if it were the Netherlands: For if England do consequently draw after it the Netherlands; and if it be more easy and more secure, who doubteth, but he that should pervert this course would be a right destroyer of Opportunity; and so become the forget of his own disgrace. But I will prove with prevailent Reasons, that one and the other member of my foundation, which is, that the victory of England, is more profitable than that of the Netherlands, & more easy to obtain. As for the proof of my first foundation, I betake myself to these principal heads. The first is: If the Netherlands had not maintained war so many years, but by the aid and secure of England; that which hath still supplied fuel to the flames and fire of the rebellion: For if England would but fail them, it is clear, they could not stand out; no more than a living body can be preserved without nourishment, and it is more securely extinguished by taking away the maintenance and nourishment thereof, then by striving to quench it by his contrary: For having no nourishment at all, the violent heat is used against itself, and so by itself consumed: but we determining to overcome it by the contrary, it may fall out, that instead of extinguishing it, the force of it may be much increased, if the contrary be subdued by the same: And therefore the Florentines then, and not before, quenched the fire of the Pison rebellion, when they took away the fuel and nourishment from it, which came from strangers, by cutting off Princes their Collegates, and the gaining their City in one action; which otherwise all their own force, and their Confederates would not have been sufficient to obtain. The other is; for if England with her succours which she sendeth, not only maintaineth the Netherlands secure, with the bare hope of her shadow: for they count themselves in banishment, as it were, while they see before their eyes the Spanish forces; and so would still do, if they did not know the English will always be ready to buckle with any one, that with a mighty Fleet should pass by these parts. In this respect the Athenians thought themselves sure from Phillip's force, while the Town of Ohinton stood out; and so on the contrary, when the Olintons' were overcome, than saw they no impediments that could keep the enemy from them. Even so, if England should fall into the hands of your Majesty, the whole foundation of the Rebel's obstinacy were shaken, the fortress and back being removed, by favour of which they have daily nourished the spirits of pride and insolency: so as the soul and spirit yields England, being taken away; we may perceiu that the conquest of the Netherlands is easily brought forth by the victory, as her lawful daughter; and that the end followeth not as the daughter, or as the other being her mother, but even as inseparably, as the shadow the body, or nourishment the life. As also this reason which I will now recite, is infallibly grounded upon the direct rule of Art Military: which is, that you ought never to employ yourself in the assault of any place, if there remain still at your back a a mighty means of some disturbance: Wherefore it is no sound deliberation to fasten first on the enterprise of the Netherlands; when you leave one ill-affected on your back, which peradventure may suddenly assail and break through in the midst of the Catholic Army, in the heart of the wars with the Netherlands. Charles the 5, his attempt in Province had unhappy success, for no other cause but that he contemned the advice of the Marquis Masto: which was, that first, before any thing, he should expugn the fortress. But that resolution being not taken by Charles, was no less pernicious to the Imperialists then to the Author of that Council, Antonio de Leva. Another reason is, attempting the war upon the Netherlands, you come to buckle with brave experienced Soldiers, and men brought up in war; as on the contrary, the English want Art and Discipline Military. I may give the same comparison, that may be made between Idleness and Experience; armed and unarmed; and how advantageous it is to fight with unskilful Soldiers: Amongst many other; the example of Meltiades, in the field of Manathon, showeth evidently; who with less than ten thousand brave Soldiers, put to flight the force of unhappy Xerxes, who had more than six hundred thousand with him. An other is, that the Netherlands must be conquered by handfuls, and have full, or whole Armies employed in beleagering this or that Fort; otherwise per-adventure of no great importance; but as it may be a stop to his course of victory, that goeth about to seize upon the Country. Whereas contrarily England hath no strong Towers or Fortresses, as well within as without: there is no doubt of that enterprise, and is as much more easy than this; as it is a less matter to overcome them that do not resist, than those that do fight upon warlike advantages. There is no better example to be produced to your Highness, then of the self same Country of the Netherlands; in which, notwithstanding that your Majesty hath placed such strong Garrisons, yet at every step such prevailent accidents do occur, that oftentimes the Assailants are overcome, by the often oppositions that these Fortresses use towards them: Even as on the contrary, the Kingdom of Portugal, there being no convenient Fortresses to give impediment to the forces of the Soldiers, were suffered to enter into the very heart of the land; they being not able to make any manner of defences to defend the same. Another reason is, for that the Fortresses are as prejudicial to the Assailants, after they have obtained them, as they were before, by reason the Conqueror is forced to distribute his Army into many members, by which they are greatly weakened. So that, by this that hath been spoken, it may appear, that it is much more convenient; nay, as it seemeth, much more easy for your Highness to push at England then the Netherlands; and therefore I will discourse of that Enterprise; not in comparison of the other, as heretofore I have done, but in respect of itself; manifesting certain principles, which do better declare and make manifest the opportunity & facility thereof. In my opinion therefore it is a thing not to be doubted, if medicine is then truly to called wholesome, when it hath reference, not only to the offended part or member, but further to cut off the root of the evil. And therefore if your Majesty shall enter into the conquest of the Netherlands, you but peradventure cure the wounds of that rebellion, but you shall not evacuate the causes of the beginnings of these ill humours, which have daily sent nourishment to the disease: considering England is the place which hath given sustenance to the rebellious States. And though these Provinces were yours of this present disposition; yet what can that be, in a body subject to continual suggestion of matter, which in it own nature presenteth in the stomach some portion of offensive humour: Your Majesty must therefore necessarily assault England; to the end you may afterwards either securely digest, or evacuate these concourses. But to discourse more at large of the facility of the enterprise; I deny not truly but that England is a very mighty Kingdom; and the greatest Island that ever we find any mention made of by the Ancients, seeing it containeth Scotland within the same, running 2000 miles in a circuit, although our modern Writers make a computation of 200 less. By Nature it hath been favoured with a security of a wall, or with a rampart: but yet notwithstanding it is most true, that the reputation that that Island holdeth in warlike actions, is rather grounded on that it was in time past, then that which it hath at this present: and therefore as it often happeneth, the mind grown great, with the bundles of imaginations wherewith it is maintained, though the foundation whereon it dependeth be changed, and diminished: Yet for all that, is the estimation of England great in our minds; because we all behold it with the self same eye of consideration, as we are wont to do at all other times; when as in ancient, for succession of more than 300 years, it possessed Normandy, Britain, Guienne and Gascoigne, and made Scotland tributary, and for a long time enjoyed the most part of the Kingdom of France, upon which Henry the 6, was publicly crowned at Paris. But those that have diligently observed her, now when she is deprived of so great forces and aid, will judge that she is greater through the reputation of her ancient fame, then for the quality of her present power and force: and that she is now no more England, so grievous and terrible to the greatest Princes of Europe; and since that with so unhappy a resolution she fell into obscurity, she hath been driven of necessity to submit herself to those fearful things, which alteration of Religion and faith draw after them. A most mighty and prevailent means to the ruin and declination of States: For if Religion be the only base of all the people's obedience and loyalty, who doubteth, but that being removed, all rule of life goeth to the ground; and together all laws, both Divine and Human have dispensation. In which parties, or rather habits, of this most pernicious beast, are most miserable, how much the mutations have been sudden and violent; as above all other, these of England have been, which from the height of Religion threw itself headlong into the depth of Infidelity; from thence rising again into the Catholic light from whence it came; and a fresh to fall ruinously into the darkness of heresy: which is so prejudicial unto States, as there is no greater pestilency; or that more weakens the solidity of their forces. England therefore in these outrageous storms must needs have suffered shipwreck, of which we may plainly see the effects, if we do but observe she hath lost the foundation, whereupon no less her reputation, than security was grounded: that is, she hath lost the power and authority which sometimes she had in sea-affaires; for in times past this Island maintained a great number of Ships, and kept a continual Fleet of Arms, whereupon it came to pass; that minding to try the strength of her own forces, the preparation was admirable; amongst others we may see that when Henry the sixth of England, went against Charles the sixth of France, with near eight hundred great Ships, which made a bridge over the Ocean: but the quality of that Island is so divers, and changed, that since the days of Henry seventh and eighth, it hath not been able to maintain one hundred ordinary Ships; which it was wont to weigh, and have in readiness for the security of the State: and further, this Island hath been put to such pinches, that they have not only been constrained to diminish, but to sell outright a great part of their Shipping, which both was, and is, their only security from foreign danger: so much more urgent in Princes is fear of present poverty, than the respect of their future safety. So that now, coming to resolve on the point of facility, that your Majesty shall now find in that Enterprise against this Island, I will offer to your Highness two principal heads; the one of the Defendant, the other of the Assailant, whereby I will show, that the assailed is as unable to defend, as the Defendant is to assail. As for the Defendant (which is the Kingdom of England) it may certainly be averred, that it cannot stand out in defensive war against the forces of your Majesty, if you will but invade it with the provisions, which is easy for you to compass, and such as the Enterprise, and importance of the action requireth, the which I will clearly show for diverse respects. The first is; because, as I have said, the I'll of England is poor; and therefore is her debility such, as if she should go about to manage a defensive war against so mighty and potent, as your Catholic Majesty, she might as well go about to sustain heaven on her shoulders, being neither Alcides nor Atlas. The second is, for the consideration of the necessity which possesseth there the State of England; hath no more in readiness such number of Ships as were sometimes maintained for the protection and security of their Kingdom. The third is, that the Kingdom of England, by carelessness neglected, or by poverty omitted, to have always in readiness; prepared, or practised Men, Arms, or provision, as all other Princes have, to the end they may be a present remedy to all sudden Insurrectson, which groweth either at home or abroad. The fourth is, because the desire of Innovation is proper to the Kingdom, whose minds do always aspire after change; and whosoever doth but obseru former histories, will judge that her seditious conspiracies, and every other effect of a disturbed and moving mind, have had their proper nest; being stirred up with considerations, which being accompanied with the ordinary disposition of the people, to be always attempting of new things, may easily of a sudden, if it were assaulted, put the Realm into confusion; especially when the Army of so mighty an enemy as your Majesty, shall present itself, whereby rebels may liberally discover their hearts without being chastised. So as this people being any way ill-affected, which meeting with their manner of disposition, may peradventure easily give occasion, if your Majesty had no party in England, which you shall never fail off to some unlooked for action, if your Catholic Armies did but show themselves. It being so ordinary a matter with that people, when they are masked with some great passion, either of hatred or disdain towards them that govern, that they will be ever ready to take all courses in hand that may be hurtful to him: Even so that Tantanus discontented with government of Cajus Iberius brought in before his face the Carthaginians. First, the English in respect of their ancient greatness, have been more accustomed to molest others, then to be molested themselves; and when they shall see themselves overwhelmed, as it were, with an innumeration of brave Soldiers and Captains, they will grow wonderfully astonished: even as that change of fortune's countenance is a terrible spectacle to those to whom this sight is unusual: for by that means Greece which was sometimes Empress of the whole East, fell suddenly into other men's hands; who of an Assailant, became assailed. And lastly, though nature get thus much in behalf of them, that England be well furnished with Arms, men, victuals, and ships, and whatsoever else is necessary for the wars; yet (say I) all this is nothing, when the quality and condition is wanting, which giveth form and essence to all enterprises; which is money: which the Kingdom of England, no less through the scarcity of Revenues, as by the charge of ordinary expenses is brought unto; which they shall never be able to recover, by their Trades and Commerce, if the use of the sea be taken from them: and therefore will never be able to supply expense of a defensive Army Royal, when it hath scarcely enough to supply their own necessaries; especially against so great and magnificent a Prince as your most Catholic Majesty, who embraceth within the circuits of your Dominions, the whole Diamemeter of the earthly Globe, and possesseth more land at this day, than all the Monarches and Republics of the world have: A most opulent Prince in Arms, Men, Money, Soldiers, Captains, Ships, Victuals, and all other provision of war: and a Prince, who like a Moderator, or Arbitrator, seemeth to hold in his hands, the bridle of Empire, both of the sea and land. And whereas it may be objected that the Galleys which do you no service in that expedition, being vessels of great consequence in battles by sea: your enterprise of Portugal, and of the Island, if it did not quite remove it; yet did it much abate the superstitious credulity of ours, that those Vessels are not good at any time to pass the Ocean withal; as if there were no fair wether in that sea in the Summer; or that fair weather were abortive in shipping: there is no doubt but that Galleys may securely pass, and hazard themselves in that Sea in the Sum, for three months: And those that will object the contrary, by the overthrow of the Sea there, let them be contented to observe well, that the same Anchor met not with no inward, but outward occasion, in the sea of that overthrow: For Caesar ignorantly could not discern the time of the Moon which was then in the full, and being mistaken by reason of her 100 much humidity, doth use to disturb, not only the Ocean, but all the coasts, and the dominion she holdeth of the salt waters. And therefore in respect of the great honesty and equity accompanying the cause; with it so honourable and godly life, as the planting the Christian faith and religion, no obstacle can be sufficient to stay the force of divine power, serving under the standard of Christ; and therefore most weak, and but a shadow shall all humane help be which shall oppose itself against the will of the great Arbitrator. But such are the pretensions of your Majesty over this Kingdom, and such the obligations wherein you stand bound for the recovery of your own, the title of Grandfather and Predecessors of famous memory; as there is no enterprise so peculiar and proper for you to undertake as this: for that you go not only to possess yourself of the right which you have to this Kingdom, but likewise to make yourself the most famous King that ever was in the memory of all the Princes of the world; adding by this means unto the Crown of Spain, a Kingdom so illustrious, so mighty, and so famous.  
By the relation of this Spanish project, against this State of England, most Illustrious Prince, may well appear unto your Highness, that the Spaniard himself well knows, that there is no way for the expectation of his further Greatness; no great possession of the high Monarchy, which he himself allegeth that he already enjoyeth, but the conquering of this I'll, and adding it to the Crown of Spain▪ and therefore, if he had any other means to attain to this, by him so violently longed for, then by a peace: why should not your Majesty think, that the peace he means to make with you at this time, is for that purpose, and for no other intent? And therefore, my good Lord, I cannot, as one standing upon the firm land, gaze upon the shipwreck of my Country, being so doubtfully tossed, and floating in the dangerous sea of dissension, betwixt peace and war, with one that will make a peace with you, for no other end and purpose, but that he may be the better able to make war hereafter against you. But to cast out the last anchor hold of myself, which is boldness and freeness of speech to you (my most renowned Sovereign) to prevent if I can these extreme and certain dangers, wherein both yourself, your States, and glory of the English and Scottish names, are likely to be plunged, when the Spaniards ability shall be such, as there shall be no let, but his good nature, to insult over you: which howsoever your Highness, or others, think contrary, will in four or five years, if he enjoy his Indies be brought to pass. Surely, my gracious Sovereign, I am of opinion against Philip of Spain, in the behalf of my Country, as that noble Commonwealth's man Demosthenes, against Philip of Macedon in behalf of the Athenians; which no doubt hath much affinity with our case at this time. For Philip seeing whilst he had war with Athens (at which he principally aimed) he could never overcome the other Provinces of Thebeans, Lacedæmonians, Thessaliars, Phocians, O intans, and the rest, and till they were overcome he could never get Athens, began to take another course: which was, to bribe with money and gifts, Counsellors or Orators of that State to be of his side; and by that means to be secure from the forces of that Republic or Commonwealth, till he had, by one and one, overcome the rest. But good Demosthenes perceived him by and by, and warned the Thebeans of that Treason; but these traitors of Phillip's Faction being grown great in the City, by means of the bounty they had daily received for rewards of their treason; as also the Athenians were then, as we are now, not willing to hear of any wars or change to be brought against them; which always these Traitors join with the multitude, in assuring them that Philip of Macedon meant them no harm, was the only cause that all the other Provinces aforenamed were overcome; but also the noble and stately City by him and Antèpator his successor. And therefore since that like examples, whilst the world doth last, will bring forth like effects, I will be of Demosthenes mind; if since we cannot shun the wars with Spain, either at this time, or hereafter, when he hath made himself more strong; either by the conquest of his neighbours, or otherwise: that you should begin with him whilst you have the advantage of him; and than you shall by proof find how profitable it will be unto you, when you must needs do a thing, to do it with a courage and cheerfulness: And forasmuch as there is no man of another mind, but that we shall have the King of Spain, by so much more our mighty enemy, the greater Princes suffer him to be. Oh why be we so backward, or why linger you oh noble King, the great Commander of the brave spirits of the English and Scottish Nation, to do that in reason and necessity you ought? Our fathers, when they were Masters but of one part of this I'll, were never wont to fear any thing in matters of war, but if the sky should fall upon them, sailed over many a Sea to make their weapons glister in the bowels of other Kingdoms; being by the honesty of their actions, and nobleness of their courage assured. And shall your Majesty, by whose blessed arrival to this part of your Ancestors, and having brought home once again in your ship of Union, our brethren and kinsmen, no less valiant than ourselves, being descended from the blood of our Ancestors, and turned from us by the iniquity of time, and dissensions of some mutinous persons of either part; which we must not account proceeded by consent of both people; neither measure the intents of great Nations according to the notable wickedness of some particulars? Shall you I say, who hath renewed again the ancient fame of this Isle (by which, for valour, for men, for munitions, for engines, for war, no Prince under heaven can lightly compare) be doubtful to undertake a war to which you are so necessarily incited; as well for the glory of God, the advancement of Christian Religion in all parts; as also your particular safety, which can never be certain to You, nor us your posterity, but by the abatement of the Spanish greatness, by means whereof many murders, massacres, and rebellions have been made in Europe. No no (my renowned Sovereign) be it fare from your magnanimous mind, to harbour a thought so unworthy that virtue, that shineth so apparent in all men's eyes; but rather since the nature of the Countries, the inclination of the Subjects, and the valours of the people, do seek to overcome the violence of the enemies; let them be seconded by the Kingly command, under which word, there is no question of victory. Your Predecessors of famous memory, undertook these wars upon discreet, and premeditated considerations; not only chewed for many years together, but likewise digested by the experience of time, Conclusions of the Spaniards part of diverse things against this State, and probability of many more dangers like to ensue, both against the people and country: And therefore (most renowned Sovereign) if the addition you add in your own Greatness and Person, to this your right inheritance of England, be not sufficient to alter the consideration of your former policies, in my mind; you ought to be well-advised, before you stray from the paths of your Predecessors, who built their only safety upon the preservation of the Netherlands, and abatement of the Spaniards Greatness, as by diverse excellent reasons, whereupon they undertook openly these wars, may appear. But perhaps it may be said, that the person of the Prince doth alter the pretence of the enemy. I hope I shall need to say little on that point, to so highly wise, learned and judicious a Lord, as your Highness; especially when it is apparent to your Majesty, that the Spaniards build their certain Greatness upon no one thing so much, as the ruin and destruction of this land, as by their foregoing projects appeareth. But moreover, if they could not love the Princes of their blood, race, and kindred; as the King of Naples, Sicily and Navarre, whom they not only deposed from their Kingdoms; but likewise some of them from their lives, under no pretence of reason or justice; but only thirsting after blood and Signories, I shall infinitely mistrust his regard of the safety of your noble and fortunate Issue. And if your Majesty will go by precedent (which is most fit to most actions that do minister themselves to men) and but examine how the Monarchy of Spain, hath but raised himself to his Greatness, you shall no doubt perceiu (by comparing time past, with that which is like to follow) the irrecoverable dangers you are like to fall into, by making peace with them, that for advantage, will hold it Religion to break with you. And for that, from Ferdinand of Aragon's time they have begun to render themselves so fearful to their neighbours, which as it were yesterday, your Highness may acquaint yourself with their unjust actions, which are fresh in memory to their unchristianlike wounds, given to many Christian Princes, still Bleeding; whereby you may the better discern and distinguish them. For as Ferdinand himself, which was the root from whence their Princes sprang, there was no King in his time more unjust, more cruel, or more bloody, thirsting after blood, and breach of faith with all Princes, with whom he had to do; although they were his Cousin germans; his brother in law, his Sisters and Nieces; and indeed laid his foundation of the Spanish Monarchy upon such base and treacherous foundations: For Charles the fifth, how he behaved himself in his time amongst the Princes of Christendom, I cannot more aptly refer your Majesty to a brief relation thereof, then by an Oration made by a worthy Gentleman, who had particularly acquainted himself with the accidents of that time, which he wrote, and dedicated to the two young Earls of Embden long since. For Philip the second, what blood hath he caused to be shed both in England, Portugal, France, the Netherlands and Ireland; is it not known to all Christian Princes? Besides, the often seeking of the innocent blood, of that most noble, and thrice renowned Predecessor of famous memory Elizabeth, Queen of this land, which if, so it were, there were no other witness of his Goatish and Moorish inclination (as there are thousands) were it not enough to enrol and memorise him in the rank of unworthy and tyrannous Potentates? For Philip the third, although he be young, yet is he a Spaniard: and whatsoever the wisest of the world have ever thought of the nature and quality of a Spaniard is apparent: For Francis Quicchardine (a man so sufficient, as the very reckoning of his very worth and perfections would require a story) saith of them. The Spanish Nation are covetous and deceitful, and where they be at liberty, exceeding outrageous, tyrannous, and very proud and insolent. And Andrew .. a famous Senator of Venice, saith of them; That they are unfaithful, ravenous, and the most unsatiable of all Nations: For where is it (saith he) of all the places of the world, where these infamous Harpies set their feet, which is not defiled with the footsteps of most abominable vices; and yet the shot of their Pistols do so dazzle the eyes of many in this land, that they are not ashamed to defend them to be the most noble, most faithful, most honourable Nation in the world. Another writes of them; That they are loathsome Swine, thievish Owls, and bragging Peacocks: For (saith he) whosoever would behold the lively portraiture of them, without troubling himself with the overturning of Martial or Terence, let him but behold the grim speech of a stately Spaniard. By whom, most mighty Prince, I may well say, and according to truth, that the world of America was not so much unknown to the former ages, as their monstrous outrageous, and new devised cruelties, which these devilish and tyrannous Spaniards have unhumanely practised amongst the simple and innocent people, as appeareth by Don Bartholomew de la Casas Bishop of ... and other of their own Historiegraphers. And although myself, being a stranger, which have some time served against them, both in the Indies and else where, could say much of their cruelties, by relation of such their slaves as I have taken, yet for that my eyes have not seen them, I will forbear in modesty to charge them; only I will relate, from the mouth of a true reporter, a worthy Gentleman of this land, Sir Francis Drake, one truth; that by that, your Majesty might be induced to beleeu the rest. He once talking with me of the Indies, told me, That he being in the South Sea, after he had taken his prize, he had thought to have ventured to have come home by the Northward, and stood his course to the I'll of Canes, being in 12 degrees of the North latitude, and from thence to Aqua Place, upon the main, being 16 degrees, at one of the poor towns of the City of Mexico; where going a shore, he found an old Negro, tied in a chain of 20 yards long, which had been condemned by the justice of the place; for that sometimes being oppressed with too much labour, the poor old man would run into the woods, and absent himself from his Majesty's work; his sentence was, that he should be whipped, with whips, till he was all raw and bloody; and afterwards being tied in a chain to be eaten with flies; which poor soul he released from that miserable death, and took him away with him: And therefore oh Turk, oh Scythians, and Tartarians, rejoice ye now all, since now, there is to be found at this day a Nation in Christendom, which by the unhappy and cursed behaviour, do increase the hatred that men have born to the barbarous and ungracious cruelties. And therefore, most renowned Sovereign, I should be sorry, in regard of the premises, that you should commit so great a fault in the government of the great and mighty Kingdoms, which is not sufferable to a private Captain over a few soldiers, to say, I do not think it: so when he hath by his own temerity, or foolhardiness, committed an action for want of due respect, to the subjects, undertaken that hath made him disastrous, and unfortunate in his honour, and the times of his people, (which desire rather to give them received Laws ... For the desire of honour to advance States and enlarge Kingdoms, is naturally grafted in the hearts of all Princes of noble spirits; and there was never any King, of a worthy and high courage, but desired to leave to his posterity the memory of some noble and worthy action (as the American world) by doing whereof, you shall not only procure safety to yourself, and those that shall succeed you in your Royal Seat, but general happiness to so many millions of people, which at this day sit in darkness and the shadow of death; and is a thing so fare from discommendation or reproach, as you shall be so qualified in all succeeding ages, with the most happy, most gracious, and most fortunate Princes of the world. But yet I do not deny, but Princes may have such grounds and reasons to trust some private men, or foreign Princes, as being deceived by them, and they should say, I never would have thought it, yet are not worthy of reprehension: as for example; That Prince ought not to be blamed, that hath put in a Fortress some one Captain; or place, in a Country some one Prince, either of which have received goods or honours from him, and yet in the end is betrayed by them, and hereupon the knowledge thereof should say, I would never have thought it, that such a man would have betrayed me, that Prince is not to be blamed; as it happened to Lewis Morre Duke of Milan, who having committed the Castle of the City to one Damerdine Covet, whom he had so absolutely raised, and made obliged to him by infinite graces and benefits; yet notwithstanding was by the said Covet betrayed to his perpetual dishonour and infamy. This Duke was no way to be blamed. As also your Majesty ought not to be reproved, who providing for every mischief, is assailed by some strange accidents, that was not possible for your Majesty, in judgement or counsel to foresee, or prevent: as being not possible with reason to foresee a thing, which of itself is a thing without reason. As for example, was that most grievous accident of the powder, and other munition, prepared to be sent to divers places before the Castle gate of the said City, which took fire, and was burnt by lightning from heaven when the weather was fair and clear, whereby afterward ensued to the State so many losses and discommodities: upon this occasion, if the Captain of the Castle should have said, I had never thought that this weather would have brought so great and unfortunate a chance to me, he had deserved no reproof at all. But if before your Majesty's eyes, it be apparent, that a manifest known enemy to the State, who as Demosthenes saith, hates the very Religion of Athens, who hath not only long thirsted after the Signiory of your Kingdom, in his secret designs, but likewise by open force of fire and sword hath assailed them; If you will trust such an one, and after upon his breaking say; You would not have believed, that the King of Spain would have dealt so with you: Doubtless (renowned Sovereign) the world will not fail to tax you with such carelessness and improvidence, as I hope shall never have any affinity with your most Excellent Majesty, or any other of your Royal Offspring that shall sway the Sceptre of this noble I'll. And therefore (my gracious Lord) in my judgement; you ought to do in this, so great a matter of State, as concluding a peace with so dangerous enemies as the Spanish Nation, as good and wise Carpenters seem to do in substantial buildings; which is, to make a sure foundation, lest by aspiring mind or breach of the enemy you be overthrown. And where as he saith in the foregoing project, that he hath right and good title to the Crown of England, by virtue of his Grandfather and Predecessors (which I know to be otherwise) yet contrarily can I prove your Majesty, by the virtue of your Grandfather of famous memory Henry the 7, to be as rightful Heir to all the firm land of the Indies, as the King of Spain is to the Lands of Cuba, jannura and Hispaniola, with the rest of the Lands of Lucaites Grante, and A●tile: and for that it is not inconvenient fully to take notice, and understand how these Kings entitles themselves and their Successors to the right and Signories of the Indies, I have thought good to set down my opinion, how many ways they do, or may take their claim: And first by discovery; secondly, by the Pope's gift; thirdly, by consent of the people; fourthly, by conquest and consent. So as if neither of these, be able to prove or give a good and sufficient title (or at least such an one as may bar you and other Princes that will, to inhabit in those parts) I know no reason why your Majesty should not do as he hath done; that is, to possess as much as you can of those Heathen Countries; especially where the Spaniard is not seated, nor hath no command: whereby you might not only propagate the Christian faith, amongst those Pagans and Infidels, as you are bound to do, as much as you can; but a golden world to the Crown of England: whereby you be more enabled, as well to undertake a foreign war against the enemy of the Christian name; as also to make your State the more strong by the Indian treasures, against such of your neighbours as shall envy your Highness. And therefore to come to his Title: If he claim his interest by possession, and first Discovery (which doubtless must be the strongest Title that he can challenge) than your Majesty hath as much title for all the firm land of the Indies, as he hath for these Lands before named. As for proof of this, the Captains of Henry the 7, being Sebastion Cabot, and his companions, discovered the Island of the Indies, on the north part of the Indies, from 60 degrees, coasting the north latitude; the very year before Christian Columbus discovered the high land of Dania, on the south part of the Indies; which was the first day that ever the Spaniards saw the main, and took possession of that new Discovery in the behalf of Henry the 7, and his successors their Lord and Master. So, as if first Discovery and Possession be his Title, your Majesty preceding him in that said Title, must necessarily precede him in the right thereof. If he claim it by the gift of Pope Alexander the sixth, than it must be argued whether the said Pope had power to give it; yea, or no; if not, than the gift is void in itself: If yea, he must prove it either by Divine or Human Arguments; for Human he cannot, for that no way belonged to him, or any other Christian Prince or Potentate, at that time; nor were so much as ever heard of, before that present Discovery of Columbus, upon which the gift was made in the year of grace 1492. All things never known to him, or his Ancestors, can no way of right belong to him or them; so as not belonging to him, directly or by circumstance, he had no right to give or dispose thereof, either in present or future, and thus for Human. For Divine Arguments; if he say he gave them as Christ's Vicar, whereby he may dispose of Kings or Kingdoms, he must prove that authority by the word of God, or else we are not bound to beleeu him, or think his gift of any value: As for example, if he be but Christ's servant here on earth, he must challenge to himself no more prerogative than his Master took on him whilst he was on earth; for if he do, it is a great token of pride and arrogancy: And our Saviour being but requested to make a lawful division of a certain inheritance betwixt one and his brother, refused to do it; saying, Who made me a judge over you; as also he confessed openly to Pilate, That his kingdom is not of this world. Why then doth the Pope, who acknowledgeth himself to be no better than his servant, take upon him the giving of so many Kingdoms of this world. But the Popes say they, gave Ireland to Henry the 2, and his successors: and indeed they did so in word; but when had he it? when he had fast footing in it, and when Dernitius the King of Lemster had made the King of England his Heir. But for all that donation, had not the Kings of this land, by the sharpness of the sword more prevailed, then by this gift, the Pope's donation had stood in little stead; neither did the rest of the Irish Kings admit or allow of the Pope's Donation; for, if they had, they would never have rebelled so often against this Crown. But to conclude this point; though we confess, that the Popes have done this, or that; yet it is no good argument, in my opinion, to say that they did it, and therefore it was lawful, unless they could show they did it rightfully. But the Pope's gift of the West Indies, may well be compared to the Sermon of judge Molineux his Chaplain in Queen Mary's days, who would make it appear, by a lively text out of the Scripture to his Parishioners, what a lying knave the devil was: and for his Text, he took the place where the devil took Christ, and carried him up to the mountain, from whence he shown him all the Kingdoms of the world; & told him, it he would fall down and worship him, he would give them all unto him. My Masters (quoth he) by this you may well perceive what a liar he is; for he had no more right to have given him these Kingdoms (if would have fallen down and worshipped him,) than myself, that am now in the Pulpit. If I should say to you all now; Sirs, if you will all fall down and worship me, before I go out of the Church, I will give every man his Copie-hold for ever; which if I should do, I should give you your live in words: But my Masters (quoth he) that sit there below to whom they belong, would take them from you again: And therefore (saith he) if he had given all these Kingdoms to Christ, the Kings of the earth, to whom by right they did pertain, would never have suffered him to have enjoyed them. And so for that.— For the earth is the Lords, and all that dwell therein, he founded and prepared it, as in the Psalmist: and so consequently, neither the Popes, nor the devils, do dispose to whom they please. The copy of which foolish donation of the Popes, truly translated out of the original, hath been delivered to your Majesty long since, and (I hope) perused before this time. To prove that he hath no general consent of all the people and Nations of the Indies, appeareth most evidently, by this reason; for that no Spaniard farther inhabiteth northward then Florida, where they have but two little Forts or Villages, the one called S. Austin, the other S. Helena: All the rest of that huge tract, whose insinitenesse is such, (as no mortal tongue can express, nor eye hath seen,) do not so much as think there is another world but that they themselves inhabit, except some few of them which dwell upon the edges of the shore, that sometimes see both us, the French, the Dutch, and the Spaniard, when we come a fishing, but are not able to distinguish of us, but think us all one people: then how can we imagine, that these people have freely given themselves to the Spanish obedience, and acknowledge him for their Lord and King, when they never so much as heard that there was such a man or Nation. Again, from Capi culli formia, all the land that runneth and maketh the strange of Anian, and the Netherlands thereof, whose bounds and limits are never discovered; the Spaniard hath not so much as once seated himself to make himself known, whereby there might be any likelihood that they had acknowledged him for their Sovereign. And for us to beleeu that the Spaniard is Lord of such, whom he hath never seen nor known, nor they him, were a manifest sign of a strong faith in us. And there were no way for any man to make me believe Miracles sooner, than by making me believe this: for after the belief of this, I should never doubt of any miracle, though he should tell me a thousand in a day: So that if this title come not by consent of all in general, he neither aught to write himself Lord of the whole Indies, nor debar other Christians from conquering or trading in those parts where the Spaniard hath neither residence nor Seignory, nor command. If he challenge right by conquest and consent, then must he claim no more, than he hath by conquest and consent obtained. As for example, all that part of the West Indies, which at this day is scatteringly inhabited by the Spaniards and Portugals, is almost contained in two Tropics, excepting the two small Villages of Saint Augustine and Helena in Florida, the Province of new Biscay Northwards, and five Villages or Towns near the River of Plate, called Sancto Sprinto, Saint Anna, the City of Ascension, Saint Fee, and Fuvirnan, lieth half way betwixt the mouth of the river of Plate, and the Mine of Polossie; and in the South Sea beyond the Tropic, in the Kingdom of Chelix, the Towns or Villages of Coquenbo Persco, Saint jago la imp: villa deal Lago. And therefore, if the Spaniards have nothing to do, any further; either to the Northward or to the Southward; what reason hath he to forbid any Nation to conquer or dwell there? But if he should admit you, I think it not convenient that your Majesty should be so satisfied, for so should you do yourself, and other Christian Princes, great wrong: for his Towns and Castles are so divided, and such masses of land and Kingdom betwixt them, which he hath no right, nor dare to enter; as being duly considered by your Majesty, he ought not to claim no more, than he ought to claim the Kingdom of France, because his Fort of Gravelling is of one side, and South Arabia on the other, France being in the midst between them; or to claim France, because his Frontiers in Italy bound it on the one side, and Spain, on the other: or to claim the Island of the Venetians and the Turks in Levant; for that Cicilia and Sardinia, and a few others belong to him, that stands in that sea: Or claim all the Lands or Shores in Barbary, for that he hath a Castle or two in the Straits, and another in Libya. These Countries they never lay claim to, because they are in the eye of the Christian world; which would make us rise up in Arms against them for their foolish arrogancy, if they should pretend it: But in the unknown parts, which have been familiar unto us; whose light by the iniquity of the time, and troublesome wars in these parts, have to us been hidden, although to the Ancient well known, where they began their foolery. Betwixt the Castle of Argive in Libya, and the Island of Macoa in the river of Canton, in the Kingdom of China, the foolish Portugals say all is theirs, when many a hundred Kings (as absolute and powerful in regard of people, as any King in these parts) dwelleth betwixt, and admit the Portugals by way of petition or bribes, to dwell in some place by the Sea side, and traffic with them; neither dare they lay claim to any Kingdom, but only to such Fortresses, Factories and Villages, on the Sea side, as perforce and favour of the Island they are permitted to dwell in, as most excellently appeareth by answer of Charles the fifth, made unto the Ambassadors of Portugal, anno 1522, when they came to require and beseech him, that his subjects the Spaniards, might not trade nor commerce, as than they did, in the conquest or navigation of the Portugals; who after a most peremptory and noble answer of his part, told them; he knew no reason, neither would he suffer them, that his subjects should be prohibited freely, to pass into any Country where the hope of gain offereth itself; and that if the Portugals in the cause of their Trade, should do any violence to any of his people, either in their persons or goods, he would be revenged nearer home, meaning upon the Kingdom of Portugal. With which answer, at that time, the Lucitans were forced to departed. Which answer, if it should please your Majesty to return upon the Castilians themselves, at this time, I know no reason how it can any way be bettered, having so good a precedent, as their own King against the Portugals, upon the same subject. But for the Portugals, where all their strength is seated, I mean upon the coast of Malubor, where they have more Forts and Castles then in all India beside; the Kings do so pen and lock them up in their Garrisons and Forts, as they can have nothing the Country yields, but by their friendship procured by yearly bribes; As for example, to the King of cathay, they pay an yearly tribute of 256000 Reis: to the King of Pimenta .. Reis: to the mother of the King of Pimenta yearly 36000 Reis; to the King of Pargnan yearly 72000; to the King of Manfata yearly 72000 Reis. To Carto Babua, the proper name of a man of account upon that coast, an yearly tribute of 42000 Reis: to the Teratates, which are brethren and Kings, an yearly tribute of 72000 Reis. All which sums or tribute, are imposed upon the King, and Custom of goods, brought from these parts. As for their credit and reputation amongst these Heathens, it is so small, either for fear they have of them, or love they bear to them; that, when we, and the Hollanders pay no custom for goods bought and sold there, they make the Portugals pay 30 per hundred, we going free before their faces, and they paying before ours.  
By this, your Majesty may well perceive, what base account the Princes in those parts make of them there; and yet these vainglorious Woodcoks, will be very angry with us, if we will not believe, when they say, that all the East Indies is theirs, and they have conquered it. In self manner (most renowned Sovereign) stand the Kings of the West Indies, with the Spaniards, both in the South sea, upon the Kingdom of Cheley, Reta, Peru, and others; as at this time is apparent by the Kings of Cheley, who hath within this few years beaten down the Spaniard, and won from them the Town of Impetial, wherein was wont to be placed and maintained, one of the greatest Garrisons of the South Sea; and not only razed it to the ground, but likewise killed and driven the Castilians quite from them. Even so, upon the East and North part of the Indies, both upon the Coast of Brazil, with all the firm land upon the Indies from Parabia to Cartagene, the gulf of Vraba, the gulf of Mexico, and all alongst the Coast of Bahana, even to their Forts in Florida, they are in continual wars, with the Kings and peoples of those lands. And surely under your Highness' pardon, I am confident of this opinion, that it hath been a main policy of the Kings of Spain, for these many years, to keep us in continual wars one with another in these parts; or if not, to encourage us himself; whereby being forced to look to our home defences, we might not have means to discover these his invasions abroad, whereby he puts a mask before all the Prince's eyes of Europe. And therefore since he is now laid open, and by no Nation so much as by your Majesty's subjects of this land; I hope, for the prevention of future mischief against this State, as for other honourable respects, and prevailent Reasons, in challenging of that which is your own; or at least as much yours as his; you will no be unmindful; which doubtless will not tend only to the enlightening of many souls, which to this day have sat in the shadow of death, but likewise lay a ground (as before said) for the safety and preservation of your States, Glory, Person and Posterity, in despite of the Spanish treacheries in the time to come, which otherwise by no means, by the wit of mortal man can be prevented, as upon my life, by circumstances I will make apparent.  
But least this field of reasoning whereinto I have walked be too tedious unto your Highness, I will briefly end; referring myself to Argument with any one, against this mischievous and poisonous peace with Spain, which I do see, cannot but prove very fatal to your Majesty and Commonwealth. And though I be not called, yet considering I am your subject, I cannot forbear, in respect of my great and loyal affection to your Majesty, the Prince, with the rest of the noble Issue, and my native Country, I cannot but presume to speak of such things, which I think now fit to be considered: especially at this time; even as Merca●ie Gata●er, Chancellor of Spain, did against the peace that was concluded betwixt Francis the first, and Charles the Emperor his Master; for he seeing, that the Emperor was disposed to make peace with the said King, and to set him at liberty, and that the Viceroy of Naples, and all other the Lords of the Council tended to the same, and although he knew, as I do now, that his counsel would not be accepted, yet failed he not to speak what he thought, but likewise refused, being great Lord Chancellor of Spain, to sign the Articles, which he defended with most excellent reasons, which reasons are well delivered, and with much gravity of speech by Quiccardine in the oration of the said Gataner. But this event made it known, that the counsel of Gataner was most noble, most just, and grounded as well upon the high wisdom, as great zeal to the love and good of his Country. For as soon as the King was at liberty, all the Spaniards wonderful hopes that they expected of this peace, and all the French Kings great promises to them vanished into smoke, according to the opinion of that worthy Gentleman. And I know no reason (most noble Sovereign) that I being your subject, as he was the King of Spain's, and loving you and my Country, as much as ever he did his, and having a subject of the same quality, to fear, as he did them; although I may well say, as much more danger to us by the Spaniards, if our peace be not built upon a sure foundation, than it could any way be unto them by the French. But to speak my opinion, make what Articles you will, and let them be guilded over with the fairest show, either they, or those of their Faction (if you have any about you) can devise; unless these four be granted on their part to you, you can never make any sure peace with them: or at least such a peace, as if he have the mind to break he will have the advantage of you. And Philip Comines saith, That for the many conclusions that he hath seen in his time in the affairs of State, that it were inexcusable folly for a Prince, if he were able for to prevent it, to put himself under the power of another. 1 That your subjects may have free access to the Indies, either to traffic or plant, where the Spaniards have neither conquest, Signiory, nor tribute. 2 That he do pull down all inquisition wheresoever your people shall resort in all his Dominions, and that the Customs be reduced to an ancient order. 3 That he shall never come with a main Army of Ships into these Seas, under colour of chastising the Hollanders. 4 That it shall be as lawful for your subjects to serve the States in wars against them, as it shall be to serve them against the States; these things accorded, your peace may be safe, otherwise not.   

A short view taken of Great Britain, and Spain.  
HIs Majesty now is of more power than any his Predecessors; First, because our addition of dominion Ireland, is reduced to a more absolute state of obedience, and increase of revenue then heretofore. The footing we had in France, was rather a greatness of trouble to us, then of strength; it was always in division; it held us always in continual flux of treasure and blood, we never attempted in the Front, but that attempted us in the Rear; which did both distract our Armies, and aggravate our charge: It is a Territory so separate from us by nature, as we could not advantage upon it, either for offence or relief, without the access of difficulty and charge that a State must undergo, when it runs the necessity of such an undertaking by sea, where the war was bend upon a great Continent, a populous Nation, a plentiful Country, and entire in its self, and that can be succoured without passing the Seas: In these things we found such disadvantage, as have been the undoing of our Expeditions. In stead of departure of this broken Dominion we had in France, his Majesty hath brought another whole Kingdom to England, undevided from us in seat; from whence we have these benefits. The back door that was open in the assistance of our enemies, both to offend us, and divert our attempts from them, is now open to us, and his Majesty hath the key of it; it saveth us the money and the men that we were forced to employ in a second Army for the withstanding the invasion on that side: and not saves it us only, but renders it, to bestow in undertake of profit, which we were wont to spend upon defences. We have another valiant Nation to assist us, whose service in Low Country wars hath often, and always, given this testimony of their affection and faithfulness, even in Queen Elizabeth's time; that in every Nationall quarrel between us and others (which hath often happened, and very remarkable betwixt us and the French (they have voluntarily and bravely sided with us, making the danger common both to themselves and us; which was drawn out but particularly against the English. The joining of Scotland hath made us an entire Island, which by nature is the best fortification, and the most capable of all advantages of strength, that by Art can be added unto nature; whereby we may at one & the same time be able both to undertake any action abroad, and defend ourselves at home, without either much danger, or great cost. Secondly, by reason his Majesty hath the neighbourhood of the powerfulst nation by sea, that now is in the world, at his devotion: a people by nature more worthy of credit with us then any other; the use of whose neighbourhood our own histories will commend unto us, if we inquire of the ages past, even then when they wanted that power and knowledge in their industry, which they now have, as well in matters of peace as war, the memories of those times will tell us, that we seldom undertook any great thing without them; in so much as our loss of France, may probably be in part imputed to the breach we suffered in their friendship: and though they were then of the same Religion with England, as likewise now they are, yet the present condition that we do both of us stand in, for point of Religion, doth place us in an estate of better assurance with them, than the conditions of those times did; for then considering no main Nationall separation, in the Church Religion was, but a common bond unto them, and inclined them to particular side, where now it hath the motive in it to make defence with, against an opposite Church, in such a Nation, as hath drawn both of us into one and the same cause in quarrel, as well of policy, as of Religion: And lastly, their Army is the best Military School of the world, from whence our Land-services may be sufficiently appointed, at least with Officers.  
Now for the hearts of our people, and the wealth of our Kingdom (though it may be some of his Majesty's ill-affected subjects could be willing we should distrust our own strength, when we receive these two points into our consideration) yet for the first; the occasion, whereof they have derived from our difference in Religion, I may say the wrath of God hath been evident against them, in the confusion of their plots (One thinks) it should be a horror to them, for to think of attempting any farther that way; for those of them that have made a covenant with blood, we stand not either in fear or need of their numbers, but we may both spare and suppress them: And fare be it from me to think, that many men of those that hold no communion in the Church with us, should give other Nations the cause to say, that in England are the false men, that take up God's weapons against him, and their own weapons against themselves, in favour of a foreign Ambition, that makes the pretence of Religion but a port hole to lay his Artillery out at, or his scaling ladder to assault by. Now the second point touching the wealth of the Kingdom, if I should call the Council of Spain itself to give judgement in the cause, I should need no better sentence to condemn their opinions, who think the King of Great Britain poor; their Master knows it well enough, he shall find it otherwise, whensoever he shall undertake to attempt us, or we them.  
Now for Spain, his Majesty there, though accounted the greatest Monarch of Christendom; yet his estate being enquired throughly, his root will be found a great deal too narrow; for the top of his Dominions are so fare in distance asunder, as they cannot give relief time enough one to another upon an alarm; which is the reason he is more powerful to assault then defend, and therefore are compelled to have continual Garrisons of that charge he is unable to maintain: he hath more to do with shipping then any other Prince, and yet hath few men at his devotion, but by extreme charge, and those of worst sorts; his poverty hath therefore appeared in the mutiny of his Low Country Army, for want of pay, which was great cause of his ill success there; and I cannot see how his estate can be much better now than it was. For though it be true, that his charge is somewhat less; yet it is likewise true, that his Subsidies in Spain be also diminished; as well in respect of insupportablenesse, as of indisposition of his Revenues out of the Indies decayed: And indeed but for his Indies, he were the poorest Prince in Christendom. Now it serves the better for the finding his weakness or strength, to inquire whether he be able to stand upon the terms of defiance, and yet hold his Indies, I think not: for his Majesty of Great Britain, joining with the States of the United Provinces, is of power to raise Armadas, the one to block up Spain, the other the Indies; the least success that may be hoped for out of this enterprise, the cutting off his return would beggar him: the fear of this project was the thing that stopped his Greatness to the United Provinces, when he departed with his pretence of Sovereignty to them: and that fear is an Ague he is not yet cured of. This is a right design, and a great one, such a one, as I wish we had the treasure, and valiant blood of our Ancestors to bestow upon; for the expense whereof we have nothing to show now, but two poor Lands jarsey and Garnsey. And to say the truth in that case; if all the Lands or Lands that belong unto the Crown of England, were offered to his Majesty, I should not give my advice to receive them, much less to conquer them. Now for the disposition of the Low Country men, I assure myself there cannot be a thing more desired, than they to join with his Majesty in any undertaking, especially in this: for they are sorry they understood the King of Spain's weakness so little in Queen Elizabeth's time, when her Majesty so much affected their joining with her; and that now they know it, his Majesty being greater in power, will yet suffer such an enemy to all Christian Princes, chief to those of his Majesty's Religion to creep into his bosom: For all the greatness he hath, he holds by the courtesy of his Majesty, (and to that end Courts it;) he knows he were undone else. To conclude, I will infer some of the Reasons, that persuade to the undertaking of his design, the policy of Spain hath trodden more bloody steps then any State of Christendom; look into his Treaties, and his Negotiations of his Ministers abroad, you shall find as much falsehood in them, as blood in the other: He never paid debt so truly, as those he imposed in corrupting of the Ministers of other Princes; He holds league with none, but to have nearer access to do him harm: a Match in kindred shall not hinder it when he apprehends his advantage: He disturbs all Christendom with his Alarms and Armadas yearly; and yet doth less hurt to Infidels and Pirates than any, unless it be to get wherewithal to arm himself the better against other Christian Princes; and he hath an ambition to the whole Empire of Christendom. These are motives wherein all Christian Princes are interessed, so as with reason they cannot oppose the design, nor will (I think the most of them) he hath brought himself into such an hatred with them. Let us, between his Majesty and the United Provinces, consider how the particular causes of both Nations do importunate us both to the undertaking thereof. Who hath been so thirsty of our blood as Spain? And who hath spilt so much as he? Who hath been so long our enemy? And who hath corrupted so many of our Nation as Spain? And that all with the help of gold, which by reason of the neglect of this Design he doth still enjoy, tempting our weak ones, and our false ones withal. Would you find a Traitor on a sudden? Balaams' Ass will tell you where, at the Spanish Ambassadors door? And when? when they come from Mass, and otherwise. When to? when they Match with us. For his malice is so great he cannot hide; nor will God (I hope) suffer it. Yet let us examine in reason: now if we be so charitable as to forget what is past, whether we may promise ourselves assurance of his amity for the time to come or not? Because peace with a true neighbour is a condition to be embraced, nothing more certain than the contrary. We cannot promise it, his ambition to the Empire, so long as he holds the Indies, shall never die. The United Provinces is an Object, which though he hath an eye to, yet he likes not. What other thing so ever we communicate with him in, we shall never be assured of him (such is the nature of his Religion,) so long as we differ in matter of faith, he knows very well the peril he stands in, if he be attempted by his Majesty and the United Provinces. Consider what suggestions these are to keep him thinking upon; and imagine then, what his own part will prompt him to do when he sees a time for it. He then to the end hurts, that he may not be prevented by the Enterprise. Now of the fitness and honour of it, to be in that undertaking of his Majesty, who is the greatest Islander in Christendom, and therefore a Navy most proper to him: He is a Defender of the Faith, as well in understanding, learning and godliness, as in title; therefore in the planting of the true Church, there is a sacred work, that even by office, as it were, belongs unto him: He is of a great liberal mind, the Indies will afford him means to exercise it. These Considerations, and the great multitude of his subjects, do seem to invite him: and in every part, considerable in the Design, we may find something to persuade us, that it seems to be a kind of offer, both in Religion, Policy and Nature, preferred unto his Majesty; as the Prince for maintaining of it.   
FINIS.