SYMMACHIA: OR, A TRVE-LOVES KNOT. TIED, BETWIXT GREAT Britain and the United Provinces, by the wisdom of King JAMES, and the State's General; the Kings of France, Denmark, and Sweden, the Duke of Savoy, with the States of Venice being Witnesses and Assistants. FOR THE WEAL AND PEACE OF CHRISTENDOM. TO THE READER. I Am to let all men know, that besides those grievances which I have favourably and sparingly mentioned & minced in these following Papers, I hear of another one arising which is of greatest moment and likeliest to produce most alteration, if it be not prevented. And that is the hard and extreme measure which the Merchant Adventurers here settled, meet with in their Staple commodity. Concerning which if there be not order presently taken, to give them contentment, in some good and indifferent manner, but that they be forced to seek courses for relief of themselves by their Petitions and Complaints to his Majesty (whereabout I hear they are meditating) a worse business then that of East Indya will break forth to trouble both States, and alien hearts from each other. For it concerns the King: Peers, and Commons when the Wool is pulled from their backs by any abuse; since every condition of men in the Land, and almost every person, have interest in that Commodity. This breach therefore, I wish with all my heart were stopped by timely provision, and the rude, boorish and proud disposition of such, in these parts, restrained, as by their too strict, surly, and imperious courses, for their private profit provoke the complaint of our people, and drive them to seek ease and remedy by the shift of place and trade where they may hope to be better used, and to find love, respect, and justice, with indifferency. SYMMACHIA Or A truelove's knot. AS there is nothing of more moment (in humane considerations) for the advancement of religion, than the supportance, favour, and protection of potent Princes and States, who are or aught to be nurseing Fathers and nurseing Mothers to this end: so there is nothing of more moment to enable the Kingdom of great Brittany and the United Provinces to be such (since the chief butthen and honour of this work lies upon their shoulders) then to unite themselves in perfect amity together. The enemy both to our Religion and State seems to observe this better than ourselves; since they have used all endeavours to make breaches betwixt us, and to keep us off from each other at an unprofitable distance, where the force of our cold amity could have no powerful effect to assist each other, or oppose them. They have prevailed very fare to their end, especially upon that part where they had least hope, and where they employed the least force of their wit, I mean upon the Netherlandish side where jealousy (to see us treat with the enemy) hath caused many people in the United Provinces to behave themselves towards us, as Coy Dames use to do, who think to win their lovers to more longing, by rude tricks of unkindness. I intent not to repeat the particulars, lest I should be thought, rather to revive old quarrels by renueing there memory, then to stop farther breaches by burying all fomer injuries in oblivion. Yet I must say, that if they should think, we put up those affronts offered to our Nation in Groenlant and the east Indieses, either out of fear of their strength, or our own weakness, they should injury us no less in the conceit, than they have done in the act. Religion only hath bound our hands, and we are satisfied that the State doth disclaim it, and cast it upon private persons; otherwise we were as well able to scourge them, as to defend them from scourging. It were an ingrateful part in them, whilst we endanger ourselves by holding up their chins, to keep them from sinking, that they s'hould with their heels kick us under water. But because we believe and know, that these wrongs proceed not from the State, but from such persons (for the most part on both sides) as love Mammon better than Christ, and count gain the only godliness, therefore we are not apt to hear or believe all that is suggested, nor to see all that is true, but to hope and promise ourselves better use for the future; since they know and must confess, that neither themselves, not the proudest or potentest Nation upon earth, can upon equal terms (without politic surprisal) assure themselves to beat us and be our Masters; nor dare (without manifest advantage) provoke us to the trial. But since humour hath been so stirred upon both sides, that Prudence and moderation hath had enough to do to keep us from breaking out into blows, it was a timely work of wisdom in their State to seek to stop the gap, and a gracious work of our prudent prince to give them audience (notwithstanding the contrary noise which buzzed about his ears) and to renew that ancient league betwixt us, which was like to break into enmity. The fool hardy can charge hotly and engage a State in war, it must be the wise and advised who only know how to make an honourable retreat. It is fit upon both sides, that now this league is renewed, we should be more careful hereafter to preserve it, than heretofore we have been. And to endear the merit of our State in this respect, it is fit to touch upon some particulars whereby our Kindness to them may be discerned, thereby to beget reciprocal kindness in them toward us. 1. Observe first we were the parties wronged, and they the wronger's: yet they stood stiffly out and sought no reconcilement, till we underhand, seeing their necessity, both enticed them to seek, and assured them to find what they sought. Herein, being their superiors in force, we shown ourselves not to be their inferiors in wisdom, which the wisest amongst them will acknowledge, though the weak will not see it, but attri, bute all to our duty; as if they overreached us in wit, when it is only we that overreach them in Kindness. 2. Observe the motion of the whole body of the State in Parliament, the concurrence of Nobles, Clergy, and Commons in this case of theirs; their humble earnest and unanimous sutite to his Majesty for this end, their speedy and careful (that I may not say curious) penning of the Law for their assistance, equally as for our own Kingdoms, in these words. Most gracious souvereigne, we your Majesty's most humble, faithful, and loveing subjects, by your Royal authority now assembled in your high Court of Parliament, having entered into serious and due consideration of the weighty and most important causes, which at this time more than at any other time heretofore, do press your Majesty, to a much greater expense and charge then your own treasure alone can at this present support and manietaine; and likewise of the injuries and indignities which have been lately offered to your Majesty and your children, under colour and du●eing the time of the Treatyes for the Marriage with Spain, and the restitution of the Palatinate, which in this Parliament have been clearly discouverd and laid open unto us, and withalll, what humble advice, with one consent and voice, we have given unto your Majesty, to dissolve those Treatyes which your Majesty hath been graciously pleased, to our exceeding joy and comfort, fully to yield unto, and accordingly have made your public declaration for the real and utter dissolution of them, by means where of your Majesty may be happily engaged in a sudden war: we in all humbleness most ready and willing to give unto your Majesty, and the whole world, an ample, testimony of our dutiful affections, and sincere intentions to assist you therein, For the maintenance of that war that may here upon ensue, and more particularly for the defence of this your Realm of England, the securing of your Kingdom of Ireland, the assistance of your Neighbours, the States of the united Provinces, and other your Majesty's friends and allies, And for the setting forth of your Royal Navy, we have resolved to give for the present the greatest aid which ever was granted in Parliament, to be leived in so short-à time: And therefore we do humbly beseech your Majesty, etc. Thus you see in the body of our Law the State of the united Provinces is specially nominated, and ranged in union with his Majesty's Kingdoms of England and Ireland, and the gift limited for the defence especially of those three. Which, though selfconceited eyes oversee, yet is argues much respect and love; neither do I believe they have given or received the like acknowledgement before to or from any other State; nor can we readily find in History the like interchange of love betwixt forteigne people, recorded. 2. Observe the most excellent Prince of Wales his forwardness and extraordinary diligence to accomplish this work; I dare not say, whatsoever I think, that the whole frame was first of his composure, but I am sure he was a principal Agent in the happy conclusion. 3. Observe his Majesty how ready and gladly he granted when it came to the upshot: so that he seemed to hold off before for politic respects; First, to beget a feeleing in our friends of their own estate, who did not, in his Majesty's judgement, seem sensible enough, for a long time, either of their own danger, or of this his royal favour and benefit. Secondly, to make his own subjects the more eager and earnest by the delay, and so give them time to debate the business, to understand the charity and utility of the work, and to open their purses the wider. Thirdly to secure the Enemy by this means, till all were ready, that so we might reflect upon them, by a thin and slight shadow the open and gross injuries they had done us before, under the coverture of treatyes and trust. Now for the better understanding of his Majesty's mind, in all points proportionable to this description, I have inserted his privy Counsels letter to the Lords Lifetenants of Shears in England, for the assistinge of the Earls and Commanders in rayseing men within their several Counties, and that by his Majesty's special direction, for the aid of the United Provinces. AFter our hearty commendations to your good Lordships, whereas the State's General of the united Provinces have by their Ambassadors humbly solicited his Majesty as well to renew the anciant defensive league between his Kingdoms and their Provinces, as also to permit them for the better confirmation thereof, to raise some good number of voluntary soldiers within his Dominions, to be employed in their service in these hazardous times, when the Emperor, and the Romish Catholic league are preparing, and drawing down towards their Countries, diverse great and threatniug Troops to join with those Armies, that already lie upon their frontiers, ready to take the first opportunity of advantage against them. And that his Majesty in a constant pursuit of the good amity and correspondentie with those Provinces, hath treated, and concluded a league with their Ambassadors, and given way and permission for the raysinge of six thousand voluntary soldiers for their service and assistance, for their better strength, and defence against those forces of the Emperor, and romish Catholic league: Which his Majesty hath the rather assented to, in regard of his own interest, both for the security of his own Dominions, and the great part his son in Law, his only daughter, and his grand children have in the preservation of the United Provinces where they now remain as refugers. And because the time of the year is so fare spent, as it will be requisite to use all possible expedition in the raising and transportation of these men, We have thought it requisite to give your Lordships this intimation of his Majesty's good pleasure, and assent for the levyinge of the said voluntaryes, to the end you may not only permit, and further our very good Lords, the Earls of Oxford, Southampton, and Essex, and the Lord Willoughby (appointed Colonels) and for that purpose deputed by the State's Ambassadors, and such other Captains, and officers under them as they shall substitute, to levy and take up such voluntary soldiers, as sball be willing to go over in their company; but that withal you afford them your best direction, assistance, and furtherance therein, and give notice of this his Majesty's pleasure to the deputy Lieutenantes, justices of peace, and other his Majesty's Ministers within the precinct of your Lieutenancy To which we doubt not, but you will all readily and effectually apply yourselves both in respect of the general cause, and for the ease and benefit the Country will find in being disburdened of many unnecessary persons that now want employment, and live lewdly, or unprofitably in the Country. And if any of those voluntaries shall after they have accepted impress money and so engaged themselves into the service, withdraw themselves, or run away from their Captains, or Conductor, his Majesty's pleasure is, that upon any such complaint, you yield your best assistance for the apprehendinge and recovering of those fugitives, and them to commit to prison until they submit themselves, or otherwise punish them, as is usual in such cases. And so we bid your Lordships heartily farewell. 20 of june. 1624. 4. Observe the People's willingness generally to offer themselves to this service, and the expression of extraordinary joy as soon as they heard the Drums beat, and that the intent of their intertaniement was published, to serve the States of the United Provinces against the King of Spain and the Archduchesse; so that these words were forced to be altered by command, for present respects of State. 5. Observe the Nobles, and those none of the meanest, striveing for employment in this war, not for the gains of these poor and (in comparison of them) petty places, but to honour their Nation, to show the world amongst what people they were nobles, to defend religion and that State which joins with our own to defend it, to countenance the cause, to deter the enemy, to hold the Common man upon the right side, to assure the adverse part what aid he is to expect from us, and to stop the mouth of the clamorous Merchant, who, though he had just cause to cry, yet cries now in an unseasonable time, and will therefore learn to give over vain clamours whilst he beholds the Peers are engaged in the work which he would hinder. And here I cannot but present this glass to the vow of many young Nobles and Gentiles in these parts of the United Provinces, who whilst their Country is assaulted by malicious Enemies, and defended by honourable strangers, both of our and other Nations, sit still themselves and lend no hand to help it, but hold it rather a great indignity to be a soldier. These must needs be ignorant of their own honourable roots, which first sprung from Arms and must be by that most honourable profession mainetained whereof those swords are witnesses, which none but Gentlemen wear amongst them. And I am persuaded therefore, this gross and effeminate conceit, is bred amongst them, either by their too tender Mothers, who had rather see their Country perish, then to behold their children hazard themselves for the safeguard of it; or from their anabaptistical neighbours who suppose (erroneously) all arms to be Antichristian; or from the Malignant papist, who though he hath the liberty of his conscience amongst them, yet because he may not have the free and public exercise of his superstition, wisheth the Spanish iron yoke over the neck of the Belgic lion, and deters his own, and others, from their Country's service, and hates such to death, as serve to secure his liberty and life. But to return to our matter, and to manifest our general willingness and alacrity for the undertaking of there defence; I would neither have the Common people ignorant, nor yet think us so stupid not to understand the benefit of this defensive aid sent over to them at this present, which is greater than at first sight itappeareth to all eyes. For besides that we help to defend there frontiers at our own charge, which all see, we also spend the means, which we receive out of England, amongst them also, so they have the use both of our men and money, which makes tradeing something quicker setting many trades on work, and filling the public purse something fuller by excise and other duties, which all observe not. What ready money hath been disbursed in their Country for Hats, Arms, and other necessaries to furnish these troops is apparent to all, and the laborious Tradesman tastes of the double benefit, and will bless God for it, howsoever the ignorant and insoleut will not acknowledge to have received hereby so much as a single courtesy. For I hear them object, in scorn, that all this is not given but lent, they must repay it. True, as they did the money for the Cantionarie towns of Flushing in Zealand, and the Briell, in Holland, with the Castle of Ramekins in the Iseland of Waltherens which came to 818000 lb, which first upon suit to his Majesty they installed for 40000 by the year, and continued the payment thereof for five years, but after, finding it heavy, they again sought ease of his Majesty, and graciously obtained a general release and possession of their towns and Castle for the sum of 200000 paid to his highness, and of 25000, assigned by his Majesty's bownty towards the reward of the Officers. Which abatement proceeded neither from our want (for then it had been a most unthankful part in them, not equally to respect our want in the repayment, as we did their in the lending) nor out of the excess of their wit (as some would arrogantly have it) but out of there humble suit, and his Majesty's grations and ready grant: Who considering what became his honour would give rather than receive, and would not defraud that trust which was reposed in his predecessor, and so successively in him, but redelivered the Keys of their Country into their own possession again. And this may teach them to see that it is not in the power of one Stanley or one York, to stain the honour of a Nation; but they may as safely trust us, as themselves; provided they be sure of their religion whom they trust. If they be careless in admitting Captains and officers, they may well suspect such so admittted: but if they know them faithful to God, they need not doubt their fidelity to them. And it is not only ours, but all other Nations, yea their own most of all, who are to be suspected and so kept from Command, if either they be of no religion or popishly affected: If of none, than they are for any Devil that will tempt them (and Mammon especially is then the God they worship) if popish, than they are for Antichrist, and so for the Catholic King, who is his best beloved son, and like to be the heir of all that he can give him. For he useth his ecclesiastical Keys to no other end, but to open and shut the heart, and all other holds, for the entertainment of the Spanish pomp and pride, and for the enlargement of that quintessential Monarchy, though the spirit of God by the Mouth of Daniel say the contrary never so peremtorily and plainly. But some object the King's bownty in this respect proceeded from the consideration of his own charge, which he should have been at in keeping those places, merely for the profit of the united Provinces. Perhaps indeed this was the cause which made him the more willing to part with them, upon their suit, and his Counsels advice: but this doth not lessen his bownty, not their obligation. For to keep a chargeable gage, for an other man's benefit, so long as the owner pleaseth, to restore it safely and better in every refpect than it was at the first engagement, and that when the owner desires it, and upon no terms of advantage but upon such as he himself prescribes, witnesseth extraordinary honesty in the lender and deserves extraordinary thankfulness from the borrower. Indeed the first motion for reddidition of these places proceeded, perhaps, from some who wished well to the Spaniard, and did not like the continuance of this their dependency upon England, who was by these cautions really and perpetually in point of honour, and profit, and interest, engaged for the defence of their State and title equally with themselves: And this was seconded by a windy humour bred in a few others by prosperity and peace, which looked not so fare as the first moversayme, but supposeing themselves able to stand upon their own feet, thought scorn to hold any longer of others, and began to meditate how to forget the hand that helped them up, and to requite that courtesy with quarrels: which they could not do safely (they saw) whilst we had those pawns in our custody. But for the carriage of our Queen of blessed memoire deceased, of our present sowereigne, of our Counsel and State in general, there was no passage either in the first taking of them on, in the holding, or restroreing of them, but savours of religion and honour in all apprehensions, and will do so to all generations hereafter. Again they object that our present aid lent them is for our own sake; since our Parliament generally apprehended these Countries to be as the bulwarks or at least as the Counterscarp and outworks of our own land: and it was wisely said of a great Commander in his speech made to the Parliament, Anno 1621. that if we lose the Counterscarp though it be beyond the ditch, the whole fortification is accounted lost. For the Rampire serves but for a defence to make composition, so that if we willbe content to lose the counterscarp, than we must presently think of nothing but making a fair composition, or such, at least, as the besieger will afford us. And we willingly ackowledg this to be a truth, wishing them to do us good for their own sake, as they see us do them good as they say for our own sake. If we count them our outworks (as we do) they ought to count us as the marketplace, or Sanctwary or heart of the City which those outworks are appointed to guard. They count themselves and the world generally and worthily counts them, to be a wise, politic, and provident people; let them therefore show it in this particular, loveing us and doing us all the good they can piously for religion sake, courteously and ready for neibourhoods sake, faithful for friendship's sake, or at least politicly for their own sakes. Again they object our people are employed by this means, and so our State pruned, drained, and disburdened of many unruly and unnecessary members. This is very true also; for our nation (as rank soils yield many weeds, and rank wits many extravagancies) brings forth many people, and withal spirits of extraordinary temper for the war; which might be attributed to our diet (since we eat more solid flesh than any other Nation in Europe) but that we likewise find all that is bred in our Climate (as appears by our Mastiffs and Cocks of the game) are of a more noble and generous strain (as I may say) than many others. These fiery Spirits are often most unruly, so that their parents are weary of them, and seeing they will take no course to live otherwise, clothe them furnish them with money, and expose them to the wars. Many of these have the wit and grace to come over well pronided, as their parents send them on't: others will not leave England till their Money be spent, their clothes worn out, and then ashamed, with the prodigal, to return home for new supplies, they come over into these parts ragged (as we see) a shame to their parents and Nation. Others leave their trades, and run from their Masters; and this is the true cause of these ragged and naked regiments, where you may see good bodies of Men, very ill apparelled. And by these ofscoureings, men Guess at the poverty of our State, forgetting they come, though naked, from the land of Broadcloth, and that this raggedness of theirs, in so rich a Country, is one evident note that they are made and marked out, for the wars. Indeed therefore we confess these men find employment here by this means and withal this State finds defence. Besides the stock is our own, wherewithal they are set to work: for we, with our own money!, cloth them, furnish and arm them in all points complete for the field, with this charge, that they should fight for these Provinces as they would fight for Brittany. And were it not in regard of Religion (which we always prise and prefer before all other respects) and in regard of the safety of both States, which equally concerns us, we could have the same employment against them which we have now for them, and that upon fatre better terms. Where then were they (but that these respects do tie us to them) if our King (which God forbidden) should send so much money and so many men against them to the Enemy? The most purplind and partial person may see the issue, and so behold this benefit, in the contrary danger. To tempt us with injuries therefore, and not to see their own instant necessity, because the necessity which we politicly fear & would prevent stands in their light, is an intolerable oversight unworthy of their wisdoms. To presume they may do us hurt without danger, because we will do them none, but endanger ourselves to keep them from hurt (as being most careful of their welfare with respect to our own assurance and theirs in common) is a madness beyond all measure. As if I should rob my neighbour and undo him, because I know him busied in watching my house, to save me and himself from robbing and undoeing. Since now we have sufficiently declared our own kindness, in wooing the united Provinces to reciprocal courtesies, and the necessity of our standing together, except both of us intent to fall; I proceed briefly to persuade both Nations to take better notice of the Enemies trains and devices invented to divide us, that so we may unite ourselves to each other more closely by undissoluable knots of love and amity. And because these troops of English newly raised may some of them out of ignorance give or take offences which might easily be avoided; I (whose care and study it is to do good offices betwixt them, and to prevent what is possible all shadow of unkindness which may arise) even in the least circumstance have used that liberty of speech in the discourse hitherto unto which I am accustomed and naturally inclined: Which, though some may mis●●ke who neither know me nor the matter, yet I know such honest and downright freedom to be most fit and profitable for the continueing of friendship and cleereing of the case, which liberty I desire leave to use in that which follows also; for besides that the strocks of a friend are pleasant, in being profitable, I understand this business hath need of plain dealeing, under whose severe conduct all affairs prosper, better than in the perpetual Cockering of foolemakeing and foole-favoring flattery. And first for my own Nation, I desire they would not be too jealous, captious, and curious in takeing unkindness where none is offered. Some persons have the trick to pin their interests and particular spleens upon the public sleeve: and so what they have felt or do feel in private, must needs be a general grievance: but we must be wise and wary, not to suffer quarrels which may fall betwixt particulars, to trouble or disturb the general peace; whilst we see those injuries are not backed by authority, and made universal and national. And if we must not suffer real actions to disturb our affections, much less should we permit words to do it, especially evil words from such persons as have not yet learned to speak well. It is true that Ladies and gentlewomen passing the streets in strange habits, do often penance amongst the ruder sort, (as appeared by that most uncivil and barbarous demeanor used lately towards an English Lady in Amsterdam who desired to see the City, and supposed all gouvernements to be as civil as Londen) but we must consider the same set of people would wonder as much at a Parrot or Poppiniay. It is true also that men of all ranks meet often amongst boy's words of reproach; but, besides that we cannot altogether clear our own in some rude places from that barbarism, what should such words of scorn spewed from such mouths move us? Since indeed it is our glory to be those English Dogs, that have helped the Shepherds to chase from hence the Spanish Wolves, who else would have worryed, not only these silly Lambs, but the harmless and innocent Sheep, their Fathers. Let not this stir the courage of a Man to fury, but pity and scorn; as Lion's use to walk with contempt amongst barking whelps, whose shrill notes are music, whilst the Puppies bite not. Assuredly these boys would, and do too often, use their Parents thus; they know no better; they never learned a lesson of obedience, much less of gratefulness, to honour those in duty who defend them in love, and often favours them as the Pelican doth her young, whom in extremity, she fosters and cherisheth with her own blood. It willbe imputed a folly to me to touch this, but I have seen some touched with it. It often falls out that men who affect honour, as it is the soldiers aim, are more offended with reproaches and scorns then actual injuries. And if it were not so, these spirits would not sell their flesh and blood so cheap, fare under the rate of beef, or mutton, veal, or pork, nor would they endure heat and cold, and hunger and thirst, when servants (having more wages) will not, but that there is an air of praise and hope which they (Camelion like) feed upon, and it kills their hearts to hear this blown away by a stinkeing breath with disgraceful language. It were easy for them by any honest trade or course of life to live well in their own Countries, for mere necessity doth not bring them over hither, as if we wanted meat and drink in England, France or Scotland, but either they are brought hither to be punished for their idleness, & because they would not at home do a little easy work for great wages, are forced here, as in a house of correction, to do great work, yea the hardest of all (to overcome many wants, and difficulties, themselves, and others) for little wages: Or else, being men made and marked out for the wars, they seek and desire this kind of life, and would choose it amongst all others as the most honourable, though they had nothing for their labour, but the opportunity and lawful authority, to erchange knocks freely. For they deal for honour, as merchants for profit; and they stamp in flesh and blood, as the other mint in gold and silver. Now than the first sort meeteing disgraceful words meets but his desert, it is part of his punishment to be reproached and reviled: but this latter, who is only covetous of honour, takes it ill, to have this counterfeit coin of disgrace, put upon him in stead of currant money. But I would not have any of these latter sort look so low to stoop to such petty praise, nor contrarily once cast their eye aside to these sons of Belial, children of bethel, who would mock Elizeus if he came among them with a bald head or a strange habit, Nay rather I would have them do all good they can for the general State of these Countries, with respect of those good people who are mixed among the wicked, and mourn for the abominations which are done in the Land. Dear Countrymen, you that be at home in peace, pay your monies freely for the supportance and defence of these, pray for them with unfeigned faith; and you, worthies, that are here, fight for them with undaunted resolution, and, if need be, die for them with comfort and cheerfulness even as for your own Country; since, as I have manifested, the war is the same though a little farther removed, and besides that it is also a religious war, being for religion, if the warriors themselves have any religion in them. Again I am to exhort my Countrymen, who are comprehended under the name of great Britons, to show themselves as strong being now united, as they have shown the mselues heretofore being divided. Let both the English and Scottish Nations declare by action that they have not lost their old hearts by taking upon them a new name; but that they are the sons of those Fathers whose brave blood, spilt in the wars, hath enriched and manured these fields, with France, Spain, and Palestine, and are ready to do it again for the propagation of Christian Religion, and for gaining free and assured passage to the glorious Gospel of our Lord lesus Christ. Lastly I desire & exhort with all earnestness that they would be careful to serve the united Provinces faithfully, and not to deceive them in the least respect: whilst therein they serve or deceive their own Prince and Country, with whose monies they are paid, and shall reap praise and honour or shame and obloqui of their friends at their return home according as they behave themselves in these employments abroad. And now having done with our own, I am in most humble manner, to present these petitions following which I have learned from the observation of my Countrymen to the considerations of my superiors in these parts, in whose power it is to redress the enormities thereby to declare, that they prise us, as we do them. First that they would be graciously pleased, to hear the Old soldier's sueing for better pay, and desiring to be discharged oftheir most chargeable and unconscionable solicitors, who eat them up by lewish usury in an unreasonable manner, So as I have heard diverse conscionable Commanders say, it is almost impossible for an Officer to live (though never so meanly and modestly) upon his means, except he deceived the State or Soldier; Since most of his own means is swallowed up by the solicitor. O that it would enter into the heart of those prudent Lords, to take a course for better payment, that the Captains might not have just occasion to complain, nor Colour to seek shifts by cursed attestations, there by to deceive the Country of bodies, and themselves of souls. Then your Companies would be fuller, and the officer would serve with better courage, because with better conscience. Yea then, if deceit should be used or offered, none would pity the guilty delinquent, though he were made an public example and spectacle of fraud, unworthy his profession. I say unworthy his profession, for I know, whatsoever othermen vainly think, that a real lie is more dishonourable (though custom and company clouds it) than a verbal, which is so heinous to the ear and reputation of a soldier. But I hear an objection against this suit, which I dare not mention without craveing pardon aforehand, and this it is, as they say, God knows the truth of it; That if Solicitors were discharged and better payment made, then diverse of the Natives should lose excellent offices, the General State let go a fair improvement, and divers great persons could not put their monies out to usury upon such unreasonable conditious. I cannot believe this profitable sin, can bar the door against just reformation, though the insolency of the Solicitors would persuade me to believe it; who presumeing, as it seems and as the success shows, upon supportance, dare affront the greatest Commanders and use them as servants not like Masters by whom they live. Sometime Solicitors have been put upon Captains by force, and they authorized to take from the Captains ordinance the best part of his means though the solicitor never advanced him a penny of money aforehand, but because he contracted with his Predecessor; So that if a cunning Companion who hath a little spare money can insinuate himself into the bosom of a needy or negligent Commander, and supplyeing his preseut wants, fasten a piece of money upon him, and procure from him an inconsiderate contract, for his life only, let it be never so unreasonable, yet his successor must continue it, and make it good, nay, perhaps increase it out of his means; and so successiively from generation to generation, if the wars should continue it would continue like a rent-charge upon the Captain or campanie; whereby it cometh to pass, that though a Captain, who venter's life and all for the State, hath but a term of life in his Captainship; Yet the solicitor, for layeing out a hundred or two hundred pound, hath half the Captains means, and a perpetuity in that half, though he do nothing for the State but help to undo it. Besides though these persons be taken on, that the soldier may have sound pay, for which the Captain pays sound, as I have partly showed, yet their payment is so bad, that there are few Captains (I might say safely, none) put have just cause to complain, if their just complaints might be heard and redressed. But such is the unequal condition of the persons and the odd and disrespective carriage of the time towards them, that the Captain contracting with the solicitor, is bound for his part, and the solicitor is his own judge, and carves himself what amendes he listeneth out of the Captains means: but the solicitor, contracting with the Captain, is notwithstanding lose for his part, or as good as lose, since he cares notfor keeping his day, but often puts the Captain to borrow, and pawn his credit and clothes upon interest for payment of his company, when notwithstanding he pays use to the solicitor for advanceing it aforehand; Nay say the Captain forbears it a month or two (as sometime it falls out) yet he pays use for it, and the solicitor will not abate a stiver, though the one looseth and the other gains by this means, a double use. There is also a gains made to the solicitor by payment of light money, which he knows the Captain must be forced to put away, cannot keep to change; with many other gross and intolerable abuses of which I have heard Captains complain, and which cry out (for the withhoulding of the labourors due is a cryeing jam. 5. 4. sin) either to the State for redress or to God for judgement. I see what account David made of his worthies and soldiers, and how precious their blood was in his fight, when refuseing to drink of the water they fetched for him with peril of their lines, He poured it out to the Lord and said My God forbidden it me that I should do 1. Chro. this thing; Shall I drink the blood of these men that have 11. 18. put their lives in jeopardy? for with the jeopardy of their lives they brought it, therefore he would not drink. I wish that all solicitors and usurers would consider this story well, and then they would not (except they were right Nabals) make it their daily trade to drink up, nay to be drunk with the blood of such men, and that whilst they are watching that these may drink the safer, and fight for safeguard of that money, whose use eats them up to the bare bones. But if these Jews and bloodsuckers will not consider it, yet it concerns David and the worthies of this State to look to it better, and to their care and conscience I commend it. For if this be not reform, as it shows inward corruption and putrefaction, ripe for dissolution, so it may, at one time or other, by one means or other, put the State to straits and difficultyes, did not the auxiliary Bands take care for it, to defend it, and respect it, as their own Country. Which care of theirs appeared the last year, at the coming out of that Placat, which gave them, generally so much discontent, and that in the instant when they expected the Enemy. Which had been a fit time and occasion to tempt them to mutinee, but that faith, h onor, and religion restrained them; yea such a time; as would have occasioned some Nations then to cry for gelt and reformation, or also to lay down their arms. Whereas then, all these troops, both British, and French, did nobly and loyally resolve, not to dispute the point before the fight, but first to fight, and so to dispute the point against the Enemy with the edge of their anger and points of their swords, that they might by their deserts move the States to repeal their act, and to show they merited augmentation by way of largesse, rather than abatement or abridgement, by way of defalcation; which they would intimate by humble petition, without disputation, after the service was done and the Enemy gone off, and not before. And this resolution they generally followed, whereby they deserved dne consideration, and I doubt not in time but they shall find it. They are Tyrants and not Fathers of the Commonwealth, who take occasion to be evil, from the goodness of their people; so that the better the subject or inferior is, the worse the superior shows himself to be; and the more he is content for peace, and quiet, and conscience, to suffer, the more the other puts upon him and forceth him beyond his strength to bear and suffer. It shall not be so amongst you, (saith our saviour to his Disciples) I hope the illustrious Lords are our saviours Disciples also, and I am sure then, It shall not be so amongst them. Secondly I beseech the State to consider whether or no it be fit to vindicate the honour of our king, State and Nation, together with the King and Queen of Bohemia, from the base aspersions cast upon them, by rumour and lyeing multitude, in the point of their present maintenance. For I know the Common people believe, and give it out, for a manifest truth, as men that will believe no better, how that royal Payer with their Princely children, lie here at the charge of this State, and that exactions are laid upon the people to maintain them in that humble condition wherein they live, which (notwithstanding it be fare too mean for the dignity of such persons,) yet in the vulgar eye it seems therefore to be to haughty, because they think it comes out of their purse, and to proceed from their beggarly benevolence. This falsehood is bred and nourished by the Spanish faction, who would do worse then slander them if they could, and do this to make the Country hate them, and thereby to provoke the people for their sake, to mutinee and rise against the present government of the illustrious Lords, as if they were the occasion of this causeless and needles cha●ge, by harboring these distressed Princes in their Dominions. The knowledge of this was one of the principal motives which caused me first to put pen to paper in this subject; because I saw the honour of my King, Country, and of these Princes traduced and tossed up and down by lewd lying, and ignorant tongues. For, in stead of charging this State with their abode here (as these fellows fain and give out) they are every way helpful to it, spending therein many thousand pounds starling by the year, and causeing much to be spent, all which comes out of England into these parts. And I present it to the consideration of my superiors, whether it were fit, for all their honours, and safeties, to cry this off, or to make the truth of it some way publicly known, that the malicious mouths of men may in this respect be closed, and that the people may know they bear no burden but their own, yea that we also do help them, out of love, to carry part of that, which belongs to them wholly to bear, out of duty to God and their Country. Thirdly I humbly present this motion to the consideration of my superiors, whether they think it fit or no, for the consolidation of this league, and for the preservation of perpetual amity betwixt both Nations, to equal us, if not with their own, at least with the chief of other Nations, who serve them as we do; since we have been, are, and are like to be, as good studds and props to this State, as they or any of them have been, are, or can be. Let not the advantage of language make a stricter band, then that of hearts and hands. If their tongues go before ours, our hearts and hands go in front with them, and have ever done so, to do this State service. Neither speak I this to disparage them or any of them; It is no disparagement for the best of them, to march with us; Neither speak I this to detract from their deservings, but by comparison of theirs to set off our own (which hath been nothing inferior to theirs) and so to beget equal respect for equal merit in all ranks and degrees. Fourthly I present to the wise consideration of my superiors, whether they think it fit or no, that in both the Indieses and all other places of trade or fishing, their people be straightly commanded carefully to maintain peace; that they sell not our love for a little lucre, nor invade our simple trust and innocent security, with fraud or violence, upon base advantages of time, and odds of number, or the like circumstances of treachery and injury; which, as they may be shadowed with the cloak of justice, so they may serve our Enemies, (who seek to divide us,) as shadows to accuse the united Provinces of injustice, and thereby to incense our State to sudden rage and sharp revenge against them as against perfidious Enemies. And I could therefore wish that if any should dare to disobey the Edicts of the State published for pacification, they may be pursued as public Enemies, who by their practice testify the treason of their hearts, whilst they endeavoure to give distaste to our State, thereby to break the love and league betwixt Great Brittany and the united Provinces, that so their Trojan Horse or Spanish jennet may come in at the breach. Fiftly I would here speak of honours and rewards to be propounded for the soldier of all sorts and degrees, but that I am afraid to be laughed at for my labour, or if not so, yet to be answered with that Common Error which goes currant for an axiom of State, That Commonweals are incapable of this power to confer honours. I see amongst the Romans, several rewards and honours of all sorts, distributed freely and constantly to the best deservers. Thereby to encourage all of every rank, high and low, the witty and valiant, in their several kinds, to do their best, and to adventure for the public good. Titles, honours, lands, immunities, wreathes, chains, ornaments, places in the theatre, with diverse other previledges, and lastly statues and triumphs were appointed for the well deserving soldier. And it is to be observed, that whereas the legionary bands (which were natives) had silver chains, the Auxiliarie (which were strangers) had gold chains to encourage them, and to bind them to the State by benefits, as the others were bound by natural love and duty. But it may be objected that these honours conferred by the Roman Commonwealth were acknowledged by reason of the Monarchy, and did extend as universally, as the Roman command and power itself, which tutched almost the world's circumference: but it is not so with petty Commonweals, whose acts seem therefore to be private, and to be contained in narrow lists. And this is true, nor would I therefore desire for the well deserueing soldier any honour or previledge but a public acknowledgement and respect within the United Provinces or wheresoever they have power or command: this they have power to confer, as we see the State of Ireland gave the title of King to H. 8. by act of parliament, who before was written Lord of Ireland only; and what the States could give would sufficiently content the soldier, desirous of honour, and bind them the rather to the place and service, whilst they should there have that due reverence and acknowledgement, which in other places they should not find but upon removal lose. And for aught I see the Honours conferred by absolute Princes, are of force no farther than their own forces carry them and give them life and authority; as we see in the Imperial Courts, who will not be acknowledged for such in great Britain, and surely Sir Robert Dudley, what State or style so ever he walks under in Florence, must in England, if ever he return, veil bonnet, and teturne to his English titles. I say therefore, had a worthy Commander, after long and good service, some public acknowledgement of his merit; some title, or note of honour, some previledge or extraordinary respect and allowance (thought it went no farther than within the limits and command of the united Provinces) yet it would animate and stir up noble spirits to excellent actions and entreprizes through emulation. And had a private soldier, after long and good service, the least acknowledgement of his worth, were it but immunity from the excise, increase of means, or any other previledge it would encourage a poor man to serve bravely. But to sell his flesh and blood, for bread and cheese, to spend his lusty youth even till he arrive at a maimed and sickly old age, for so much means as will only keep soul and body together; in a miserable manner and (which is worst of all) if he life's in the wars 20 or 30 years, never to have hope of due and orderly preferment, but to see every youth dance frog-leape over his back, this is that which quencheth the courage of all honourable undertakeing, and is the only cause so little is performed upon the politic and powerful Enemy. Lastly I humbly desire all Readers of both nations high and Low, to pardon me and to accept of my good will which aimed herein to do good. Especially I seek pardon of the illustrious Lords and Governors of this State who may think me too peremptory, plain, and punctual, in some pasages of discourse, and in the propositions I have made. But when they shall understand I have suffered for their sake from mine own Nation, and have been taken and challenged as a Man too much their own and partial upon their side for what I have done, spoken, and written; they will, perhaps the sooner entertain my excuse, and the better bear my plainness and boldness. And for those of mine own Nation who have thought me to vilify our own and to honour this people too much, I let them know that I have done nothing but what the truth and the necessity of the case required. For when I meet a discontented Countryman of mine own, who seeks to ease his privare spleen, and to revenge his particular quarrel, by invectives against the public State of these Provinces, then as one that understands how much it concerns all our welfares (especially for point of Religion) to be well conceited of each other, and to stand together in firm friendship, jealous that many fractures should make the joint unconsolidable, and not knowing with what heart and intent those objections are made, nor how powerfully that scattered breath may work, (whilst I see thin vapours, gathering and uniteing by degrees, break out at last into boisterous storms and blustering winds) I do what I can to oppose these in the beginning, and that perhaps with a little too much violence, contending for the honour of these parts. But again when I meet with an obstinate and malevolent spirit of these Conntryes, arrogateing all to their own worth, slighting our King and Kingdom, and seemeing to rely upon other Princes in their opinion more potent: then indignation let's lose the reynes of my affection, and reason accompaines and seconds them as fare as she is able, to let such blind Braggadochies discern what they are able to do for themselves, what we have done for them, and how (whatsoever they say and would fain make men bleleeve) they cannot rely with that assurance upon any popish Nation, as they may upon us, for all our seemeing oversenes; Nay that there is no Nation under the sun that can be so profitable and helpful to them as that of great Brittany. Which they may easily see who observe the situation and shipping of both, and consider that all France, though fare more potent at Land, could not have afforded us equal assistance to that which these Countries, (than weak in comparison of what they are) brought us in 88 by Sea. Nor can all France (though they were our superiors in strength, as yet no trial by battle hath given them the assurance) so supply their wants and second their wars offensive and defensive by Land and Sea as we can do. Thus encountering with English adversaries, I show myself a plain dealeing Dutchman; and encountering the Dutch, I show myself what I am, a true hearted English man; But here where I speak freely I declare impartially what I have known, or heard upon both parts; what greevances ought to be removed, what cautions ought to be observed, what diligence ought to be used on both sides, to settle and make strong this old league renewed, in conservation whereof the liberty of both States, yea of all Christendom, yea of Christianity itself in some sort, consisteth. The wrack of Religion is that which is aimed at, is that which I fear; and were it not for Religion I would study, and should soon find the way, to be a politician also. Now I have said nothing with a purpose to overvalue out present aid (I have spoken as much of theirs) or to upbraid this State with ingratitude, or as a man that grudged at what we give and thought it too much (I wish it much more) or as one that imagined the wisemen of these Lands did not see all this, and more too, without my light; fare be this folly from me: Nay rather my intention is to let the common man see this, who will not understand it, or at least acknowledge it; That when he sees the truth, he may make better account of usthen he useth to do. For I must tell them for conclusion, that our Commons & the State generally, for religions sake principally, is ready to drop their money and their blood freely for this Nation: only the wisdom of our State holds us back because they see us too forward, and know well, that what is proffered is contemned, and what is too common, cloys. So all the Remoraes' and rubs these men find in their affairs with us is from this ground. Whereas on the contrary they are the Commons of the united Provinces who slight our people, do us all the wrong at home and abroad, where they can take any advantage against us, and give us and our State all the disgusts they receive. This I believe proceeds principally from that irreligious or superstitious mixture, which is amongst them, who either corrupt the rest that are truly religious and true patriots, or at least, by their multitudes, so oversway the good, that they cannot do, for us and themselves, as they would. And for this cause. Their State and Statesmen yea the illustrious Lords themselves are forced by authority and power to restrain them from evil, and on their behalves, to do us all the good they can. So you may observe that with us the general currant runs strongly in favour of these Provinces, particulars only oppose it for policy or perhaps some for popery; but in the united Provinces the general currant runs strongly against us, and therefore their State or some particular persons of it, ashamed of the common folly, endeavour to mend it. I make a question if this people were in peace as we are, and we in war as they are, whether or no their Common people would as willingly and ready offer themselves and their monies for us, and press the States for permission, as we offer ourselves and our monies freely for them, and press our superiors by suits, entreaties, and humble petitions, to give us leave to assist them. I am persuaded, those that grudge and repine, at the excise which is raised for their own instant and most necessary defence, would grudge fare more to do it for others. But it hath not been long so, their forefathers who with their blood bought their present libettie, were of an other mind. And those Popelings, Libertines, and Sectaries amongst them who are now all sick for change, would, if the Lord should so plague them as to give them their heart's desire (which I constantly hope, and heartily pray for the sake of the faithful which are amongst them, that he will not) soon find the difference of government; when in stead of Fathers, and Brethren, and Sons, and Kinsfolk, and a Prince of their own election, yea such a Prince, such a General, as never Nation met with a more moderate, affable, prudent, diligent, watchful, papatient, provident, and in all respects one more fit for them: in stead of such, I say, they should have Strangers, and Tyrants set over them, who have shown heretofore, and would show again, if they had means, that (whatsoever we foolishly persuade ourselves to the contrary) they neither respect Law, nor Promise, nor Oath; nor make difference of Religion, or Sex, or Person; but seek only satisfaction of their Libidinous, Ambitious, Cruel, and Covetous desires. This I thought good briefly to intimate, that, if it be possible, we may receive reciprocal kindness from this Nation generally; and then they need not doubt no more than we ourselves do, but that, where his Majesty sends this year six thousand Foot for their aid, the next year (if they should need, as I hope they shall not, pray they may not) a Royal Army will, in the name of God and our King, command the insulting and encroaching Enemy, to stand back, and give up, what he hath unjustly swallowed, and what he shall never digest to do him good, but which may prove as fatal to his intended Monarchy, as that Flesh was to the Eagle, which she snatched from the Altar, to the firing of her own nest. And this out of question we with them should effect, without reliance upon other uncertain Leagues, if we would seriously unite our Forces by Land and by Sea, and follow that footing which God hath lately given this Nation in the West Indieses. But of this there is little hope whilst those fatal quarrels in the East Indieses lie festering betwixt us in blood unappeased, and no such real satisfaction is given, as may witness the impartial justice and necessity of the cause if true (which with the circumstances gives great occasion of suspicion) or testify by execution of the delinquents (if they be found to cover treachery and murder under the appearance of justice) that they will not hazard the losle of his Majesty's protection, and our loves, for the lives of a few Libertines; because they love us for some thing else besides their own profit, and will show the world it is not true which their Enemies slanderously give out, That they know no God but Gain, no Religion but Reason of State, no Heaven but this present World, and no Friend but themselves. For our parts we show ourselves to be Subjects of such a Sovereign, as love's no man's person so well to make us love or protect his sin. If they have dealt treacherously, we disclaim them for our Countrymen, and can be as well content to see them suffer worthily, as Pirates and other offenders who are put to death as public Enemies to all Nations. But if ours be Innocent, and this crime be raised by policy to supplant them from those parts as is suggested, than we hope and expect a severe example shall be made upon those Devils, who to the end they may do evil, and satisfy their cruelties (which they exercise ever where they are Masters) do not forbear even to accuse the Innocent, as Satan did Just job. But sparing to censure this on either side, till we see the cause cleared by severe, strict, and impartial examination, which we hope for and expect, we pray God to bless and prosper this League of Love begun, and to convert or confound all that wish the contrary. FINIS.