THE BOOK OF HONOUR and Arms.  
AT LONDON, Printed by Richard Ihones, dwelling at the sign of the Rose and Crown near Holborn Conduit. 1590.   

THE BOOK OF HONOUR and Arms.  
Wherein is discoursed the causes of Quarrel, and the nature of Injuries, with their repulses.  
Also the means of satisfaction and pacification; with divers other things necessary to be known of all Gentlemen and others professing Armes and honour.  
Forts & magnanimi sunt habendi, non qui faciunt, sed qui propulsant iniuriam.   

TO THE RIGHT Honourable Sir Christopher Hatton, Knight of the most noble Order, and Lord Chancellor of England: Richard Ihones Printer, wisheth long life, with increase of happiness.  
RIght Honourable, the manifold testimonies of your love both unto Honour and Arms, have induced me to think the first sight of this small book doth of right belong unto your Lordship, being by the due degrees of virtue ascended to that place, which among others in this Realm, is (and long hath been) reputed most honourable. To your L. therefore I humbly dedicate the same, as unto him, that by censure of our Sovereign, with the applause of people, hath in hand the consideration of actions appertaining to equity, Honour and justice. The property of which virtue (as Cicero saith) is to foresee that no violence be offered, but only by him that with injury is thereunto provoked: and that things common should be commonly used, and private things privately enjoyed. By which rule appeareth, that virtue alloweth just revenge, and admitteth the defence of property and right. But for that your Lordship hath been as well an actor in Arms, as a knower of what is due to Honour, I omit to say more, either of the one or the other: beseeching your good Lordship to pardon my boldness, and take in acceptable wise the intent of the Author, who both by election and obligation acknowledgeth himself yours.  
Your Lordships ever to command: Richard Ihones.   

To the Reader.  
THE cause of all Quarrel is Injury and reproach, but the matter of content, is justice and honour. For love whereof, we shun no care of mind, loss of wealth, nor adventure of life. Hereof proceedeth all disputation in Schools, pleading in law, war, and all worldly wrangling. For who so is either in deed or opinion, persuaded to have truth and reason on his side, doth not only constantly believe that so it is, but also being thereof denied, holdeth himself injured, and consequently burdened. True it is, that the Christian law willeth men to be of so perfect patience, as not only to endure injurious words, but also quietly to suffer every force and violence. Notwithstanding, forsomuch as none (or very few men) have attained such perfection, the laws of all Nations, for avoiding further inconveniences, and the manifestation of truth, have (among many other trials) permitted, that such questions as could not be civilly proved by confession, witness, or other circumstances, should receive judgement by fight and Combat, supposing that GOD (who only knoweth the secret thoughts of all men) would give victory to him that justly adventured his life, for truth, Honour, and justice.  
Seeing then that all humane laws have permitted the trial of Arms, and that every injurious action not repulsed, is by common consent of all Martial minds holden a thing dishonourable, infamous, and reproachful; it cannot be, but at some times and occasions such questions and quarrels shall arise, as necessarily must receive trial by the Sword. And Cicero saith, that he who repulseth not an injury, being able, offendeth no less, than if he had abandoned his friends, parents and country. By these reasons appeareth that the trial by Arms is not only natural, but also necessary and allowable. Notwithstanding, for that the vulgar sort (and many right noble also) be ignorant what are the true causes requiring trial of Arms, and what words or deeds are of such quality as ought be repulsed or revenged; I have at the earnest requests and often desires of very honourable friends (by way of abbreviation) reduced into this small volume, all causes of Quarrel or Combat, the nature of Injuries and repulses, the equality and disequality of men, who may be challenged, and for what respects Challenges ought be refused: with many other things in matter of Honour and Arms worthy to be known and considered.  
And albeit I am not ignorant that public Combats are in this age either rarely or never granted; yet for that (as is before said) no providence can prevent the questions and quarrels that daily happen among Gentlemen and others professing Armes, it shall not be amiss, but rather behoveful that all men should be fully informed what injury is, and how to repulse it, when to fight, when to rest satisfied, what is Honour and good reputation, how it is gained, and by what means the same is kept & preserved; which was the respect that the Earl Balthasar Castilio in his book of the Courtier, doth among other qualities requireable in a gentleman, specially advise he should be skilful in the knowing of Honour, and causes of quarrel. This book doth not incite men to unadvised fight, or needle's revenge (as some simple wit may surmise) but informeth the true means how to shun all offences: or being offended, showeth the order of revenge and repulse, according unto Christian knowledge and due respect of honour.  
And for that the dignity of Knighthood appertaineth chiefly to Martial merit, I have thought fit briefly to touch the original thereof: declaring how many Orders or degrees of Knights were in times past, and of them, how many yet extant.  
We have not in this work meddled with armory, or blazing of Badges; but chiefly touched matters offensive to reputation and Honour, whereof Combat or particular trial of Arms ought to ensue. If aught else is looked for, it may be taken from the learned. Tractant Fabrilia fabri.  
FINIS.   

The Contents of this work divided into five Books.  

The first Book.  WHat a Combat is, and the original thereof. 
cap. 1.  Of the order of challenging and defending. 
cap. 2.  For what cause the party belied aught to challenge, and of the nature of the Lie. 
cap. 3.  Of the nature and diversity of Lies. 
cap. 4.  Of Lies certain. 
cap. 5.  Of Lies conditional. 
cap. 6.  Of Lies general. 
cap. 7.  Of Lies special. 
cap. 8.  Of vain Lies. 
cap. 9  Whether a man injured in presence of a Prince, it sufficeth of answer in presence of private Gentlemen. 
cap. 10.  Of the return of Lies. 
cap. 11.  How upon every Lie the trial of Arms is not necessary. 
cap. 12.  Of the form of a Cartel or letter of Defiance. 
cap. 13.   

The second Book.  OF Injury and Burden. 
cap. 1.  How shameful and dishonourable it is to offer injury with advantage and cowardly. 
cap. 2.  That every Lie given, ought not occasion Combat. 
cap. 3.  For what causes the Combat is to be granted. 
cap. 4.  How between Padrines no fight or quarrel ought be. 
cap. 5.  Of Arms both offensive and defencive. 
cap. 6.  Of the election of the weapon. 
cap. 7.  How many ways victory is gained. 
cap. 8.  What was anciently due unto such as were victorious in public Combat. 
cap. 9   

The third Book.  WHat sorts of men ought not be admitted in trial of Arms. 
cap. 1.  Whether a Bastard may challenge a Gentleman to Combat. 
cap. 2.  Of restitution of honour. 
cap. 3.  Of the disequality of Gentlemen. 
cap. 4.  Of Injury done with advantage. 
cap. 5.  Of Injuries evil offered. 
cap. 6.  Of Satisfaction. 
cap. 7.  What satisfaction is to be given upon an Injury by deeds. 
cap. 8.  Other means of Pacification and composition. 
cap. 9  Of satisfaction to be given upon words. 
cap. 10.  How the giving of satisfaction is a thing not reproachful. 
cap. 11.   

The fourth Book.  OF Nobility accompanied with great dignity. 
cap. 1.  Whether a King may challenge an Emperor to Combat. 
cap. 2.  Whether a quarrel between two Emperors may be decided by particular Combat. 
cap. 3.  Of the equality and disequality of great Nobility, and of the privileges due unto all men professing Arms. 
cap. 4.  Certain Questions, Opinions and judgements upon accidents happening in trials and exercises of Arms. 
cap. 5.  Of the honour gained or lost by being disarmed in sundry places, and of sundry pieces. 
cap. 6.  Of honour gained or lost by the hurts given or taken in Combat for life, or in Triumph. 
cap. 7.  Of justs and Turniamen, and how the accidents in such exercises are to be judged. 
cap. 8.  The manner of Combats as they were (anciently) tried in England. 
cap. 9  Certain Combats for life granted by the Kings of England. 
cap. 10.  Certain Combats for Triumph and Honour, performed before the Kings of England. 
cap. 11.  The ceremony appertaining to delivery of Prizes at justs & Turniaments before the King. 
cap. 12.   

The fifth Book.  OF what quality a Gentleman professing Arms ought to be. 
cap. 1.  Of Knighthood. 
cap. 2.  Of the original of Knighthood, given as dignity: and what Princes have authority to make Knights. 
cap. 3.  The Ceremony at the making Knights, about the year of our Lord, 1020. 
cap. 4.  The Ceremonies at the disgrading Knights in those days. 
cap. 5.  How many degrees of Knighthood have been, & of them how many are yet extant. 
cap. 6.  Of the Order of the Garter. 
cap. 7.  Other degrees of Knighthood in England. 
cap. 8.  The order of the Toson, and original thereof. 
cap. 9  The order of S. Michael. 
cap. 10.  The Order of the Anunciata. 
cap. 11.  Knights of the Band. 
cap. 12.  Knights of S. jago. 
cap. 13.  Knights of Calatrava. 
cap. 14.  Knights of Alcantara. 
cap. 15.  Knights of Montesio. 
cap. 16.  Knights of Redemption. 
cap. 17.  Knights of S. john in jerusalem, of some called Knights of the Rhodes, and now Knights of Malta. 
cap. 18.  Knights Teutonici. 
cap. 19  Knights of the Sepulchre. 
cap. 20.  Knights of S. Marry. 
cap. 21.  Knights of S. Lazaro. 
cap. 22.  Knights of S. Steven 
cap. 23.  Ceremonies in degradation of Knights. 
cap. 24.  The Author's Intention. 
cap. 25.  The Author's Conclusion. 
cap. 26.   
FINIS.   

THE BOOK OF Honour and Arms.  

What a Combat is, and the original thereof. CAP. 1.  
A COMBAT, is a single fight of one man against another, for trial of truth, either else of divers men, as two, four, six, ten, or more, equally and indifferently agreed upon, to fight on horseback or foot without advantage, in number of persons, or disequality of weapons.  
These kind of fights seem to be first used of great Princes, who desiring to end public Contention and war, did mutually consent to determine the same by their own private virtue and adventure of life, as did Goliath and David, the Horatij and Curiatij, with divers other, who fight only in person, for the public cause, thereby saved the effusion of much blood, and the lives of many most worthy Captains and valiant Soldiers. And albeit the cause and occasion of these Combats, was public respect, yet each particular Gentleman or other person professing Honour and Arms, ought sufficiently be moved thereunto for defence of his own particular reputation; which respect, and haply also some public occasion, moved the Combat of Aeneas with Turnus, of Menelaus with Alexander, of Pulfius with Varenus, of Robert Mountfort, with Henry Earl of Essex in England: yea, Kings and Princes have of late time done the like, as Charles the third, King of France, with the King of Hungary, Alfonso King of Spain, with Richard Earl of of Cornwall, and King Alfonso with King Ranier.  
These particular fights were first used among the people called lombards, as appeareth by the laws written by Aliprandus one of the Kings that governed that Nation: yet true it is, that the Combats of those People, and in that Age, were tried with no other weapons but only certain shields and staves of wood, unless it were for cause of infidelity. Neither seemeth it that the chief occasion of their fight was respect of Honour, nor that the vanquished should become dishonoured, or Prisoner unto the vanquisher, as since hath been used.   

Of the order of challenging and defending. CAP. 2.  
FIrst is to be considered, that all Injuries are either by words or by deeds, and that in every Injury by words, the Injurer ought be the Challenger: but in an Injury by deeds, the Injured aught to challenge, as for example, Simon saith to Austen, thou art a Traitor. Austen answereth, Thou liest: then doth it behove Simon to maintain his words, and consequently to challenge Austen to the Combat.  
An Injury by deeds is thus. Simon giveth a hurt, a cut, or other violence unto Austen; whereat offended, he saith, Thou hast done me offence, violence, injury, or such like speech. Simon answereth, Thou liest. Then behoveth it that Austen do challenge Simon, and force him by fight to maintain the hurt he offered. Wherefore as a rule or maxim in matter of Honour, it is specially to be noted, that whosoever is truly and lawfully belied, must of force become Challenger to maintain that he spoke or did, and whereupon the Lie is given him.  
And although some men, rather to show the dexterity of their wits, than the valour of their minds, will at such occasion use many superfluous words, whereby further speech of offence doth follow, and so take opportunity to give the Lie unto whom the hurt by hand was given; yet the true and precise reason of Honour is, that he who gave the blow & hurt, should without further dispute be challenged, unless he deny the doing thereof with offer of satisfaction. Thus appeareth briefly, that whosoever is lawfully belied, ought by Arms to challenge, maintain, and prove that which he affirmed or did, in prejudice of the honour or person of the Injured.   

For what cause the party belied aught to challenge, and of the nature of the Lie. CAP. 3.  
FOr so much as in ordinary trial by law, and civil judgements, whosoever standeth accused; by denial of such accusation, is free from condemning until further proof be made: even so in every imposition by speech, contrary to good reputation; honour or honesty, ought either by civil or martial means be maintained and avowed. Therefore, who soever being offered injurious speech, shall say to the offerer thereof Thou liest, or thou sayest not truly, doth thereby repulse the injury, and force the Injurer to challenge. And every denial be it never so simple, importeth a Lie, & is of like effect, although the manner in pronouncing denial only, is an answer more friendly and courteous, than the quality of an injurious imposition requireth.  
And although the manner of denials are divers, as Thou liest, Thou sayest untruly, etc. yet every denial is a repulse of injury, being spoken to that which was injury: But if the same be uttered in answer of any words, wherein was no offence, the same becometh injurious: as thus. If I tell or say any thing without evil imposition to any person, and one standing by, shall say I speak untruly, or use other denial of that my speech affirmed; by that manner of speech he giveth me an imputation of a Liar, & consequently offereth me injury. Moreover, for that every injury by words may for once be wrested, it is lawful for me, with every my denial to repulse that injury, and my second denial containeth the effect of a Lie, and his first, the force of injury; by which mean, the burden shall rest upon him. But if so it be, that he answereth or saith, The truth is otherwise, or any other such speech, that cannot be injurious, nor shall any ways burden me, unless I shall in some injurious sort reply, and then he denying, may lay the burden upon me: for the difference that maketh one word sometimes injurious, and sometimes not, is, that the same is sometimes spoken injuriously, and sometimes not, as thus. If I say unto another man, Thou sayest not true, thereby I reprove him, and consequently offer injury: but if I say, That which thou sayest is not true, that speech is not injurious, and may be without burden of him unto whom it is spoken.  
Yet in one case, that rule faileth: for if I say, such a thing I have done, another answereth, That is not true: by so saying, he doth burden me. To conclude I say, that whosoever refraineth with his words and speech to offend others, he can by no means receive the Lie.   

Of the nature and diversity of Lies. CAP. 4.  
But for the more plain conceiving of the nature and diversity of Lies, we will particularly discourse thereof, and show how many sorts of them be, how they are to be given, and in what sort they are to be answered. It is therefore to be known that of Lies, some be Conditional, and some be Certain: and of both them, some be General and some Special. To these may be also added one third kind, which we will call Vain Lies.   

Of Lies certain. CAP. 5.  
WE call those Lies certain, which are given upon words spoken and affirmed; as if I should say or write unto another man, Thou hast spoken in prejudice of mine honour, honesty and credit, and therefore dost lie. This may be called a Lie certain, because I stand certainly assured that such a man hath spoken evil of me: yet true it is, that because I do not in these words particularly express the matter or speech whereupon I give the Lie, therefore it shall be reputed a Lie general, and consequently of no force: For indeed no Lie is lawful, unless the matter and words whereupon it is given be plainly and expressly repeated. Therefore the Lies which are given upon certain and apparent words, are they which in truth do bind the party belied unto proof, unless he can deny to have spoken that whereupon the Lie is given him, and the form thereof is thus. Harman, thou hast said that at the Battle of Montcontour I abandoned mine Ensign, and cowardly ran away: whereunto I answer, Thou hast lied. By this apparent and particular expression of that was said, the Lie given is made Special, and consequently lawful.   

Of Lies Conditional. CAP. 6.  
CONDITIONAL lies, we call those which are uttered upon condition, as if a man should say thus: If thou hast called me a thief, thou dost lie: or if thou shalt hereafter so say, thou liest: And how often thou hast or shalt so say, so oft I say thou hast and shalt lie. These Conditional lies in this sort given, are the occasion oftentimes of much disputation, because they are not in force until such time as the Condition is verified, I mean, until it be avowed that such words have indeed been spoken. For he unto whom such a Lie is given either by words or writing, as he findeth himself guilty or not, so may he make answer; and having haply spoken such words, he may in using general words find an evasion: yea the debating of such a Conditional quarrel may be so handled, as he who gave the Lie conditional, shall utter some speech whereon to receive a Lie certain. If therefore he who is charged with a Lie conditional, have not indeed said that wherewith he is charged, then ought he say, I never spoke any such thing, & thereunto add another Lie, either Generally or conditionally uttered thus. Whosoever saith that I have spoken such words, he lieth: or thus. If thou or any man else will affirm I have so said, thou liest.  
Albeit this manner of proceeding from one Lie to another, and from one Condition to another, doth seldom occasion other effect than the multiplying of words: yet do we often see that questions are so handled, and consequently no good or honourable resolution doth follow. Wherefore to avoid all doubts, it behoveth Gentlemen and other persons of honour or credit, to shun all Conditional lies, and before he doth offer the Lie, either by confession of the party or witness worthy credit, be assured he hath cause to give the Lie. So shall the Lie be certain, and the belied forced, either to deny that he said, or stand to the justification thereof.   

Of Lies general. CAP. 7.  
A Lie general may be in two sorts, in respect of the person, and in respect of the injury. The Lie is general in respect of the Person, when no man to whom it is given is named, as thus. Who ever hath said that I have been a Rebel to my Prince, doth lie. To this manner of Lie no man is bound to make answer, because many may haply have so said, and that so being, he that giveth the Lie should be forced to fight with them all, which were inconvenient. For it is unlawful upon one quarrel to fight oftener than once, and unfit that one man should hazard his reputation upon the sword of another man. Wherefore to remove such disorders, it hath been thought good that this kind of Lie should be unlawful, of none effect, and disallowed.  
Touching the other Lie which we call general in respect of the injury, is thus. Simon, thou hast said evil of me, and spoken words in prejudice of mine honesty, and therefore I say thou liest. This manner of Lie, not being given upon any matter certain, or words specially repeated, is to none effect: and therefore if he who giveth such a Lie, intendeth to make a just quarrel, it behoveth him to set down in writing, the very words whereupon he giveth the Lie. For besides that, such lies do not bind the adverse party, they are also perilous, and apt to be returned. I say therefore that forsomuch as a Lie general is of small effect, & therewith fit to be wrested against the giver thereof, it ought of all Gentlemen to be utterly refrained.   

Of Lies special. CAP. 8.  
LIes special are those which are given unto special persons, and upon express and particular matter: as for example, Gregory, thou hast said that upon the day of Battle at Grauling, I abandoned mine Ensign and charge; for which saying thou hast lied. This is that Lie which (as is before said) I call a Lie certain & lawful; yet is it to be intended that he who giveth this Lie either by word or writing, ought first to be informed fully, and have sufficient proof and witness of that he saith, so as the same cannot be denied. For wanting due proves, he to whom the Lie was given, may answer, that I lie in charging him with such words as he never uttered, and in that case it shall behove me to prove the reproach wherewith I have charged him: but if he cannot deny that wherewith he is charged, then must he either maintain his speech, or confess the fault.  
Here is to be noted, that in such quarrels wherein manifest falsehood and untruth appeareth, no Prince ought to permit any Combat: neither ought Gentlemen be ashamed in such cases to refuse the fight; because it is a thing more honourable for respect of reason to refuse Combat, than perform the same without cause or obligation. Seeing then that this sort of Lie, whereof we presently entreat, is only true and lawful; therefore it behoveth Gentlemen, and all others professing Honour and Arms, therewith to give repulse unto such injuries as are offered: and desiring to show the cause of their offence either by word or writing, they must so plainly and sincerely set down the intent thereof, as no part of the affirmation can be either denied or wrested to other sense than it was uttered or written, whereby afterwards no doubt shall arise, who ought to challenge, and who to defend.   

Of Vain Lies. CAP. 9  
THe simple & ignorant sort of men persuading themselves, that he unto whom the Lie is given, doth thereby lose the election of the weapon; therefore ignorantly and foolishly they give the Lie, before they either know or ask the question wherefore they so do: as thus. If thou wilt not say I am an honest man, thou liest in thy throat: the folly of which speech doth plainly appear. For seeing the Lie is nothing else but an answer, in this the order of nature is changed, & the answer uttered before the question asked. Another sort of ignorant quarrelers are, that will say thus. If any man hath said evil of me, he hath lied: and if he will deny to have so said, he also lieth. This silly sort of quarreling, may likewise be called a Lie foolish and vain: for he who shall use such words, doth thereby take upon him both to propound and to answer, and consequently perform the office aswell of Defender as Challenger.  
Another sort of these Vain lies are thus offered: Simon meeting with Lewes saith, Draw thy weapon, and I will presently prove thee a Liar and a Varlet: Or if thou wilt not draw, than art thou a Varlet also. This manner of Lie is without foundation, cause or reason, & therefore meet to be laughed at. Others there are, who being charged to commit dishonest actions, do for the present time departed without making either denial or answer; but after having assembled a number of friends weaponed with advantage, saith to him that charged him, Thou liest: which manner of doing is also cowardly and foolish. For as every accusation or imputation ought be done without advantage, even so every answer without advantage, ought be uttered. Also every Injury offered in presence, should likewise in presence be answered: and if in absence any such wrong be done, in absence an answer may be made. Finally, unto matter of injury in writing, the answer ought be framed in writing: yet is it reason, that if a man armed or accompanied do offer evil speech or violence to him that is unarmed and alone; in that case it shall be lawful to make answer at time more convenient. But if so be that any man finding and knowing me better armed, accompanied, or prepared than himself, will nevertheless offer me injury; in that case it is lawful for me by words or deeds to repulse the injury, and be revenged notwithstanding mine advantage, because it was his folly to offer offence, seeing my strength. But Gentlemen should ever so do, as the Lie may be no less or more honourably given, than the injury was offered.  
One other advantage in offering injury may be in this sort. If any man shall offer the same in place of privilege, or in presence of the Prince; in that case it hath been thought fit that no Lie or other repulse should be. Nevertheless, it seemeth reasonable, that if it pleaseth the Prince to know that I am in his presence or Court injuried, that it may also please him that I may descend myself. Yet true it is, that in such places it becometh the Injured to temper his answer, and use words of reverence, and the rather if he who offereth the injury be a person of more respect and favour with the Prince before whom the injury was offered, Howsoever it be, I take not upon me to inform what ought in such case to be done, but tell mine opinion as that which I think to be honourable: whereunto I add, that wise Princes will more patiently endure the repulse, than the offer of Injury in their presence.   

Whether to a man Injured in presence of a Prince, it sufficeth to answer in presence of private Gentlemen. CAP. 10.  
Having in the former Chapter spoken of Injury offered in the Prince's presence, it seemeth not unnecessary to know how such offence is to be repulsed or revenged. For as it is not easy to have opportunity to make repulse before the Prince; so were it also fit to use respect before persons of so high estate & calling, as heretofore hath been alleged. But for the more btiefe deciding of this question, I will only produce the censure of Don Francisco Maria Duke of Urbin, which was to this effect. That Princes either through their attention to other weighty affairs, or their seldom experience in trial of Arms, were no less, or more ignorant, than other Gentlemen of mean reputation. And therefore concluded, that to an Injury offered in the presence of a Prince, it sufficed to make answer before private Gentlemen, as persons unto whom the knowledge and experience of Arms and Honour appertained: Such was the opinion of that Duke, a Prince in his life and place reputed no less skilful in points of Honour, than all other ways virtuous. Whereunto may be added, that in matter of Arms, all Emperors, King and Princes, have ever vouchsafed to be called by the name of Gentlemen and Soldiers. And therefore it standeth with good reason, that an answer made in the presence of Gentlemen and Soldiers, should be of virtue sufficient to repulse an Injury offered before a Prince of what title so ever.   

Of the Return of Lies. CAP. 11.  
HEretofore we have said, that he unto whom the Lie is given for a repulse of injury, ought be the Challenger: yet for more certainty of that saying, we are diligently to examine what sort of Lies are lawful. It is therefore to be understood, that the true and proper nature of the Lie, is to repulse Injury, and whensoever it worketh not that effect, it becometh Injury, and by another Lie may be returned. Also it is to be noted, that in one self-same quarrel aswell unto a Denial as an Affirmation, the Lie may be given. The Lie lawfully given unto an affirmation is that, whereof we have before spoken, as thus. One man saith unto another, He is a Rebel to his Prince: He answereth, Thou liest: and this kind of Lie cannot be avoided, because it is given for repulse unto an infamy directly offered. But if I, speaking of other do say, He is an honest man, and one standing by, doth give me the Lie: in that case the Lie shall not be reputed a repulse, but an Injury; and it is lawful for me to say, that gainsaying the commendation I gave, he lieth; because he encountereth my affirmation, and seemeth to deny that all men are holden honest, till proof be made of the contrary. Wherefore it behoveth him that denied the man to be honest, to prove such denial: in the mean time he is burdened and bound to challenge me.  
But let us now speak of Lies given upon the negative which are either lawful, or may lawfully be returned: as if any man doth say of me, That in such a service of Arms I had not done my duty, and I should answer with the Lie, that shall be a lawful answer. Yet if a man shall say, That he hath not failed of fidelity unto his Prince, and I say he lieth; then is it lawful for him to answer, Thou liest in saying I lie, and consequently force me to challenge; because in affirming his own fidelity he doth not injury to any man: but I denying thereof, do greatly wrong him, and therefore reasonably the Lie to be returned upon me. Now it resteth to produce some example, how in one self-same quarrel, both upon the affirmative and negative the Lie may be given, so as neither the one nor the other party hath apparent place of repulse, as in this case.  
Two Gentlemen being in the field prepared to fight, do there fall into disputation, whether the weapons be lawful or not: by mean whereof, the day is spent in speech, and nothing done. Hereupon a question grew whether the weapons were reasonably refused or not, the one by affirming them to be lawful, doth burden the other, and he by denying them to be lawful, doth burden him; so as it resteth doubtful who ought to challenge.  
Thus much touching the nature of Lies, how they are to be offered, repulsed, or returned. A matter of some difficulty to be understood, yet necessary to be known of all Gentlemen.   

How upon every Lie, the trial of Arms is not necessary. CAP. 12.  
ALbeit heretofore hath been said, that he who receiveth the Lie ought to be Challenger, yet is not our meaning that upon every Lie given, the trial of the sword should forthwith follow. For seeing the trial by Arms is incertain, and the civil trial assured, therefore it behoveth every Gentleman to be justified rather by this, than the other trial. And indeed it is no less expedient for Gentlemen and all others professing Arms, to know when to put up, than when to draw their weapons. Who so therefore upon any affirmation shall be lawfully and orderly offered the Lie (having means to make such proof) ought by civil and reasonable trial make justification, and not take sword in hand, till necessity so enforceth, and he who findeth himself offered any unjust or unlawful Lie, may either traverse it, or utterly disdain it.   

Of the form of a cartel or Letter of Defiance. CAP. 13.  
IN such places as public Combats were permitted by Princes, the custom was that the parties agreed to fight, should challenge one the other, by some instrument in writing, which they commonly called a Cartel: but that custom being now discontinued, he who challengeth doth send some Letter to that effect, which ought be framed in brief terms, and thereby to express in short and proper words the effect of the quarrel and injury, be it in words or deeeds. Also to set down expressly the particularities of the matter, the persons, the times, & places, which for the true expressing of the cause are required, to the end the adverse party may the better determine of his answer. And for that Combat is a kind of judgement, it behoveth no less therein, than in civil trial that particular proves & circumstances should be expressed, & that he who challengeth should summon his adversary, and he that is Defender produce the Lie.  
In this writing it also behoveth to use all plainness of words & phrases, leaving aside eloquence and ambiguity of speech; for it sufficeth a man being offered any injurious speech, do say, Thou liest, without adding any word thereunto. It is also to be known, that the Defender ought have the election of the place and weapon. For no reason were it that I should both challenge another man, and also appoint him to fight with what weapon pleaseth me. One thing I think good more to advertise, that it seemeth unto me a thing very honest, and worthy a Gentleman, that all speeches and writings of or to an Enemy, should be in good and honourable terms; for thereby the speaker or writer shall honour himself, and declare he hath to do with a person of reputation; for otherwise he shall disgrace his own judgement, in meddling with men unworthy, and such as are unfit to be regarded.    

THE SECOND BOOK.  

Of Injury and Burden. CAP. 1.  
WE have already discoursed what Injury is, and how the same ought be repulsed: now is to be informed in what cases Princes and supreme Governors may grant or deny the trial of Combat. I say therefore, that the office of every Prince moved to grant Combat, is first to consider the nature and quality of the quarrel, to the end he may assuredly know whether it be of such importance as requireth the trial of the sword, and cannot otherwise be determined. For it is a rule certain, that every question or quarrel that may be decided by civil authority and proves, ought not in any wise be tried in Combat. But for more particular knowledge of this matter, you shall understand, that we call an act done contrary to reason, Injury, or (as some do term it) Offence or Wrong: and the Burden, is a certain natural obligation, whereby a man standeth bound to repulse or maintain the matter in question. Wherefore, whensoever we see a man burdened or charged, it is presently and consequently looked for, that he ought to be a Challenger. It is also to be known, that otherwhiles one man may do unto another such an act as may be both an Injury, and a Burden: so may also an Injury be done without Burden, and a Burden without Injury.  
An Injury joined with Burden is thus. If a man shall charge me with an evil fact never by me committed, whereby (contrary to all reason) he seeketh my slander, hereby he offereth me Injury, and the Burden he layeth upon me, is, for that I stand bound to repulse and make answer unto such outrageous words, and consequently am forced to answer, He lieth, whereby I am disburdened, & lay the burden on him, by which mean I become discharged of mine obligation, and bind him unto the proof and maintaining of his words, which is to maintain and be a Challenger. And in handling the matter, this is to be noted, that I only do burden him without offer of Injury, because I make this answer upon a just and reasonable cause, only with intent to lay the Burden on him.  
An Injury without Burden is in two sorts, viz. in word or in deed, as thus. If one man shall charge another in word, with that which is manifestly false; in that case it is not necessary to make any answer at all, because he who speaketh such words, proveth himself an apparent Liar, and therefore not worthy of so much respect as to be answered; so are those words Injury, but no Burden. An Injury in deeds without Burden, is, when one man offereth unto an other violence with advantage, or in such evil sort, as the fact appeareth to be done contrary to honour and reason; in that case, to what purpose should the Injured challenge the Injurer? seeing the matter to be plain and apparent. But haply it may be said by him that is injured, Shall I rest without revenge? Thereunto may be answered by Princes, or others having authority to grant Combat, that to admit trial by Arms is only lawful for the finding out and justification of truth; but the punishment of wilful acts contrary to peace, is by civil authority to be performed. And in mine opinion, whosoever receiveth an Injury in deeds dishonourably offered, is thereby neither dishonoured nor burdened: and for revenge of such cowardly and bestial offences, it is allowable to use any advantage or subtlety, according to the Italian proverb, Ad una sopercheria, si conviene vn' altra sopercheria, & ad un tradimento un altro tradimento, which is, that one advantage requireth another, and one treason may be with another acquitted.   

How shameful and dishonourable it is to offer injury with advantage, and cowardly. CAP. 2.  
IT may seem strange that heretofore we have said, that a traitorous Injury might be in like sort revenged; yet is it very reasonable that so it should be: and though it were not, yet doth he that offereth such an Injury incur apparent Infamy, without burdening him unto whom it is offered. For what reason can maintain that any man should be worthy of Infamy, that was by another cowardly and suddenly hurt or stricken? Nay, who is he that will not blame him that offereth such an Injury, and acquit him unto whom it was done? To conclude therefore, I say, the Infamy is due unto him that wilfully doth a dishonourable wrong, not to him that receiveth it: for no man wanteth power to refrain a wicked action, no man wanteth power to perform his promise, no man is forced to be a traitor: & therefore, whosoever falleth into any such fault, becometh odious and infamous: besides that, in offending cowardly, he seemeth to want virtue and courage required in a Gentleman. By ancient custom it hath therefore been determined, that if any man having committed such cowardly and foul facts, shall afterwards challenge another Gentleman, he may in respect of the Infamy due for his former doings, be lawfully refused.  
I will also advise all Gentlemen to eschew one other vile and evil abuse, which is thus. A man having offered injurious words, and is lawfully belied, he may not with a cowardly stroke or touch of a cudgel, or any such like means, think to be acquitted of the burden, as some men have supposed; yet the vulgar sort do think that to give a blow, or spit in the face of a man, and run away, dischargeth a lawful Lie, which is far otherwise. Mine opinion therefore is, that a man directly is not discharged by any such act, but standeth still burdened to prove that affirmation, whereupon the Lie was given him, and consequently must challenge.   

That every Lie given, ought not to occasion Combat. CAP. 3.  
FOrsomuch as the Lie is not indeed the cause of fight, but the occasion; it is not necessary that upon every Lie given, Combat should forthwith follow. For if the fault wherewith a man is accused, be not such as requires trial in Arms, than doth not the Lie given thereupon bind him, because the quality of the Injury and not of the Lie is to be respected. Therefore in every law whereby Combats are permitted, the causes are expressly and particularly declared, as both by the law of Lombardie and the Imperial constitutions appeareth.   

For what causes the Combat is to be granted. CAP. 4.  
A Thing most certain it is, that to reduce the ancient customs to the use of present time, were not only hard and difficult, but also impossible: wherefore omitting to tell of what hath been, we will only speak of that which ought be in this matter observed: I say then that the causes of all quarrel whereupon it behoveth to use the trial of Arms, may be reduced into two: for it seemeth to me not reasonable, that any man should expose himself to the peril of death, save only for such occasions as do deserve death. Wherefore whensoever one man doth accuse another of such a crime as meriteth death, in that case the Combat ought be granted. The second cause of Combat is Honour, because among persons of reputation, Honour is preferred before life. Therefore whensoever any such crime is imputed, as by the civil law is judged infamous, the Combat and trial of Arms ought be allowed, if by civil and ordinary course of law it cannot.   

How between Padrins, no fight or quarrel aught to be. CAP. 5.  
AT such time as public Combats were by Princes permitted, the custom was, that those unto whom the field was granted, did bring with them certain friends to behold the fight, and see that nothing were done contrary to the agreement and capitulation. For what cause these men were so called I know not; but some have thought the name of Padrine cometh of the latin word Pater, which signifieth father, or of Patrini, which signifieth a person, unto whose charge or tuition another was commended. Howsoever it be, these Padrines in the time of Combat, performed the same office which Advocates and Pleaders use in disputation of civil causes. And as they do not use to pay any part of that, wherein the client is condemned, even so no reason bindeth that the Padrine should fight, or be called to perform more than the due of his office, sith the Injuries, the Lies, the Cartels and Defiances are passed between the Principals, and the Padrins ought do none otherwise than as Advocates. Thus much I thought fit to speak of the office of Padrins, because it is oft seen, both in public Combats and private also, that some Gentlemen being chosen to behold the fight, and see it be equally performed, have not only been the cause to kindle new quarrel, but also entered thereinto themselves contrary to honour and reason.   

Of Arms both offensive and defensive. CAP. 6.  
IT hath been before said, that by the law of Lombardie, every Combat (unless upon quarrel of infidelity) should be tried with shields and staves, and with no other weapon. But the matter of their Combats was only for trial of truth, without respect of honour. Howsoever it were, besides that custom must be received for law, it seemeth to me that either in public or private fight, such weapons ought be used as are commonly worn of Gentlemen and others professing Armes. And touching Arms defensive, it hath been also the use, that as they are thought allowable in war and all general fights, so in particular trial of Arms, they ought not be rejected; because Fortitude accompanied with Prudence, is much the more commendable, seeing he that unwisely or inconsiderately adventureth himself, is not to be reputed valiant but furious: neither is he accounted valiant, that without council or cause, delighteth in dangers, but he that never doth shun any generous action, tending to public benefit or his own private reputation. And Aristotle saith, that a valiant man doth neither fear all things, nor dare do all things. For these respects it hath ever been thought fit, that in particular Combats, the fighters should be allowed Arms defensive, & not perform the same naked and utterly disarmed, with swords and daggers only, as is in this part of the world now used. And sith the peril of life is no less in particular than in public fight, it seemeth very reasonable that defensive Arms should be allowed; yet so as both the Challenger and Defender be equally armed & weaponed, which in truth ought be at the election of the Defendant, as heretofore hath been discoursed. But because the custom of the land is (and happily also law forbiddeth that any man should be armed save only in the war) I think no Gentleman ought refuse to fight disarmed. And here will I not omit to remember an abuse which hardly is discontinued, I mean that some English Gentlemen are so obstinately addicted to custom, as notwithstanding they do themselves enter quarrel and be Challengers, yet will they use that sort of weapon only which pleaseth themselves. An opinion contrary unto reason, and the use of all other people, as though ancient use made that weapon only allowable, which reason will also prove Vice as good as Virtue, because it is no less ancient.   

Of the election of the weapons. CAP. 7.  
FOr good and reasonable causes, many advantages are due unto him that is challenged, because he being accused and constrained to fight, just and true reason willeth that he should enjoy all honest favour. It hath been therefore well determined, that whosoever is Defender, doth sufficiently acquit himself, and ought be reputed victorious, if he be not victored. But on the other side, he that challengeth, must not only escape to be vanquished, but also vanquish his enemy; for otherwise he shall be reputed as victored, and lose the quarrel, which is very reasonable, because his office is to prove, but the Defender is not bound to more than to defend.  
Another favour also appertaineth to the Defender, which is, the election of the weapon, which is also reasonably done, because if another man will voluntarily call me to trial of the Sword, the choice of the weapon ought of right to be mine. Yet true it is, that no Defender ought to make election of other Arms either defensive or offensive, than such as are lawful, and worn ordinarily by Gentlemen and Soldiers. Therewith also is to be observed, that if the question whereupon the Combat or fight groweth, may be decided by civil trial, that then no trial of Arms ought be enterprised. Much more also may be added touching the equality or disequality of the persons that enter into fight, and likewise of the Arms aswell defensive as offensive: but because public Combats are now almost generally forbidden, and in this land most rarely used, I speak only of those things which are to be known for the performance of private Combat and fight between particular Gentlemen.   

How many ways victory is gained. CAP. 8.  
AT such time as public Combats were used within a List, or place specially appointed for that purpose, there was a judge indifferently chosen by the fighters, to see and determine which of them were victorious, and who was victored. But notwithstanding the discontinuance of those Ceremonies, and the performance of fight by warrant of Prince's Letters Patents; yet do I think it not amiss, briefly to set down in what cases men were reputed victorious.  
1 It is therefore to be known, that if the Challenger doth not vanquish the Defender in the day of fight before the Sun setting, he is himself to be judged vanquished, and cannot afterwards challenge any other Gentleman to the Combat. This sort of victory and this privilege is only due unto the Defender, all other trials are common and indifferent to both the fighters.  
2 The next kind of victory is, when any of the fighters doth yield unto his enemy, either by confessing himself not able to defend, to yield himself prisoner, or by uttering any other speech tending to submission.  
3 The third is, when any of them doth expressly deny or unsay that he affirmed, & the words whereon the quarrel groweth renouncing the quarrel.  
4 Fourthly, he who runneth away, and abandoneth the Lists or field where the fight is performed, aught to lose the victory, and be adjudged as vanquished, and this is the most base and dishonourable sort of vanquishment.  
5 He is also to be without victory and vanquished, that is slain within the Lists or field: yet is this sort of vanquishing lest dishonourable and infamous, although by ancient custom, to such men as were slain in public Combats, no burial was granted among Christian bodies.   

What was anciently due unto such as were victorious in public Combats. CAP. 9  
ALbeit I am not ignorant that this discourse is little or nothing pertinent to private Combat or quarrel: yet for that it concerneth a matter very pleasant to us, & glorious for those that have been victorious, I will briefly set down what was due by ancient order of Arms, unto such Gentlemen as in public Combat were victorious.  
1 Whosoever was vanquished within the Lists, was the prisoner of him that did vanquish. To him also was due all Arms both offensive and defensive, garments and horse, with all furniture brought thither either for ornament or use.  
2 The person of him that was vanquished, was by honourable custom given unto the Prince of the place, or else unto some other Prince whom he served or loved; but this was done by use, and not of duty.  
3 The vanquished also might be compelled to pay the charges of the vanquisher.  
4 The vanquished might be forced to pay ransom no less, than if he had been a prisoner of the war. But if the prisoner or vanquished did serve the vanquisher the space of five years in services meet for a Gentleman, than ought he be set at liberty freely without payment. And if in the mean time he were employed in any base act or service unworthy his degree, than was it lawful for him to escape & break prison. Or if it happened that during the imprisonment, any land or other wealth came unto the prisoner, yet was it not lawful for the victorious to increase the ransom.  
5 If the victorious did die within the time that the victored was a prisoner, than should his heir have the same title and interest.  
6 If a prisoner were suffered to go at liberty upon his faith given, he ought in any wise return whensoever he was called, unless the victorious did become a Traitor to their common Prince, or were excommunicate, or that between them were some new enmity: for in those causes, it was lawful not to return.  
7 If being in this sort at liberty, he happened to become a Prince or Lord, then should he not be bound to return, but pay ransom only.  
8 If during the time of imprisonment he were not well used, he was not bound to return, yet ought he pay a convenient ransom.  
9 If the prisoner did happen to save his taker from any great peril during the imprisonment, he ought by the law to be forthwith set at liberty.    

THE THIRD BOOK.  

What sorts of men ought not be admitted to trial of Arms. CAP. 1.  
FOrsomuch as the trial of Arms appertaineth only to Gentlemen, and that Gentility is a degree honourable, it were not fit that any persons of meaner condition, should thereunto be admitted. Wherefore, as the judges of civil trials, do ordinarily reject the testimony of such as are accounted Infamous; even so in Martial trial, a person honourable ought not by men of base quality be accused: for how can he charge another with any crime, that hath himself committed an offence against his own reputation.  
1 It hath been therefore ordained and determined, that no man having committed treason against his Prince or Country, shall be admitted.  
2 He also may be repulsed that hath had intelligence or conference with the enemy of his Prince or Country, or that being taken of them, doth there remain, having means to return unto his Prince's service.  
3 He that becometh a Spy or explorator for the Enemy, or that taketh an oath against his Prince, or that taketh a Prince's Pay and departeth before he hath served the full time.  
4 He that abandoneth the Army of his Prince, and fleeth unto the Enemy, or being discharged doth go unto the Enemy in the time of Skirmish or fight, shall be reputed as infamous, and also a Traitor.  
5 He that abandoneth the Ensign of his Prince or captain, or that either by day or night shall maliciously departed from the place of his charge about his Prince's person, or in the Campe.  
6 Among these we will account all thieves, Beggars, Bawds, Victuallers, persons excommunicate, Usurers, persons banished the Army, and every other man exercising an occupation or trade, unfit and unworthy a Gentleman or Soldier.  
7 Finally, whosoever is defamed of any notable crime, or is by the law of the land not admitted to bear witness, may be numbered among them that lawfully are repulsed; these men, I say, challenging any Gentleman or Soldier, ought not only be refused, but of every honest person to be abhorred, because in fight with men of such condition, a man of good reputation doth equal himself unto persons utterly unworthy. Yet true it is, that whosoever repulseth a person for cause of Infamy, must assuredly know, that he hath been for such crimes condemned, or at the least the same is a thing so notorious, as the party repulsed cannot deny it. But if any such infamous man be challenged by a Gentleman or Soldier, he may not after be refused, unless that after challenge he committeth some infamous fact, which is to be observed aswell in the Challenger as the Defender.   

Whether a Bastard may challenge a Gentleman to Combat. CAP. 2.  
FOr that by law no Bastard can inherit the lands and honours of his supposed father, it may be reasonably doubted, whether he be of such condition as may challenge a Gentleman to trial of Arms. Notwithstanding, for that such impediment proceedeth not from the Bastard himself, and that no man ought justly be repulsed saving such as are condemned, or infamed for their own vilety, me thinks that Bastardy ought not to disable a man to be admitted unto Combat: and S. Hierome saith, that the fault in birth of such men, is not their own fault, but theirs that did beget them. Also Chrisostome writeth thus, we ought not to be ashamed of the vice of our Parents, but endeavour ourselves unto virtue. Whereupon we conclude, that every Bastard having well and virtuously served in the war, or that for his good merit hath aspired to bear charge of reputation in the Army, ought be received to fight with any private Gentleman or Soldier, because men so borne, have not only been oftentimes advanced to honour, but they and their posterity also, have attained and continued in high dignity and greatest estimation.  
True it is, that men so borne, cannot maintain themselves to be Gentlemen by birth, and therefore directly must not claim such title, or enter the trial of Arms, and therefore in that respect may be repulsed, not as infamous, but as ignoble, which defect either by valorous endeavour in Arms, or virtuous study in learning may be supplied.  
Also all such Bastards as have long served loyally in their Prince's Court, & that by privilege of their Prince are made legitimate, or hath lived orderly among other Gentlemen, in place of reputation, may not be repulsed.   

Of Restitution of honour. CAP. 3.  
ALbeit every Sovereign Prince hath power to pardon disloyalty, treason, and every other offence committed against his person, Crown or dignity, & can also restore unto the party pardoned, his lands and his offices, with any other favour: yet can he not undo that is done, nor bring to pass that to be well done, which is already evil done, nor that a mind infected with Infamy, should be clean and void of dishonour, & consequently (notwithstanding restitution) the Prince hath still just cause to be suspicious of such a man's fidelity, as is apt to be drawn to dishonest actions, and every other Gentleman should hold him in evil conceit.  
Moreover, touching the power and authority of Princes, in this case it seemeth that as they cannot bereave the good men of their goodness, so can they not take from the evil their evil thoughts, seeing their jurisdiction extendeth unto the wealth and persons of Subjects, but over the minds of men they have no power. My Prince can make me at his pleasure rich or poor, but to make me good or bad is not in his power, for that appertaineth only to God's grace and mine own endeavour.  
It may therefore be inferred, that if a man restored after the committing of any notorious evil fact, shall challenge another Gentleman to trial of Arms, he may be reasonably repulsed. Yet am I of opinion, that the restitution should be of force in the children and posterity of the person infamed and condemned, as they that ought not suffer the punishment due to the offences of another, chiefly in respect of Baptism, whereby all the sin of forefathers is cleansed.   

Of the disequality of Gentlemen. CAP. 4.  
BEfore we enter into consideration of this matter, I think good to advertise, that as there be divers sorts of men that may not challenge others, so are there some that ought not be challenged of any. The first of them is Clerks, or Ecclesiastical persons, professing religion. The other sort is Doctors, with all Students, and such men as are only given to literature and knowledge. But to return unto disequality of noble persons, I say that the true nobility of men, is Virtue, and that he is truly noble that is virtuous, be he borne of high or of low Parents. And the more highly he be borne, the worse reputation he meriteth, if he cannot continue the honour left him by his Ancestors. Chrisostome saith, what honour is it to be well borne, being defiled with vile conditions: or what hurteth base parentage to him, that is with gentle manners adorned? Who so vaunteth of his Ancestors, seemeth without any good thing of his own. Seneca saith, that who so will truly judge what worthiness is in man, must consider of him naked, laying aside his livings and titles of honour, with all other favours of fortune. He must also imagine him without body, and then weigh of what value or excellency he is in mind, because nobility is placed in the mind, and in the mind it appeareth.  
Now to speak of disequality, I say that albeit Emperors, Kings, Princes, great Lords, and mean also, are comprised within the name of Gentlemen and Soldiers, yet is there among them such inequality, as no Gentleman of what title soever, may be compared unto a King, nor any Soldier unto an Emperor, whereof we will speak hereafter more at large.  
Touching the disequality of private nobility, thus is it to be discoursed. All Gentlemen are either without office, either else they have office or dignity, as the government of Towns, Countries, Ambassages, or commandments in war. Who ever of them hath any office or employment, either it is given him for time or life. If he be an officer for time, and is occasioned to answer in Arms, he may defer the Combat till the expiration of his time in office.  
If the office be for life, & the quality thereof such as maketh him Superior to the adversary, he may fight by Champion.  
If such an officer be not Superior to the enemy, he ought ask leave of his Prince, and not obtaining it, shall without licence go unto the place of Combat, and with Arms answer the Enemy; for the obligation of honour is to be preferred before all other. Whosoever is borne noble (under which word is comprised all sorts of nobility and gentility) is equal to any other Gentleman of private condition. Note here, that in saying a Gentleman borne, we mean he must be descended from three degrees of gentry, both on the mothers and father's side, such is the opinion of Paris.  
A Gentleman descended of the most noble house, not having jurisdiction or commandment, may be challenged of any private or particular Gentleman. Also in respect that the profession of Arms is honourable, a Soldier that hath long served without reproach, ought be accounted a Gentleman.  
Also a Scholar having continued the study of good learning, & is aspired to the degrees of schools, cannot be denied the title of gentry.  
A simple Soldier of honest fame, may fight with any other Soldier, Corporal, Sergeant, or other officer, the captain excepted, and he also may be challenged to answer by Champion.  
Every captain may challenge another captain, unless their charges be such as the one can command the other, and this rule must serve through all degrees of Soldiers, both on horseback and foot: yet is it to be understood, that men at Arms being the most honourable sort of Soldiers and in continual pay, (being for the most part Gentlemen) may not be refused to fight with any private captain of footmen.  
It may be also that a captain of footmen should fight with a captain of horsemen, were it not that those charges are given to Noble men, & the charge of men at Arms to the most Noble: yet is consideration to be had aswell of their birth as their charges. For the captain in meaner place, may be so honourably borne, as he ought not be repulsed: which respect is also to be had among Captains, both on horseback and foot, and likewise among all horsemen, and Soldiers on foot in particular.   

Of Injury done with advantage. CAP. 5.  
HEretofore hath been said, that no Injury offered with advantage, aught to burden him in reputation unto whom the same was offered, and that such Injuries may in like sort be revenged, which being a thing very natural and reasonable, needeth no further proof. Notwithstanding, to the intent each man may be fully informed what Advantage is, we think fit somewhat to say thereof.  
Advantage in general is, when one man doth injury unto another, so, and in such time and place as the Injured cannot be revenged: but to speak thereof in particular, thus may it be said for example.  
If one man being armed doth assault another disarmed, or that he be better armed, that we call advantage.  
If a man in office or place of dignity, having about him friends or servants, doth offer injury to another of meaner estate, that is (likewise) Advantage.  
If two or more men, do hurt or strike another, so as the man hurt is not able to make present revenge, that is also Injury with advantage.  
By these few examples, may all other advantageous Injuries be conceived: but therewith is to be remembered, that the dishonour and burden of such acts do appertain unto the Injurer, and the injury only resteth upon the Injured without burden, unless he show apparent signs of cowardice: whereupon may be inferred, that no Injury with advantage doth occasion any necessary quarrel, sith no man is necessarily bound to challenge; but only he that standeth charged and burdened. For if an Injury with advantage did burden the reputation of the Injured, then were it easy for every coward to burden the most valiant man alive, because such Injuries are most safely offered. It seemeth therefore good in this case to disstinguish the nature of advantageous Injuries, which may be in this manner.  
Either the Injury with advantage is offered in presence of other men that can bear witness thereof, or else it is offered out of presence of others.  
In the first case, the testimony of witnesses will make the fact punishable by law and civil trial, which is the true revenge, for (as hath been oft said) the trial of Arms is not allowed, but in such cases as the civil proves cannot appear.  
If the Injury be offered where no man can witness the manner thereof, then resteth it in the choice of the Injured, either to be revenged by challenge, which is the more honourable, or with the like advantage. At such time as Princes were pleased to grant licence for the trial of reputation in public Combat, whosoever was known to have offered this sort of Injury (with all others his Aiders and Abettors) were published and proclaimed as persons Infamous. What hath been said of these Injuries in deeds, is likewise to be understood where they are offered in words. Note also that an Injury received without advantage, either by word or deed, may not be discharged with an Injury of words or deeds done with advantage, as thus.  
A blow given by hand without advantage, is not truly discharged with ten blows of the hand or cudgel with advantage. For it is not reasonable that a dishonest fact done with advantage, should reverse an honest fact done in good sort and manfully. The cause why Injury with advantage doth not burden the Injured, is, because no law in the world commandeth things impossible.   

Of Injuries evil offered. CAP. 6.  
ONe other sort of Injury there is not far unlike unto the former, yet somewhat divers from it, which for the present we will call Injuries in evil sort offered, as thus.  
If one man doth strike another suddenly behind his back, that Injury is not done with any advantage of company or weapon, and therefore is not properly said to be an advantageous Injury: yet is it not manful or honest, but vile and cowardly, and the more if the Injurer having given the blow, doth run away.  
If a man doth cast a Dagger, Sword, or other thing of offence, and therewith hurt, that may be also reputed an Injury in evil sort.  
If a man bearing displeasure towards another, will cause his friend or servant to strike him; that may be also reputed an Injury evil offered.  
Also, if I in words shall speak injuriously or slanderously of another man in his absence, or cause others so to do; that may be also accounted an Injury evil offered and out of time.   

Of Satisfaction. CAP. 7.  
MAny men do hold opinion, that Injuries committed by deeds, cannot by words be satisfied. But this matter is not to be considered simply, by comparing words unto deeds, but by the weight and greatness of the dishonour that is received by the fact and the words, & also of the shame which I offer unto myself and is offered by others. For whether do we think a Gentleman less commendable that traitorously hurteth another, or him that by such means receiveth the harm, which may be also said of him that offendeth with advantage, or that giveth a hurt in evil sort. In mine opinion there is no doubt to answer this question, because in ordinary reason the offender ought to be blamed, & not he that is offended, as hath been heretofore discoursed. Notwithstanding, if I having done such an act, do confess the injurious manner thereof, and say that without cause the same was by me committed, and consequently desire pardon, there is no reason but that he who received the injury should rest satisfied. For I know no offence so great, as is unpardonable upon such submission, and the more for that the nature of all generous minds is inclined to compassion and forgiveness.  
Yet contrary to my conceit, some others do hold, that if I have done any injurious deed, no satisfaction sufficeth, unless I freely yield myself into the hands of him who is injured, and stand at his mercy; which seemeth unto me a course very doubtful and unlike to receive good. For if the Injured with his own hand shall do any thing to his satisfaction, in so doing he showeth no courtesy, and consequently doubleth the anger and quarrel. Or if without other demonstration, forgiveness be taken as a satisfaction, then will the matter rest suspicious, as a thing agreed on before, and prejudicial unto the reputation of him that is injured. But true it is, if a man should unadvisedly or rashly offend me, & presently knowing his error, fall down at my feet, deliver me his weapon and pray pardon; in that case there is no doubt, but that I ought rest satisfied, and he freed from suspicion. But if the matter be not at the first thus handled, and the blood cooled, then seemeth it hard how to compass a peace by way of remission.  
Now to confirm that was before said, that words are of effect sufficient to satisfy an Injury by deed, I say if a man greatly harmed by another, doth write that he intendeth to prove the hurt received of him to be injuriously and ungentlemanlie done, and the Injurer will answer and confess he hath indeed done evil, and an act not justifiable; surely no reason would that afterwards any quarrel or obligation of honour should remain. The like satisfaction ought be received from the mouth of the Injurer, and therefore conclude, that Injuries by deeds may with words be recompensed.   

What satisfaction is to be given for an Injury by Deeds. CAP. 8.  
BEcause the ground & substance of this matter consists in knowing the truth; he that hath done wrong, aught in reason to confess it; and he that hath right, should maintain it: therefore when any man justly offended hath taken a revenge convenient according to the quality of the offence, to make a peace betwixt these parties, the matter must be thus handled. He that hath made the revenge shall say: Very sorry I am to have had occasion to use any act of revenge, and without that occasion, if I had done thus, I should not have done well, & as a Gentleman ought to do, or other words to like effect. After which words pronounced, the other party knowing in conscience that he gave the occasion (confessing his fault) ought to rest satisfied, & so will, unless he be a body void of reason. Likewise, if two Gentlemen upon some unkind words do draw, and the one hurt the other; to make them friends, the way is thus. He that gave the hurt or wound shall say, that the Gentleman wounded, behaved himself as a valiant man ought, and although he received the hurt yet his virtue did sufficiently appear. Upon these or like speeches, a peace may reasonably ensue with reputation to both; for the one by giving the hurt hath gained honour, and the other receiving praise of his enemy is acquit of evil imputation; whereby all men shall know, that both the one and the other hath tried himself a manly and valiant Gentleman.  
If one man doth strike or offer violence unto the other, & presently run away; or if the party offended by any other mean, cannot be presently revenged: yet in that case, if he lay hand on his weapon and endeavour to make revenge, he shall be reputed valiant, and the other a coward. But to make peace between them, the only way is, that he who offered the violence, shall in plain terms confess the manner how it was done, and pray pardon. And although it may seem contrary to the courage of man, not to maintain that is begun; yet when he considereth in his own conscience, that the act was injurious and dastardly, it shall be better christianly to repent, than wilfully to persist against all truth and reason.  
If one man doth chance to hurt another unwares, or unknowing him, as sometimes it happeneth in the night or dark places, the amends must be to say, I know you not, for knowing, I would not have so done, nor might so do without offering wrong and discourtesy, and therefore pray you hold me excused.  
Sometimes it happeneth that one challengeth an other to have stricken him, and the other doth deny that so he did: in that case the satisfaction must be thus. The party charged to have stricken, shall say (if so the truth be) Indeed I did not strike you, & if I had (having no such cause) I might justly be accused of Injury. After this sort, many other questions may be ordered, using such words and reasons, as to discreet Gentlemen shall be thought convenient. And here I will remember all Gentlemen, making profession of Honour and Truth, that they should not in any wise maintain any unjust words or wrongful action. But being by choler or other occasion entered into Injury, they ought rather reform their error, than obstinately continue to the offence of their own conscience and knowledge. Neither can it be dishonourable to confess that which is true, nor be sorry for misdooing.   

Other means of Pacification and composition. CAP. 9  
THe first of these is, that aswell the Injurer as the Injured should be drawn into the presence of some honourable parsonage, and before any act of submission or repetition of words before passed, to agree and refer the order and ending of all questions, unto one man indifferently chosen by consent of both parties. That being done, the man unto whom this office is committed, shall particularly and a part entreat with the Injurer to affirm what he will say on his behalf. Then calling the Injured, shall say and assure him, that the Injurer hath made a good & reasonable satisfaction, in every thing that may be prejudicial to the honour or reputation of the Injured: And therefore require aswell the one as the other to stand satisfied, and repute themselves in such estate and condition, as they were before the quarrel was commenced. This order hath been oftentimes used, and satisfaction so made, thought effectual: for sometimes it proveth a thing very difficult to bring the adversaries together face to face, before a judge or other person of authority: sometimes also being met, they fall into new quarrel upon new occasion: either else before they come, a doubt will arise how they shall be accompanied, and whether they shall come armed or without weapon. Another while there groweth difficulty upon the words of satisfaction. It hath been also seen, that in such conference there hath passed some blows of the hand, weapon, foot, or other violence, whereby the enmity was rather increased, than appeased. In which respects, this order is many times used.  
Another way is this, that some person of great authority should call the parties afore him, and take a truce until he shall at more leisure consider of the quarrel, enjoining them in the mean time not to speak or do any thing either against other: which order is covert a truce perpetual.  
Another way is, that a Prince or parsonage of authority, should persuade with the parties to put the quarrel into his hand, and consent to rest satisfied with that he shall upon his honour determine. divers other indirect means have been devised for the compounding and appeasing of Injuries, which I leave to the discretion of wise & valiant Gentlemen.   

Of satisfaction to be given upon words. CAP. 10.  
IT hath been already said, that the ground of all satisfaction is truth, which cannot be denied: wherefore whensoever one man hath uttered any untrue imputation of another, he may without discredit confess the thing to be otherwise than he spoke, saying in his own excuse (unless the truth be contrary) that which I said I thought then to be true. Or thus. That I said, was told me of others. Or thus. What I said was in my choler. These speeches tending to show the truth to be otherwise than was said, the party offended is disburdened.  
If a man hath given the Lie to another, and after doth know the words whereupon the Lie was given to be true: he may in that case without reproach revoke the Lie, and thereby make satisfaction. And if happily he make difficulty to use such a revocation directly, then may he say, I confess the words to be true whereof our quarrel groweth, either else he may repeat the words, and therewithal allow them.  
Another way to procure satisfaction is, That he who gave the Lie shall say or write unto the party belied to this effect: I pray you advertise me by this bearer, with what intent you spoke those words of injury, whereupon I gave you the Lie. The other will answer, I spoke them in choler, or with no meaning to offend you. Thereunto may be answered by him that gave the Lie, thus. If your words were said only in anger, and no intent to challenge me, then do I assure you that my Lie given shall not burden you, for I acknowledge you to be a true speaker, and a Gentleman of good reputation; wherefore my desire is, that the speech passed between us may be forgotten. This form of pacification may serve in many cases, and at sundry occasions.  
Sometimes it happeneth, that a man repenting a speech evil spoken of another, will after deny that any such words were spoken; which seemeth no full satisfaction, unless he add these words: I spoke it not, or if I had spoken it, I should have said untruly. These or like speeches are in this case very convenient: for if another man speaketh evil of me, by the denial of his speech he shameth himself, but not satisfieth me, unless he also affirm mine innocency. But a Gentleman having indeed said any thing, ought rather confess, than deny what was said: which satisfaction I think not dishonourable, but honest, as proceeding from a Christian conscience.  
If a man hath said any thing that is true, yet unfit to be spoken, he ought not deny that so he said: but for satisfaction must say thus. I spoke the words without intent to offend, and therefore pray pardon: for indeed to speak a truth with intent to offend, doth give just cause of offence.   

How the giving of satisfaction is a thing not reproachful. CAP. 11.  
NOw for that satisfaction is commonly made by means of Unsaying, (for by that term we will call aswell every revocation of words, as confession to have done evil) it may be objected that if unsaying be so reproachful, as for it a man may be discredited, and of other Gentlemen repulsed; then if I have spoken untruly, or done evil by unsaying or denying thereof, I am to incur infamy. But for answer of that objection, I say, that great difference there is between unsaying in the Lists or fields by force of Arms, and that unsaying which is uttered voluntarily for the love of truth; for the one is spoken for fear of death, and the other by persuasion of reason. For he that persisteth to maintain evil doth condemn himself, as a man that would fight contrary to justice: but the other showeth he will not take Arms for any cause, but that which is just. And as the one is the part of an evil and wicked person: so is the other a sign of sincerity & loyal meaning. For sith there is no man living faultless, yet he that knoweth his error and repenteth, is most to be excused, endeavouring to make satisfaction Therefore that Gentleman who knoweth his own fault, and laboureth to amend it, doth not only deserve to be excused, but is also worthy much praise in offering such satisfaction as appertaineth to reason, and the office of a just and true Christian. To conclude therefore, I say, albeit the vulgar sort do think, that satisfaction is a sign of cowardice: yet who so chooseth to fight against reason and truth, ought be reputed rather a beast than a Christian, and a furious fool rather than a reasonable creature.    

THE FOURTH BOOK.  

Of Nobility, accompanied with great dignity. CAP. 1.  
THe Imperial laws have determined that no man of base calling, ought be admitted to fight with any Gentleman or other person professing Arms: yet for better conceiving what Nobilie and Gentility is, it behoveth to know, that Nobility is (as some have defined it) ancient riches accompanied with virtuous conditions. Others not allowing that opinion affirm, that riches, being of their own nature vile, do nothing help towards Nobility; and therefore concludeth, that virtue alone sufficeth. Bartholus saith, that riches do help to attain unto Nobility; but to preserve it, Virtue only hath power. Others do think, that Nobility proceedeth from the ancient honour, fame, and title of Predecessors; because otherwise a bondman being virtuous, might challenge that honour. Some men also have thought, that as before God he is most noble and and worthy, unto whom is given most grace; even so he is most honourable among men, whom Princes or laws have enabled unto dignity. Howsoever it be, most sure it is, that no man giveth unto himself any title, but it behoveth him to receive it from others. Therefore Bartholus concludeth, that to be made noble, it is requisite the Prince do bestow some sort of dignity, or title upon the person that is ennobled, to the end he may be known from the Plebeiall people: but we say that men may be reputed noble three ways. First, by nature or descent of Ancestors, which is the vulgar opinion. secondly, for virtue only, which the Philosophers affirm. thirdly, by mixture of ancient gentle race with Virtue, which is indeed the true and most commendable kind of Nobility: for seeing man is a creature reasonable, he ought be called man, in respect of his own virtue, and not the virtue of others; which moved Ulysses to say unto Ajax, boasting of Ancestors.  
Et genus, & Proavos, & quae non fecimus ipsi,  
Vix ea nostra voco etc.  
But for better manifestation that natural Nobility mixed with Virtue is most true and perfect, thus may it be proved. The almighty God hath created all things both in generality and speciality, with a certain excellency and bounty, one more perfect than the other, one noble, another ignoble. For among stones some are precious, others of no virtue, and of the better sort of them, some more or less precious and orient: even so among living creatures both in generality & speciality, we find some courteous & gentle, others rude & void of virtue. Much more is the difference of nature in men, among whom the eternal God hath dispensed his grace to some more, & to some less, according to his divine will and pleasure. Wherefore they seem to err much, that think Gentility in nature hath not any force, when experience proveth that of one race and progeny are commonly wise, just, valiant, and temperate men; of another, simple, unjust, cowardly, and intemperate persons. Notwithstanding, for that we find in ordinary observation, that neither the horse of excellent courage, doth always beget another of like quality, nor that the virtuous man hath ever children resembling himself, we do not (having proof of their degeneration) esteem either the one or the other: which moved Juvenal to say, 
Malo Pater tibi Thersites, dummodo tu sis  
AEacidae similis, Vulcaniáque arma capessas,  
Quam te Thersitae similem producat Achilles.   
Seeing then that either by natural instinct, nurture or endeavour, some men are more virtuous than others, therefore ought they be reputed more gentle, noble, and worthy honour, than are those which are void of noble Ancestors, good education, and industry. For albeit no rule is so general or certain, but sometime receiveth exception; yet appeareth it that nature in her own operation, doth seldom digress from the order thereof. The Falcon never or very rarely bringeth forth other bird than a Falcon. The Greihound engendereth a whelp like unto himself. Nevertheless, if either that bird in shape resembling her dam, hath not in her like virtue: or that whelp doth prove in delight divers from his sire, they thereby become either contemned, or little esteemed. Even so is it among men descending from Ancestors of honour and virtue: for if neither by celestial grace, learning, nor endeavour they aspire unto the habit of virtue, then become they thereby unfit for all public action, unprofitable to themselves, and consequently disdained, or at the least lightly regarded, what pedigree, Arms, or badges soever are to warrant their antiquity or nobility: wherefore eftsoons concluding I say with the Poet.  
Tota licet veteres exornent undique cerae  
Atria, nobilitas sola est atque unica virtus.  
Paulus aut Cossus aut Drusus moribus esto,  
Hos ante effigies maiorum pone tuorum  
Praecedant ipsas illi te consule virgas.  
Dic mihi Teucrorum proles, animalia muta  
Quis generosa putet nisi fortia? nempe volucrem  
Sic laudamus aequum, facili cui plurima palma  
Feruet, & exultat rauco victoria circo.  
Nobilis hic, quocunque venit de gramine, cuius  
Clara fuga ante alios, & primus in aequore pulvis.   

Whether a quarrel between two Emperors may be decided by particular Combat. CAP. 2.  
IT happened the Imperial seat being void, the Electors named unto that dignity two Princes, not by general consent, but by division of voices, the one party choosing Alfonso king of Spain, the other Richard Duke of Cornwall brother to the King of England. These Princes claiming the Empire, the one challenged the other to try the right by Combat: whereupon grew a question, whether persons of so high calling ought be admitted to fight in Combat. Thereunto is said, that forsomuch as the Empire in the beginning was gotten by Arms and virtue, and that the execution of all justice resteth in Arms, it seemeth an Empire in that sort gained, to be more honourable, than if it were given by election. Besides that, in such trial, the victorious enjoyeth it by divine judgement. And for example that Empires have been so judged, we read that the Romans being in war with the Albanois, it was by consent of the one and the other people agreed, that three brethren of the one party called Horatij, should fight with three of the enemies who were also brethren, called Curiatij. These men being brought together, after long and doubtful fight, the victory fell unto the Romans, and the Albanois (according unto agreement) willingly yielded their Country unto the Romans government. On the contrary may be alleged, that forsomuch as the welldoing of the whole Empire, consisteth upon the life of the Emperor, he ought not to fight in person. But this is to be understood of an Emperor already possessed and invested, for if the election be doubtful, then to avoid a public war and effusion of blood, it seemeth very reasonable, that two Princes making claim, ought be admitted to trial of Arms, so long as no other title or interest appeareth.   

Whether a King may challenge an Emperor to Combat. CAP. 3.  
THe ancient Emperors of Room were of so great puissance, and had under them so many Monarchies and Kingdoms, as well near the chiefest part of the world was unto them subject, and the Princes of those ages were reputed either Subjects, Vassals, or Tributaries unto the Emperors. In which respect, it was thought unfit that the Emperor should vouchsafe to fight with any King or Prince of what state or quality soever. It appeareth also, that the honour and respect borne towards them was excessive, because the civil law doth call the Emperor Lord of the world, affirming he hath jurisdiction over Kings and all Princes; yea there wanteth not of those, that have named him GOD upon the earth, and consequently reasonable that he should refuse to fight in Combat with any King or other Potentate. On the contrary side may be alleged, that the dignity and title of Kings is more ancient, than that of Emperors, and that they have the like sovereignty over men. For well we know that Aeneas, Romulus, & Numa, governed in Room many and many years, before that julius Caesar usurped the title of Emperor, Nevertheless, Lancislao King of Hungary challenging the Emperor, was repulsed as unworthy. It happened also, that another King contending with the Emperor for the Kingdom of Polonia, the said King did challenge the Emperor to Combat, as before that time Carlo Martello the son of Carlo the second had done for trial of the title of Hungary, which he claimed by descent from his mother.  
The said King of Hungary (who was then possessed) being of person puissant, did condescend to fight with Carlo Martello a young man of twenty years, and unexpert in Arms, yet indeed rightful heir. These Princes resolved to make trial by Arms upon a day certain, & appointed the King of England to be their judge, and they to perform the fight in a certain Island of his, which was done, & Carlo Martello became victorious, and took from the Hungarian King his helmet, which had a chain hanging at the same, which helmet Carlo Martello and all his successors used as a badge. But for resolution of this matter thus we conclude, that Princes or Kings having dependence of the Empire, may be repulsed to fight with the Emperor: but a King sovereign, acknowledging no Superior, and holding his Dominion of GOD and his own sword only, may challenge and fight with any Emperor.   

Of the Equality and disequality of great Nobility, and of the privileges due to all men professing Arms. CAP. 4.  
A King uncrowned may lawfully challenge a King crowned, unless the King uncrowned be unlawfully aspired, or a Tyrant. The number of Christian Kings are 14 of whom only four were anciently crowned by the Pope, that is, the French King, the King of England, the King of jerusalem, and the King of Sisil. All the other Kings were crowned by their own Prelates Thus saith Paris.  
An Earl being a Prince absolute, and not subject unto the Empire, or any other Potentate, may refuse to fight with any person being a subject, notwithstanding he hath the title of Prince, Duke, or Marquis. Here is to be noted, that these titles of honour were at the first given in office, as the title of Duke was proper unto him that was a General of the Army. A Marquis was he unto whom the confine or Marches of a Country or Kingdom was committed. An Earl or Count was a judge or Commander in Peace, and of them in the ancient emperors service were divers, as the Countess Palantine, were as stewards of the emperors house, of his Court, or Stable, & every of them might challenge any Prince, Duke, or Marquis being a subject; because they are in respect of subjection, reputed none other than Barons.  
A Gentleman well borne and descended from Parentage of four degrees, may fight with any Earl or Baron, in case of treason to his Prince or Country, and also murder and infidelity, because they are (besides their dignity) none other than Gentlemen, and Gentility or Nobility is hereditary and cannot be taken away, but Dignity may. But in other quarrels of less importance, the Earl in respect of his dignity may fight by Champion; but in the cases aforesaid he shall fight in person, unless he be aged, lame, or otherwise disabled.  
A captain General of an Army Imperial or Royal, may not be challenged by any Gentleman or Lord; neither ought the Governor of any City, Town, or Castle, because no public commandment may be abandoned for private respect. The like is to be understood of Ambassadors, who in regard of the place they hold, may, during their Commission, repulse the challenge of any Gentleman or other subject whatsoever.  
A Soldier basely borne, having lived in continual exercise of Arms by the space of ten years, without committing any disobedience, or other reproachful act, ought be admitted to fight with any Gentleman borne.  
A Gentleman, who either by his own fault or his Ancestor, hath committed any treason against his Prince, may be repulsed to fight with any other Gentleman, unless the said offender or his Ancestor were restored in blood, or is in descent three degrees from the Ancestor that was attainted.  
A Gentleman that is known a Spy for the Enemy, or bewrayeth the secrets of his own Prince's Camp, abandoneth his Ensign, or committeth any other Military offence, may be repulsed to fight with every other Gentlemen of good fame & reputation. And by the ancient custom, men blotted with such note, might not live in any city or town where the Emperor or other Prince remained.  
A Gentleman that hath made profession of Arms by the space of twenty years in the Court or Camp of his Prince, without infamy or reproach, may (notwithstanding he be dismissed, retired or cassed) fight with any other Gentleman that liveth in present Pay and exercise of Arms.  
A Gentleman having aspired unto any title or dignity, and is either in respect of age or infirmity retired to his own house, ought nevertheless to enjoy all his honours, and shall be ever (without committing dishonourable fact) reputed worthy the honour he received in Court or Camp, and fight with any other Gentleman whatsoever.  
An Artificer following the Camp, and exercising his Art or Mystery (notwithstanding he be also in Pay) may be repulsed to fight with any privare Soldier that maketh particular profession and exercise of Arms.  
No man under the degree of a Gentleman ought be received or allowed for a man at Arms on horseback: for by the Imperial laws the Regiment of Lances, was called Equestris ordo, and they whom we call Light horsemen, were named Celeri.   

Certain Questions, Opinions, and judgements upon accidents happening in trials and exercise of Arms. CAP. 5.  
1 IF two men at Arms do covenant to fight on horseback, and run ten courses with sharp Lances, and that he who worst performeth those courses should be judged victored & prisoner to the other: It happeneth that at the second course the one of them falleth from his horse, and suddenly recovering to horseback offereth to perform the rest of the courses. The question is, whether it be lawful for him so to do, or by the fall be reputed a prisoner?  
Whereunto is answered, that in a Challenge for life and death, no man ought be accounted vanquished unless he be slain, or forced with his own mouth to yield or deny those words whereupon the quarrel groweth: yet otherwise it is, when the Challenge or Combat is for Honour only, love of Ladies, or exercise of Arms, because in that case (notwithstanding the Runners be determined upon a certain number of courses) yet if at the first, or after (before those courses be all performed) any of them do fall, he that receiveth the fall shall lose the honour, and the other depart with victory.  
2 Two Gentlemen being come into the field to fight for life, the one in fight happeneth to fall, the other presently sitteth upon him and saith, yield thyself; he that lieth under, saith like words, and therewith woundeth his enemy lying upon him, who feeling the grief mortal, striketh the other in the throat; he that was first fallen ariseth and walketh, shortly after they both die; the question is, which of them ought to be judged victorious?  
Albeit no dead man can require judgement of victory; yet to the end the honour due unto the victorious may be in sign of his valorous merit bestowed, and the spoils of the vanquished laid under his Ensign, thus it is said. He who first had the body of the enemy in his power and under, ought be reputed victorious: yet may it be alleged, that the other who gave the first mortal wound, ought have the victory, because the time thereof & not the time of death is to be considered. Others are of opinion, that the longer liver ought to have victory: and some affirm, that if the Challenger gave the first wound whereof death ensued, although himself did first die: yet had he performed his part and deserved most praise. Some also do think, there is no judgement can be given but that the matter should lie dead. Howsoever it be, I leave the same to more learned Doctors and better experienced Knights.  
3 Two Gentlemen being on horseback, the one challengeth the other, the fight being begun, the Challenger alighteth & killeth his enemy; the Question is, whether he may so lawfully do?  
Thereunto is answered. That if the Challenge were for trial of Honour, Triumph, or sport on horseback, then is no honour due to him that thus killed his enemy, for that neither of the fighters ought to be on foot: but in a Combat for life it is otherwise. Sith than it is lawful aswell for the one as the other to take and use all means, advantages and subtleties that can be invented.  
4 Two Gentlemen capitulate to fight on horseback, & that he who first falleth shall be vanquished. At the first encounter they fall both at one instant; question is, which of them ought be victorious.  
To this case may be answered, that forsomuch as the Challenger is not only to defend himself, but also offend & win victory, now falling even with the Defender, he thereby ought be accounted victored; for in all doubtful causes the Defender is most to be favoured. Others are of mind, that seeing the fall of the Challenger might proceed of his own force, & not the virtue of the enemy, the judgement ought lie dead. But the true decision of this question is thus. If the Combat were for trial of Virtue, Love, or Prize, then ought the Challenger to lose the honour; but if the same were for life, then ought the fight to be performed in one other day by consent of both parties; because in Combats of that kind no victory is gained until one of the fighters be either slain or yielded, or hath with his own mouth denied the words whereupon the Combat was occasioned.  
5 Two Gentlemen determined to fight on horseback for life, the one overthroweth the other: being down, the enemy cometh upon him: he that is under saith, I yield, and at the same instant with his dagger striketh and killeth him that is above: the question is, which of them ought be pronounced victorious.  
Thereunto is said, that forsomuch as the words and deeds of him that liveth, were said and done at one instant, being of contrary effect, the judgement ought have relation unto the deeds: for oft times words are uttered, divers from the intent of that is done. But if so be a man doth say, I yield, and he unto whom he yieldeth doth stay to fight & accept thereof, then shall the sayer be reputed vanquished; and afterwards offending him to whom he is yielded, for so doing, he ought be dishonoured and condemned as a Traitor.  
6 Two Gentlemen being agreed to break certain Lances for Prize and Honour, the horse of the one happeneth to stumble upon a broken Lance & falleth; whether shall he in respect of that fall be judged to lose the honour?  
To this question, the answer is apparent. For seeing that the fall proceeded not from the virtue or force of the adversary, but by misfortune, the Gentleman fallen aught to be excused. Notwithstanding, if the fight had been for life, the matter ought receive other judgement, seeing in those kind of Combats it is lawful to take all opportunities and advantages.  
7 Two Gentlemen determined to fight for life upon an accusation of treason, whether is it lawful for the judge to departed them, before the Combat be performed & fully ended? Whereunto may be answered, that forsomuch as the office of a judge, is to give sentence according to allegations and proves; it seemeth that the judge ought in no wise to stay the fight, but permit the Combat to proceed, till the one or the other of the fighters be either yielded or slain, especially in quarrels of so heinous weight as is the cause of treason. For Frederick the Emperor, who cassed and disannulled all particular Battles and Combats used by the Lombard's, did notwithstanding allow, that upon quarrel for treason and secret murder, the Combat should be permitted and granted by all Princes, because the one was offensive to God, the other to Prince and Country.  
8 Two Gentlemen being come to Combat did covenant, that which soever of them did give unto his enemy most wounds, should be victorious: the one hath his eye put out with a shiver of a Lance, & the other hath his body and armour pierced through: the question is, who ought have the victory?  
To that doubt we answer thus. Albeit the eye is a member of much delicacy, and also placed in the head: yet for that the Lance is passed through both breast and back, it must needs be that he on whom those wounds are, should confess to receive most hurt, and consequently to lose the honour and victory.  
9 Two Gentlemen being in fight, the one putteth out the eye of his enemy, and he in requital of that hurt, cutteth off his nose; the question is, who is by those hurts most dishonoured?  
It may seem at the first sight, that loss of an eye is greatest, being a member placed above, & that without the sight a man proveth unfit for all worldly actions: yet forsomuch as the want of a nose is commonly accounted the greatest deformity, and a punishment due for infamous offences, it may be reasonably inferred, that the loss of that feature should bring with it most dishonour. Besides that, seeing man is made according to the similitude of God, we account that the face being made more deformed by loss of the nose, than of one eye: therefore the greatest honour of this Combat is due unto him who taketh the nose of the enemy.  
10 Two Gentlemen in fight on horseback with Lances, the one hath his hand maimed, the other his knee and whole leg made lame; which of them ought receive most honour?  
Hereunto may be said, that the hand being a member most necessary for fight, and placed much higher than the leg: therefore the loss thereof is of more importance, & consequently dishonourable. On the other side is alleged, that seeing the leg is of as great necessity, so as without it he is disabled to serve either on horse or foot: therefore he who becometh hurt and lame in that part, receiveth most dishonour, and the more for that no Art can supply that want, as in the hand it may. But I refer the true deciding of this doubt unto the wise and learned reader.  
11 Two Gentlemen come to fight for life, the Challenger being left handed is maimed on that hand, the other being right handed loseth it; which of them ought receive most dishonour?  
It seemeth that in this case the losses and harms are equal; for he who was left handed, being maimed on that side, is deprived of that hand which he used chiefly, and was no less apt for him, than the right hand is unto the enemy. And sith it is the office of the Challenger not only to maintain but also offend and prove, in not doing more to prejudice the Defender, than that harm himself receiveth: therefore the Challenger (although he loseth but a left hand) is in this case most dishonoured. Yet because the exercise of these men's hands were of like necessity, I think (under correction) the judgement ought to rest as indifferent.  
12 Two Gentlemen in performing a Combat on foot, are hurt in places equal; the question is, whether of them is victorious?  
We have in the former question said, that where two fighters be equally hurt, the Challenger should departed with dishonour, because he hath not proved that which he took in hand, which is to vanquish the Defender. Therefore, the drawing the enemy's blood, and the manner thereof is to be considered. If then the one be hurt on the right arm, and the other on the left, it may seem there is none advantage: for as the right hand is apt to offend in fight, so the left hand is no less fit to defend. Notwithstanding, for that the use of the right hand is both more necessary and ordinary, he who is hurt thereof, aught to be adjudged unto most dishonour, chiefly in Combat for life. For in the exercise of Arms for honour only, the judgement ought lie dead, or else he shall be thought victorious that most manfully performed his part, or that regardeth least the wound, or that most cunningly doth handle his weapon. The quality of the hurts is also to be considered, which of them is more or less mortal, likewise which member is more or less to be regarded.  
13 Four Gentlemen determined to fight on horseback for trial of truth and life, did enter into the Lists: the one party do both charge one of the adversaries reputed a man of small force, yet valiantly defending himself, did hurt one of the assailers. And his companion seeing the matter so handled, suddenly dismounteth, and with his Lance woundeth the other of his enemies in the back, and forceth the one of them to deny his words: he that denied fleeth out of the Lists, persuading his fellow being first hurt to abide there, saying it was more honourable to die within, than without the Lists. He who forced the enemy to fly, pursued him; but not able to take him, a question was moved which party ought be accounted victorious, because on either party one was hurt, and the other two went out of the Lists without licence of the judge. Whereto may be said.  
That he who denied, aught with his companion to lose the honour. For albeit one of the enemies did also leave the Lists, yet his intent therein was to pursue his foe being fled thence: and forsomuch as the Combat was for matter of Treason, it sufficeth not only for the victorious to vanquish the enemy, but also to bring him into the power of the judge to be punished. And it is plain, that seeing of the one party one was hurt, and the other fled, they ought to be judged to lose all honour, and be condemned as guilty of that whereupon the quarrel was moved.  
14 Seven Gentlemen do compound with seven other, to run certain courses at the Tilt for honour and love of Ladies; in which match, it happened that five of the one party did commendably acquit themselves, but the other two of that side were overthrown. On the other side, two only performed their courses well, and the rest of that company exceeding evil, losing many Lances, and running very foul: whereof a question grew, whether unto five well doers and two evil, or unto two weldoers with five evil, the honour ought be allotted?  
Albeit in this case much may be spoken, yet for that the question is not of any particular man's merit, but which party in general performed best the enterprise; it may be alleged, that the party wherein were most weldoers ought to have the honour, notwithstanding the fall of two of their companions: yet forsomuch as to fall from horseback by the enemy's force or virtue is most reproachful, it seemeth that the misadventure of two men only, may reasonably be the loss of honour to all the rest. And therefore we leave the judgement of this doubt unto wise men, better experienced in Arms.  
15 Two Gentlemen being in Combat for life, the Challenger taketh the sword of the Defender from him, notwithstanding the Defender most valiantly defendeth himself with his arm and hands all the whole day, during which time he could not be forced either to deny, yield or be slain. A question thereupon arose, whether of them was victorious?  
Forsomuch as this Combat was for life, and that in every fight of such nature, no victory is fully gained until the Defender is slain, or else forced to yield or deny; it seemeth that he is not to be judged guilty, nor having done any of these, although his sword were lost, which indeed in all Martial exercises and feats of Arms is a thing much to be discommended. But most certain it is, that in all Combats and actions of Arms, for Honour, Love, & Praise only, whosoever loseth his sword, must presently (also) lose the honour and victory.  
16 Two Gentlemen fight for life within the Lists, the one yieldeth himself a prisoner. Whether may the Prince of the place (who in Combat is elected a judge) save the life of him that is vanquished? Hereunto may be answered.  
That albeit every prisoner appertaineth unto his taker, yet hath it commonly been used, that the victorious have presented their prisoners unto the Prince, to be disposed at his good pleasure, who in recompense thereof, do use (according to the magnanimous minds of such persons) not only to pay the charges of the victorious, but also in sign of clemency and mercy set the infortunate prisoner freely at liberty. As did the noble King Edward the third of England, unto john Visconti, who in his presence was vanquished by Thomas de la March base son unto the French King. And Philip Duke of Milan did the like unto another infortunate Gentleman vanquished by a Neapolitan Knight.   

Of the honour gained or lost by being disarmed in sundry places, and of sundry pieces. CAP. 6.  
A Man that loseth his Sword in fight, is more reproached than he that loseth his Shield. For he gaineth the greatest honour that winneth the chief weapon from the enemy, which is the Sword, seeing therewith the Emperor and Kings do create their Knights, and the Sword is borne before them in sign of authority and regal power.  
He that loseth his Headpiece in fight, is more dishonoured, than he that loseth his Shield, because the Helmet defendeth the most principal part of man, but the Shield armeth a lower place.  
He that loseth his Gauntlet in fight, is more to be blamed, than he who is disarmed of his Poulderon. For the Gauntlet armeth the hand, without which member no fight can be performed, and therefore that part of Armour is commonly sent in sign of defiance.  
He that is cast out of the Saddle by violence of his adversaries encounter, shall be more reproved, than he who falleth by the default of his horse, the breaking of girths, or any such like accident.   

Of the honour gained or lost by the hurts given or taken in Combat for life or in Triumph. CAP. 7.  
HE that in fight loseth his Eye, shall thereby receive more dishonour, than he that loseth his Teeth; because the Eye is a member serving the most necessary sense, but the Teeth are only instruments of the mouth. He that loseth his right Eye, is more to be reproached, than he that loseth the left Eye; because the right side is in better opinion of men. The like is to be said of the hands, of the arms and legs. If a man having but one Eye do fight with another man that hath two, in losing that one Eye, he shall be more blamed, than he who hath two Eyes, although he loseth one. He that loseth his whole hand, shall be more reproached, than he who loseth one Eye. And he that loseth a foot, is more disgraced, than he that loseth one hand.   

Of justs and Turniaments, and how the accidents in such exercises are to be judged. CAP. 8.  
IT is written, how at a Triumph in the noble City of Naples, a Gentleman called the L. Peter Count of Derise, received so furious an encounter by the Lance of another that ran against him, that therewith he became at one instant disarmed of his Shield, his Curates & Headpiece, so as he being utterly disarmed, was left on horseback in his doublet only, without other harm: In requital whereof, the said Peter gave unto the other Gentleman so violent a blow, as therewithal the girths of the horse were broken, and the man cast headlong on the ground. Thereupon a question was moved, which of them had merited most honour, or rather which of them deserved least reproach? Whereunto was answered absolutely, that he who fell fro the horse, was most dishonoured; for (next unto death) to fall from the horse is most reproachful.  
Yet is it less disgrace to fall with the horse, than to fall alone: and therefore, albeit a man doth run never so well, if in the end he doth fall from the horse, he can by no means receive honour for that day, but shall rather departed with disgrace.  
Who so fight on foot at Barrier, or in any other exercise of Arms, is by the force of his adversary constrained with his hand to touch the ground, shall thereby lose all commendation.  
He that on horseback directeth his Lance at the head, is more to be praised, than he that toucheth lower. For the higher the Lance hitteth, the greater is the Runners commendation.  
Who so runneth low, is not only unworthy praise, but also meriteth reproach. And he who so carrieth his Lance comely and firm, is more to be praised, although he break not, than he who misgoverneth his horse, or unskilfully handleth his Lance, although he doth break.  
He that useth to run high, sitteth steadily and moveth least in his course, accompanying his horse evenly and justly, is in running worthy all commendation.  
He that falleth with the encounter of the adversary (although as is before said, the same be a great disgrace) yet is it more excusable, than if he remaineth on horseback amazed, suffering his horse to wander he wotteth not whether.  
He that with his Lance taketh away the Rest of the adversaries Armour, meriteth more honour, than he that taketh away any other ornament.  
He that breaketh his Lance on the pommel or bolster of his adversaries Saddle, deserveth worse, than he who beareth his Lance well without breaking.  
He that breaketh on the face or other part of the horse, meriteth worse, than he that breaketh not at all.  
He that hurteth an horse, shall not receive honour, although before he hath run well: for he that hurteth an horse is in like predicament with him that falleth, who cannot on that day receive any honour.  
He is worthy small estimation, that cannot govern his own horse, or that sitteth lose in his saddle: but much is he to be praised that with his force disordereth his adversary in the saddle.  
He that letteth his Lance fall, can claim no commendation. And less worthy praise is he that knoweth not how it should be charged.  
He that breaketh the Lance furiously in many pieces, is more reputed, than he that breaketh it faintly in one only place.  
He that conveyeth his Lance into the Rest in due time, is worthy commendation: but he that carrieth it shaking in his hand or unstaiedlie in the Rest, meriteth blame.  
He that dexterously carrieth the Lance long on the arm, and skilfully conveyeth it into the Rest near the time of encounter, is more allowed, than he that suddenly and at the first setting out doth charge it.  
To conclude, he is worthy all commendation, that beareth himself well on horseback, that sitteth comely, that fitteth his body well with Armour, that hath his person so disposed as if it were without Armour, that can endure to wear it long, and that till the end of the day disarmeth not his head.  
He that performeth not all his determined courses, ought not receive any prize or honour.  
He that hurteth or toucheth an horse with his Lance, shall neither have prize nor praise, for he is in case as though he had fallen.  
He that doth fall, may not run any more in that day, unless he falleth on his feet standing right up, and be also a Challenger: for in that case he may return to horse and answer all comers, because on that day he is so bound to do.  

The manner of Combats in England, as I found them recorded in the French tongue, and written in an ancient book, showed me by Master Garter her majesties chief Herehault.  
FIrst, the cartel or bill of Quarrel aswell of the Challengers behalf as of the Defenders, was brought into the Court before the Constable and Martial. And when the truth of the cause of quarrel could not be proved by witness, nor otherwise, then was it permitted the same should receive trial by force of Arms, the one party by assailing, the other by defending. The Constable as vicar general unto the King assigned the day of battle, which was to be performed within forty days next following, whereunto both the Challenger and Defender condescended. This being done, the weapons were equally appointed to either of them, that is to say, a Sword, a Dagger, and one other weapon, which they called a Glaive. Then were the fighters commanded to bring in sufficient pledges for surety, that they and every of them should appear & perform the Combat betwixt the Sun rising and going down of the day appointed for the acquittal of their pledges, and that they nor any of them, should do or cause to be done any molestation, damage, assault or subtlety against the person of his enemy, either by himself, his friends, his followers, or other person whatsoever.   

In what sort the King commanded the place of Combat to be made.  
THe king's pleasure being signified unto the Constable and Martial, they caused Lists or Rails to be made and set up, in length three score paces, and in breadth forty paces. The place where these Lists were appointed, was ever upon plain and dry ground, without ridges, hills, or other impediments. At either end of the said Lists was made a gate or place of entry, with a strong bar to keep out the people. For the guarding of either gate one sergeant was appointed, and commanded not to suffer any man to approach within four foot. The one gate opened towards the East, the other towards the West, being strongly barred with a rail of seven foot long, & of such height, as no horse could pass either under or over the same.   

In what sort the King did sit to behold the Combat.  
ON the day of battle, the King used to sit on a high seat or scaffold purposely made; at the foot whereof, was one other seat for the Constable and Martial. Who being come thither, called before them the pledges aswell of the Defendant as the Challenger, to be showed and presented unto the King, there to remain within the Lists as prisoners, until such time as the Challenger and Defender were come, and had performed all their ceremonies.   

In what sort the Challenger used to present himself to Combat.  
THe Challenger did commonly come unto the East gate of the Lists, and brought with him such Armour as were appointed by the Court, and wherewith he determined to fight. Being at the gate, there he stayed until such time as the Constable and Marshal arose from their seat, and went thither. They being come to the said gate of the Lists, and beholding the Challenger there, the Constable said. For what cause art thou come hither thus armed, and what is thy name? Unto whom the Challenger answered thus. My name is A.B. and am hither come armed and mounted, to perform my challenge against G. D. and acquit my pledges. Wherefore I humbly desire this gate may be opened, and I suffered to perform my intent and purpose. Then the Constable did open the visor of his headpiece to see his face, and thereby to know that man to be he who makes the Challenge.  
These Ceremonies ended, the Constable commanded the gate of the Lists to be opened, whereat the armed man with his necessaries and council entered. From thence he was brought before the king, where he remained until such time as the Defender was come thither.  
In like manner, the Defender being appeared, did make request unto the Constable & Martial, desiring they would be pleased to deliver and discharge his pledges. Whereupon the said Constable and Marshal did humbly desire the King to release them, because the Defender is already come, and presented before his Majesty, there to perform his duty. But in case the Defender did not come at time convenient in the day appointed, then did the King deliver his pleasure unto the Constable, and he report the same unto the Marshal, who forthwith did give order unto his Liutenant, that the Defender should be presently called to appear by the Marshal of Herehaults in the South, called Clarentieux: and in case the Marshal of Herehaults of the King in the South were not present, than was the proclamation made by some other Herehault of King Clarentieux. But if the Combat were performed in the North, on the other side of the River of Trent, in the circuit of the King Norre; then was his Marshal to make proclamation. The words of the Proclamation was to this effect. Oiez. G. D. Defendant in this Combat, appear now, for in this day thou hast taken upon thee to acquit thy pledges in presence of the Lords Constable and Martial, and also defend thy person against A.G. who challenged thee to maintain the cause of this Combat.  
This Proclamation was made thrice at every corner of the Lists: but if at the second time, the party appeared not, than the Herehault did add these words The day passeth, and therefore come without delay. And if in case the said Defendant appeared not before noon, but stayed until the third hour after, than did the Herehault by commandment of the Constable and Martial, in the beginning of the Proclamation say, A.G. appear in haste & save thine honour, for the day is well near spent, wherein thou didst promise to perform thine enterprise. It was also used that the Constable his Clerk, should in a book record the hour of the fighters appearing within the Lists, either on foot or on horseback, in what sort they were armed, of what colour the horses were, & how they were in all points furnished.  
It was also anciently used, that the Constable moved the King in favour of the Fighters, and know whether his Majesty were pleased to appoint any of his Nobility or other servants of reputation, to assist them in Combat.  
The Constable and Martial did survey the Lances and other weapons, wherewith the Combat should be performed, making them equal and of even measure.  
The Constable also appointed two Knights or Squires unto the Challenger, to keep the place free from impediments; the like was also done for the Defender.  
The Constable did also move the King, to know whether his Majesty in person would take the oaths of the Fighters, or give him and the Marshal authority to do it out of his presence.  
The Constable also did send the Marshal unto the Challenger and his council to make ready his oath, declaring that after that ceremony all protestations should be void.  
After these preparations, the Constable caused his Clerk to bring forth the book, whereupon the Combatters were solemnly sworn.   

The first Oath.  
THe Constable having caused his Clerk to read the Challengers bill, calling him by his name and said. doest thou conceive the effect of this bill? Here is also thine own Gauntlet of defiance, Thou shalt swear, by the holy Evangelists, that all things therein contained be true, and that thou maintain it so to be upon the person of thine adversary, as God shall help thee and the holy Evangelists.  
The oath thus taken, he was led back unto his former place, and the Constable did cause the Marshal to produce the Defender, who took the like oath. This oath was ever taken the parties kneeling, unless it pleased the Constable and Marshal to pardon that duty.   

The second Oath.  
THe second Oath was also indifferently propounded to either of them, viz. That they had not brought into the Lists other Armour or weapon than was allowed, neither any engen, instrument, herb, charm, or enchantment, and that neither of them should put affiance or trust in any thing other than God and their own valours, as God and the holy Evangelists should help them. That done, they were both sent back to their places of entry.   

The third Oath was thus.  
THe Combatters being again called, were commanded by the Constable to take one the other by the hand, and lay their left hands upon the book: which done, the Constable said. I charge thee A.B. Challenger, upon thy faith, that thou do thine uttermost endeavour and force to prove thine affirmation, either by death or denial of thine adversary, before he departeth these Lists, and before the Sun goeth down this day, as God and the holy Evangelists shall help thee.  
The very same oath in like manner used was offered unto the Defender, and that done, the Fighters returned unto their places, friends and counsellors.  
These ceremonies ended, an Herehault by commandment of the Constable and Martial, did make proclamation at four corners of the Lists thus. Oiez, Oiez. We charge and command in the name of the King, the Constable and Marshal, that no man of what state, title, or degree soever, shall approach the Lists nearer than four foot in distance, nor shall utter any speech, word, voice or countenance, whereby either the Challenger or Defender may take advantage upon pain of loss of life, living and goods to be taken at the King's good pleasure.  
Then the Constable and Martial assigned a place convenient within the Lists, where the King of Herehaults and their officers should stand and be ready if they were called: for afterwards all things were committed to their charge, aswell on the behalf of the Defender as the Challenger, as if any thing were forgotten in their confessions, either touching their lands or consciences: or that any of them desired to eat or drink. All those lacks were supplied by the Herehaults and none other. But here is to be noted, that no meat or drink might be given unto the Challenger, without leave first asked of the adversary, who did not deny the request. And after, the Herehault ought go unto the Constable and Martial and make them privy, to desire their favour, that the Fighters might eat, drink, or ease their bodies.  
After these orders taken, the Constable and Martial did avoid the Lists of all sorts of persons, save only one Knight and two Esquires armed, to attend on the Constable, and the like number to await on the Marshal, either of them having in his hand a Lance without head ready to departed the Fighters, if the King did command. Of more ancient time the Constable and Martial, were used to have certain Liutenants and servants within the Lists. Also the one part to keep order on one side, & the others to look unto the other side. And if the Queen happened to behold the Combat, than the Constable and Martial awaited on the King's side, and their Liutenants attended on the Queen.  
Then did the Constable alone, sitting down before the King, as his Vicar general, send his Liutenant to the Challenger to come unto him, and the Marshal with his Liutenant did accompany the Defender.  
The Constable thus set, did pronounce this speech with a loud voice: Let them go, let them go, let them go and do their best. Upon which words pronounced in the King's presence, the Challenger did march towards the Defender to assail him furiously, and the other prepared himself for defence soberly. In the mean time, the Constable and Marshal with their Liutenants stood attentive to hear and see if any words, sign, or voice of yielding were uttered by any of the Fighters, and also to be ready if the King should command the Lances to be let fall to departed the fight.  
The Constable and Martial did also take regard, that the Challenger and Defender should appear at the day and hour appointed, whether the quarrel were for treason or otherwise.  
The Constable did likewise measure the weapons of the Combattors, and also search whether they had about them any engine, or other unlawful things, as Charms or Enchantment: yet was it lawful both for the Challenger and Defender, to be aswell and surely armed as they could. And if any of them would have his Sword shorter than the Standard, yet was not the other bound to have his cut to that measure, if he required that favour of the Court. But if either the one or the others Sword passed the Standard, than was that inequality to be reform: or if they were both overlong, both ought be reform.  
It had been also in more ancient time used, that the Constable and Martial, should foresee, that if the King's pleasure was to departed the fight, and suffer the Fighters to rest, before the Combat ended, that they should be parted in due time, when no advantage were. Likewise, that they should take heed that none of them should privately speak unto the other of yielding, or otherwise. For unto the Constable and Martial appertained the witnessing and record of all things.  
And in case the Combat were for question of treason, he that was vanquished should be forthwith disarmed within the Lists, by commandment of the Constable and the Marshal. The said Armour and weapons of the vanquished, in one end of the Lists was defaced in his disgrace, and after, the same was drawn out together with his horse. From thence also the man vanquished was drawn unto the place of execution to be there headed or hanged, according to the custom of the Country. The performance of all which punishment, appertained only to the Marshal, who ought see all things done in his own presence. And in case the Challenger did not vanquish his enemy, then ought he suffer the same pains that are due unto the Defender, if he were vanquished. But if the quarrel were upon a crime of less importance, the party vanquished, should not be drawn unto the place of execution, but only led thither to receive death or other punishment, according to the custom and quality of the matter.  
If the Combat were only for trial of virtue, or honour, he that was vanquished therein, should be disarmed and put out of the Lists without further punishment.  
If it happened that the King would take the quarrel into his hand, and make peace between the parties without longer fight. Then did the Constable lead the one, and the Marshal the other of the fighters out of the Lists, at divers gates, armed and mounted as they were, having special regard that neither of them should go the one before the other. For the quarrel resting in the King's hand, might not be renewed, or any violence offered without prejudice unto the King's honour. And because it is a point very special in matters of Arms, that he who leaveth the Lists first, incurreth a note of dishonour: therefore to departed the Lists in due time was ever precisely observed, were the Combat for treason or other cause whatsoever.  
It is also to be remembered, that without the principal Lists, were ever certain Counterlists, betwixt which two, the servants of the Constable and Martial did stand. There stood also the King's Sergeants at Arms, to see and consider if any default, or offence were committed contrary to the Proclamation of the Court, against the King's royal Majesty, or the law of Arms. Those men were ever armed at all pieces.  
The servants of the Constable and Martial had charge of the place, and good order thereof. The King's Sergeants took care to keep the gates of the Lists, and be there ready to make arrest of any person, when they should be commanded by the Constable or Martial. The fees of the Marshal were all Horses, pieces of Armour, or other furniture that fell to the ground after the Combattors did enter into the Lists, aswell from the Challenger as the Defender. But all the rest appertained to the party victorious, whether he were Challenger or Defender.  
The Bars, Posts, Rails, and every other part of the Lists were also the fees of the Marshal.    

Certain Combats granted by the Kings of England. CAP. 9  
EDmond, of the race of West Saxons, fought in combat with Canutus King of Denmark, for the possession of the Crown of England. In which fight, both the Princes being weary, by consent departed the land betwixt them. Anno. 1016.  
RObert Mountfort accused Henry of Essex of treason, affirming that he in a journey towards Wales near unto Colshil, threw away the King's Standard, saying the King was dead, and turned back those that went to the King's succour. Henry denied the accusation, so as the matter came to be tried by Combat. The place appointed for fight, was a little I'll near unto Reading. In this Combat Henry was vanquished and fell down as dead, and at the suit of friends, licence was obtained that his body might be buried by the Monks of Reading. But it happened that the body of Henry recovered, and became a Monk in that Abbey. Anno 1163. In the reign of King Henry the second.  
HEnry Duke of Hereford accused Thomas Mowbray Duke of Norfolk of certain words by him spoken, as they road between London and Brainford, tending unto the King's dishonour. Thomas Duke of Norf. denied to have spoken any such word, but Henry affirming his accusation, the King granted the Combat to be performed at Coventrie the 7. of September 1398. Anno Rich. 2.  
A Combat was fought at Westminster in the King's presence, between john Ansley Knight, and Thomas Catrington Esquire, whom the said Knight had accused of treason, for selling the Castle of S. saviours, which the Lord Chandos had builded in the isle of Constantine in France. In which Combat the Knight was victorious. Anno 1379. regni Rich. 2.  
A Combat was granted unto an Esquire borne in Navarra, to fight with an English Esquire called john Welsh, whom the Navarrois accused of treason. But the true cause of the Navarrois his malice was, for that the said Welsh had forced his wife, as (being vanquished) he confessed. The King gave sentence he should be drawn and hanged. Anno. 1384. Regni Rich. 2.  
A Combat was fought between Sir Richard Wooduile and one other Knight borne in Spain. After the third blow given, the King stayed the fight. Anno 1441. Regni Henr. 6.  
A Combat was granted unto john Viscount borne in Cypress, and Thomas de la Marsh bastard son unto Philip King of France, in the reign of King Edward the 3. at Westminster.   

Certain Combats for Triumph, Honour, and Love of Ladies, brought before the Kings of England. CAP. 11.  
 
IN the former Chapter we made mention of the Ceremonies appertaining to Combats for life, as they were anciently used. Now I think fit for the furniture of this work, briefly to remember some special exercises of Arms brought before the Princes of this realm for Honour, and love of Ladies only: and among the rest (as actions most worthy memory) we will touch certain particular Combats (or as they are commonly called) Triumphs, justs and Turniaments performed before our present Sovereign Queen Elizabeth, a Prince of so great magnanimity and wisdom, as by imitation of her most noble and princely virtues, the Court of England both for Arms and learning hath in her reign excelled all others.  

Triumphs before King Edward the third.  
IN the reign of King Edward the third, a royal Just was holden at Lincoln by the Duke of Lancaster, where were present certain Ambassadors sent by the King of Spain for the Lady joane daughter to the King, who should have been married unto that King of Spain: but meeting her on the way, she died. Anno. 1348.  
A Triumph was holden at Windsor before the same King Edward: whereat was present, David King of Scots, the Lord of Tankeruile, and the Lord Charles Valloys, who by the King's licence was permitted to run, and had the prize. Anno. 1349.  
IN Smithfield were solemn justs in the same King's reign, where was present a great part of the most valiant Knights of England and France. Thither came also noble persons of other Nations, as Spaniards, Ci●riots, and Armenians, humbly desiring aid against the Pagans. Anno 1361.   

A Triumph before King Edward the fourth.  
IVsts were again holden in Smithfield, where Anthony Woodvile Lord Scales did run against the Bastard of Burgundy. Anno. 1444.   

A Triumph before King Henry the sixth.  
ONe other notable action of Arms was persosonallie performed in Smithfield, between a Knight of Spain called Sir Francis le Aragonoys, and Sir john Astley Knight of the Garter. For after the said Sir Francis had won the honour from all the men at Arms in France, he came into England, and made a general Challenge, but by the great valour of Sir john Astley lost the same unto him. The memory of which action remaineth with Master Garter principal King of Arms.   

Triumphs before King Henry the seventh.  
AT Richmont was holden a solemn Triumph, which continued a whole month, where Sir james Parker running against Hugh Váughan was hurt and died. 1494.  
ONe other Triumph was in the same King's days performed in the Tower of London. Anno. 1502.   

Triumphs before King Henry the eight.  
But far exceeding all these was that magnificent justs & Turniments, at the meeting of the two excellent Princes, King Henry the eight of England, & K. Frances the French King: who choosing unto them xiv. others, did challenge to run at the Tilt, and fight at the Turney and Barrier with all comers. The Challengers were; The King of England, the King of France, the Duke of Suffolk, the Marquis Dorcet, Sir William Kingston, Sir Richard jernegan, Master Nicholas Carew, and Master Anthony Kneuet, with their Assistants, Sir Rowland & Sir Giles Capell: with these were so many other French Gentlemen, as made up the number aforesaid.  
For Defenders, thither came Monsieur de Vandosme, the Earl of Devonshire, and the Lord Edmond Howard; every of them bringing in a fair Band of Knights well armed.  
This most noble Challenge of these two mighty Kings, accompanied with xiv. other Knights, of either Nation seven they caused to be proclaimed by Norrey King of Arms, in England, & France, Germany, Anno 12, Hen. 8.  
ONe other most memorable Challenge was made by the same King; who in his own royal person, with William Earl of Devonshire, Sir Thomas Kneuet, & Edward Nevell Esquire, answered all comers, at Westminster. The King called himself Cuer loyal; the Lord William, Bon voloir; Sir Thomas Kneuet, Vailliant desire; and Edward Nevil, joyous penser.  
Defenders were;  
The Lord Grey, Sir William a Parr, Robert Morton, Richard Blunt, Thomas Cheyney, Thomas Tyrrell, Sir Rowland Christopher Willoughby, the L. Howard, Charles Brandon, the Lord Marquis, Henry Guildford, the Earl of Wiltshire, Sir Thomas Bullin, Thomas Lucy, the Lord Leonard, the Lord john, john Melton, Griffith Doon, Edmond Howard, Richard Tempest.  
After this Challenge was ended, the prize appointed for the Challengers party, was given unto Cuer Loyal: & among the Defenders to Edmond Howard.  
ANother solemn Challenge was proclaimed and performed by certain English Knights: uz. Sir john Dudley, Sir Thomas Seymour, Sir Francis Poinings, Sir George Carew, Anthony Kingston, and Richard Cromwell: Anno. 1540   

Of like Actions in Arms sith her majesties Reign, these do seem most notable, as appeareth by the memorials of M. Clarentieux, a Gentleman very diligent in her majesties service, and careful to observe things to the Honour of her majesties Court.  
ONE solemn Just, Turniment, and fight at the Barrier was holden at Westminster, wherein the Duke of Norfolk, the Earl of Sussex, the Earl of Warwick, the Earl of Leicester, the Lord Scrope, the Lord Darcie, and the Lord Hunsdon were Challengers, and with great honour answered all Comers.  
The Defenders names are not extant.  
A Royal Challenge was also there proclaimed before her Majesty, wherein were Challengers, the Earl of Oxenford, Charles Howard, Sir Henry Lee, and Christopher Hatton.  
The Defenders were;  
The Lord Stafford, the Lord Henry Seymour, Edward Harbart, Sir George Carie, Thomas Cicill, Henry Grace, William Howard, Sir Jerome Bowes, Henry Knowles, Henry Kneuet, William Norris, Richard Bulkelcy, Thomas Kneuet, William Knowles, Ralph Lane, George Delues, Robert Colsel, Lancelot Bostocke, Brian Ansley, Henry Mackwilliams, Thomas Bedingfield, Thomas Moor, William Worthington, Richard Blunt, Thomas Conyngesby, Robert Alexander, Roger Clopton.  
This Triumph continued three days. The first at Tilt; the second at Turney; and the third at the Barriers.  
On every of the Challengers her Majesty bestowed a Prize: for the receiving whereof, they were particularly led armed by two Ladies unto her presence Chamber.  
The Prize at the Tilt on the Defenders party was given unto Henry Grey; At the Turney unto the L. Henry Seymor; at the Barriers unto Thomas Cicill. Before them went Clarentieux king of arms in his rich coat of Arms.  
This magnificent Combat was performed Anno 1571.  
AN honourable Challenge was likewise brought before her Majesty by the Earl of Arundel, calling himself Callophisus, who with his Assistant Sir William Drewrie challenged all comers. Anno 1580,  
The Defenders were;  
The Earl of Oxford, the Lord Windsor, Philip Sidney, Edward Norris, Henry Knowles, Robert Knowles, Fulke Grevill, Thomas Kneuet, Thomas Kellaway, Ralph Bowes, George Goring, George Gifford, Anthony Cook, Henry Bronkerd, Edward Deny, Richard Ward, Sir Thomas Parrot.  
The Prize was given to the Earl of Oxford.  
TO these actions of Arms may be added the notable Turniament on horseback within her majesties Palace at Westminster, which became the more rare and memorable, for that it was performed in the night. The manner whereof in brief, was thus.  
It pleased her Majesty (according to her Princely custom in receiving of noble strangers) to convite unto supper the Duke Momorancie chief Marshal of France, at that time come hither to take the honourable Order of the Garter. This magnificent supper ended, it pleased her Highness (the weather being warm) to walk out of her Chamber into the open Terrace, whether also (awaiting on her) went the said Duke, and all others of the French Nobility, with the Ambassadors, Lords and Ladies of this Court. At her majesties coming to the North side of the Terrace, there were prepared and set rich Chairs, Cushions and Carpets. In which place it pleased her to stay, entertaining most graciously the said Duke & other noble strangers. Next unto them were placed the Ladies, Lords Counsellors and other persons of reputation, according to their degrees and conveniency of the room. So as the said Terrace was on all sides beset with Lords, Ladies, and persons of quality sumptuously appareled and richly furnished, and among them (both above and under) stood many of the Guard in their rich coats, holding an infinite number of Torches: and so in the preaching place: by which mean, to those that beheld the Terrace in this sort furnished, they deemed it rather a Theatre celestial, than a Palace of earthly building.  
The place with this royal presence replenished, suddenly entered the Earl of Essex, and with him twelve Gentlemen armed at all pieces and well mounted. The Earl and his horse was furnished with white cloth of silver, and the rest in white satin, who (after reverence done to her Majesty) marched to the East side of the Court, & there in troup stood firm. Forthwith entered the Earl of Rutland with a like number in like sort armed and appareled all in blue, and having presented his reverence stayed on the West end. Before either of these Bands one Chariot was drawn, and therein a fair Damsel conducted by an armed Knight, who presented certain speeches in the French tongue unto her Majesty. These Ceremonies past, the Queen commanded the armed men to fall unto fight, which was performed with great courage & commendation, chief in the Earl of Essex, a noble parsonage, valorous in Arms, and all other ways of great virtue. Truly, this action was marvelously magnificent, & appeared a sight exceeding glorious to those that were below looking upward to the Terrace, where her Majesty, the Lords and Ladies stood, so pompously appareled, jewelled and furnished as hardly can be seen the like in any Christian Court; as myself and other the Actors (at occasions staying from fight) with great admiration did behold and think.  
Of the Actor's names in this Combat, it seemeth no note is kept: yet are many of them living.  
NOt inferior, but far exceeding in princely pomp and quality of Actors was that royal Combat and fight on foot before her Majesty, the 1. of januarie Anno 1581. where Monsieur of France, the Prince d' Aufine, the Earl of Sussex, the Earl of Leicester, the Count S. Aignon, Monsieur Chanuallon, and Monsieur Barqueville were Challengers.  
The Defenders were;  
The L. Thomas Howard, Sir William Russell, Monsieur Brunys, Monsieur S. Vincent, Sir Thomas Cicill, Henry Grey, john Borough, Lord Windsor, Walter Windsor, Le Boylere, Le Chevalier, Ambrose Willoughby, Sir William Drury, Thomas Radcliffe, Lord Sheffeld, Robert Cary, George Carew, Fulk Grevill, William Knowles, Francis Knowles, Thomas Kneuet, Lord Darcie, Anthony Mildmay, Ralph Staverton, Lancelot Bostock, George Beeston, William Worthington, Thomas Kellaway, Sir George Carey, Ralph Bowes, Henry Windsor, john Wotton, George Goring, Edward Moor, George Giffard, Thomas Borough, Anthony Cook, Hercules Newtas, Richard Skipwith, Henry Bronkard, john Parker, Francis Darcie, john Tyrrell.  
They are not here placed according to their degrees, but as they were called to fight.  
AFter so many royal and stately Triumphs, it may be thought superfluous to insert the ordinary exercises in Arms, almost yearly used on the 17. of November, in memory of the applause of all subjects at her majesties coming to the Crown of England, as even this last year was used by the right noble and valorous Earl of Essex: a Gentleman of great hope, or rather virtuous proof and singular perfection. In lieu whereof (or rather to avoid iteration of names) we have here set down those Lords and Gentlemen that have been Actors in public exercises of Arms on horseback, sith her majesties reign: as chiefly by Master Clarentieux notes doth appear. By consideration of which persons, as well in quality as number, it may easily be conceived, that the magnificence of her majesties Court is equal or exceeding the Courts of other Kings her noble predecessors.  

They are not here placed in order of their degrees, but according to the time of the Actions wherein it pleased them to be: and with such titles as they since had, or now have.  
The Duke of Norfolk.  
The Earl of Sussex.  
The Earl of Warwick.  
The Earl of Leicester.  
The Earl of Ormond.  
The L. Honsdon.  
The L. Scroop.  
The L. Darcie.  
The L. North.  
The L. Norris.  
The L. Charles Howard.  
The L. Grey.  
The L. Stafford.  
The L. Henry Seymor.  
The Earl of Oxenford.  
The Earl of Essex.  
The Earl of Rutland.  
The Earl of Arundel.  
The L. Windsor.  
The L. Thomas Howard.  
The L. Sheffeld.  
The L. Borough.  
The Earl of Essex.  
The L. Willoughby.  
The L. Strange.  
The Earl of Comberland.  
The L. Brough of Ireland.   

Knights and Gentlemen.  
Sir Christopher Hatton,   

Knight of the Order.  
Sir George Howard.  
Edward Fitzgarret.  
Sir Robert Constable.  
Sir Henry Lee.  
Anthony Digbie.  
Thomas Warcop.  
Thomas Markham.  
Sir George Beeston.  
Sir William Gorge.  
Henry Harvey.  
Edward Hongarford.  
Thomas Cornwallis.  
john jernegan.  
Robert Colsel.  
Robert Wiseman.  
Francis Harvey.  
Sir Thomas Layton.  
William Howard.  
Sir Edward Harbert.  
Sir Henry Cobham.  
Walter Windsor.  
Sir Henry Kneuet.  
Sir George Carey.  
Henry Knowles.  
William Norris.  
Ralph Lane.  
Sir john Davers.  
George Delues.  
Sir Henry Grey.  
Lancelot Bostock.  
Brian Ansley.  
Sir Jerome Bowes.  
Sir Thomas Cicill.  
Henry Mackwilliam.  
Thomas Bedingfield.  
Sir Richard Bulkeley.  
Thomas Kneuet.  
Sir William Knowles.  
William Worthington.  
Edward Cary.  
Sir Thomas Gorge.  
Richard Blunt.  
Thomas Moor.  
Thomas Coningesbie.  
Robert Alexander.  
Roger Clopton.  
William Hyfeld.  
Thomas Cotton.  
Sir Walter Raleigh.  
Sir Philip Sidney.  
Sir William Russell.  
Sir Thomas West.  
Robert Knowles.  
john Carey.  
Fulke Grevill.  
Ralph Bowes.  
john Zouch.  
Sir William Drury.  
Thomas Kellaway.  
George Goring.  
john Ludcot.  
Edward Grevill.  
William Tressam.  
Edward Moor.  
john Tyrrell.  
Henry Bronkard.  
Sir Thomas Parrot.  
Thomas Radcliffe.  
Sir Edward Norris.  
Anthony Cook.  
Sir john Packington.  
George Giffard.  
Richard Ward.  
Euerard Digbie.  
Sir Edward Deny.  
Sir William Hatton.  
Thomas Vauisor.  
Henry Nowell.  
Sir john borrow.  
Sir George Carew.  
Anthony Mildmay.  
Thomas Gerrard.  
Edward Winter.  
Sir Charles Blunt.  
William Gressam.  
john Wotton.  
john Parker.  
Francis Darcie.  
Robert Carie.  
Sir Edward Wingfield.  
john Chidley.  
Sir Philip Butler.  
Richard Skipwith.  
Pecksall Brocas.  
William Harvey.  
Thomas Sidney.  
jarues Clifton.  
Richard Acton.   
MY meaning was here to have inserted all the Speeches, Emblems, Devises, Posies, and other Compliments, used in all Challenges & other public exercises of Arms since her majesties Reign: but for want of observation, or rather lack of some sufficient man to have set them presently down, those things cannot be recovered. Henceforth that defect is like to be supplied by the dextrous hand of Master W. Seagar, (now called Somerset) one of her Maiesties-Herehaults, a Gentleman both learned and languaged, and therewith also by his own hand able to express in demonstration, with great art and excellency. Whose mind is wholly bend to her majesties service, and the honour of her Court.    

The Ceremonies appertaining to the delivery of Prizes at justs and Turniments. CAP. 12.  
AT any public Triumph before the King, it seemeth the use hath heretofore been, that the Prizes of best desert should be given by the hand of the Queen, notwithstanding it were in the King's presence: but first a solemn proclamation to be made by the Herehaults: to this effect;  

O Yes, O yes, O yes. Be it known to all men by these presents, that by the authority of the most high, most excellent, and most puissant Prince H. by the grace of God King of England, France, and Ireland, etc. That of those which have jousted on the Challengers side A.B. hath deserved the Prize, and to him let the same be given as due, by the censure of the Queen, with the assent of her Ladies, Gentlewomen, and all others of her highness Court here present.  
Likewise on the party of Defenders C.D. hath jousted well, E.F. better, but G.H. best of all: unto whom the Prize is judged, by the most mighty, most excellent, and virtuous Princess, with consent aforesaid.   
This was the form of delivering the Prizes, at the most noble and triumphant justs performed by King Henry the eight and Francis the French King, with their Nobility and Gentlemen of Arms, at their interview in Picardy: where the Proclamation in form aforesaid was pronounced in English and French, which by favour of Master Garter I have seen recorded.  
IT seemeth in elder times, the use was that the Prince did give a letter of attestation to such persons as wan any Prize, either in Combat for life or Honour: for myself have read such a one granted by a King of France unto an Italian Gentl. in these words following: whereunto (as it seemeth) was added a great and honourable Ceremony.  
NO I Filippo, per gratia di dio Re di Franza, etc.  
notifichiammo a tutti coloro, a quali peruerranno quest nostre littere, et che lo haranno a grado et in piacere, e generalment a Imperadori, Re, Duchi, Marchesi, Conti, Principi, Nobili, Caualierie Gentilhuomini, come havendo noi celebrato le nostre feast a honore, a laud, & a gloria di nostro Signior dio, & ad honore di tutti i Caualieri che sono venuti a combattere a tutto transito in questo honorato passo di armi: vogliamo che siano riconosciuti coloro che si saranno valorosament portati, senza esser may vinti pure una volta, pois che si debbe dare l'honore a chi merita, & ch'e senza menda. Pero per queste ordoniammo, commandiammo, e sententiammo, che a gloria, a honore, a laud, & a fama, del egregio, e virtuoso Cavalier N. esso sia publicato in tutti quatro i cantoni delle lizzes & sbarre, da i Re d' armi, Araldi, & Passavanti, con trombette, e sonatori, con consitimento nostro, & delli giudici del campo, rappresentanti la persona nostra, per lo migliore di tutti i Caualieri de nostro regno. Et commandiammo che sia posto sopra un cavallo tutto bianco, e che tutti coloro che vi si truoueranno, cosi donne, come huomini, vengono con esso noi tutti a piedi, e sia fatta processione generale: e. N. vada sotto il baldacchino fino alla chiesa. Appresso commandiammo & ordoniammo, che uscendo della chie●●, si vada per tutte le lizze & sbarre, e. N. ne prenda la possessione, e per i Re d' Armi gli siano date tutte le chiavi delle debt lizzes insegno di vittoria Et ancora commandiammo, che siano celebrate feast che durino quindeci giorni, a laud & gloria del vittorioso N. E perch ciascuno conosca la real verità di questo fatto, habbiamo segnata la present carta con colour vermiglio, èsuggellata co'l nostro real suggillo.  
Data nella nostra Citta di Parigi, a 4. di. Luglio, etc.  
The same in English.  
PHilip by the grace of God King of France, etc.  
Be it known to all men unto whom these letters shall come, and to every other person that take delight or pleasure in Arms, and generally to all Emperors, Kings, Dukes, Marquises, Earls, Princes, Barons, & other Gentlemen, that we have celebrated a solemn Triumph, to the honour, praise, and glory of God, and the commendation of such as did fight in this honourable action of Arms. And being desirous, that they who have valorously performed their parts without receiving blame or disgrace, should be known: to the end honour may be given to every one according to his merit. Therefore we have hereby ordained, commanded and judged, for the everlasting honour, praise, and glory of the excellent and virtuous Gentleman. N. his name shallbe proclaimed in every of the four corners of the Lists or place of justs, by the King of Arms, the Herehaults and pursuivants with our allowance, and by the censure of the judges of the field, representing our person: letting all men thereby to know, that the said. N. is the most excellent and most virtuous Gentleman of Arms in all our kingdom. We moreover command, that he shall be mounted upon a white horse, and that every person present, aswell women as men shall with us follow him in Procession on f●ote: & that the said. N. shall ride under a Canopy unto the Church. We likewise ordain and command that in return from the Church, we shall pass through the place of justs, and there the said. N. to take possession, and the keys of the said Lists to be delivered him by the King of Arms in sign of victory. Lastly, we command, that the celebration of the feast shall continue the space of xv. days, to the commendation and glory of the victorious. N. And in witness of the very troth in this matter, we have signed these letters with red ink, and thereunto have set our Royal seal.  
Dated in our City of Paris, the 4. of july, etc.  
What the use at this time in like cases is, may appear by the Prizes aforesaid bestowed by her Majesty.    

THE FIFT BOOK.  

Of what quality a Gentleman professing Arms ought to be. CAP. 1.  
BY consideration of things contained in these books, a Gentleman may be informed what are the true causes of quarrel or offence unto Honour; what repulses are due unto Injuries of all sorts; what judgement is to be given upon accidents in the exercises of Arms. Whereunto we added some particular examples of certain Combats for life performed by persons of honour within this land: and likewise have noted the actions most glorious in Triumphs brought before the Princes of this realm. And forsomuch as these actions of Arms (chiefly on horseback) are, and ever have been used of noble personages and Gentlemen of the best sort, whom the Romans in their flourishing time by a general term called Equites, and are presently both of the Italians and Spaniards named Cavallieri, without respect to private dignity or other distinction: we will therefore for this time (yet with respect to each man's title) adventure to english the word Eques, a Gentleman that professeth Honour, Virtue & Arms, or any of them, particularly reciting with what condition and qualities he should be endued: which in brief are these.  

1 First, he ought be of good constitution in body, and convenient strength to suffer travel, and perform the actions appertaining to a man of Arms.  
2 Secondly, he should be well favoured of face and comely: for commonly GOD and Nature giveth beauty to such persons as are destined to command, and from others borne to obey they have withholden that favour. Which moved some writers to affirm, that the princely presence of Priamus did show him to be worthy of government and command other men.  
3 Thirdly, he should be of bold aspect, rather inclined to severity than softness: which countenance the Swisseses and Turks do much affect.  
4 Fourthly, he must be sober and discreet; not inclined to vain delights or effeminate pleasures.  
5 fiftly, that he be obedient. For of obedience proceedeth that the meaner are content to be commanded by the better, and the ignorant by those that know. This virtue was greatly embraced of the Romans, and occasioned their often victories: and at this day is well observed among the Turks. And of the punishment for disobedience towards the military Magistrates, the Romans have left two most notable examples; the one of Manlius Torquatus, who caused his own son for that fault to be slain, notwithstanding he had vanquished the enemy. The other of Papirius the Dictator, who for the like offence was punished by Fabius Rutilius General of the horsemen in the Roman Army.  
6 Sixtly, he ought be vigilant and patiented: for in the one consisteth the execution of warlike actions: by the other all travails, pains, and misfortunes are endured.  
7 Seventhly, he must be faithful and loyal, which quality is required in all sorts of subjects, but chief in Soldiers, for thereupon dependeth his Prince's security and state also: which moved Vigetius to say that the safety of a Prince consisted in well choosing his Soldiers. Which is the cause that men professing Arms, do commonly swear by the faith of a Soldier: the French man, a foy de Soldat: the Italian, a fe di Soldato, etc. Yea the Kings of France do commonly use this phrase, a foy de gentle home: a foy du chivalier.  
8 Eightly, he ought be constant and resolute; because resolution maketh all difficulties easy, and constancy or perseverance bringeth perfection in that he professeth.  
9 Ninthly, that he should be charitable, because wars are not taken in hand for the destruction of Countries and towns, but the defence of the laws and people.  
Lastly, that he should be fortunate, sith Fortune is the Lady of Armies, because she showeth her virtue in nothing more, than in the adventures of war.    

Of Knighthood. CAP. 2.  
FOrsomuch as in these former books we have discoursed the points of Honour, and in what sort the exercises of Arms have been used in England; it shall not be amiss but rather necessary to speak of Knighthood; which dignity was at the beginning given chiefly for service in Arms and valiant enterprises. Our meaning therefore is, to examine the original occasion of the name of Knight, and how many orders and degrees of Knighthood there are or have been in Christendom. For performance whereof, it behoveth to know that the Romans (among whom Martial Discipline was first known, and names given to men for valorous merit) divided their people into Patritij and Plebei. After that time, another division was made, as, Senatores, Equites and Plebs. As the French have at this day Les nobles & la populaire, or gentiles homes & villains. And we in England divide our men into four sorts, Gentlemen, Citizens, Yeomen, Artificers and Labourers. Of Gentlemen, the first and principal is the King, the Prince, Dukes, Marquises, Earls, Viconts, and Barons. These are the Nobility, and be called Lords or Noblemen. Next to these be Knights, Esquires, and simple Gentlemen: which last number may be called Nobilitas minor: for they in Parliament have no place among the Lords. Therefore the Barons or degree of Lords do resemble the dignity of Senators in Rome, and the title of our Nobility is like unto the Patritij, when the Patritij did signify Senatores aut Senatorum filii. But that degree which we do now call Knighthood, is most like unto the title in Rome named Equestris ordo: yet other opinions there are both of the beginning and name of Knight, as well among the Italians as the Spaniards. But howsoever it was, most certain it seemeth, that until Equestris ordo was erected in Rome, there was no such degree of men as we call Knights, neither was that name given with such ceremony and show of dignity, as since hath been used. Yet some there are that fail not to affirm that Knighthood had the original from Romulus, in this sort.  
That King having settled his Government in Rome, partly for security, & partly for magnificence erected three Bands of Horsemen, the first called Romence after his own name, the next Titience, after Tito Tatio, and the third Luceria, whereof only I think Livy maketh mention. Hereupon they will infer that Knighthood begun under Romulus.  
The Spaniards do hold opinion, that when faith and plain dealing decayed, those men that made profession of war, every thousand did choose but one man whom they thought to be of greatest wisdom, courage and courtesy among the rest. That being done, they made choice of such an horse as was reputed to excel the rest for beauty, force, and other perfections, and forthwith gave that beast unto that man whom they had chosen, as though their intention were to conjoin that singular beast unto that notable man, naming him Cavaliero, which signifieth Horseman, though we improperly english it Knight.  
Thus much is said in general concerning Gentlemen that make profession of Arms, whom the Romans (as it seemeth) sometimes called Milites, and some other times Equites. The Italians and Spaniards Caualieri: the French, Chevaliers. But in our language (as is now used) none are called Knights, but only they that have that title given by the Prince, or his Lieutenant, with a ceremony thereunto belonging. And of Knights made according to the use of England, are divers degrees: as shall hereafter be declared.   

The original of Knighthood given as dignity, and what Princes have authority to make Knights. CAP. 3.  
IT is affirmed by some writers, that Alexander the great, with the advise of his learned tutor Aristotle, resolved to bestow upon such persons as had done any notable service in the war, some honour and degree, in token of extraordinary virtue and notable merit: and therefore gave unto some Badges, to some chains, to some Privileges, and other such like demonstrations of honour.  
The Roman Emperors in like manner, sometimes before the beginning of a service, and sometimes after, bestowed not only commendation, but also dignities on those whose virtue they thought so worthy: as Crownets of Bays, of Gold, of Myrtill, or some other thing, as was thought fit to the givers. They gave also Horses, Swords, Armours, arming Garments, & such like: and they that received them, in token of Honour kept them carefully in perpetual memory of their own valour, and the honour of that Prince who gave them. By this mean also they became much admired and esteemed of all other Soldiers.  
Afterwards, for more encouragement of virtuous minds, other Princes thought meet that the memorable acts of Soldiers should be in perpetual memory written, and such Privileges as were given, to be recorded, calling them in those writings valiant men, companions in Arms, victorious Soldiers and Knights. Which manner of proceeding did animate the men of war no less, than the great portraitures which the old Romans were wont to make for those that had performed egregious acts.  
Touching the making of Knights, we say, that every Prince sovereign hath power to give that dignity to what person it pleaseth him, as well in peace as war. But here is to be noted, that the Knights made, are of more or less reputation, according to the quality of that Prince that maketh them: for he that is made Knight by a King, shall be preferred before a Knight made by a Prince of meaner title. Wherefore to conclude, we say, that an Emperor, Kings, Dukes, and other Princes, acknowledging no superior, may make Knights: and so may Common weals, as the Venetian and Genoa States. The Pope's also do take upon them to make Knights for money, calling them commonly after their own names: Cavallieri di San Petro, San Paulo, Giuliani, Pij, etc.   

The manner of making Knights, about the year of our Lord. 1020. CAP. 4.  
IN that age, a Prince determining to make a Knight, caused a high scaffold to be built in some Cathedral Church of his kingdom, or other spacious place near unto it. Thither the Gentleman was brought to receive that honour. Being come, he was forthwith set upon a Chair of silver covered with green silk. Then was demanded of him, if he were healthy in body, and able to endure the exercises required in a Soldier. Also, whether he were a man of honest conversation, and what witnesses worthy credit he could produce to answer for him. This being done, the Bishop or chief officer of that Church took the Bible, and holding it open before the new Knight, in the presence of the King and all others, spoke these words, saying. Sir, you that desire to receive the order of Knighthood, swear before God and by this holy Bible, that ye shall never fight against this mighty and excellent Prince that bestoweth the order of Knighthood upon you, unless ye shall be occasioned so to do in the service of your own King and natural Prince: for in that case (having first yielded up the collar; devise, and other Ensigns of Honour now received) it shall be lawful for you to serve against him, without reproach or offence to all other companions in Arms: but otherwise doing you shall incur infamy, and being taken in war, shall be subject to the pains of death. Ye shall also swear, with all your force & power to maintain and defend all Ladies, Gentlewomen, Orfants, widows, women distressed and abandoned. The like ye must do for wives being desired, and shun no adventure of your person in every good war wherein ye happen to be.  
This oath taken, two of the chief Lords led him unto the King, who presently drew forth his Sword and laid the same upon his head, and said: God and S. George (or what other Saints the King pleased to name) make thee a good Knight.  
Then came unto the Knight seven noble maidens attired in white, and girt his Sword unto his side.  
That being done, four Knights of the most honourable in that presence put on his Spurs.  
These ceremonies past, the Queen took him by the right arm, and a Duchess by the left, and led him unto a rich seat made on high, and thereupon set him: the King sitting down on the one hand, and the Queen on the other.  
After the King and Queen were thus set, and the new Knight between them, all the rest of the Lords and Ladies set them down also upon other seats prepared for them, three dissents under the King's seat.  
Every Lord and Lady being in this sort placed, thither was brought a solemn Collation or Banquet of delicate meats, whereof the Knight, the King, the Queen, and the whole company did eat. And so the Ceremony ended.   

The order of disgrading of Knights in those days. CAP. 5.  
IF any Knight had in that time been corrupted with money by his Prince's enemy, or committed any other notable fault against loyalty and honour, the other Knights forthwith made humble suit unto the King that he might be punished. Which request being granted, they apprehended the offender, and caused him to be armed from head to foot, in such sort as if he should go to the field. Which done, they led him up to an high stage made in a Church for that purpose, where were thirteen Priests saying those prayers ordinarily used at Burials, as though that Knight had lain dead at their feet. At the end of every Psalm they took from him one piece of his Armour. First, they took off his Helmet as that which defended his traitorous eyes, than his Gauntlet on the right side as that which covered a corrupt hand: then the Gauntlet of the left hand, as from a member consenting. And so by piecemeal despoiled him of all his Arms, as well offensive as defensive, which one after another were thrown to the ground: and at the instant when every part of Armour was cast down, the King of Arms first, and after him all the other Herehaults cried aloud, saying: This is the Helmet of a disloyal and miscreant Knight. Then was brought thither a Basin of gold or silver full of warm water: which being holden up, the Herehaults with a loud voice, said: What is this Knight's name? The Pursuivants answered that which in truth was his name. Then the King of Arms said. That is not true, for he is a miscreant and false traitor, and such a one as hath broken the ordinance of Knighthood. Thereunto answered the chaplains. Let us give him his right name. Then spoke the trumpets. What shall be done with him? To which words the King answered: Let him be with dishonour and shame banished my kingdom, as a vile and infamous man that hath done offence against the honour of Knighthood. When the King had so said, the King of Arms and other Herehaults cast the warm water on the disgraded Knights face (as though he were a new baptised) saying: Henceforth thou shalt be called by thy right name Traitor. Then the King together with twelve other Knights put upon them mourning garments declaring sorrow: and coming unto the Knight disgraded put him down the stage, not by the stairs he mounted up, when he was made Knight, but threw him down tied unto a rope. Then with great ignomy he was brought unto the Altar, and there laid groveling on the ground, and over him was read a Psalm full of curses.  
These were the Ceremonies used at the degradation of Knights in the time of Sir Tristram, Sir Lancelot, and other famous Knights, who were (no doubt) men very valiant in Arms: but by means of writers that have added unto their acts many untruths, their prowess and enterprises are holden as fables.   

How many orders and degrees of Knighthood have been: and of them how many yet extant. CAP. 6.  

1 THe first and most noble order, both for antiquity and honour, is that of the GARTER.  
2 The next to it is that of the TOSON.  
3 The third is that of S. MICHAEL.  
4 The fourth is that of the NUNTIATA.  
5 There is also one new order of Knighthood in France, called the Order of S. ESPRIT: whereof I am not fully informed.   
All these Knights be called Knights of the collar, in sign they excel others in Honour and reputation: as those Orders whereinto Emperors, Kings and Princes do enter.  
Next to these in dignity, are 

1 The Knights of the BAND.  
2 The Knights of S. JAGO.  
3 The Knights of CALATRAVA.  
4 The Knights of ALCANTARA.  
5 The Knights of MONTESIO.  
6 The Knights of REDEMPTION.  
7 The Knights of MALTA.  
8 The Knights TEUTONICIS.    
The third sort of Knights, be 

1 The Knights of the SEPULCHRE.  
2 The Knights of SANTA MARIA.  
3 The Knights of S. LAZARO.  
4 The Knights of S. STEFFANO.    
These may be called rather Knights of Superstition, than persons of honour.  
Among these, we make no mention of Knights of the Round Table: neither have we set down the Knights of Amadis de Gaul, nor of Orlando Furioso: Yet do I suppose some part of those stories to be matters of truth, although writers have added unto them things incredible. By which mean the histories themselves are holden fabulous.  
We have not here spoken of the Knights of the Star, nor of them which were called Knights of the Spur: which orders are extinct or not regarded. The Knight's Templars were also long since clearly suppressed.   

Of the Order of the Garter. CAP. 7.  
EDWARD the third King of England, after he had obtained many great victories, (King john of France, King james of Scotland, being both prisoners in the Tower of London at one time, and King Henry of Castille the bastard expulsed, and Don Pedro restored by the Prince of Wales) did first erect this Order in his Kingdom Anno 1350. upon no weighty occasion (as is reported). Notwithstanding, the same is, and long hath been in so great honour, as Emperors, Kings and Princes have desired to be of that company, accounting it great honour.  
The number of this College or fellowship is 26. Knights, and when any of them die, another is chosen by consent of the company.  
The Sovereign of the Order is the King of England, his heirs and successors.  
This Order was dedicated to S. George, as the Advocate of those Knights.  
The custom was long, that these Knights yearly held a feast at the Castle of Windsor, where is also the Church founded by the same King Edward, who likewise gave great stipends to certain Priests to serve there.  
It is not commonly known what was the occasion that moved the King to make this Order: but thus have I heard it vulgarly reported. That King Edward dancing with the Queen and other Ladies of his Court, took up a Garter that happened to fall from one of them: whereat some of the Lords smiling, the King said unto them, that or it were long he would make that Garter to be of high reputation. Upon this ground (it is said) the Order took beginning.  
Every year all the Knights on the feast day of S. George, are bound to resort unto Windsor, or such other place as by the Sovereign shall be appointed.  
The principal Officers appertaining to this most honourable Order, are these. The Prelate. The Chancellor. The Register. The King of Arms named Garter: and the Usher called the Black Rod. Which places are presently furnished with these persons. viz. 

Doctor Cooper Bishop of Winchster, Prelate.  
Master john Wolly Esquire, one of her majesties privy Counsel, Chancellor.  
Doctor Day Deane of Windsor, Register.  
Master W. Dethicke chief King of Arms, Garter.  
Master William Norris Esquire, Vsher.    
The Statutes of this great Order are remaining with the said Master Garter, a Gentleman very studious in his faculty, and careful to preserve the Records belonging unto the Nobility of England. From him I received the names of these Knights of the first institution of the GARTER, which I found in an ancient book of his written in the French tongue.  

The first Knights of the Order.  
King Edward Sovereign.  
The Prince of Wales his son.  
The Duke of Lancaster.  
The Earl of Warwick.  
The captain de Buch.  
The Earl of Stafford.  
The Earl of Salisbury.  
The Lord Mortimer.  
Sir john Lisle.  
Sir Bartholomew de Bourchesh.  
Sir john Bewchamp.  
The Lord of Mahun.  
Sir Hugh Courtney.  
Sir Thomas de Holland.  
Sir john de Grey.  
Sir Richard Fitzsimond.  
Sir Miles Stapleton.  
Sir Thomas wall.  
Sir Hugh Wortesley.  
Sir Neel Loring.  
Sir john Chandos.  
Sir james Dandely.  
Sir 〈◊〉 de Holang.  
Sir Henry Eme.  
Sir Fauchet de Prichcourt.  
Sir Walter Pavelly.   

The names of those that are presently of the same most noble Order.  
The Queen of England Sovereign.  
The King of Spain.  
The Duke Casemirus.  
The Vice Conte Montacute,  
The Earl of Shrewsburie, Earl Martial of England.  
The Lord of Honsdon, Lord Chamberlein.  
The Earl of Warwick.  
The Earl of Hontingdon.  
The Lord Bourleigh, Lord Threasurer of England.  
The Lord Grey.  
The Earl of Derby.  
The Earl of Pembroke.  
The L. Howard of Effingham, L. Admiral of England.  
The Lord Cobham.  
The Lord Scroop.  
The Earl of Essex.  
The Earl of Ormond.  
Sir Christopher Hatton, Lord Chancellor of England.  
The Earl of Sussex.  
The Lord Buckhurst.    

Other degrees of Knighthood in England. CAP. 8.  
THree other sorts of Knights there are in England: but because they wear no garment, badge or sign to show the difference of their degree from other Gentlemen, they are not noted or known to strangers for Knights. Yet among ourselves we know them right well: for every man having that dignity is called Sir. As Sir Thomas, Sir john, Sir William, etc.  
But here is to be noted, that Knights are not borne, but made, either before a Battle to encourage them to adventure their lives, or after the fight, as an advancement for their valour then showed: or out of war they are made for some notable service done, or some good hope of virtues that do appear in them.  
These Knights are made either by the King himself, or by his commission and royal authority given for that purpose, or by his Liutenant in the wars, who hath his royal & absolute power for that time. And this order may be resembled to that which the Romans called Equites Romanos, differing in a sort, but in some other sort doth agree with it: for seldom in all points one Common wealth doth agree with an other, nor long any State accordeth with itself. Equites Romani were chosen ex Censu, which is according to their substance and riches: Even so be Knights in England for the most part, according to the yearly revenue of their lands, being able to maintain that estate: yet all they that had Equestrem Censum, were not in Rome Equites: no more are all Knights in England that may dispend a Knight's land or fee, but they only to whom it pleaseth the King to give that honour. In Rome the number of Equites was uncertain, and so is it of Knights in England at the pleasure of the Prince.  
Equites Romani had Equum publicum, but the Knights of England find horses themselves both in peace and war. Census Equester among the Romans was at divers times of divers value: but in England, who so ever may dispend of his free lands forty pounds' starling of yearly revenue, by an old law, either at the Coronation of the King, or marriage of his daughter, or at the dubbing of the Prince, Knight, or some such great occasion, may be by the King compelled to take that order and honour, or to pay a fine: which many rich men, not so desirous of honour as of riches, had rather disburse. Some also who for good respect are not thought worthy that title, and yet have ability, neither be made Knights though they would, and yet pay the fine of forty pounds' starling, which (as silver is now prized) is 120. pound currant money. Whereof this word Knight is derived: or whether it signifieth no more but that which Miles doth in Latin, which is Soldier, I know not. Some hold opinion that the word Soldier doth betoken a waged or hired man to fight. Caesar in his Commentaries called Soldiers, men devoted and sworn by band or oath to serve the captain: which order if the Almains did follow, it may be that they who were not hired, but being of the Nation upon their own charges and for their advancement, and by such common oath and band that did follow the war, were (perhaps) called Knights or Milites: and now among the Almains some are called lanceknights, as Soldiers not hired, although they be well near all hired. Or it may be that they which were next about the Prince, as his Guard and servants, picked and choice men out of the rest, being called in the Almain tongue Knighten, which is as much to say as Servants: these men being found of good service, the word afterward was taken for an Honour, & for a man that professeth Arms. Now our language is so altered, that hard it were to give judgement thereof. But sure it is, we in our English do call him Knight, whom the French do call Chevalier, and the Latin Equitem, or Equestris ordinis.  
Touching the making of these English Knights: the manner is this. He that is to be made Knight, is stricken by the Prince with a Sword drawn, upon his back or shoulder: the Prince saying, Soys Chevalier, and in times past was added S. George. And when the Knight riseth, the Prince saith, Auancé. This is the manner of dubbing Knights at this present: and that term dubbing was the old term in this point, and not creating. These sorts of Knights, are by the Herehaults called Knights Bachelors.  

Of Knights of the Bath.  
AT the Coronation of a King or Queen there are made Knights of the Bath, with long and curious Ceremonies, whereof I am not perfectly informed.   

Of Knight's Bannerets.  
THese Knights are made in the field only, with the Ceremony of cutting away the point of his Standard, and making it as it were a Banner: he being before a Bachelor Knight, shall then become of greater degree, allowed to display his Arms in a Banner, as Barons do: and the wives of all these three degrees of Knights shall be called Ladies, as Baron's wives are.    

The Order of the Toson, and the original thereof. CAP. 9  
THe number of Knights that were at the first admitted into this Order was 31. who ought be of noble blood, men of good merit, and without reproach.  
The chief or head of this company, is he unto whom the succession of the Dukedom of Burgundy doth lawfully descend.  
Whosoever entereth into this Order, shall renounce all other Orders of Knighthood of every Prince, Company or Religion. Yet out of that law are excepted all Emperors, Kings and Dukes, unto whom is dispensed, that they may wear the Badge of this Order, if they be chief and sovereigns of their own Order. But to the end the truth may appear, a general Counsel of Knights shall be called to consent unto that dispensation.  
The Sovereign of this Order, hath authority himself alone to give and bestow the Ensign of the Order: which is a collar of gold, wherein are the Arms of Burgundy, having the Toson of gold hanging thereat. This collar, the Sovereign and every of the Knights is bound to wear daily, and failing thereof shall incur a penalty. But in time of war or great affairs, to wear the Toson only shall suffice. Or if by mishap the Chain do break, it is lawful for mending thereof it may be carried to the Goldsmith. Or if any Knight travailing by the way shall doubt to be rob, he may without offence lay by or hide his Chain. Yet is it not lawful to increase the quantity of the said Chain, nor add thereunto any other stones or workmanship, and most of all it is unlawful to sell it, engage it, or exchange it.  
These and many other Statutes and ordinances the Knights of this noble Order are sworn to observe and keep. And many of them have been sith the first institution enlarged, altered, or taken away by the sovereigns of the said Order.  
The day of assembly for these Knights, was at the first institution appointed on the feast of S. Andrew, but sithence altered unto the second of May, and that but once in three years, unless it shall please the Sovereign otherwise to command.  
To this Order do belong four principal Officers. That is, a Chancellor, a Threasurer, a Register, a King of Arms named Toson d'oro.  
The first inventor of the Impresa belonging to the Order of the Toson, was Charles Duke of Burgundy, whose great valour brought the French King Lewis the xj. into much trouble and war, as monsieur de Argenton writeth.  
His Impresa or devise was an Instrument made to strike fire, with these words: Ant ferit, quam flamma micet. Meaning, he had power to kindle great war, as indeed he had. But his wars had unhappy event. For having in hand a war against Lorayn and the Swisseses, after the defeat of Morat and Grauson, he was utterly overthrown and slain before Nansi, the even of the Epiphany. Whereupon Renato Duke of Lorayn being victorious, and seeing a Standard of Duke Charles, with the Impresa of the Instrument of fire, said. That unhappy Prince when he had most need to warm him, wanted leisure to strike fire. Which speech was very pithy; and the more, for that the earth was then covered with snow, and by reason of the conflict full of blood. At that time was the greatest frost and cold that any living man could remember.  
The Toson which these Knights do wear hanging at their collars of the Order, is the form of a golden Fleece, expounded to be like unto the Fleece of gold which jason won at Colchos. Others suppose it to be the Fleece of Gedeon, whereof is made mention in holy Scripture: which signifieth, Fidelity or justice uncorrupted.  
The number of these Knights was much increased by the Emperor Charles the fift: who having in hand the Dukedom of Burgundy, elected into that Order persons of greater quality than were at the first, and would have that the election should be by consent. And after him King Philip did the like.  
Here is to be noted, that albeit Duke Charles did invent the Impresa: yet the Creation was begun after by Duke Philip, surnamed Le bon: at such time as he called a general assembly of the States at the Hage in Holland. Anno. 1456.  

The names of Knights in this first Creation.  

Philip Duke of Burgundy, Sovereign.  
William of Vienna of S. George.  
Rinieri Pot, Lord of the Castle.  
The Lord of Rombaix.  
The Lord Montacute.  
Orland of Vquerque.  
Anthony of Vergi, Conte of Lignij.  
Hugh of Lanoij, Lord of Santes.  
john, Lord of Cominges.  
Anthony of Tolongeon, Marshal of Burgundy.  
Peter of Lucimburg, Conte of Beurevie.  
Gilbert of Lanoij, Lord of Villerual.  
john Villiers, Lord of Isleadam.  
Anthony Lord of Croij and of Renti.  
Florimonte of Brimeu, Lord of Massincure.  
Robert, Lord of Mamimes.  
james of Brimeu, Lord of Grigni.  
Baldwin Lanoij, Lord of Mulambais.  
Peter of Baufremont, Lord of Cargni.  
Philip, Lord of Teruant.  
john of Orequi.  
john of Croij Lord of Tuors, super Marne.    

The Knights elected into the Order of Toson, by Philip King of Spain and Duke of Burgundy.  

1 Philip Duke of Austria, and King of Spain, Sovereign of the Order.  
2 Maximilian the Emperor, second of that name.  
3 Don Beltramo della Cueva, Duke of Alburqueque.  
4 Don Inigo Lopes di Mendoza, Duke of Infantasgo.  
5 Cosmo di Medici Duke of Florence, and of Sienna.  
6 Don Emanuel Filibert, Duke of Savoya.  
7 The Admiral Conte of Egmont, Prince of Gaure.  
8 john of Ligni Conte of Arumberghe, Baron of Brabanson.  
9 Octavio Farnese Duke of Parma and Piacenza.  
10 Marco Antonio Colonna, Duke of Palliano and Baron of Rome.  
11 Ferdinando Duke of Austria.  
12 Don Consaluo Fernandes of Cordova, Duke of Sessa and Ferranova, Conte of Cabia.  
13 Don Pedro Hernandes of Velasco Duke Frius, Constable of Castiglia.  
14 Don Fernando Aluares of Toledo Duke of Alua.  
15 Albert, Duke of Baviera.  
16 Henry Duke of Branswiche Luniburg.  
17 Pietro Hernesto Conte di Mansfelt.  
18 Philip de Croij, Duke of Arscot.  
19 Charles Prince of Spain.  
20 Philip Montmorancy Conte of Horn.  
21 William of Nassau, Prince of Orange, and Lord of Breda.  
22 john Conte of Ostfaie.  
23 Charles Baron of Barlemont, Lord of Perunet.  
24 Charles of Brimen, Conte of Megen, Lord of Hwercourt.  
25 john, Marquis of Berges, Conte of Walhayn.  
26 Antonio Doria Marquis of San Steffano, Lord of Giersa.  
27 Don Francisco Fernandes d' Auolos, Marquis of Piscara.  
28 Sforza Sforza S. Fiore, Conte of S. Maria, of Versi, Lord of Castello Arquato.  
29 Philip of Montmorancy Lord of Aricourt.  
30 William of Croij Marquis of Renty.  
31 Florence of Montmorancy Lord of Montegnij.  
32 Philip Conte of Ligni, and of Faulquembergh.  
33 Charles of Lanij Prince of Sulmona.  
34 Anthony of Salaing Conte of Hoochstrat.  
35 Giovachino of Mehausem great Chancellor of Boemia.  
36 The Duke of Medina Celi.  
37 The Duke of Cordova.  
38 The King of Portugal when he comes to full age.     

Of the Order of S. Michael. CAP. 10.  
IN the year 1469. Lewis the xj. then French King erected an Order of Knighthood, whereinto himself, with others the most principal Peers of France did enter.  
It is said, the occasion which moved the King to entitle this Order with the name of S. Michael, was the memory of an apparition of that Saint upon the bridge of Orleans, when that City was assailed by the English: at which time lived a certain Maiden called joane, a woman so rare of wit and valiant in Arms, as was reputed more than a mortal creature, or rather some Enchantress of singular knowledge. This I find written: but in that time of Superstition easy it was to induce the people to believe things incredible.  
This Order is also ornefied with a great collar, whereat hangeth the Image of S. Michael.  
The words appertaining thereunto are these: Immensi tremor Oceani.  
The Sovereign of this Order is the French King and his successors.  
The number of Knights that ought be admitted into the said Order is 36. But of late years that ordinance hath been broken, and the number so much increased, as thereby the Order is become of small reputation: yet is it thought that the collar appertaining unto the said Order is given only to the number aforesaid: although the Michael is bestowed on many. But sure it is that the intent of that King was to make choice only of the most noble personages of his own blood, and of others who for virtue and honour were holden worthy, as by the first election appeared: who were these.  

The first Knights of the Order of S. Michael.  

Lewis the xj. Sovereign.  
King Charles of Spain Duke of Vienna.  
john Duke of Bourbon and of Auvergne.  
Lewis of Lucimburg, Conte of S. Paul, and Constable of France.  
Andrew di Laual, Lord of Loheac, Martial of France.  
john Conte of Sanserre, Lord of Bueil.  
Lewis of Beaumond, Lord of the Forest and of Plessis Mace.  
john of Tutuille Lord of Castiglione.  
Lewis Bastard of Bourbon, Conte of Rossiglione Admiral of France.  
Anthony of Chiabanes, Conte of Dammartin, Grand master of the King's house.  
john Bastard of Armignac, Conte of Cominges, Marshal of France, and Governor of the Delfinato.  
George of Trimoville, Lord of Craon.  
Gilbert of Gabanes, Lord of Croton, Seneschal of Vienna.  
Lewis Lord of Cursol, Seneschal of Poilou.  
Tanequi of Castello, Governor of the Province of Rossiglion and of Sardena.   
The rest of Knights to be chosen into this Order, was deferred until the next meeting.  
The place of assembly of these Knights, & where their Arms and other Ensigns of Knighthood should be preserved, was appointed to be the Church on Mount S. Michael.  
Unto this Order were appointed a Threasurer, a Chancellor, a Register, and one Herehault named Monsanmichaele.  
The Feast ordained for these Knights was on Michaelmas day yearly to be kept.  
The Statutes appertaining unto this honourable Order, are to be seen in the book, entitled, The Ordinances of France.    

Of the Order called the Nuntiata. CAP. 11.  
THis Order was also about the same time begun by Amedeo Conte of Savoy, surnamed il Verde, in memory of Amedeo the first Earl, who having valerouslie defended the Island of Rhody against the Turks, wan those Arms, which deservingly is now borne by the Dukes of Savoya, which is a white Cross in a red field. The collar appertaining to this Order, is made of gold, and on it these four letters engraved, in this wise. F.E.R.T. which signifieth Fortitudo eius, Rhodum tenuit. At the said collar hangeth a Brooch, wherein is the figure of our Lady and the Angel sent unto her.  
The Church appointed for Ceremonies appertaining unto this Order is called Pietra, a Castle within the Diocese of Belleis, whereunto was given at the foundation of this Order, certain lands for the sustentation of fifteen chaplains.  
For continuance of this Order, at the time of the constitution were made many honourable ordinances to be kept by the Knights presently elected, and after to be elected: which are to be found written in the works of Francisco Sansovino.  
These four Orders aforesaid be reputed most honourable, and are adorned with great Collars, in token that for state and dignity they excel the rest.   

Knights of the Band. CAP. 12.  
THis Order was first erected by Alfonso King of Spain, son to Ferdinando and Queen Constanza in the year 1268. And to give the said Knighthood reputation & honour, the King himself, with his sons and brethren vouchsafed to enter thereinto: with them were also admitted divers other Gentlemen of best quality and greatest estimation.  
The cause that moved the King to name them Knights of the Band, was, for that he commanded every man elected into the Order, should wear a certain red scarf or lace of silk the breadth of three inches, which hung on their left shoulder, and was tied under the right arm.  
No man might enter into this Knighthood, but such as the King did specially admit: neither was any person capable of that dignity, unless he were the son of a Knight, or some Gentleman of great account, or at the least such a one as had served the King by the space of ten years in his Court, or in the war against the Moors.  
Into this Order no Gentleman could be received being an elder brother, or an heir in possession or appearance, but only such as were younger, without land and liveload; because the King's intention was to advance the Gentlemen of his Court that had not of their own.  
At such time as any Gentleman was admitted a Knight, he promised to observe these Articles following, which I have thought good particularly to express, & the rather because they tend only to entertain the minds of men in the offices of Courage and Courtesy, without any mixture of superstition, whereof almost all other Orders in those days tasted.  
First, that he should speak unto the King for the commodity of the Common wealth & the defence thereof, so often as he were thereunto required. And refusing so to do, shall forfeit all his patrimony, and be banished his Country.  
That he should above all things speak the truth unto the King, and at every occasion be faithful to his Majesty.  
That he should not be silent when so ever any person should speak against the King's honour: upon pain of being banished the Court, and deprived of his Band for ever.  
That he should be no great speaker, and in speaking to utter the truth. But if he should affirm or say any untruth, then for a punishment to walk in the streets without his sword for one whole month.  
That he should endeavour himself to keep company with wise men, and persons experienced in the war. For being found to converse with Merchants, Artificers, or base people, he should be therefore greatly reproved by the Great Master, and for one month be commanded to keep his house.  
That he should maintain his own word, and faithfully keep promise with his friends. And being found to do otherwise, to be enjoined to walk and go alone unaccompanied of any other of the King's Court, and should not presume to speak or come near unto any other Knight.  
That he should always have good Armour in his Chamber, good horses in his stable, good Lances in his Hall, and a good Sword by his side: or otherwise to be called Page and no Knight for one whole month.  
That he should not be seen mounted upon any Mule, or other unseemly Hackney: neither walk abroad without his Band, nor enter into the King's Palace without his Sword, nor eat alone at home, upon pain to forfeit for every such offence one mark towards the maintaining of the Tilt.  
That he should be no flatterer of the King or any other person, neither take delight in scoffing, upon pain to walk on foot for one month, and be confined to his house another month.  
That he should not complain of any hurt, nor boast of his own acts, nor in curing his wounds cry oh: for if in vaunting wise he uttered any ostentacious speech, he should be reproved by the great Master, and let alone unvisited of all his companions.  
That he should be no common gamester, chiefly at the Dice, nor consent that others should play in his house, upon pain to forfeit for every such offence one months pay, and for one month and half not to be seen in the Court.  
That he should not in any sort lay to pawn his Armour or weapons, nor play away his garments: upon pain to be imprisoned in his own house a whole month, and for two months following to go without the Band.  
That he should be daily appareled in fine cloth, and on holy days in silk: and on high Feasts wear gold in his garments if he pleased, without being compelled so to do. But if he did wear Buskins upon netherstocks of cloth, the great Master should take them from him, and give them in alms to the poor.  
That in walking either in the Court or City, his pace should not be swift or hasty, upon pain to be reproved of his fellow Knights, and punished at the great Master's discretion.  
That he should not speak any thing unfit or offensive to his fellows in Arms, upon pain to ask him forgiveness, and to be banished the Court for three months.  
That he should not commence or enter suit of law against the daughter of any Knight, upon pain never to have Lady or Gentlewoman of the Court to his mistress or wife.  
That if he happened to meet with any Lady or Gentlewoman of the Court, he should forth with alight from his horse and offer her his service, upon pain to lose one months wages and the favour of all Ladies.  
That if any Lady of Honour required service at his hand, he refusing to do it (having power) should be called for ever the discourteous Knight.  
That he should not eat alone, nor at any time feed upon gross meats.  
That he should not enter quarrel with any of his fellow Knights: or if any such disagreement did happen, that he nor any other Knight should make party, but by all good means seek to reconcile them, upon pain to pay a mark towards the charge of the next justs.  
That if any man not being of this Order should presume to wear the Band, that then he should be forced to fight with two Knights: but vanquishing them, should be also a Knight himself: & being vanquished, should be banished the Court, and never to wear the Band.  
That if at any justs or Tournaments in the Court, a Gentleman being not of the Order, should win the prize, than the King was bound forthwith to make him a Knight of the Band.  
That if any Knight of the Band did offer to draw his sword against any of his fellows: for so doing should absent himself two months, and two other months wear but half his Band. And if a Knight did hurt his fellow in Arms, he should be imprisoned one half year, and the next half year be banished the Court.  
That no Knight for any offence should be punished or judged, before he were brought to the King and his pleasure signified.  
That he should be ever furnished to attend on the King whensoever he went to the war: and if any battle were stricken, then ought these Knights jointly to give the charge: and if in any such service a Knight performed not his part, he should lose one years pay, and one other year wear but half the Band.  
That no Knight should be enforced to serve in any war, save only against the Infidels. Or attending on the King to any other war to wear no Band: and if he served any other Prince in his war, he should lose the Band.  
That all the Knights should assemble three times a year to consult upon matters pertaining to the Order. The assembly was at such place as the King pleased to appoint, and there they awaited with their Horse and Armour: the first meeting was in April, the second in September, and the last in Christmas.  
That all the Knights of this Order should fight at the Turney at the least twice every year, Just four times a year, play at the Canes six times a year, and manage horses every week. And who so failed to perform all or any of these Knightly exercises, should attend on the King one month without a Sword, and one other month without a Band.  
That if the King did come to any city or town, that then the Knights within eight days after, should prepare a place for the justs and Turniaments: they should also exercise all other warlike weapons: and if any Knight were negligent in these things, he should be confined to his lodging, and wear but half the Band.  
That no Knight might remain in Court without a Mistress, with intent to marry her, and not dishonour her: and whensoever she pleased to walk, he was to attend on her on foot or horseback, to do her all honour and service.  
That if any justs were holden within ten mile of the Court, every Knight to be there, under pain to go without his Sword for one month, and without his Band another month.  
That if any of these Knights were married within twenty miles of the Court, all the rest should accompany him to the King to receive a gift, and from thence to the place of wedding to exercise feats of Arms there, and every Knight to present the Bride with some gift.  
That the first Sunday of every month, all the Knights should show themselves armed before the King, ready to perform any action of Arms at the King's pleasure: for the King would not have them be only Knights in name, but in deed also.  
That in no Turniament there should be more Knights than thirty on one party, and so many on the other party, & that no Sword should be brought into the place but such as were rabbated both of edge and point. And that upon the sound of Trumpet the fight should begin, and at the sound of the Clarions every man to cease from fight and retire, upon pain that who so failed, should never more enter into that Combat, and be banished the Court for one month.  
That at every day of justs each Knight should pass four Carieraes, before four Knights appointed for judges: & they who broke no staves in those courses, should pay the charge of the justs.  
That if any Knight were sick and in peril of death, all other his fellow Knights should visit him, and exhort him to godliness. And if indeed he did die, to accompany his corpse to the grave. Also to mourn in black one whole month, and absent themselves from the exercise of Arms for the space of three months, except the King should otherwise command.  
That within two days after such funeral, all the Knights should assemble, and present the Band of the dead Knight unto the King, making humble suit for some of his sons to succeed, if any of them were meet, praying it would please his Majesty to be good to the mother, that she might live according to her honourable calling.   

Knights of San jago. CAP. 13.  
NExt unto the Knights aforesaid, for honour and estimation are these Knights of S. james in Spain, by the Spaniards called Caualieri di San jago. The original of which Order was this.  
At such time as the Arabians had well near conquered that Country, the remainder of the Spanish people refusing to live under the laws of that barbarous Nation, retired themselves unto the mountains of Asturia, and there settled a government.  
After some years of their abode there, certain Gentlemen consulting together, determined to make an assotiation and begin a war upon the Infidels. These Gentlemen to the number of thirteen, being all Barons and men of great quality, agreed also upon certain religious rules of Knighthood, yet reserving unto themselves liberty of marriage.  
The Ensign which they resolved to wear, was a red Cross in the form of a Sword.  
This Order was erected at such time as the King Don Ramiro wan the victory against the Moors in the Province of Compostella, at which time great possessions and privileges were given to S. james of Compostella. Anno. 1030.  
This Order hath one chief Governor, who is called Great Master; he with thirteen other Knights have authority to choose or remove any Knight at their discretion.  
Upon the Feast day of All Saints these Knights do use to meet, and consult upon matters appertaining to their estate.  
The revenues belonging to these Knights is marvelous, amounting to many hundred thousand Ducats.  
Many Popes have given their allowance to this Order, yet either they could not, or would not reserve a greater tribute thereof, than ten Malachini yearly.   

Knights of Calatrava. CAP. 14.  
BY imitation of the Order aforesaid, was this Knighthood of Calatrava begun in the year 1130. The inventor thereof was Don Santio King of Toledo.  
They were called Knights of Calatrava, of the Province and place where they were made and settled, which was where anciently the chief Church of Templars had been, who not being of power sufficient to resist the Saracens, were forced to yield the place unto these Knights.  
The habit of these Knights is a black garment, and upon it in the breast is set a red Crosse.  
These Knights have also exceeding great possessions, and many Commandries in divers places of Spain.   

Knights of Alcantara. CAP. 15.  
THese Knights living in effect under the ordinances and rules of the former, do wear a green Crosse.  
near unto the City of Alcantara in Castiglia upon the river of Tago, they have a Church of great beauty, endowed with rich possessions.   

Knights of Montesio. CAP. 16.  
IN Valentia are the Cavallieri di Montesio, a place also seated in that Province.  
These Knights do wear a red Cross, and their Order begun about the same time that the Knighthood of Calatrava took beginning.   

Knights of Redemption. CAP. 17.  
THese Knights were erected in the Kingdom of Arragon by King james, who conquered the islands Maiorica and Minorica in the year 1212.  
Their garments are white, and thereon a black Crosse.  
The office of these Knights is to redeem prisoners, whereupon they are called Caualieri della Redentione.  
The chief Governor of them remaineth at Bercellona.   

Knights of S. john in jerusalem: of some called Knights of the Rhodes: and now, Knights of Malta. CAP. 18.  
IT is written (with what warrant I know not) that at the City of Amiens in Picardy a Province of France, there was borne a certain Gentleman, who in his childhood had been brought up in learning: and being grown to man's estate, disposed himself to the exercise of Arms, and therein long time continued. Afterwards, having attained riper years, he despised the world, and framed himself to a solitary life, as one fully resolved to live in contemplation unseen of any but God alone. Having sometime remained in that solitary sort, a sudden desire he had to visit the Sepulchre where Christ was buried, which shortly after he did. And to the end he might with security pass the barbarous Nations, he appareled himself like unto a Physician; by which mean without impediment he performed his journey. Thus having passed the difficulties of travel in divers strange Countries, he arrived at jerusalem, and being there, fell into acquaintance with Simon, Patriarch of that City, and in lamenting wise informed him of the oppression and cruelty offered and daily used by the Infidels towards the poor Christians. Whereunto Simon answered, that albeit the Christians in those Countries endured great outrages, yet they of jerusalem suffered much greater, and should be forced to more if God did not defend them.  
By this conference, the Patriarch conceived Peter the Hermit (for so he was called) to be a man of good understanding, and apt to execute any action of importance that should be committed unto him. Whereupon the Patriarch determined to make him a messenger unto the Pope, unto whom by letters he imparted the great calamity and afflicted estate of the poor Christians inhabiting the Holy land.  
Peter having received his instructions and letter of credence, returned into the West, first unto the Pope, and after solicited other Princes: in such sort, and with so good success, as by his persuasions, many great Kings and Potentates consented to take in hand the recovery of the Holy land from the oppression of the Infidels, and some of them furnished that enterprise with men, some with money, and some did go in person. Among which number (as the chief) was Robert Duke of Normandy, son to King William of England, Godfrey Duke of Lorayn, with two of his brethren called Eustace and Baldwin, Hugh surnamed the Great brother to the French King: with divers other Princes, Dukes, Earls and Barons. Also thither went Beomondo Duke of Calabria, who for zeal to that service (or desire of honour) resigned his Dukedom unto Ruggiero his brother, taking with him so many of his subjects as would voluntarily follow him, of whom (with such other Captains and Soldiers of Italy as came unto him) he assembled more than twenty thousand, all choice men & young fit for the war.  
All things in this sort prepared for the journey, Vrban the second (than Pope) sent unto these Captains a white Cross, with commandment that all the Soldiers should wear the like, calling that enterprise la Cruciata. It is said, that the Christians, at such time as this war was proclaimed in Chiaramont (a City of Auernia) endeavoured themselves universally to animate the Soldiers, and joined in general prayer for their good success, giving them meat, apparel and furniture, unasked or required. Moreover, those that were indebted, were forgiven, and such as had been banished were pardoned. The women also (contrary to their custom) willingly and with much joy consented their husbands and sons should pass in this enterprise, and for their furniture gave them their jewels, chains and money. The French King likewise sent them great treasure, and gave privileges to the Soldiers lands and wives in their husband's absence. And many great Princes and other Lords sold and impawned their patrimonies to further this action. So as the Army assembled for this holy enterprise, amounted unto three hundred thousand footmen, and one hundred thousand horse, who presently marched towards Constantinople, where they passed the strait called Bosphoro Tracio, and landed at Calcedonia.  
For the first enterprise they besieged Nicaea in Bithynia, which within fifty days was yielded: and the fourth of july at the foot of certain mountains near unto that City, the Christians fought a battle with a Turkish Army, which in number exceeded ours, and thereat was present Soliman the Emperor of Turkey and Persia: but the Christians had victory with the loss of two thousand men: but of the enemies were slain forty thousand.  
This victory gained, the Christians following their enterprise, within short time won an hundred Cities and Towns of account, & among them the great Antiochia, before which they begun the siege the 20. of October, and took it the last of May following, where they found Corbona King of Persia, and Cassiano Lord of Antiochia. near unto that place in one other conflict were slain more than an hundred thousand Turks, with the loss of four thousand of ours.  
The cause of this victory was (in that time of Superstition) imputed to the virtue of a bloody Lance found in Antiochia, which they supposed to be a Spear wherewith Christ was wounded on the Crosse. It was also said, that the Turks did see, or imagine to see (as they reported) another great Army coming against them from the mountains, conducted by three Captains mounted upon three white horses, the beholding whereof occasioned their flight.  
This victory being had, a Navy arrived from Genoa and from Venice. Also with them came certain ships conducted by one Vymer of Bullein in Picardy, a notable Pirate, who repenting his former life, determined to follow that honourable action.  
The Christian forces thus increased, they marched towards jerusalem, and besieged it. And notwithstanding the City was of great force, yet by God's help and the valorous adventure of the Christians, it was assaulted, and in the end yielded. Anno 1099.  
This City thus conquered, the said Peter (as the chief procurer of the enterprise) was highly honoured, and Godfrey Duke of Lorayn elected King of the Holy land.  
But to return unto the original of these Knights, I say, that somewhat before the Christians conquered the City of jerusalem, they had obtained of the Saracens leave to dwell near unto the Sepulchre of Christ, and there builded an house, calling it the Hospital of Christians, whether all other Christians daily resorted. After that, the number of Christians increasing, they builded another house for women, calling it S. Mary magdalen's. And at length they made a third house, and called it S. john Baptists, where for the keeping of good order they appointed an Officer, whom they called Rector.  
Sometime after, was elected unto that Rectorship a Gentleman called Gherardus, who commanded that he, with all others of that house, should wear a white Cross upon a black garment, which was the original of the Order, and ever since hath been used.  
Afterwards one other Rector or great Master was elected, whose name was Raimondus, to whom authority was given, that he should govern and command all the Knights of this Order wheresoever they were dispersed.  
Many years after, these Knights conquered the isle of Rhodi, holden by the Turks Anno 1308. which was the cause they were called Knights of Rhodi. And divers Princes seeing them Martiallie inclined, gave unto them great lands and possessions: & they became greatly esteemed for their service, chiefly against the said Turks, and the Sultan King of Egypt and jerusalem. The said I'll of Rhodi (during those Knights inhabited there) was four times assaulted, yet by God's help, with the valiancy of the Knights, it was defended. Then Mahomet Ottoman Emperor of Turkey Anno 1480. with an excessive force of men and an hundred sails of Galleys (conducted by a Bassa borne in Greece, descended of the race of Paleologhi sometime Emperors of Constantinople) did besiege it: but after 89. days of continual battery, they were forced to abandon the enterprise, and for their farewell in the last assault, the Knights slew more than forty thousand Turks.  
But in the year 1523. in the month of januarie, the Turks again invaded that Island, and after three months siege prevailed: for the rest of Christendom never vouchsafed them either aid or relief.  
Since the loss of Rhodi, these Knights have remained in the Island of Malta, and often defended it against the enemies of Christendom, but chiefly in the year 1565.  
The first erector of Statutes and rules for the government of these Knights, was the said Raimondus, calling himself Raimondo di Poggio, servo di poveri di Christo, è custode dello spidale de San Giovanni Battista di Hierusalemme.  
No man might be received into this Knighthood, until he had proved his gentility in presence of the great Master and other Knights.  
Nor no man descended of a Moor, a jew, or Mahometan, might be admitted, although he were the son of a Prince.  
And every Knight of this Order was sworn to fight for the Christian faith, do justice, defend the oppressed, relieve the poor, persecute the Mahometans, use virtue, and protect widows and orphans.  
divers other Articles there be, but for that they are full of Superstition, I omit them.   

The original of the Knights Teutonici. CAP. 19  
THese Knights do not much vary from the former, for their custom is to intertein Pilgrims, and at occasions to serve in war.  
The beginning of this Knighthood was a certain Almain, who after the taking of jerusalem by the Christians (together with divers others of that Nation) remained there. This Almain being exceeding rich and married, kept a frank and liberal house, relieving all passengers and Pilgrims that travailed to jerusalem: in so much as his house became as an Hospital or place of ordinary access. At length he builded near unto it a fair Church, which (according to the use of that time) he did dedicated to our Lady.  
Not long after, many Christians resorting thither, as well for love of the Christian religion, as to visit the sick, they resolved to erect a fraternity, and having chosen a great Master to be Governor, ordained that every man of that assotiation, should be appareled in white, and upon their uppermost garment wear a black Crosse.  
It was also agreed, that no man should be admitted into that Order, save only Gentlemen of the Dutch Nation: and they to protest at all occasions to adventure their lives in defence of Christ's Gospel.  
About 88 years after jerusalem had remained in the Christians hands, it was taken again from them by the Saracens in the year 1184. since which time it never was recovered. For which cause these Knights retired to Tolemaida, where they remained.  
At length Tolemaida being also taken by the Saracens, they returned into Germany their natural country. Where after some short abode (as loathing rest and idleness) they went unto Frederigo the second than Emperor in the year 1220. to let his Majesty understand that the people of Prussia used incursions upon the confines of Saxony, adding that those people were barbarous, Idolaters without the knowledge of God, and therefore besought his Majesty to grant them leave to make war upon them at their own charges, yet with condition that whatsoever they gained, his Majesty would give the same to the maintenance of that Order, and they the Knights to be the Lords thereof for ever.  
The Emperor allowing of that suit, presently granted them the Country, and under his seal confirmed the gift.  
These Knights by this donation much encouraged, forthwith took Arms, and within short space subdued all that Province, and then passed the river of Vistola, and conquered other people, who became their subjects, and were made Christians.  
Within short space after, these Knights builded divers Churches, and among them some Cathedral Temples, making them places of residence for Bishops, who were also enjoined to wear the habit of the Order.  
near unto the river Vistola was a great Oak, where these Knights builded the first Castle and Town, which with time was increased and called Borgo di Santa Maria, where is now the chief Church appertaining to this Order: thereunto belongeth so great riches and revenues, as these Knights may both for men and money compare with divers Princes.  
This Country of Prussia is great, and much thereof bounded by the river Vistola: and is also confined by Sarmatia, the Massageti, and Polonia.  
These Knights are also Lords of Livonia, which was likewise by them brought to the faith of Christianity, and is with Christians now inhabited.   

Knights of the Sepulchre. CAP. 20.  
THis Knighthood is now extinct, or rather conjoined unto the Order of Malta.  
The Ensign belonging to these Knights was two red Crosses.   

Knights of S. Mary. CAP. 21.  
IN the life of Pope Vrban the fourth (at which time was great war among the Princes of Italy) certain rich Gentlemen of Bolognia and Modona desiring to eschew the present troubles, and be exempt from public charges, desired of that Pope to permit them to live in contemplation, and erect a new Order of religious Knighthood, which for money they obtained, calling themselves Knights of Saint Mary.  
The habit of this Order was very pompous, and thereupon a red Cross wrought with gold round about.  
They were specially inhibited to wear gold in their spurs and horse harness.  
They made profession to fight against the Infidels, and all others that offended justice: Notwithstanding, they lived ever at home in rest with their wives and children.  
They were commonly called Caualieri di Madonna: but because they lived continually in ease and pleasure, men termed them Frati gaudenti: as much in our language, as Goodfellow brethren. It may be some of them are yet extant.   

Knights of S. Lazaro. CAP. 22.  
THese Knights of this Order do plead great antiquity, saying they were in the time of S. Basil, and their profession hath been confirmed by sundry Popes. They also affirm, that Frederick the Emperor surnamed Barbarossa, gave them great possessions in Sicilia, Calabria, Puglia, and Terra di Lauoro: And to those lands divers Popes did add much. Notwithstanding, time that weareth all things away, did also consume these riches, and the Order well near extinct, till of late years Pius quartus the Pope did revive it: who made Gianotto Castiglione a noble Gentleman of Milan great Master.  
These Knights do profess to be obedient unto their great Master, and other Officers of the Order. They promise also to live chaste, or at the least continent and content with one wife. Also to be charitable, and liberal, chiefly to poor people infected with leprosy.  
Moreover, every Knight promiseth to wear a green Cross, & before they enter into this Knighthood must prove himself to be borne in lawful wedlock, and a Gentleman both by father and mother, and to bear Arms. Also that he is descended of ancient Christians, and no Morrano or Turk. That he hath of rent at the least 200. Crowns therewith to maintain his dignity. That he and his ancestors have ever lived as Gentlemen, without use of any base or mechanical occupation. That he hath not been suspected of any notable evil fact, or is defamed for any vice. That he be not indebted, nor is wedded to any widow, or hath had more than one wife. But besides these passable protestations, he must undertake to say five and twenty Pater nosters, and so many ave marias, with other Superstitious things not worthy the writing.  
This Order have of late time been much favoured by the Dukes of Savoy.   

Knights of S. Steffano. CAP. 23.  
IN the year 1561. Cossimo Duke of Florence and Sienna, having settled his government, and living in peaceable estate, erected this religious Order of Knighthood, calling those that entered thereunto Caualieri di San Steffano. To these Knights he gave a red Cross bordered about with gold.  
The Statutes annexed unto this Order, are not unlike to those appertaining to the Order of Malta: saving that these have liberty to marry.  
The chief place of their resiance is the City of Pisa, where the Duke prepared them a Church, and builded for them a Palace wherein to lodge. And because near to that City is a Haven fit to receive the Galleys wherein these Knights should serve, it seemed good to that Prince to settle them there.  
The Duke himself and his successors is great Master of this Order: and under him are divers other Officers of reputation.  
This is the last Order or degree of Knights that I have seen or read of, save only the great Knighthood of S. Esprit, whereof (as is before said) I am not informed.   

The Ceremonies in the degradation of Knights. CAP. 24.  
IT seemeth that the degradation of Knights hath been used only for offences of greatest reproach and dishonour: which I conceive partly by the rareness of such actions, and partly for that the men bereft of that dignity, were not only degraded, but also by law executed. As in the reign of King Edward the 4. it appeared a Knight was degraded in this sort.  
First, after the publication of his offence, his gilt spurs were beaten from his heels, than his sword taken from him, and broken. That being done, every piece of his Armour was bruised, beaten, and cast aside. After all which disgraces, he was beheaded.  
In like manner, Andrew of Hekela Knight and Earl of Cardoyl, was in this sort disgraded. He being apprehended, was by the King's commandment brought before Sir Anthony Lucy, Anno. 1322. appareled in all the robes of his estate as an Earl and a Knight, and so led unto the place of judgement. Being thither come, Sir Anthony Lucy said unto him these words. First thou shall lose the Order of Knighthood by which thou hadst all thine honour: and further, all worship upon thy body be brought to nought. Those words pronounced, Sir Anthony Lucy commanded a knave to hew the Knight's spurs from his heels, and after caused his sword to be broken over his head. That done, he was despoiled of his furred Tabord, of his Hood, of his furred Cotts, and of his Girdle. Then Sir Anthony said unto him these words: Andrew, now art thou no Knight, but a knave, and for thy treason the King doth will thou shalt be hanged.  
This manner of proceeding in the degradation of these two Knights, I found recorded in an ancient book of Master Garters, written in the self same words that are here expressed.   

The Author's Intention. CAP. 25.  
ALbeit the whole scope and intent of this book is to discourse the points of Honour and dignities appertaining unto Arms; yet for not being mistaken in my meaning, I have thought good to say, that the commendation due unto learning is of no less desert, than that which belongeth to Martial merit. And indeed very rarely doth any man excel in Arms, that is utterly ignorant in letters: for by how much one captain is more learned than another, by so much is he more capable of government in Arms, and ought be the better reputed. For who without learning can conceive the ordering & disposing of men, in marching, encamping, or fight, without Arithmetic? Or who can comprehend the ingenious fortifications or instruments apt for offence or defence of Towns, or passing of waters, unless he hath knowledge of Geometry? Or how may Sea service be performed without skill of the Latitude of the place, by the Pole, and the Longitude by other Stars: which must be learned of the Astronomers. Yea learning is (no doubt) of such excellency and necessity, that no Common weal without it, is well governed. What State can be well ordered, unless the Governors or Magistrates have studied Philosophy, chiefly that part which entreateth of manners, sith it only informeth, first how every man should govern himself. secondly, how he should guide his own family. And thirdly, teacheth how a City or Common weal may be ordered and governed, as well in times of war as peace: which moved Plato to say: That happy is the Common weal where either the Prince is a Philosopher, or where a Philosopher is the Prince. And although it cannot be denied that Empires and Kingdoms are both won and kept as well by force and manhood, as by wisdom and policy; yet is the chief of that policy attained unto by learning. For in all sorts of governments the wiser have authority over the rude and unlearned. And as in every private house or town the most discreet and best experienced are preferred, so in all Nations they that be most civil, learned and politic, do find means to command the rest, notwithstanding in force they be inferior. The experience hereof was apparently seen in the Grecians and Romans, among whom, like as wisdom and learning was most esteemed, so their Empires were spread furthest and continued longest. And to prove that excellency of learning in those Nations prevailed against others equal with them in manhood and courage, we will use this only example. That albeit this realm before any conquest thereof, was (no doubt) inhabited with people of great courage; yet for that they were uncivil, or at the least without policy and learning, they were brought under the subjection of other Nations: as the Saxons were last by the normans, & the Romans by the Saxons before that, and the Britons by the Romans first of all. And albeit divers men have been and yet are, both wise and politic without learning, and some also that be learned (in respect of worldly policy) be very simple: yet I say, that such wise men should have been more excellent, if they had been learned; and the other more simple and foolish, if they had been utterly without learning.  
Exercise in war maketh not every man fit to be a captain, though he followeth Armes never so long; and yet is there none so unapt for the war, but with use is more perfect, and the rather if he be learned. For if experience doth help, than I am sure that learning helpeth much more to the increase of wisdom. We will then determine, that experience, because it doth further wisdom, may be called the father thereof, and memory the mother; because she doth nourish and preserve it: for in vain should experience be sought for, if the same were not held in remembrance. Then if both experience and memory be helped & increased by learning, it must needs be confessed, that experience helpeth wit. Every man seethe that the experience of an old man maketh him wiser than the young, because he hath seen more; yet an old man seethe only things in his own time: but the learned man seethe not only his own age and experience, but whatsoever hath been in long time past, yea since the first writer took pen in hand, and therefore must needs know more than the unlearned man, be he never so old; for no memory can compare with writing. Besides that, if the unlearned do forget any thing seen, hardly shall he reduce it to memory again: whereas the learned man by turning his book, hath mean to call to remembrance what he happeneth to forget. Therefore, as he that liveth four score years must needs have more experience than he that liveth forty: so he that seethe in books the accidents of a thousand years, knoweth more than he that by living one hundred years could attain unto. In like manner, if he that travaileth many Nations, is of more experience than others of like age that never went from his native country: so he that is learned, by cosmography, histories, and other learning, seethe the manner and usage of every Country in the world, yea of many more than is possible for one man in all his life to travel through: and of these he travaileth, much better doth he learn, by small abode there, than another by longer experience that is altogether unlearned. By this learning we may also conceive the situation, temperature, and quality of every Country throughout the world. Also through the science of Astronomy, we know the course of the Planets above, and their Aspects and Conjunctions; which the learned men in times past attained unto by long conference and observation; but we by perusing their books only may learn it: yet without that help we could never. To conclude, there is nothing either of profit or necessity for man's life, but by learning is taught more perfectly, than it can be compassed by experience, or other mean whatsoever.  
But leaving the commodities of learning to be discoursed by those that are learned indeed, this only I say, that the endeavour of Gentlemen ought be either in Arms or learning, or in them both. And in my poor conceit, hardly deserveth he any title of honour or gentility, that doth not take pleasure in the one or the other. For as no living creature is borne to idleness, so is there no doubt but God and nature hath destined each one for some commendable business. And like as base occupations are fit for folk of base fortune, so valiant and virtuous minds, in actions of honour and virtue should be employed. And if in this earthly life any thing there be that meriteth fame or favour, surely the same is a virtuous life and valorous endeavour: whereof Iwenall saith: 
Res gerere & captos ostendere civibus hosts  
Attingit solium iovis & caelestia tentat.  
Principibus placuisse viris non ultima laus est.    

The Author's Conclusion. CAP. 26.  
WE have said in our former discourse, that no man of any quality or fortune, is borne or destined to ease, idleness, or unprofitable occupation: we have likewise touched the commodities of such learn, as are required in actions both civil and Martial, whereby may appear, how necessary it is for all Gentlemen to endeavour themselves in the one and the other, as those knowledges whereby men are made worthy of honourable title. Notwithstanding, through corrupt custom or bad education, the greater part of our English Gentility is not only ignorant what honour and virtue meaneth, but consequently disdaineth (or at the least wise lightly regardeth) those labours whereby they might and ought become comfortable to friends, and serviceable to their Prince and Country: which haply moved the Poet to forewarn fathers to have care of children's education, saying: 
Gratum est quod patriae civem populoque dedisti,  
Si facis ut patriae sit idoneus, utilis agris,  
Vtilis & bellorum & pacis rebus agendis.   
And in continuing the consideration of this matter, I am occasioned to be right sorry, that our English youth do not only earnestly affect vain pleasures and improfitable pastimes as recreation; but also use them with daily labour as their chief business and special profession. And to speak plainly, I am more than half persuaded, that a great sort of our Gentlemen (chiefly those that have had their nurture at home with their own ignorant parents) do take more comfort to be called good Falconers or expert Woodmen, than either skilful Soldiers or learned Scholars. Yet who so observeth, shall find, that the same men by secret instinct of gentle nature, do not a little glory in the ancient badges, titles and services of their ancestors, supposing those passed merits (supported with riches) ought without further sufficiency, make them more worthy than others, whose own proper virtue and labour have indeed deserved much honour. But as no fowl flieth with the wings of another, nor no horse doth run on legs not his own: so ought no man be praised or admired for the virtue or good merit of another. And albeit the fame of ancestors honour, may (for some short space) maintain a certain hope of virtue, (chiefly where no vice appeareth) yet time, which doth distinguish things indeed, from those that only appear, will also (like unto counterfeit metal) bewray the want or worth of every man, and for such a one he shall be known & esteemed, of what name, house, parentage or predecessor so ever, he is descended. It therefore behoveth every Gentleman well borne to embrace the love of virtue, and in the actions thereof to employ the course of his whole life. For what can be more pleasing to a generous mind, than the study of wisdom? whereby to know good from evil, and truth from falsehood, the one to be followed, the other eschewed.  
What may be more blessed than justice? whereby we refrain from all injuries, and give unto every one that which unto him appertaineth. What is more noble than Fortitude? which contemneth all worldly accidents, and with invincible courage fighteth for equity and right. And what is more fit or better beseeming a noble parsonage, than Temperance? which teacheth comeliness and moderation, governing the passions and perturbations of mind, to the quietness of man's life, and contentation of others. These with other virtues on them depending, have from base birth and poor parentage, brought many to great title and dignity. And as those virtuous endeavours have advanced them, so the discontinuance of like delights, did utterly deface that honour in their posterity. Virtue I say, is that which from mean estate hath ever led the lovers thereof to great reputation and glory. Among infinite examples (omitting men of meaner fortune, yet worthy much honour) we have Agathocles, Eumenes, Pertinax, Dioclesian, Valentinian, with other Emperors, Kings and Captains. Of like fortune in birth was Marcus Tullius, Cato, Horace, with divers most notable learned men: yea Socrates himself (who by the Oracle of Apollo was judged the wisest man alive) had no great parentage. And julius Caesar, that both for Arms and learning excelled, and was the first Emperor, aspired from low degree to excessive glory. Notwithstanding, through protraction of time, and the degeneration of those men's posterity, not only their own houses and names are vanished, but also the honour and renown of the Nations where they lived, is utterly decayed and extinguished. Which the Christian Poet Palingenius expressed well in these verses.  
Nempe diu res nulla manet, nempe omnia semper  
Deteriora solent fieri, in peiusque referri,  
Naturae imperio, & fatorum lege perenni:  
Deinde iterum ex alio faetu instaurata rinassi.  
Thus have we heard the means of aspiring unto Honour, and by what occasion the same is lost or decayed. But well I wots, that unto these reasons and examples produced to incite our English youth, they answer, that were they sure to attain unto the least part of that fortune these great personages and many others their inferiors have come unto, then would they not fear to adventure their labour and lives to the uttermost: but because the pains and perils are certain, and the success doubtful, they think it more wisdom to Hunt and Hawk at home, than hazard their bodies abroad, or beat their brains about that which haply never shall turn them to profit. This silly allegation compounded of sloth and pusillanimity, may easily be refelled, but slowly followed. Notwithstanding, (for that I am used to lose my labour) I will reply thereunto thus: That seeing no reward is due before desert, and that Honour is the recompense of virtue, it may not be looked for until some virtuous testimony be first showed. What Soldier is so simple, as entering into pay will at the first day look to be made a captain, or have promise within few years to become a General? What Scholar will at his first coming to study demand the degrees due unto Art, or that shortly after (with little learning) will challenge to be a Doctor? Yet true it is, that sometimes the simplest Archer doth hit the mark, which many an excellent shooter misseth: notwithstanding, hardly can any wise man be brought to lay money on his side, or hope of such success. Even so, in the attaining of Honour, although favour and fortune ofttimes preferreth the unworthy, yet the true way and most likely mean thereunto, is true virtue and industrious life. Wherefore concluding I say, that every noble and magnanimous mind, doth not so much covet the rewards of virtue, as it taketh delight in virtue itself. As the same Poet saith: 
Propter se virtus petitur, non propter honorem,  
Ipsa licet proprie, ac vere, mereatur honorem.    
FINIS.