HONOUR Military, and Civil, contained in four Books. Viz.  

1. justice, and jurisdiction Military.  
2. Knighthood in general, and particular.  
3. Combats for life, and Triumph.  
4. Precedency of great Estates, and others.   
¶ IMPRINTED AT LONdon by Robert Barker, Printer to the Queen's most Excellent Majesty. ANNO DOM. 1602.   

TO THE MOST HIGH, MOST MIGHTY, AND MOST Excellent Sovereign Princess ELIZABETH, by the Grace of GOD Queen of England, France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, etc.  
COnsidering (most sacred, and most mighty Princess) that the duty of every Subject is, not only to obey, but also to the uttermost of his power, in his degree and quality, to advance the Honour of his Prince and Country; I have according to my poor talon endeavoured, in discharge of my duty, for the place of Service which I hold under your Majesty, by your most Gracious favour, to frame these Discourses concerning Arms, Honour, and the Princely Magnificence of your majesties Court, a subject proper to Armorists, and men of my profession, not handled heretofore in our English by them, or any other to my knowledge: Yet fit to be known of all Noble and worthy personages, being persuaded that as your Majesty hath been a Mirror to all the world for excellent gifts of Mind, Person, and Fortune: So your Reign most happy both for victorious Arms and flourishing Arts, which shall remain glorious to all posterity, may haply receive some Honourable note from hence, which I most hearty desire, as the chiefest scope of my dessein.  
And so most humbly beseeching your Majesty to vouchsafe that your poorest Servant may in all duty, and humble devotion prostrate himself, and his Labours, at your most Sacred feet, I beseech the Almighty God to grant your Majesty to exceed all other Princes in length of life, in perfect health, in prosperous Reign, and all felicity.  
Your majesties Most humble and obedient servant, W. Segar Norroy.   

T. B. To the Reader.  
THE principal marks whereat every man's endeavour in this life aimeth, are either Profit, or Honour; Th'one proper to vulgar people, and men of inferior Fortune; The other due to persons of better birth, and generous disposition. For as the former by pains, and parsimony do only labour to become rich; so th' other by Military skill, or knowledge in Civil government, aspire to Honour, and human glory: whereof this Book chief entreateth, and informeth all Gentlemen and Soldiers, not only what commendations and prizes belong to valorous desert, but likewise what penalties and punishments appertain to disloyalty, and Arms abused. Therewith also is discoursed what dignities, and honourable degrees, accompany Martial merit; What order hath been observed in public Combats, and princely Triumphs, both ancient and modern; What places are due to Noble personages, aswell men as women; And to some others also according to their sex, age, Office, or place of Service, with divers other things, whereof worthy Gentlemen desire to be informed. This work with much labour compiled, and not without great cost and care now Imprinted, is according to order by learned censure allowed, and by the Honourable approbation of the right Noble Earl of Nottingham, the most ancient, and most Honourable Commander in Arms of this kingdom, and chief Knight of the Order, favourably admitted and recommended. The imitation of whose virtue, and valour, and the excellent actions of other worthy men mentioned in this Book, may reasonably incite all young Gentlemen, to employ their time in study of Moral, and Military virtue; Thereby, to become serviceable to their Prince, profitable to their Country, and worthy of all Honourable estimation, and advancement.  
Vale.   

¶ The Contents of the first Book.  

THe Prooeme. Cap. 1.  
Military justice, and the original thereof. Cap. 2.  
Of war and the causes thereof. Ca●. 3.  
Of Soldiers. Cap. 4.  
How soul. did anciently take oath. Ca 5  
What sorts of men ought to be reputed soldiers, etc. Cap. 6.  
Of young soldiers called Tyrones'. Ca 7.  
Of old sold. called Veterani. Cap. 8.  
Of soldiers called Emeriti. Cap. 9  
Of crimes Military in general. Cap. 10.  
Of Treason and Traitors. Cap. 11.  
Of Disobedience. Cap. 12.  
Of Cowardice. Cap. 13.  
Of other Military crimes. Cap. 14.  
Of punishment pecuniary. Cap. 15.  
Of degrading of soldiers. Cap. 16.  
Punishments Military. Cap. 17.  
Of wages and pay. Cap. 18.  
Restitution of sold. goods. Cap. 19  
Of Donatives, or Rewards. Cap. 20.  
Of Apparel. Cap. 21.  
Of Hostages. Cap. 22.  
Restitution of sold. persons. Cap. 23.  
Privileges anciently granted unto Soldiers. Cap. 24.  
Of Cassation and dismission. Cap. 25.  
Of justice appertaining unto war offensive. Cap. 26.  
Of justice appertaining to war defensive. Cap. 27.  
Of Peace. Cap. 28.  
Of Licences and Passports. Cap. 29.  
Of Ambassadors or Legates. Cap. 30.  
Of prisoners taken by the enemy. C. 31.  
Of rescuing of Prisoners. Cap. 32.  
Of enemies. Cap. 33.  
Of Immunities Military. Cap. 34.  
Of captains general, etc. Cap. 35.    

OF HONOUR Military and Civil, containing five parts▪  


CHAP. 1.  
¶ The Prooeme.  
FOrsomuch as the life of man holdeth on a traveilers course continually as it were under sail, either in the calm of Peace, or the tempestuous sea of War: it behoveth every well governed Common weal to be prepared for the one and the other. which moved wise Princes and Magistrates, not only to devise Laws how men might siue peaceably, but also to prepare Arms, both defensive foreign invasion, and corrective against domestical insurrection. It therefore seemeth expedient to conjoin good Laws unto Arms: th'one command, th'other to execute: yet because they are in nature divers, or rather contrary, it proveth a matter of much difficulty. For well we see, between equity and force is no proportion. Laws are friends to peace and rest: but war is always accompanied with men of audacious, sudden, and severest spirit. The Philosophers and wise Lawmakers therefore have endeavoured more, to make such wars as might assure peace, then to enjoy such peace as might not be able to withstand war. justinianus desiring to unite Laws and Arms, authorised one Officer to command both Martially and Civilly, whom be called Praetor; and so the Romans continued that name for their General of war. His office was mixed both of authority Martial, and Civil. It seemeth therefore that as our bodies cannot without sinews and blood be strong, so the war without aid of Law and equity may not endure: which moved wise men of former ages to be persuaded, that Prudence and Power ought never to be disjoined. Of which opinion the ancient Poet Horace seemed to be, saying, Vis expers consilij mole ruit sua. The same reason induced learned writers, to commend valiant Captains and wise Counsellors, jointly, and (as it were) in one and the self same rank. With Croesus they coupled Solon: with Simonides, Pausanias: Pericles with Anaxagoras. The Poets likewise in their works do praise Agamemnon with Nestor: Diomedes with Ulysses: meaning to mix force with policy, and civil Laws with power and Arms. The Kings of Lacedaemon before they went unto the war, did first sacrifice and consult with the Muses how they were to proceed: for so did Terpander and Pindarus men of special note in Sparta, and which were employed to set forth the praises of such of the Lacedæmonians as were both in Music and Arms excellent. The Romans did highly and openly extol Quintus Fabius Maximus, Rollianus, and Pub● Decius, for their notable knowledge as well in Arms as learning. Thus doth it appear, that Arms and Laws cannot be disjoined: and consequently, where the counsel of Captains is directed by Law, equity and Religion, there insolency, fury, and unlawful force is repressed.   

CHAP. 2.  
¶ Military justice and the original thereof.  
Having discoursed what concord ought be between Military and Civil government, it seemeth requisite to say, that Military justice generally is a Law made by consent of all Nations, the property whereof is to repulse force, and to redress injury. For who so in defence of his own person doth resist force with force, shallbe thought to have so done justly. And albeit bruit beasts do seem in some sort to offend, and defend without the aid of wit, and human forecast, yet because all they do, is without discourse of reason or election, it cannot be said that they use force according to justice, but rather moved by natural instinct, consequently attempt without order, or warranty of any lawful proceeding, which indeed liveth only among men. For admit that no Laws were, and all things left subject to Fortune and chance, yet such is the force of equity and reason, and the root thereof so firmly fixed in the minds of men, as though never so much defaced & obscured in savage and degenerate natures, may not yet utterly be razed out of the minds of any, be they never so outrageous, but that at one time or other, either openly to the world, or inwardly to themselves, will they, nill they, some vigorous and lively sparks thereof will appear. The like may be particularly said of justice Military, whereof in the minds of Soldiers so deep an impression is made, as no force or time can raze it out. And touching the execution of juridiction Military, we say the same was ever performed by judges and Magistrates thereunto purposely appointed, and that men of Arms and all other Soldiers were in all Military matters, directed, punished, & ordered by their proper Commanders, as in ancient time they were in Rome, and since in France hath been used. But first, to touch the original of Martial justice, it seemeth to have been taken from the Romans, who for causes reasonable, bestowed upon men of war great privileges, dignities and immunities, afterwards confirmed and increased by divers Emperors. By whose example some Kings of France, and other princes have done the like. Yet true it is, that at the beginning, such jurisdiction was executed only in the field, by the Tribunes, or their deputies, I mean in ordinary offences, or else by the Legate in their absence, or else by the Consul or General, in causes capital, and faults of most importance. But in process of time, the insolency of Soldiers increasing, the said justice became more general, and the authority thereof extended into all towns and places whatsoever, inflicting exemplary punishment according to the quality of each man's offence, yea, in the end the reputation of Martial jurisdiction became equal to that of civil justice.   

CHAP. 2.  
¶ Of War, and causes thereof.  
CIcero saith, that discord and dissension among men, is ended either by persuasion or force: the one proper to men, the other to brute beasts: and where the first cannot prevail, the other may be excused. Reasonably therefore are those wars to be taken in hand, where injury can not be otherwise repulsed, nor peace by other mean preserved. And most apparent it is, that nature hath bestowed upon all creatures certain arms or weapons wherewith to defend themselves, and offend their enemies, yea, whoso observeth shall see, that each living body is in some sort by nature disposed to make war: as the calf, before his horns be grown, doth endeavour to offend with his head. The colt turneth his heels when his hooves are scarcely hard. The little whelp, whose teeth be tender and unfit to bite, will nevertheless do his best to offend with his lips, Man likewise, of all other creatures least furnished both for offence and defence, will with all his strength, hands and feet, labour to resist his foes, as appeareth even in children, who provoked to anger, do spurn and bite; haply moved thereunto with desire of victory only. The same reason inciteth men, both in general and particular, to contend: so as one city maketh war against another, one province invadeth another, and whole kingdoms and common weals do endeavour to oppress one the other. Yea, the affections in every sole body, do (among themselves) str●ue and make war; which moved some Philosophers to say, That no victory is worthier of commendation then that wherein man doth conquer himself. Fortior est qui se, quàm qui fortissima vincit moenia: nec virtus altior ire potest, sayeth ovid. Seeing then that each man hath war within himself, and against others, and cities contend for honour and empire, one taking from the other, what can be said Ours, more than that, which is gotten and defended by arms? Yet true it is, that some wars are not properly so called; as where one part of the people doth assault the other: for that kind of contending ought be named sedition: but when one Nation taketh Arms to offend an other, there we say is war. When the Romans were divided, one faction labouring to oppress another, (who by nature ought to have joined together) such enmity was called Sedition: but when the Galls, the Carthagenians, or other foreign people assaulted the Romans, or were by them assailed, that contention was truly called War. But omitting to say more of civil or domestical dissension, let us discourse of that War which is ordinarily made with foreign people, for Empire and glory, as when the Romans took Arms against the Latins, Sabines and Carthaginenses, or when they fought with the Celtiberi and Cimbri, not who should command, but who should live: yet ought the cause whereof the War groweth be just, and such as the enemy cannot but acknowledge reasonable. For who is so impudent as will deny that if injury be done, or the goods or honour of other men be taken, but he from whom the same was taken, is justly caused to become an enemy? Non licet cum alterius incommodo suum augere commodum. Yet Aristotle proveth that some men are by nature borne to command, others to obey, whereof may be inferred, that Wars are necessary as well to compel those to subjection that are destinied thereunto, as also for others (who ought to govern) to hold their authority. The Romans also did think good sometimes to make War only to entertain the youth fit for service; as when they sent their Army unto Carthage, being persuaded that overlong idleness might corrupt. For indeed, the labour and discipline of War, doth make men honest and temperate. It seemeth therefore that Princes martially disposed, have not only thereby purchased renown, but also much enlarged their dominions For which reason the Lacedæmonians do seem to accuse Pausanias' justly, for inhibiting them to extend the bounds of their dominion. But contrariwise Lycurgus and Minos are much praised persuading the Lacedæmonians and the people of Cyprus to advance their glory, by War: whereof we may infer, that Peace is not the only end of War: yet not doubt the chiefest and most necessary cause thereof, according to the opinion of Cicero, saying, Nullum bellum esse justum, nisi quod aut rebus repet 'tis geratur, aut denuntiatum antè sit & indictum. Whereby appeareth that Wars ought not to be made without just cause, and public expostulation. And Plutarch writing the life of Numa, saith it was not lawful for a King or any Soldier to take Arms, until the Foecials had so commanded or allowed. Wise Princes and commanders therefore ought to deliberate maturely before they take Arms, to the end the War may be just, and the proceeding thereof advised. In which point they shall do well to imitate the example of Traianus, who used to observe these cautions viz. carefully to supply the places of Soldiers slain: courageously to repress the enemy's pride: and according to discipline Military, compel Muteners to obedience and order. To that purpose also, Octavianus Augustus did say, No war ought be taken in hand, unless the same did promise more hope of profit, then fear of loss. For who so shall otherwise do, may be compared unto a Fisher, that angleth with an hook of gold, which being broken, or lost, all the fish he hath gotten, sufficeth not to make a recompense.   

CHAP. 4.  
¶ Of soldiers.  
THat men of war have been anciently called Milites, every man knoweth: but for what reason that name was given, every one is not informed. We say therefore with Vlpianus, that men professing Arms, were called Milites à malitia, idest duritia, which is as much to say, as they were so named in respect of the hardness and danger they endure in defence of other people, or else because they repulse the evil and injury which enemies do ofter. Romulus' called unto his guard a thousand men, and some writers have thought, that thereof Soldiers were called Milites. Howsoe●er that were, sure it is that anciently who so would become a Soldier, it behoved him to procure his name to be enroled in the General's book. For necessary it is, that he who commandeth should know what number, and so what quality his soldiers be. Which reason moved Alexander Scuerus to keep in his chamber a Catalogue or roll of his soldiers, and at his leisure, considered of their suits, their number, their dignities and wages. He likewise cautiously provided, that no man should aspire to privileges Military, by ambition, but for virtue and skill. And who so desireth to enjoy the honours appertaining to Arms, ought first to prove he is a Soldier. In which case the laws of Cossus, Crassus and Scevola must be remembered; for thereby is decreed, that as a man being no citizen, should not take upon him to be a citizen, so he that is not enroled a soldier, cannot enough himself a soldier. By the laws Civil, three ways there are for soldiers to prove their profession: which done, they shall not afterwards endure any unworthy or unreasonable imposition. The first proof is by letters & certificate of Captains or Officers. Charles the seventh king of France commanded that no man should be capable of charge or office in the war, unless he were authorized by the King's letters and 〈◊〉, in testimony of the public honour and degree he had. Secondly he ought to make proof, that in former time he had behaved himself as a good Soldier, and such a one as served long with commendation. Lastly, to be recorded among the number of received soldiers, for that testimonial cannot be disproved. It was also anciently used, that in token of honour due unto soldiers of good merit, a girdle was given; for it is written in the law imperial, Militia exornatos confestimcingi debere. And Charles the seventh king of France in his Edict saith thus: Edictum est, ne quis Miles in numeros referatur, qui non cinctus, sit armis●▪ it a munitus, ut probum decet militem. All Soldiers who served on horseback (by the Romans called Equites) used to carry on their left arm a certain shield or buckler, and in the right hand a lance, and unto their side a Spanish sword was girded. Thus appeareth it that the girdle was the first Ensign bestowed upon soldiers, and without it no man might account himself among the number of military men, nor claim the privileges due unto soldiers. For only they that were enrolled and girded were properly called soldiers: and they that were newly elected to supply the bands, were named Tirones. It was also an use among the Romans, that when any Captain attained this Ensign of the General, he then delivered a roll or list wherein his number was contained. By which means the Commander general might be informed of his whole Army. It is also to be remembered, that besides these enrolled men, do appertain to every army certain supposed soldiers, who are men absent, or not used, and nevertheless may enjoy the immunities of the war: for so was it decreed by Claudius the Emperors, calling those sorts of soldiers Militia imaginaria.   

CHAP. 5.  
¶ How Soldiers did anciently take oath.  
TO exact an oath of Soldiers was ever thought necessary, not only for the Common weal, but also for the Soldier himself. For at such time as Soldiers served voluntarily, Lucius Flaccus, and Caius Varro being Consuls, the Senate of Rome thought fit to compel men of war to swear, though before that time no oath was taken, but at the pleasure of him that would. Cincius in his first book de remilitari, affirmeth the oath to be thus: or to this effect. In exercitu decemquc millia passuum prope, furtum non facies dolo malo, solus neque cum pluribus. Extra hastam, hastile, ligna, pabulum, utrem, follem, faculam, si quid ibi inveneris, sustulerisue, quod tuum non erit, quod pluris nummi argentei erit, uti ad Consulem Caium Laelium, Luciumue Cornelium, sive ad quem corum ius erit, proferas: aut profitebere in triduo proximo quicquid invencris, sustulerisue dolo malo: aut domino suo, cuius id censebis esse, reddes: Vtine quid non recte factum esse voles. We read also, that long after Petreius forced the Soldiers of Pompey to swear they should not abandon their Captain, nor Camp; neither should they do any treason, nor consult one with another privately. The like oath was ministered unto the Soldiers of Domitianus by Caesar, and they became the more obedient. To which agreeth that of Polybius, Sc obtemperaturos, & facturos quicquid mandabitur ab Imperatoribus juxta vires. Out of Livy lib. 22. Seize fugae atque formidinis ergo non abituros, neque ex ordine recessuros, nisit teli sumendi, aut petendi, aut 〈◊〉 feriendi, an't civis seruandi caussa. Also Consulis jussu se conventuros, nec iniussuabituros. Out of Halycarnasseus Lib. 10. Secuturos se consuls, neque signa desertures, neque aliquid contra populum facturos. These words also Scipio swore, Livij Lib. 22. Vt ego Rempublicam non deseram, neque ullum ciucm Romanum deserrepatiar. Si sciens fallo ex animi mei sententia, tum me jupiter Opt. Max. domum, familiam, remque meam pessimo laetho afficiat. The oath was taken in the presence of the whole Legion, by one Soldier holding his drawn sword in his hand, and then all the rest severally answered drawing their swords, Idem in me. After under the Emperors was added, Se Caesaris salutem omnibus rebus antelaturos. And they which took oath to julian the Emperor, laying their swords to their necks swore, Se omnes pro eo casus quoad vitam profuderint, si id necessitas exegerit, perlaturos. In the declining state of the Roman Empire, when Barbarians were enrouled among Roman soldiers, they were branded with the emperors mark, and took their oath, Per Deum, & Christum, & Spiritum Sanctum, & per Maiestatem imperatoris omnia se facturos quae praeceperit Imperator, nec mortem recusaturos pro Romano Republica. In France also it was anciently used that every Soldier received into any band, or ornified with the girdle Military, should be sworn unto the King or the general of horse, if he were a horseman; or serving on foot, his oath should be taken by the Praetor, or Captain of footmen. And so greatly was an oath esteemed, as Caesar procured a Law to be made, that no Citizen unsworne, should remain out of Italy more than three years. By imitation of which example, the Senate of Rome decreed that all Magistrates should swear to answer truly unto those Interrogatories that were propounded. The Soldiers of that time did swear by the gods; and Radamanthus did think that all doubts ought be decided by oath. Either else they were to swear by the wind, & the sword: because the one was cause of life, th' other of death, for such was the Scythian use; Or else by jupiter, Mars and Pallas; or sometimes by elevating a Sceptre, which Princes in old time accustomed. But the Christians do swear in form according to the pleasure of the Prince, the General or Chieftain: but in matter the oath of Christians is to swear by the Deity, As by God, or by his holy evangelists, etc.  
And here is to be noted, that if any soldier were absolved from his oath, yet might he not without the General's licence, be received into any other Army: which ordinance was observed by Constantinus and the ancient Romans also. For when Pompilius remained in Province, with his Army, where the son of Cato served as a Tiro or young soldier, he thought good to discharge that Legion, where the son of Cato was. But he desirous to continue in the war, did write unto Pompilius, that if he pleased to consent he might remain there, he would by anew oath become bound, because the first oath dispensed with, he might not fight with the enemy. And hereof we may be also informed by an Epistle which Marcus Cato the father did write, wherein he commanded his soon not to bear Arms; for (quoth he) Qui miles non est, cum hoste pugnare non debet. Thus concluding we say, that soldiers ought be first girded, then enroled, and lastly by oath obliged.   

CHAP. 6.  
¶ What sorts of men ought to be reputed Soldiers, and who may not be pressed to bear Arms.  
ALbeit the war is to employ men of divers quality, yet ought they only to be reputed Soldiers, that make profession of Arms. Therefore out of that number, Victuallers, Merchants, Artificers, and generally all men attending their own private profit, are excluded. Neither ought any of them be privileged by the war, because such negotiants be occupied in their own commodity, and therefore, as men of base sort, unworthy to be numbered among men of war: because their only endeavour is to gain: which they cannot (nisi admodum mentiantur) we also account to advocate, procurer, pleader, or persuader to merit the immunity of war. For Claudius the Emperor commanded that every soldier should (without counsel) render a reason of his own life. The Philosophers also thought those men needless in every common weal: Neither can we allow Ploughman to be properly called soldiers, when they are first pressed to supply the want of men trained; yet true it is, that in respect their bodies are accustomed to hardness and labour, they become oft times men of good service. And some great Captains and Generals also, living a rural life, have nevertheless performed their office with much glory, as Fabritius, Cincinnatus, and others. Martianus the great doctor did also reject bondmen, as persons improper and unworthy the name of soldiers, affirming it unnatural for him that was not his own, to serve any other master then him only to whom he was bound. And to say truly, the mind of man used to slavery, is base, abject, and unapt for the war: Yet hath it been seen, that in times of necessity those men have been employed For we read how Marcus Antoninus the Emperor, after the war of Carthage, trained a great number of slaves, and made them fit for arms, calling them volones. And Sex●us Pompeius in the civil war of Italy against the Romans armed many bondmen. Yet certain it is, that no slaves were received for soldiers, until they had been enfranchised; and so was it decreed by Lucius Aemilius Paulus, and Terentius Varro, than Consuls.  
And for as much as the name and dignity of a soldier is honourable, all persons having committed any infamous crime, and thereof convicted, ought not afterwards bear arms. Also because the war requireth beauty and force in men, no soldier should be allowed, that wanteth any member or limb of his person, which moved the Emperor Domitianus and Nerua to decree, that no child should be gelded. And Constantinus commanded that upon pain of death no Eunuch should be made, being persuaded that gelding did take from men the courage and vivacity required in war. Yet was it allowed by the ordinance of the good Emperor Traianus, that albeit a man were borne with one only stone, or by any mishap did lose it, yet might he by the law Military bear Arms; for Silla, and Cotta had naturally that imperfection. We conclude therefore that some fort of eunuchs (but no gelded man) may bear Arms. And histories do make mention that the Enunch Narcete in the reign of justinian expulsed the Goths out of Italy. Likewise Eucherius a principal favourite of the Emperor Constantius was both an Eunuch and a Captain very notable. And Cyrus having conquered Babylon made choice of eunuchs only to guard his person, holding them of no less force than other men, and by example of horses gelded, was persuaded, their bodies were no whit disabled for the war.  
But as these before may not be received, in respect of natural debility, so others for respect of qualification, are privileged and excused, as Priests, and persons Ecclesiastical, to whom Romulus granted Immunities: the like grace was given to the Druids in France, by Caesar: also all Graduates in school may challenge that privilege.  
The same Immunity is also due to men aged, and those youths that are not of perfect strength; for so was it judged by Gordianus the younger: In which point the law of Gracchus is also much to be liked, for thereby he commandeth that no person of less age than seventeen years should be called unto the war.   

CHAP. 7.  
Of young Soldiers, called Tyrones'.  
IT is said of Hercules Prodicus, That he growing towards man's estate, retired himself into a solitary place; and there sitting alone, considered, that two ways there were to pass the course of his life: the one was of pleasure, the other of industry and virtue. This consideration I recommend to all young men, yet therewith wish, the choice should not be left unto themselves: For the greatest number affecting idleness or sensual delight, or else wanting mature judgement, would follow that way they find themselves inclined unto. It therefore behoveth they should be compelled to the exercise of virtue and Arms. And as great pity it were to withhold the rewards due to military merit, so not to incite young men to the exercise of Arms, were an error inexcusable. For so was it decreed by law of Dioclesianus and Maximianus: which also was more anciently observed of the Romans, as by their histories appeareth: For when Quintus Servilius (being Tribunus Plebis, with authority Consulare) was to assemble an army against the Lucanes and Equians, he refused to make a confuse choice of the people, and elected of the younger sort only. After that time, the Dictator Camillus with his General of horse Servilius Hala, did the like. And Appius Claudius, with Lucius Furius Camillus, being Consuls, by direction of the Senate, in a war against the Gauls, did choose only young men, both of the City and of the Country: yea sometimes for want of them, prisoners and persons condemned were pressed to bear Arms. In some other ages by reason of scarcity of able bodies, some youths before they were seventeen years old, and others that exceeded fifty, were forced to the war. But here is to be remembered, that neither these Tyrones', nor others for necessity chosen, ought be of equal reputation unto more ancient soldiers: yet thus much privilege the Romans did allow them, That when any error was committed, they were (in respect of youth and want of experience) the sooner pardoned. In the flourishing state of the Roman Empire, the Tyrones' were chosen out of the free borne, at the age of 17. years by Officers called Conquisitores, 
Scruius Honoratus.  and for the first year they had their Tutors, and Guardians appointed to oversee them. But it is referred to one among other causes of the overthrow of the Empire, when landed men were charged to find Tyrones' according to their revenues and possessions. For Vegetius writeth, Lib. 1. cap. 7. Tot ubique ab bostibus illatae sunt clades, dum longa pax militem incuriosiùs legit, dum possessoribus indicti Tyrones per gratiam aut dissimulationem probantur, tales● sociantur armis quales dimini habere fastidiunt. For than slaves, and base people were matriculated for soldiers, insomuch as strait laws were made to the contrary.   

CHAP. 8.  
Of old Soldiers, whom the Romans called Veterani.  
THe Romans called those soldiers Veterani, that had served long either in the Legion, or elsewhere, and behaved themselves dutifully as beseemed honest men. The time ascribed unto that name of Veteranus, was commonly twenty years, which being passed, the soldier was called also Emeritus. The privileges bestowed upon such persons were so great, as divers Emperors did contend who should be most liberal. Also Canutus king of Denmark decreed, That when soldiers did meet to eat, the younger should give place to him that was his ancient in Arms, because his meaning was (even in ordinary ceremonies) to observe the honour due unto ancient service, and whosoever in that case failed to perform the King's commandment, should be cassed with ignominy. Constantinus the Emperor privileged old soldiers so much, as to exempt them from all imposition, contribution, and exaction, The great Antoninus, and his father before him, commanded that all Veterani should be free from paying unto the building of ships; also in buying of wares in fair, or market, they should pass without payment of custom. They were also permitted, without molestation, to live in ease and rest. Also to them it was lawful to use commerce, fell, employ money, traffic, and do all things for their own best commodity. So concluding, we say, that the Emperor Dioclesianus and Maximianus ordained, That unto every Veteran, having honestly served in any Legion, or under any ensign the space of twenty years, an honourable or causarie dismission should be granted. After which time, he enjoyed many other immunities, which extended also to his children, but no further. And Constantinus, besides many other graces, commanded they should be offered no sort of injury, thinking it unmeet that men so much privileged by their Prince, should endure any wrong or indignity. Nevertheless, if they, or any of them did steal, or commit felony, then without respect of privilege, the punishment due by law should be inflicted. But rarely is it seen, that men having long lived virtuously, and enjoying the degrees of honour, should offend or do any act of slander or infamy. Lastly, the Veterani might marry wives, they could not be put to torture, nor condemned to the Mines nor public works, they night manure their lands: for Constantine the Great assigned them lands that would fall to husbandry, and to every one of them to buy necessaries 25000, pieces of money called Folles, one yoke of oxen, and an hundred bushels of grain. To the other 100000. of those Folles, as appeareth in Codex Theodosianus li. 7. titulo 20. where there is also a most ample Privilege granted to them by the said Constantine.   

CHAP. 9  
¶ Of soldiers called Emeriti.  
REasonable it seemeth, that soldiers having endured the danger, toil, and travel of the war, should be suffered to lead the rest of their lives in ease and rest: for so hath their long and loyal service deserved. We read that the legionary soldiers of Rome that had many years continued in pay (without committing any crime) were licenced to departed at their pleasure, notwithstanding the Oath formerly taken: and every man having so served the state, might also claim the privileges appertaining to old soldiers: for so was it decreed by Tiberius the Emperor: and Caligula (as Tacitus saith) taking view of his bands, dispensed with divers Captains before they had grey hairs: as one that respected rather their imbecility and strength decayed, than the time they had served: being persuaded that age approaching, was a cause sufficient to merit honest liberty. It was therefore thought fit, that all soldiers that had well served, should be left to their liberty. Antoninus the Emperor commanded that such men should be dismissed with honour, and extraordinarily rewarded. Which favour was granted, not only to men armed, but also unto all officers that followed the General, and served in place of reputation: yet were they inhibited to keep company with other men, than such as made profession of Arms, or to intermeddle in any affairs, not appertaining unto the war, upon pain to forfeit ten pounds in gold. These Emeriti were always ancient servitors, and professors of Arms, who continued in Court or Camp, ever ready to perform the emperors will and commandment. Touching the time of their service, it seemeth to rest chief in the Prince's commandment, and was sometimes more, and sometimes less, as hath been formerly said: yet in shorter space than ten years, no soldier was (with grace) dismissed, as shall be more particularly said in the Chapter of Cassation.   

CHAP. 10.  
¶ Of crimes Military in general.  
FIrst it is to be known, that some crimes be common, and punishable in all men: and some are proper to men of war only: of the first are forgeries, adultery, public and private violence, sedition, manslaughter, burning of houses, treason, sacrilege & other enormities: for whosoever committeth any such offence, whether he be a man of war or not, the punishment due is all one. Crimes proper to soldiers, are such only as are committed contrary to discipline Military, and excusable in other men, not being soldiers. Now is it necessary to understand how crimes contrary to Military justice ought be punished. We call that discipline Military, whereby men are made obedient, and instructed in all such qualities as are required in a soldier. And for so much as the readiest way unto virtue, is first to restrain vice, we must endeavour by discipline to hold men in obedience. And notwithstanding all human policy and laws, both divine and human, some men there are so vile and malicious, as (without respect) will commit all acts or injuries that can be invented, yet good governors do forecast, not only what men do, but also what may be done: which moved the Romans to consider that some men did commit faults beyond expectation, in so much as there wanted not of those that have slain their own fathers. For which offence, Solon in his laws provided no punishment: and being asked why he did not inflict penalty upon those offenders, answered, he thought not that any man would have been so wocked. We therefore think fit, to prescribe punishments unto all crimes: for soldiers (like unto others) be neither gods nor perfect creatures, but men apt to err, and without restraint of law not to be governed. Arrius Meander in his first book Dear Militari saith, Crimes properly Military are those which a man (as a soldier) doth commit. And here a certain difference between error and crime is to be noted: for we call that an error when any thing is done contrary to common discipline: as to be slothful, disobedient, and unwilling: but he is said to commit a crime, when the fault is accompanied with intent to hurt: for without that intent, the act may be imputed to destiny or chance, and as a thing happened unwares: therefore Antoninus the Emperor did command Herculianus and other Captains, that if a soldier having strooken another man, did prove the act was without intent to kill, that then he should not be condemned of manslaughter: as if a man be slain when soldiers be trained, or in exercise of arms, than that act is not accounted criminal, but casual: yet if such an act be done in any other place, the doer thereof shall be re●uted guilty. But as the humours of men are divers, so are the crimes by them committed of divers quality, as hereafter shallbe discoursed.   

CHAP. 11.  
Of treason and Traitors.  
ALbeit a custom most common it is that Traitors flying unto the enemy, are well entreated and greatly esteemed, so long as their service is thought profitable: yet afterwards (their condition being known) that credit doth decay, and consequently the favour they find becometh every day less than other. The law calleth them Traitors that endeavour to betray their Prince or the liberty of their country: they are also called Traitors that having a charge, do yield the same up unto the enemy, of whom it is by law decreed, they ought to be capitally punished, or at the least discharged. Likewise all Explorators or spies that bewray our secrets and inform the enemy, are accounted Traitors, and worthy capital punishment. With these offenders the Egyptians used to deal more mildly, for in that case the offenders had their tongues cut out, and so suffered to live. They were also accounted to have committed a crime treasonable, that furnished the enemy with weapon or munition, whereby they might offend us, and we with more difficulty offend them. The goods of such men ought be confiscate, and their lives subject unto death. The doctor Paulus judged that who so did sell any armour unto the enemy, did thereby incur the forfeiture of his life. Edward the third, king of England, in a Parliament holden at Winchester, caused Edmond Earl of Kent to be convicted of Treason, for persuading other Lords to rebel. Yet true it is, that Traitors are diversly punished, according to the quality of the crime, the custom of the country, and the discretion of the Prince. Tullus Hostilius king of Rome, caused Metius Suffetius guilty of Treason, to be beaten by the Littori, and after torn in pieces with horses. Antony de Leva defending Pavia, discovered a soldier of his had informed the French, that in that city small store of powder remained, he called him to be examined: and the fault confessed, the soldier was put to death and quartered. Among the Athenians it was not lawful to bury a Traitor, which was the cause that the bones of Themistocles were secretly carried into his friends house and there buried. Bellesarius finding that a Citizen of Athens called Laurus, had complotted treason, commanded his body should be brought unto a hill before the city, and there thrust thorough with a stake, which manner of death is at this day used in Turkey. Charles the Emperor making war upon Philip duke of Austria, practised with certain of the Captains to persuade Philip to leave the field, who having compassed so much as the Emperor required, they demanded a reward of their treason: which was forthwith paid in counterfeit money, and carried home. But the Traitors perceiving the money not to be good, returned therewith, desiring better payment: The Emperor calling both for the Traitors and the payers, caused the Traitors to be put out of the doors, saying, That false workmen must be paid with false coin.   

CHAP. 12.  
¶ Of Disobedience.  
TOuching contumacy, or disobedience, the law determineth, that whosoever resuseth or omitteth to execute that which the General commandeth, or doth what he forbidden death, aught to be punished by passing the pikes; yea though he hath effected what he would: which rule the Romans observed precisely, as appeareth by the justice of Lucius Papirius the Dictator in flicted upon Fabius Rutilianus General of the horse, although he were victorious and had slain twenty thousand Samnites. Likewise by the judgement of Torquatus against his son (having contrary to his commandment fought with the Tusculans and gained victory) was nevertheless beheaded. Therefore it remaineth (as a rule) that not only breach of commandment, but also simple contumacy is an offence capital, if the same be apparent. Yea, sometimes omission of due respect is criminal, though not ever capital. As if a man with order do enter into a place guarded, or pass out by any other way than that which the General hath appointed. Another point of disobedience it is, not to go unto the army being called, or without licence to departed from thence: for that is indeed an apparent contempt, and by the Romans punished with death. Omnis contumacia adversus Ducem capite punienda est. Posthumius Triburtius commanded Aulus Posthumius to be put to death, for vanquishing the enemy without his commission: and Aulus Fuluius for going to fight vncommanded, condemned his son to die. Yet the Egyptians made a law that Captains and soldiers, for disobedience, should not be put to death, but remain infamous, until by some notable service their reputation were rccovered. Arrius made a law, that if a man did wound his fellow soldier (though it were with a stone) he ought to be cassed: it it were with a sword, to lose his life. The like was decreed by Kanutus King of Denmark.   

CHAP. 13.  
Of Cowardice.  
IT seemeth that all Military offences may be comprised in three, viz. Cowardice, Treason, and Disobedience: yet will we speak more particularly. Touching the first, easily may it be conceived, that Cowardice is the cause and occasion of many other transgressions, for who so is irresolute, or apt to entertain fear, is also soon persuaded to save himself with dishonour. By Cowardice soldiers do forsake their ranks: and sometimes abandon their Ensign: which faults the Romans punished with death. It was long since by an Edict commanded in France, that whosoever did forsake his colours, or the rank wherein he was placed, should receive punishment by passing the pikes. Another kind of Cowardice is to feign sickness, or without leave to be absent from the Army. He is also culpable of that crime, that leaveth his place of standing upon the wall, during the assault: or shall abandon the trench. Yet true it is, if any such fault be committed at any other time then during the assault, the same is not absolutely capital, but is arbitrable. It hath been also anciently used, that if a soldier without lawful excuse did go from the Watch, or office of Scout, or any other service allotted unto him by the Sergeant, that then he should be judged to pass the Pikes, or Harquebuzies, according to that kind of weapon wherewith he served. And if many soldiers (as a whole Ensign or troop) did commit that crime, the Roman use was to execute every tenth man, in presence of the rest: to the end the pain might fall upon few, and the terror to all. And in such cases of Cowardice the General ought to be inexorable, because severity doth make an army invincible. The experience whereof was seen when Spartacus defeated the Romans conducted by Crassus. For presently upon that dishonour, Crassus commanded a decimation, and put to death a tenth man in every Legion, for not having fought manfully. That being done, he begun to fight anew: And albeit the number of Romans was diminished, yet were they victorious, and cut the enemies in pieces. But here is to be noted, that of fleeing there is two sorts, the one proceeding of a sudden and unlooked for terror, which is least blamable: the other is voluntary, and as it were a determinate intention to give place unto the enemy: A fault exceeding foul, and not excusable.   

CHAP. 14.  
Of other military crimes.  
BEsides these crimes formerly touched, many other there are that merit severe punishment, and chief, To abandon the Army, and flee to the enemy. For what injury can be greater, or what offence more foul in a soldier, then being instructed, trained, and well entertained, to employ his virtue in service of an enemy? This crime was therefore in ancient time grievously punished, and the greater the quality was of him that did offend, the more was the punishment inflicted. Yet do we not find any particular pain ascribed to this offence, but left to discretion of the General. Nevertheless in that case it shall not be amiss to imitate the ancient proceeding of ancient Chieftains. The Romans therefore for punishment of the Brutij, who fled unto Hannibal, protested them to be from thenceforth neither soldiers, nor companions in arms, but persons ignominious, and servants unto the Army. And when Cyrus intercepted a letter, which one of his Captains called Orontes had written, offering to serve the enemy with a company of horse, Cyrus assembled the Leaders, and in their presence condemned Orontes to death. Fredericus the second possessing the kingdom of Naples, was by his son Henry abandoned, and being with the enemy he pardoned him, yet with condition he should confine himself to the bounds of Apulia, until his father returned from Germany: during which time, Henry practised some other innovation, and therefore was put in prison, and in the end suffered death. Elfricus a chief Leader under Etheldred King of England, pretending to do service, fled unto the Danes: but the war being ended, he returned unto his Prince, desiring his life: which with difficulty he obtained, yet did the King command his eyes should be put out.  
To these offenders, we may add all such as secretly do relieve the enemy with counsel, money, meat, or by any other mean whatsoever. In which case the Emperor Constantius decreed, that if a soldier, Captain, or Leader did utter any word, sign, or voice, to encourage the enemy, that for so doing he should be tied in chains, and as a beast be led wheresoever the Army went.  
Of this kind we may account two other sorts of men, whom the Romans called Emansores & Desertores. They named him Desertor that went from the Army, and did not only secretly departed, but stayed long with the enemy, as one intending never to return. But Emansor was he that without licence went away, and very shortly did come again, and therefore his offence reputed the less. This error is most commonly found in young soldiers whom we call Tyrones'. Neither are they to be all punished alike, but the judge is to examine the circumstances of the cause. The law willeth that who so is found a Desertor in war, is to be capitally punished, whether he were horseman or soldier on foot. But if a horseman do prove a Desertor in peace, he thereby forfeiteth his degree: or if he were a footman he looseth his pay. If such an offender be found in the city, he incurreth the loss of his head: but being elsewhere found (and that the first fault) he may be restored, but offending the second time, shall lose his life. He that to this fault shall add any other, ought be the more sharply punished: and having so offended, he shall be in case, as if he had been twice a Desertor. To this kind of offence, in divers ages, and by divers Princes, divers penalties were appointed. The Spartans repulsed such men from being capable of any office, and to live ever unmarried: also to give place to all other men, and have the one side of their beards shaven. Auidius the usurper commanded, that some should have their hands cut off, and other their legs broken. David King of Scots, and second of that name, being forced to flee his kingdom, at his return (as one mindful of those that abandoned him in time of danger) caused all Chieftains and Captains to pay money, and would have disinherited Robert Stewart, who was before named his heir. Also for an example to posterity, he imposed a pecuniary punishment upon all those that did abandon their king in fight.  
Another sort of fugitives be they, that being taken prisoners, will not return (although so they might:) of which number, some do only rest with the enemy, and others do take part and fight on his side, which is an offence of great importance. Paulus the Civilian writeth, That such offenders should be either burned alive, or hanged. Vlpianus would have them also burned. 
Or, rather, as some report, he was not executed by the King for leaving him, but by the factious Lords for adhering firmly to the King.  Nicholas Brembre an Alderman of London at a battle in Essex, or near Oxford (as others say) fled from King Richard the second, and after being found in Wales, was brought from thence to London, where he was publicly put to death. Also at the siege of Capua, seven hundred fugitives were taken, beaten with rods, and their hands cut off. By these examples appeareth, that no certain punishment was inflicted for this offence.  
To these we may add all seditious persons, who desirous of innovation do attempt divers enterprises to move mutiny or rebellion. These seditions are most commonly in armies composed of divers nations, or where strangers are called for aid. In Cybaris a great number of Achaians and Troezenians did dwell quietly, until the Achei finding their number the greater, took Arms and expulsed the Troezeni. In Constantinople likewise the strangers did conspire to oppress the Citizens, but in a battle were all forced to fly. Also after the suppression of the tyrants in Syracuse, the strangers and hired soldiers fell into great dissension. For reformation of this fault, julius Caesar is to be followed, who finding such a mischief to arise, cleared the army of all busy heads, swore the soldiers, and at the beginning repressed the sedition. Modestinus the doctor did give counsel, that whosoever did begin any mutiny, should lose his life, if the sedition were dangerous; but being of less moment, the beginner thereof should be cassed. The law of Naples commandeth, that soldiers or others, moving any sedition, should forfeit both life and goods. Trebonius a chief conspirator against Caesar, was put to death by Dolabella: and Marinas Phalerius Duke of Venice, for conspiring against that state, was beheaded: yet in some places and times the punishment of these offences was only pecunial, or infamy.  
Another crime of greater consequence it is, to yield up, or abandon a place of strength, or departed from a standing given in charge: for by the Roman law, those crimes were ever accounted capital. It is likewise capital for fear of an enemy, to forsake the trench, the wall, or other place to be defended. Therefore Augustus Caesar, caused certain Captains (having abandoned a place) upon pain of death to recover it. Modestinus saith, That he who leaveth his place of watch or ward, is to be reputed worse than an Emansor, and consequently for such a fault to be punished, or at the least be discharged his service: and he that forsaketh the trench, incurreth the same penalty, though the enemy do make no approach: but if the enemy be at hand, than so to do, is capital. Every man may read that Appius Claudius sent certain bands against the Volses, and they abandoning their ranks, were beaten with rods, and after executed: which proceeding seemeth extreme, and therefore in like case some few have been put to death to terrify the rest. Antonius leading an army against the Parthians, executed only every tenth man of those that first did run away. The like was done by Appius Claudius in the war against the Volses, putting a few of those soldiers to death, that first abandoned their Ensigns. Caius Caesar, according to the Laws of Petreius (at suit of the Legions) did put to death only twelve persons that were the chief movers of sedition; so great was his mercy. Nevertheless, the use was ever to put him to death that did flee first. It is said that Epaminondas walking the round where the watch was set, happened to find a soldier fast asleep, whom forth with he slew with his sword: saying, As he found him, so he left him. The like penalty do they incur that sleep, or departed from their place of watch: which moved Epaminondas to account a soldier sleeping, like a man without life.  
By the law Military it is provided, that if any Soldier do lose his Arms, or sell them, he shall for so doing be capitally punished, or at the least disabled to bear Arms, at the discretion of the judge. Or if any soldier do cast away his Arms, and not defend himself against the enemy, shall thereby incur infamy. The old Romans reputed him worthy to receive a bastonado that abandoned his Ensign. The like punishment they thought due to him that did forsake the General. If any Captain did flee from his Company, or any ensign-baerer did let fall his Colours, he was beheaded, or beaten to death with cudgels. Appius Claudius being sent against the Volses, caused certain ensign-bearers, for losing their Colours, and others that fled out of their ranks, to be beaten with rods. Paulus the doctor holdeth it a great fault for any Soldier to sell his Arms: yet seemeth he less culpable than the former. But that kind of crime is thought equal unto desertion: and whether he sell all or part of his Arms, the fault is one. Yet that doctor maketh this difference, viz. he that selleth his greaveses or his pouldrons, aught to be beaten: But who so selleth his shield, his headpiece or sword, shallbe punished as a Desertor. In this age to lose, exchange, or borrow the Arms belonging to another Ensign, is an offence very great, and so punished by the Edict of Francis the French King. Likewise by the Law of Scotland, if any Soldier do empawne his sword, he should be reputed unworthy the company of other Soldiers, and judged infamous; yet true it is, that if any young Soldier (whom the Romans called Tyro) do commit that fault, he ought to be punished with more favour. Now concluding we say, that seeing the loss or selling of Arms, argueth no magnaimitie, courage, or care of a Soldier, but is rather a sign of sloth and pusillanimity, incurring that error, he is not to be esteemed better than a base or abject companion. And for that reason it seemeth the Spartans' did well to banish Archilocus the Poet, writing these words, Melius est arma abijcere, quàm mori.  
Among these Military crimes, we may not forget that which the law calleth crimen falsi. This fault may be divers ways committed, and chief by feigning sickness, which is a sign of cowardice, and unworthy a soldier. The Lawyers assign to that offence, a beating with cudgels. Another way this fault may be incurred, if a man that is no soldier, will affirm he is a soldier, or weareth an Ensign which he ought not: the one was punishable by the law Cornelia, the other to be more severely punished, by the opinion of Modestinus. The Egyptians made a law that who so counterfeited false letters, or razed any writing, should have both his hands cut off. Kenethus king of Scots made an ordinance in his kingdom, that who so committed this fault, should be hanged, and forthwith cast into a grave. Of this crime are they also guilty, that make any counterfeit money: and they that forge false keys to escape out of prison. Yet Constantinus the Emperor referreth this last fault to the discretion of competent judges.  
It is also a fault very infamous to commit any theft, either in the field or town, and consequently severely to be punished. The Romans used therefore to swear soldiers (were they servants or freemen) to carry nothing out of the camp: or if by hap any thing were found, than the finder to bring it unto the Tribune: But if neither love of virtue nor oath prevailed to withhold men from stealing, then were they with great severity by the Roman law punished. Valentinus and Theodosius consented, that if any soldier did spoil houses or fields, the country people might then assemble, and kill them. The like was permitted by the Edict of Francis the French King 1523: yet with this caution, that if any of those thieves were taken alive, that then they should be brought before the judges or Governors of the province, and by their discretion receive correction. This crime was ever accounted so detestable, as whosoever therein did offend (though the goods taken were of small worth) yet was the offender severely chastified. Tiberius' the Emperor caused a soldiers head to be cut off, for stealing a Peacoke. Charles Duke of Burgundy commanded a soldier to be nailed unto a post, for taking a hen from a poor woman. Selim the Turkish Emperor caused Bostangi Bassa his son in law to be beheaded, for spoiling the Provinces where he was governor. Francis the French King decreed, That if any purveyor or victualler of the Camp, contrary to his Commission, did exact or carry away the commodities of his subjects, it should be capital, were it in town or country.  
For many respects also the vice of adultery ought be severely punished, as well in war as peace: which caused Lucius Cautilius Scriba, the same year the Romans were defeated at Canna (by commandment of the chief Bishop) to be beaten extremely, for having committed that crime with Florina. julius Caesar likewise caused a special favourite of his to be capitally punished, for dishonouring the wife of a Roman gentleman, though no complaint was made thereof. Papinianus the doctor saith, That if any soldier do keep in his house his own sister's daughter, he may be reputed an adulterer. And as a Maxim or Rule it was decreed by all doctors of Law, That no soldier condemned of adultery may after bear Arms. By the law julia the crime of adultery was thought worthy of infamy, and the offenders disabled to bear Arms. Aurelianus commanded, that if any soldier did ravish the wife of his host, he should be tied unto two trees, and torn in pieces. Frotho king of Scots made a law, That if any man by force deflowered a virgin, he should be gelded. The Egyptians proclaimed, That whosoever was found in adultery (although it were with consent) yet the man should be beaten with a thousand stripes, and the woman have her nose cut of●. divers other military offences there are, which for brevity I omit: wishing all Princes, Generals, and other sovereign commanders in Arms, to incline rather to mercy then extreme severity: following the advice of Salustius, who persuadeth, that soldiers should not (for ordinary errors) be punished like unto vulgar people; and ever respect to be had unto those that were ancient servants and Emeriti. For in the reign of Antoninus, so great honour was given to old soldiers (called Veterani or Emeriti) as if any of their sons had offended, they were not (like to others) condemned to labour in the mines of metal or other public works, but sent into a certain Island. And here is to be noted, that this favour extended no further than the first degree. It is also to be remembered, that as punishments are divers, so ought they be diversly inflicted: for no Captain or other commander of greater quality, ought be condemned to the mine, or forced to labour in those works; neither may he be hanged or burned, unless the crime be capital. Also soldiers should not be cast unto beasts to be eaten, nor put unto torture: which privilege is precisely observed in Italy. And in this point, Magistrates are to regard the quality of crimes, and the circumstances: for he that committeth an outrage upon his father, meriteth an extreme punishment; but he that is drunk or wanton, deserveth not so great an infliction. The quality of offenders is also to be looked unto: for freemen and bondmen are not to be equally used. Now to conclude this matter of crimes military, we say that the Romans practised all these punishments, Viz. Pecuniaria mulcta, Munerum indictio, Militiae mutatio, Gradus deiectio, & Ignominiosa missio: Which is, pecunial taxation, Forfeiture of immunity, Putting out of service, Degradation, and Ignominious cassation.   

CHAP. 15.  
¶ Of punishment pecuniary.  
SOme crimes are of such quality as soldiers are only checked in their pay, for negligence: or otherwise taxed for their absence: yet ought they not be reproved as deserters, or loiterers, if by sickness, imprisonment, or other constraint they were forced to commit offence. For to such faults the law assigneth no other punishment then at the discretion of the Chieftain. Yet doth it appear, that in the year 153. ab urbe condita, Publius Varro, and Marcus Sergius Tribuni militum, having received a defeat of the Vienti, they & the soldiers were commanded to pay a great sum of money, notwithstanding that Sergius affirmed the loss to proceed only from the fortune of war. And Virginius desired he might not be made more unfortunate at home, than he had been in the field. Zeno the Emperor punished a soldier for taking upon him to let another man's house, his own term being therein determined: because justinianus had inhibited soldiers to dispose or meddle with goods not their own. Unto like punishment is he subject that shall require his Prince to permit him to receive pay, in two divers armies. If any soldier did take upon him other function then that of the war, or so do, as deputy unto another, he was taxed in ten pounds of gold. Archadius and Honorius made a law that if any soldier disturbed a victualler, he should pay an hundred pounds of gold. The same Emperors ordained, that if any Captain or other Commander whatsoever did use a greater part of an house or lodging, than the Harbinger had allotted unto him, he should incur the penalty of three hundred pounds in gold, & if any soldier of less quality so did, he should be cassed. Theodosius the Emperor to suppress all evil customs in the war, decreed, that if a soldier required any thing that was appertaining to his host, he should be taxed to pay ten pounds. The French King made a law, that if soldiers did take the goods of any Citizen, or man of the country, he should be capitally punished, as if they had committed theft. Kanutus King of Denmark ordained, that all military pains might be satisfied and redeemed by money, excepting only the chastisement of beating: therefore who so had incurred the crime of manslaughter was condemned in forty thousand talents of money: one part thereof to be paid unto the King, another to the soldiers, and the third to the kinsfolk of the party slain.   

CHAP. 16.  
Of degrading and dishonouring Soldiers.  
Appius' Claudius, by commandment of the Senate, pronounced that all the Roman soldiers taken prisoners by King Pyrrhus of Epiro, and after by him freely set at liberty, should be put back, and lose honour. He that served on horseback, from thenceforth became a footman. He that was a foot soldier was put to a sling: and he that embezeled another man's weapon, was utterly discharged. He that abandoned his place, did forfeit his degree. He that in peace did forsake a Leader of horse, was put from his place: and if many have done so, and return shortly, than they were all abased and appointed to meaner services. He that moved any mutiny or small sedition, was degraded and abased. divers Emperors have decreed, that if any soldier on the holy day did behold Comedies or other vain sights, he should lose his entertainment. justinianus deprived a Captain called Bessa, for having omitted opportunity to renforce a place of strength called Petra. Severus the Emperor confined and degraded all the Praetorian soldiers that distrubed Pertinax. He also took from them their military girdles, their apparel and other ornaments, confining them to abide an hundredth miles from the city. Fuluius Flaccus the Censor deposed his brother from military dignity, because he being a Tribune, without order from the Senate, did licence a band of soldiers to return to their houses.   

CHAP. 17.  
¶ Punishment Military by beating.  
FOrasmuch as great Captains did find by experience, that hope of impunity, was the occasion of many Military errors, and to the end no fault should be free from chastisement: they therefore appointed pains to be inflicted upon every offence. A soldier that resisted correction offered by his Captain, was beaten with a cudgel: and if he laid hold or hand thereof, he was cassed: and if he broke it or laid hand upon his Captain, he was put to death: whereof may be inferred, that soldiers were anciently beaten. The Roman use in this kind of punishment was thus: A Captain coming to correct a soldier, at the first slightly touched his person with a cudgel, or (as some have written) with a withy made of a vine tree, which done, all other men present in the Army did strike the condemned man with staves and stones: yet when many had offended together, they were not thus handled, but out of a great number some eight or ten of the seditious were slain, the rest sent away. In the mean space all were in fear of equal punishment. The Senate of Rome used to deliver unto their Captains a certain short staff or cudgel, wherewith to beat the soldiers that offended, which served also to direct them in their march and ranks. This punishment they called Castigatio per vitem. Hadrianus the Emperor refused to deliver any such staff, but only to Captains of discretion and good fame. It is also written that Lucilius a Centurion having broken his staff required another, and breaking that also demanded a third. Whereupon (as Tacitus noteth) he was nicknamed, Cedò alteram, i. Reach me another. Calvinus called also Domitius obtained licence of the Senate to beat a Captain named jubillius for fleeing the field cowardly. It is also extant that certain Legions, abandoning a Consul were beaten (or as now by the Italian phrase we term it) did receive the Bastonado. This kind of punishment was ever accompanicd with infamy: which moved Kanutus king of Denmark to decree, that all punishments of that kind, might be dispensed with for money: alleging that because dogs were so corrected, therefore it was of all other chastisements most ignominious, and consequently to be abhorred, persuading all great Captains to use temperance, and to punish rarely and advisedly: remembering that Phaleucus a General of the Phocenses was slain by a soldier, to whom he had given a Bastonado: much more cautious and slow ought Colonels, and private Captains to be, in offering this kind of correction.   

CHAP. 18.  
Of wages or pay.  
FOrsomuch as the life of man cannot be sustained without meat, and soldiers wants can not be supplied where money lacketh, it behoveth they should be furnished with ordinary and daily wages. Yet true it is that in times long since passed, men of war served at their own charge, and without pay: therefore at what time the Romans begun to give wages is not (I think) certainly known. Some histories say, that until the reign of king Tullus, the Romans received no wages. Others affirm that giving of pay began when Massinissa made war with Syphax king of Numidia, for then Scipio hired certain mercenary soldiers: a course never before known among the Romans. Livy writeth that in the year 348. ab urbe conditae, when Gneus Cornelius Cossus, Valerius Potitus, Publius Cornelius Cossus, and Claudius Fabius Ambustus were Tribunes military with authority Consulate at the siege and sack of Anxur, (now called Terracina) the Senate decreed the soldiers should receive pay out of the common treasury: for (saith he) until that time every man provided for himself. Howsoever these payments began, sure it is (as Thucydides writeth) that in the war of Peloponesus, to every footman two drachmae was daily given: which in the month amounted unto 60. How that pay may be compared to ours, or the entertainment of soldiers in this part of Europe I know not. Omitting therefore to say more thereof, let us see how those pays were anciently bestowed. Antoninus the Emperor decreed that in his reign, no wages nor donative should be given to any soldier for the time he did remain with the enemy: although at his return he were allowed Postliminium. It therefore seemeth strange that Modestinus holdeth, that if a soldier taken by the enemy, and having served his full time, do return home, he ought not to be entreated as an old soldier, and receive reward as an Emeritus. Whereunto Arrius Menander in his book de re Militari assenteth: yet here is to be noted, that to receive a donative, and to receive wages, are divers. For Donatives are bestowed only on those men that have performed their full time of service, and called Emeriti: but wages or ordinary pay is due as a yearly or monthly entertainment. To me therefore it seemeth not necessary that donatives should be given unto any man being a prisoner, nor that he can challenge pay to be due during his absence, unless the same be granted by special grace and favour of the Prince. For who so is a prisoner in the enemy's hand, may be reputed a dead man: and who can say a dead man deserveth pay? Moreover, as he who without lawful leave absenteth himself, aught to be checked, so those soldiers that are slothful or lazy, do worthily merit to lose their wages, according to the censure of Antoninus Pius the Emperor, saying, That nothing was more unreasonable than slothful folk to devour the common weal, when by their labour they did not increase the commodity thereof. Yet reason it is that sick men should receive their pay, because they are supposed to serve, although they be by want of health impeached: neither ought they be abridged of pay that are employed in their own particular affairs so long as they depart not from the Army, nor the service receiveth prejudice.   

CHAP. 19  
¶ Restitution of soldiers goods.  
THe Romans and other free people made Laws whereby such lands or goods as were taken from them by the enemy, should be restored. For what is lost in the war or by mean of the war, the same was redelivered unto the owner by force of the said Law called Postliminij ius: and it seemeth a course of natural equity, that whatsoever hath been taken and kept by force in absence, the same should be restored unto the owner when he returneth. As therefore by going out of our confines, a man looseth his lands and goods; so by entering again, he may claim his own. This grace is granted not only unto men able for fight, but also to all others that with counsel, service, or otherwise may stand the State in stead. Likewise if a son be taken by the enemy, and during his imprisonment the father dieth, he may at his return home, enter into the possessions of the father. Or if a mother were taken, and her son yet unborn in her body, when he is borne he may be ransomed for the prize of one soldier, and return to the lands he is to inherit: yet true it is that freemen may not enjoy the benefit of this Law, unless they return with intention to abide in their country; which was the reason that Attilius Regulus could not be admitted to receive his own, having sworn to go again unto Carthage and not continue at Rome. The same titles also have they that be owners of great ships and Galleys fit for the war, but Fishers and watermen are denied that advantage, because their vessels are made only for profit or pleasure, and not for the war. Neither may any fugitive receive this favour: for he that leaveth his country with intent to do evil, or become a traitor, must be accounted among the number of enemies. But if a man do go unto another country that is in league with us, and then return, albeit that country be distant from ours, he shall not need to be restored by virtue of this Law, but enjoy his own, as if he had never gone from home. Yet true it is, that sometimes in peace a man may claim the benefit of Postliminium, as when a freeman is detained by force and made a captive: yet can he not be said taken by the enemy, because those violences which are used before the war is published, are not properly called actions of the war; though the difference seemeth small, when they take from us, and we from them. But if a captive do flee from us and return, he shall not be allowed Postliminium. Whoso is taken prisoner during his absence, may be reputed as dead; for so the law doth account him: which reason percase moved Caius Cotta (returned home from prison) to say, he was twice borne. But here is to be remembered, that no prisoner returned, can by the law of Postliminium receive wages or donative for the time of absence, unless it be by grace. If a Citizen of Rome did go from the City without licence of the Senate (unless he were taken by the enemy) he lost the privileges of Rome, but being taken and returned, he might recover his city and liberty. It was also decreed by the Romans, that if a father, or the people did give or sell a man, and the enemy receive him, he might not after be allowed Postliminium: but if the gift were not accepted, than he might; because there is no giver where a receiver wanteth.   

CHAP. 20.  
¶ Of Donatives, or Rewards.  
THe ancient Emperors, and before them the Consuls and other commanders in the war, had in use to bestow upon Captains and Soldiers certain gifts to encourage them to serve well. Those great Magistrates did also use after or before any action of much importance, to assemble their army, and then selecting out of the whole number some few men of most merit did give unto them notable commendation. They likewise used to bestow a lance or sword upon him that had wounded an enemy, or some such weapon. To him that had unhorsed or spoiled an enemy (if he were a footman) was given a pot of gold or other piece of plate. If he were a horseman, he received an ornament or favour to be set on his crest. He that mounted first upon the wall of an enemy's town, received a crown of gold. These donations or favours did not only encourage men to valour, but also made them much honoured at home: for besides glory and fame, they were also received into their countries with much pomp and applause: which incited others to attempt the like. Octavius Caesar after the Philippian war, did give unto the legionary soldiers certain crowns, and unto every Captain a garment of purple: but Hostilius, one of those Tribunes, saying those crowns and garments were like unto boy's babbles, they were rewarded with land and money. julius Caesar did give unto the sons of Adbucillus (the one called Rocillus, the other Aegus) in recompense of their great service in Gallia, certain lands there, beside divers sums of money, whereby they became enriched. The same Caesar, after his triumph for victory against Pharnax, performed all the promises he had made; and gave unto every soldier five thousand groats, to every leader twice so many, to every horseman double so much. Pompeius' having overcome Mithri●●tes, before he triumphed, bestowed upon every soldier five hundred groats, and upon the Captains a far greater reward. The Scipiones and Metelli were likewise most careful to reward and honour their soldiers. Alexander Severus was wont to say, That soldiers would not live in awe of their General, unless they were well appareled, well armed, full fed, and some pence in their purses. Sometimes also soldiers were honoured with other gifts, as crowns, lances, furniture of horses, bracelets, lands, images of brass or stone, with divers other ensigns of honour, as Pliny and Aulus Gellius have written. Which gifts were by the Doctors of Law anciently called Donatives. But here it shall not be amiss to remember the dishonourable Donations of Lucius Sylla, who used to take money from the true owners, and give the same to others.   

CHAP. 21.  
Of Apparel.  
AS victual is necessary, so is it requisite that soldiers should be clothed: which moved great Commanders to be careful that men of war might be ever furnished as well of apparel as of food. Caius Gracchus first procured a law to be made, that garments might be given unto soldiers without diminishing their pay. Long after, the Emperors Archadius and Honorius caused certain money to be given unto every soldier for the provision of his coat: which order was in Illyria only. It was also anciently ordered that military garments were provided in this sort: viz. every thirty inhabitants paid for one soldiers coat in Thracia. The like was done in Scythia, Mysia, Egypt, and every other province subject unto the Empire. These Countries were also sometimes taxed according to the acres of land, and sometimes according to the number of dwellers, and the money paid into the military treasury. Francis the French king proclaimed an Edict, that soldiers resting in any city or village in the winter, should have garments there: and being furnished for the summer, should use their summer suits until the winter following: and then resume them again. And in case the keeper of those garments did not truly restore them, then upon complaint unto the General, order should be taken for the soldiers satisfaction. By which means the soldiers were ever honestly clothed, well armed, and comely furnished both on horseback and on foot. Yet Pesceninus Niger inhibited soldiers to use in the waare any girdle garnished with gold or silver, to the end the enemy should not be enriched. He therefore commanded such ornaments to be reserved for their wives and children. Adrianus the Emperor used to wear in the war plain garments without garnishing of gold, or strings set with stone. The scabbard of his sword was also seldom wrought with ivory. In the reign of Maximinus Caesar, after the Persian war, a private soldier happened to find a purse or sachel set full of Margarites and precious stones, which he took off, contenting himself with the beaty of the leather whereof it was made. For indeed garments of cloth and skins to keep out cold and rain, are only needful for soldiers. Yet true it is, that in the time of the Emperor julianus, the manners of soldiers were changed. And Maximinianus the younger, used to wear a jack of golden mail, after the Polonian guise: he also had his Armour and Lance gilded. Caius Caesar after a great victory, suffered his soldiers to become wanton, and called them companions in Arms, permitting them also to ornifie their weapons with silver and gold. And here it shall not be amiss, to tell how great regard the Emperor Aurelianus had to discipline, notwithstanding the favour he afforded to all men of war, charging his Captains to observe these instructions: Sivis Tribunus esse, imò sivis vivere, manus militum contine: adding these commandments, let no man take away the Pullen of of another, his sheep, his oil, his wood, his grapes, his salt, but rest contented with his victual. Let soldiers live upon spoil of the enemy, not of the country. His arms shall be bright, and his garments strong, let his new apparel supply the old, and his wages remain in his purse, not in the Tavern: let him lay by his chain and ring, and keep his horse fat. Let no beast taken be sold, but every man help another. Let the Physicians cure infirmities freely, and without rewards. Let nothing be given to the soothsayers. Let every one be quiet in his lodging, for who so moveth any mutiny or misrule shall be punished. This is in effect the sum of such precepts as are to be observed by soldiers: whereby appeareth what they are to do, what to leave undone, and what garments ancient Emperors and soldiers were wont to use. Yet true it is that the hope of all good service and success, doth consist in valour, conjoined with policy, whereunto we will add, that decent apparel, and fit ornaments of body, do become all military commanders, as well to make them venerable in sight, as also to give beholders occasion to think, they are persons worthy of respect and honour.   

CHAP. 22.  
¶ Of Hostages.  
FOr the observation of Articles and capitulations of truce or peace, Princes and common weals were wont to deliver certain hostages or pledges, to the end that if promises were broken, than the goods of hostages on the party breaking (by the Edict of Commodus the Emperor) were confiscate, I mean only those goods which the hostages have there gotten. Vlpianus writeth that hostages cannot without licence dispose their own goods by will or testament. Hostages are delivered either as captives, or else as pledges to keep conditions: which being performed they ought be returned home: for unto other obligation free men may not be bound. The Romans acknowledging ancient favours to them done by King Philip, at such time as they took Arms against Antiochus, and desirous to requite the same, they sent Demetrius his son (than an hostage) unto his father. Contrariwise Constantinus being in Britain began also a war upon the Scots, and sent to them hostages, by which mean he made the Britain's his sure friends: whereof the Scots informed, and knowing that secret intention, suddenly slew all the hostages. Whereby appeareth that where faith is broken, there revenge is taken upon hostages. Likewise Henry duke of Saxony holding Venceslaus brother to Pribislaius Prince of the Obotriti, an hostage, put him to death even in his brother's sight, for being a mover of that war. We therefore conclude that hostages may be given, and aught to be received for performance of capitulations, because peace assured, is better than victory hoped for. And here it shall not be impertinent to remember that a young Gentleman nephew to Marcus Bambalionus remaining an hostage, by his discretion practised a peace with the enemy: which by other mediation could not be compassed.   

CHAP. 23.  
¶ Restitution of soldiers persons.  
IT seemeth not reasonable that a soldier having endured the fortune of war, and therein also hazarded his own life, (falling into the enemy's hand) should be deprived of any privilege or profit to him due. The Emperors Dioclesianus and Maximinianus commanded that soldiers taken by the enemy, and returned home, should be restored to all they lost, although their goods were seized and confiscate: yet diligent inquisition to be made, whether that soldier were remaining with the enemy willingly, or by force. In this case the opinion of Adrianus the Emperor is to be allowed, saying, A soldier willingly taken and let lose, ought be returned back to the enemy: but if he were taken in service, and after escaped, then ought he be restored to his former estate. But thereof good proof is to be made, for if before that time he had been esteemed a faithful soldier, than some credit ought be given him: but if he were an Emansor, a man negligent, or one that had been long absent, & after returned, then should he be little believed. The doubt therefore is, whether a soldier thus returned, hath been a fugitive or a prisoner. In the one case he shallbe punished, in the other he ought be restored and receive his pay with recompense, as a veteranus or old soldier. We conclude therefore that common soldiers, (and officers in the war also) being detained by the enemy, aught to be fully restored, and participate of every Donative or other liberality the Prince shall please to bestow. And Vlpianus did think that such allowance might be demanded in the name of the soldier remaining prisoner, if his Attorney did so require. By the law Imperial the same is also commanded, and if a soldier together with his father and mother were taken prisoner, the father and mother dying in prison, the son may (by the law Cornelia) challenge their goods and lands. For considering his absence was occasioned by service of the commonweal, he ought not only to receive restitution to his country, but also enjoy his best fortune, with the greatest reward can be reasonably required.   

CHAP. 24.  
¶ Privileges anciently granted unto Soldiers.  
Soldiers were (by ancient custom) unconstrained to pay subsidies out of lands, confining or fronting upon the enemy's country: and during their service in the field were excused from all ordinary impositions, and taxations; also from bestowing of gifts, and giving of rewards.  
Soldiers accused of any crime, ought not be tortured, or being found guilty might not be hanged upon any gallows or gibbet, before judgement were lawfully pronounced.  
Soldiers were privileged from guing witness in twenty causes.  
Soldiers during the war, were free from prescription.  
soldiers ought to receive restitution of all things taken from them, or their wives.  
Soldiers were exempt from prevention of justice: and permitted to use privilege.  
soldiers could not be constrained to take tuition of another soldiers children.  
Soldiers were credited more than other men in the buying of wares for their money.  
Soldiers paid custom for the wares they carried, yet what a soldier bare about him, was not subject to confiscation.  
Soldiers were not retained in prison, or forced to pay above their power.  
Soldiers were excusable of contumacy and supposed deceit, yet if he were called aught to appear.  
Sou●diers being prisoners, were set free, upon the bond of those that were suitors for them.  
soldiers might not be punished having about them any badge, or ensign of honour, but before punishment were inflicted, those badges were taken away.  
If any soldiers Attorney did make a contract or bargain, the soldier was bound to perform it.   

CHAP. 25.  
¶ Of Cassation and Dismission.  
THe Romans used divers Especes or kinds of Cassing, calling one honourable, an other causary, and the third ignominious; which divers names did proceed from divers reasons. But first is to be considered that the Roman soldiers were Legionary and perpetual, but ours are only voluntary and temporal. Their Legions were continually in being without discontinuance, ever in exercise, and in time of peace preparing for the war. But our bands do assemble extraordinarily and casually when peril doth approach, or when the Prince is pleased upon any sudden to call them. And as our soldiers are by unlooked for occasion assembled, so are they returned home, so soon as the war (which was cause of their convocation) ceaseth. This is the reason that Cassation, which the Romans did account dishonourable or infamous, seemeth to us little or no disgrace at all. For indeed the Romans did hold no dismission honourable, unless he who was dismissed did departed by licence of the Emperor or General, and that with special grace and favour. The Roman custom was also such, as no man of Arms was cass with honour, until he had served a horseman ten years, a footman twenty years, and sea soldiers twenty five years. In the end of which terms, the men of war were licenced to departed with commendation: (and for the most part) with recompense of service, to some more, and to some less, according to their merits. From which time forwards they continued or discontinued at their pleasure, or if they were required to stay in the Legion, the same was by way of entreaty and no compulsion, and during that abode, to be free from all services and impositions, save only to fight with the enemy. Also whensoever those men marched, they followed a particular Banner, purposely appointed for old soldiers, leaving the Standard ordinary, and the Eagle. And if they or any of them desired to return unto his own house, they were permitted so to do, and received divers privileges, confirmed and increased by Constantine the great. Thus much concerning Cassing honourable.  
Touching Cassation causary or reasonable, that was ever in consideration of sickness or disability accidental and uncurable, as if any Soldier became blind, or lame: or happened to have any such impediment as might make him unfit for Arms.  
Cassation ignominious, was for some offence or crime worthy of less punishment than death: and who so was in that sort cassed, might no more abide in Rome, nor approach the Imperial Court. By an Edict of the Praetor, a soldier was noted of infamy, if he departed from the Army, and so judged by the commandment of the Emperor or general Captain: and every soldier so sent away, shallbe judged infamous, whether he be a common man, or a particular Captain, or other inferior commander. Pomponius addeth, that if a Chieftain or other officer (although he wear the ensigns of a Consul) may be cassed with infamy and rest ignominious; but the sentence of his discharge must be particularly expressed. After the judgement of Ignominy, he that is discharged, shall not be capable of any office or dignity. Traianus accounted no idle person or other man noted of ignominy, worthy to enter his court. The Germans will not permit such a one to repair unto divine service, to take any pay, to enjoy privilege, or have aught to do with the sword or other weapon; and neither they nor their sons to have any immunity. Likewise a soldier that killeth or woundeth himself, shallbe guilty of ignominy. julius Caesar cassed Caius Amenus a Tribune of soldiers in the tenth Legion, for inciting the Roman soldiers to mutiny, and spoil a part of Italy; judging him to be ignominious and worthy to be banished. In ages more ancient, persons condemned for infamy, were also let blood, nomine poenae.   

CHAP. 26.  
¶ Of justice appertaining unto war offensive.  
MOst sure and certain it seemeth, that for division of people, establishment of kingdoms, distinction of Signiories, limitation of lands, and building of houses, the wars were first devised: yet is no war just unless the same be maintained by reason: for before Arms are taken in hand, it behoveth to prove all other means, by courtesy and humanity to compass that which is desired. But because it falleth out more than often, that the enemy cannot be persuaded by reason, nor acknowledge to have done wrong, and most seldom to make voluntary restitution; no other hope of help resteth, then to force and constrain him. For two ways there be whereby we are to defend ourselves; the one by reason, which is proper to men; the other by force, which is common to bruit beasts: So as the first not prevailing, it behoveth to use the other. And because man is so far in love with his own affections, as commonly he layeth hold of shadows in stead of substance, inclining to that which appeareth, in am of that is perfect, and preferreth passion before judgement; he thereby becometh blind, as well in determining public as private affairs. Either else through a violent self-love, or a certain insatiable desire to possess more than cometh to his share, he easily inclineth to injury others, whensoever he may be judge in his own cause: So hard a thing is it for a man to determine between himself and others, as though he were forced either to do injustice, or suffer it. Here of it cometh, that as the fire doth naturally come forth of flints, being beaten one against another, so the discord of men's affairs encountering, doth occasion so great troubles as would utterly ruin all, if by virtue of courtesy and moderation the sharpness of reason were not reabated. Whereunto may be added, that the success of wars is ever doubtful, notwithstanding the greatest advantages, and that war may be begun how and when we will, yet can it not be ended when and how the vanquisher pleaseth. So seemeth it in all respects a great simplicity, or rather plain folly to exchange tranquillity for trouble, being thereunto persuaded, by covetous desire or hopes uncertain. Concluding therefore, I say, that no war offensive ought be enterprised without mature consideration, and for causes just, not only in our own conceit, but also irreprehensible in the conscience of the enemy. And so shall ever be, if we do as we would be done unto, entering into war for occasions ordinary, accustomed and received of all nations, viz. To recover those things which are unjustly detained, and to force the authors of injury to be delivered; if the same were not done by public counsel and consent; or for revenge of injuries enterprised against us without cause, and publicly; or for recovery of passage into foreign countries, paying all duties: for by law of Nations, passages ought be open to all men, so long as the same may be without prejudice, or probable suspicion.   

CHAP. 27.  
¶ Of justice appertaining towarre defensive.  
NO war can be properly called defensive, but that only which is made for defence of ourselves, and to resist foreign invasions: thereby also to assure, not only us and ours, but also to protect Allies and neighbours unjustly oppressed: whensoever they desire aid against those that wrongfully and without cause will oppress them. In all which cases this kind of war is justifiable: because the same is warranted not only by law of Nations, but also by justice natural, seeing nothing can be more reasonable and lawful then to repulse force with force. For apparent it is that every creature untaught and without instruction, before it hath power to do any thing, will endeavour (in some sort) to repulse injury and violence, and consequently save itself. And very natural it is in all men to be displeased, when they are of others unworthily & unreasonably oppressed, which is the cause that laws do permit that men in their own defence may kill those that shall assault them: so as the same be done with moderation, and that our peril cannot otherwise be eschewed. But here may be noted the difference between defence and offence. For those whom we have slain in the field and without intermission of time, are properly said to be slain in our defence, and is a thing allowable: but they that after the conflict are killed, cannot be judged slain in our defence: because that war or violence is deemed offensive, and therefore absolutely forbidden in every particular person, and the revenge thereof appertaineth unto authority public: which moved Cicero to say, justum bellum est quibus necessarium, & pia arma quibus nulla nisi in armis spes relinquitur. Now it resteth to tell what war is truly called just and necessary. We say therefore that war to be necessary when our enemy endeavoureth to take from us those things without which we cannot live, or when they assail us with daily and dangerous incursions. Secondly when they take from us those things without the which we cannot take comfort in our lives: as religion, liberty, and justice. Thirdly, when they take from us those things wherein we have our only delight, as our children, our kinsfolk, our friends, our familiars, and such commodities as we have long enjoyed, and without which, our breath and being must needs be displeasing. In all which cases, it is more than necessary for Princes to defend their subjects, and give unto all others their friends and Allies aid, and protection.   

CHAP. 28.  
¶ Of peace.  
IN divers countries, and amongst divers people the ceremonies and rites in confirming and establishing of peace, truce and leagues, have been diversly used. We read that the Grecians (after the death of Cyrus the younger) concluding a peace with Arieno a Commander of certain barbarous people, used these ceremonies. First they caused a Bull, a Boar, a Wolf, and a ram to be slain, and laid them upon a shield: into the blood of those beasts the Grecians did dip their swords: and then the Barbarians did put into the same blood their lances, either of them promising and protesting to observe fidelity, friendship and society.  
The Kings of Armenia and Hiberia, to confirm peace between them, consented the thumbs of their right hands should be fast tied together, which done, than either thumb was stricken with a knife, and the blood coming out, they licked thereof in sign of mutual love. But the Romans did ever command that no peace should be concluded without consent of the Senate and people. For their custom was, that whensoever peace was to be made, the Praetor, the Consul, or Senate, did deliver unto the Foecial a certain herb called Verbena, or else grass pulled up by the root, and therewith some boughs of Verbena, together with a flint stone taken out of the Temple of jupiter Feretrius: which done the Foecial caused a sow to be brought into the market place, and holding a sceptre in his hand, like unto jupiter, and covering his head with a cloth, crowned himself with a crown of Verbena: Which rites being ended, he obtested and beseeched jupiter and Mars, and th'other gods, that if any of the parties did fail to perform the capitulations, that then he should be stricken and slain like unto the sow. After which obtestation her body was cut with the flint: then they cast upon it water and fire, and so the sacrifice was fully solemnized according to the verse of Virgil, Antiqui coesa firmabant foedera porca.  
Menippus in his answer to Quintus Lincius the Consul, affirmed there were three kinds of treaties. The first was, where the victorious in war did give Laws unto him that was victored: for he who was most potent in Arms, may ever dispose of all things at his discretion. The second was when the adversaries, being of equal force, the peace was concluded aequo foedere, that is with equal conditions, and all things restored as they had been taken: and that he whose possession was by war disturbed, should be restored. Of this kind were treaties between Octavius Caesar, Antonius and Pompeius, and the conditions being signed and sealed were sent unto Rome, to rest in the custody of the Virgins Vestal. The third kind of treaty is between those that never were enemies, and notwithstanding do join in league and amity. In that case, if any of them were victorious or victored, yet did they neither give nor take Law, th'one from th'other.  
The Tartarians concluding any peace or treaty, did sanctify the same in this sort. First they caused a Partisan, a sword or other weapon of war to be brought, and thereupon they took an oath, which done, they drank of the water wherein the Partisan, sword or other weapon was washed, pronouncing these words, Quicunque pacta, & fraternitatem violarit, aut contraeam violandam insurrexerit, vel aliquid intentaverit, àframeis incidendus, occidendusque pereat, ac tanquam aqua, defluat, ac evanescat.  
The Lacedæmonians confirmed their treaty with great sacraments, protesting to observe them justly, simply, without fraud or deceit, and renewed the same yearly. As therefore treaties of this kind do bind either party equally, so are they both equally and lawfully conjoined in the obligation.  
Truce is a peace for a short time: to the end the enemy may take breath and be advised. Varro calleth truce an abstinence of Arms, and as it were the holidays of war. For albeit the fight ceaseth, yet the war continueth. The term of truce is neither more nor less, but as the enemies shall agree. Lucius Pontius General of the Samnites, desired a truce for six hours only. The second truce between the Romans and the Carthaginians was to continue for fifty years. The Vients also obtained a truce of the Romans for an hundredth years. The first truce whereof we read, was taken in the reign of Romulus when then Sabins made war upon the Romans under Titus Tacius their king. In which expedition certain Ladies of Rome were employed and conducted by Hersilia, whose persuasion prevailed with those kings. The nature of truce is such, as during the continuance thereof, the enemies (without offending) may meet and speak together. It is also lawful for every soldier (during that term) to go and return safe at his pleasure. But here is to be noted, that every Treaty as well of truce, as peace, ought be faithful and sincere: and therefore I much disallow Cleomenes king of Lacedaemon, who having concluded a truce for an hundred and thirty days, did nevertheless (in the night) spoil the enemy's country, alleging the truce was made for days, but not for nights; which crafty construction ought be misliked. Howsoever that were, sure it is that no matter of State is of more difficulty, than the assurance of Treaties, and leagues between Princes and common weals, either friends or enemies, neuter or subjects. For some require only mutual protestation or oath, others demand hostages: some would be possessed of towns and strong places, and others would have the enemy utterly disarmed; Yet experience hath proved that league to be best, which is ratified by alliance and consanguinity. But this subject ought be discoursed by doctors and expert politicians.   

CHAP. 29.  
Of Licences and Passports.  
IN certain causes, and for some reasons, captains General and other Commanders in the war, were wont to grant Licence unto their soldiers to be absent from the army, or other places of service, with allowance of time convenient, for their going and return. Yet true it is, that such Licenses ought not to be given without earnest occasion, and for good respects, whereunto we will add, that meet it is, that not only soldiers, but also horses ought to be restrained, and seldom suffered to pass out of the Army. Neither ought any horse of service be employed in hunting, hawking, or other needless exercise: for so was it decreed in the discipline of Augustus. The emperors Archadius and Honorius commanded all Captains and Commanders to be wary in giving Licence to soldiers, chief when the enemy is at hand, or when he maketh incursion: for at such times to give Licence was accounted capital: or if any soldier did absent himself from his Ensign without leave, that crime was also punished by death. Licenses are therefore to be rarely granted, and for necessary considerations. Yet no Licence may be denied, when urgent occasion so requireth: which error Appius Claudius the Decemuir incurred, when by his letters he required that Luctus Virginius might not be suffered to come unto Rome: fearing he would accuse him for the ravishing his daughter: but by good hap Virginius departed from the Army one day before the letter arrived there. Howsoever that were, yet true it is, that no soldier of any Army well governed, ought demand Passport or Licence to departed at any unseasonable time, neither should any Captain condescend to licence him: which moved Hannibal after the taking of Saguntum in Spain, to proclaim that every soldier occasioned to go unto his country or friends, aught before he went to desire licence. Likewise by an Edict of Francis the French king all soldiers were inhibited to go from the Army without Licence. It was also the Roman use, that every soldier did ask leave of his Captain, and the Captain to have Licence of the General of horse, or Captain general, before he departed from the Army: also during his absence to leave a sufficient man to supply the place, and he himself to return at the time prefixed: which done he received his whole pay without diminution, as though he had never been absent. As touching the limitation of time, and the number of soldiers who were licenced to be absent, we read that Scipio in the war of Carthage gave licence unto three hundred Sicilian soldiers, and put three hundred other men to serve in their places: and Francis the French king commanded, that more than thirty horsemen should not be licenced to go from the Army at one time: and they not to be absent longer than three months, upon pain to be checked of their whole wages. William Rufus King of England did inhibit soldiers and all other subjects of reputation to departed the land without leave, which is yet observed. 
It seemeth by Pol. Virg. that rather the hand of God, than the King punished this attempt: for he was there slain in the battle.  And Polydore Virgil writeth that one Edward Wooduile (chief governor of the Isle of Wight) for going forth of the Realm without licence was put to death under King Henry the seventh. But Zeno the Emperor (punishing that offence more mildly) ordained, that if any soldier were absent one whole year without licence, he should be put after ten; if he were absent two years, he should give place to twenty; if three years, then to be utterly discharged from the Army at his return thither. Theodosius and Valentinianus in that case, would not utterly discharge them the Army, until four years absence was complete. If any soldier were sent unto a Prince to perform any service, and at his return did signify such employment, together with his diligence to return, in that case he ought be excused, because his absence was by commandment, and in service of the State, not for his own profit or private commodity. But who so for his own particular affairs is licenced and assigned a day of return, in failing thereof he shall be reputed a loiterer, or a fugitive; unless he be detained or otherwise justly excused. To conclude therefore we say, that no soldier departing from his Ensign without leave, can be excused, nor his absence avowable, but when the same is for service of the prince or common weal: as Scoevola in his military Ordinances hath written.   

CHAP. 30.  
¶ Of ambassadors or Legates.  
THe office of an Ambassador was by the Romans accounted both honourable and sacred, including as well power of commandment, as dignity. Whensoever therefore any Ambassador did come to Rome, he was first brought unto the Temple of Saturnus, there to have his name written before the Praefectiaerarij: from thence he went to deliver his legation unto the Senate. But first it ought be remembered, that men meetest to be employed for Ambassadors, are they indeed who are of most sagacity and greatest skill how to discover the counsels and designs of the enemy. Scipio Africanus having occasion to send an embassage to Syphax, elected certain Tribunes and Centurions, and caused them to be basely appareled. Cato beholding certain Ambassadors to be sent by the Senate to compound a peace between Nicomedes and Prusias, the one of them had his headful of scars, the second was impotent of his feet, & the third timersome, said, This Legation hath neither good head, feet, nor heart. ambassadors ought be in all countries inviolable: in sign whereof they anciently carried about them the herb Sagmen, which we call Veruen, to show they were sacred, and that no man should dare to lay hold on them; & who so offered them violence, was thought to have done contrary to law of Nations. Which moved Publius Mutius to command, that whosoever did strike an Ambassador, should be delivered unto that enemy from whom the Ambassador was sent. And though the enemy received him not, yet should he remain an exile, as if he were interdicted from fire and water, according to the sentence of Publius Mutius. Yet do we read, that Dioscorides and Scrapion Ambassadors sent from Caesar to Achillas, so soon as they came within his sight, and before he heard them, or for what affairs they were sent, commanded them to be taken and slain. Caesar likewise sent Marcus Valerius Porcillus unto king Ariouistus, who being there arrived, was presently taken and put into prison, notwithstanding he were a young man of great virtue and courtesy. Likewise Comius Attrebas being sent by Caesar into Britain, was cast into prison by the Britanes. Laertes Tolumnius king of Vients, did ●lea four Ambassadors of Rome, whose portraitures remained long in the market place. Such honour the Romans used to give unto those men that died for their country. Alexander the Great besieging a City called Tyrus, sent Ambassadors unto the inhabitants thereof, who contrary to the law of Nations, slew them, and from an high tower cast down their bodies.   

CHAP. 31.  
¶ Of prisoner's taken by the enemy.  
WHo so is taken in the war, aught by the law of Nations to be reputed a lawful prisoner: yet if afterwards he escape and return home, he recovereth his former estate. They that are thus taken, were by the Romans called servi, quod seruantur: as much to say, as being taken, they ought be kept, not killed: whereof may be inferred, it is unlawful to kill a man having yielded himself: because that act is inhuman, and all great Captains have forbidden it, according to the saying of Horace, Vendere cum possis captiwm occidere noli. Herein also we are to follow the example of ancient Princes and chief commanders in war. Alexander the Great took to wife Roxanes whom he had taken prisoner in the war. Henry the seventh king of England having taken Lambert a king of Ireland together with his schoolmaster, pardoned both their lives; the one because he was a child, the other a person Ecclesiastical and dedicated to God: so saith Polydore Virgil. Romulus made a law, that cities taken by war should not be utterly demolished, nor all beasts in the field slain: but settling there certain Colonies, they did participate of the commodities with the natural people. Yet true it is, that some conquerors have anciently used great cruelty. For read we may, that the Africans caused many Cathaginians their prisoners, together with their Captain Gestones, to have their hands cut off and their legs broken with a wheel. Likewise Hasdrubal after Megarae was recovered from the Romans, caused their eyes, their tongues, & secret parts to be torn with iron hooks: he also cut off their fingers and flayed their bodies; and before they were dead, hung them upon the walls. We may also here remember the terrible custom of the Thuliti, who used to sacrifice the bodies of men taken in war, as an oblation to the gods most acceptable. Howsoever these people handled the matter, it is, no doubt, lawful for men that are victorious, peaceably to rule and command those that are victored. And Ariouistus answering Caesar, said, that the people of Rome used to command nations conquered, according to their own discretion, not the direction of others. Who so therefore falleth into the hands of an enemy, becometh his captive: neither can he be owner of any thing when he himself is possessed by another. This only remaineth, that in him there resteth a right and title to his own, notwithstanding possession be lost. Here we may also remember, that all places taken by the enemy, do cease to be sacred or religious, yet being delivered from that calamity, they return to their former estate jure postliminio. Therefore seeing the graves of the enemy are not to us sacred, the violation of them do bear no action.   

CHAP. 32.  
Of rescuing and ransom of Prisoners.  
IF any soldier be taken, and by aid of others rescued, he ought not remain prisoner to the rescuers, but shall forthwith be restored to liberty, and enjoy his former estate: for soldiers must be defenders of fellows in Arms, not their masters. Likewise if any stranger do redeem a prisoner from the enemy, the soldier redeemed shall not be accounted the stranger's prisoner, but remain with him as a pledge until the ransom be paid: for so was it decreed by Gordianus the Emperor. If a woman prisoner be redeemed from the enemy, and marrieth with him that redeemeth her, in that case, she and her children shall be discharged, both of bondage and payment of money. If any man shall redeem a prisoner taken by the enemy, the prisoner is forthwith at liberty, and the redeemer shall be compelled to accept the price offered, without further question. If a man contracteth marriage with a woman his prisoner, he shall be judged to have forgiven her ransom. Yet if a dishonest woman redeem her daughter from the enemy, and (knowing her to be honest) shall deliver her to be dishonoured, and the daughter (to preserve her chastity) fleeth to her father: in that case the mother maketh herself unworthy to receive the prize, in respect of her lewd intention, and the daughter shallbe restored freely to her liberty. This is also a rule general, that a freeman taken by the enemy and redeemed, so soon as his ransom be paid, or his body by other mean set at liberty, he thereby recovereth his former estate, in the mean space although the ransom is not fully satisfied, yet may he challenge his right of succession, so as thereby he shall in time be able to discharge the debt. Moreover, if he who redeemeth a prisoner, shall remit the bondage of his pawn, yet is not the redeemed at liberty, from his redeemer, albeit he be restored to that freedom which formerly he had lost: but he shall not be compelled to do service unto the children of the redeemer. The first beginning to give ransom for redeeming of captive Soldiers was after the defeat of Canna, at which time Hannibal did grant leave that the Romans might ransom themselves. The price then of a horseman was five hundred pieces of money, a footman three hundred, and for a servant one hundred. And if any moneys or other goods were left in deposito, or given to redeem a captive, they might be lawfully demanded during an hundred years after. Neither ought it be thought strange that a part or an whole inheritance belonging unto a captive, and left unto persons unknown, ought be bestowed to redeem him. For heretofore the Emperors, moved with pity and compassion of poor soldiers misadventures, have by Law decreed that an whole inheritance may be given to ransom captives: because nothing should be withholden from redeeming men that have endured the fortune of war in defence of our country.   

CHAP. 33.  
¶ Of Enemy's.  
WE properly call those people enemies, that publicly do make war upon us, or against whom we make war: yet thieves and robbers cannot be named enemies, neither may they be reputed captives that are taken or kept by thieves, and being set at liberty shall not need to be restored by Postliminium. But who so is taken in the war is a prisoner unto his taker, and being set at liberty by the Law of Postliminium shall recover his former estate.  
The people that moved war against the Romans, were ever thereunto moved, either by ambition, as the Parthians, or by desire of liberty as the Germans, by whom at length the Roman Empire was subverted. The Athenians used to contend with some enemies for victory: but with the Barbarians they fought until death, because they were reputed their greatest enemies, to whom if any man did give aid, or means to spoil the country, he was burned alive: if he sold any port or haven, he deserved loss of life: and he that furnished the enemy with hay or come, was likewise capitally punished. The Romans would not receive conditions from any enemy being in Arms: because (as Quintus Cicero said) an enemy ought with hands and feet to be repulsed. In Macedon a Law there was that whosoever did return from the war, and had not slain an enemy, should be strangled with a cord. The Scythians had an use, that at solemn feasts, no man should drink of the great cup which was carried about, unless he had slain an enemy. The Iberi had a custom to set about the tomb of every dead man, so many Pyramids, as he had slain enemies. The Persians made a Law, that Explorators and spies, in consideration of the dangers they endured, should be maintained by public contribution. And albeit the hate which enemies have one towards the other be great, yet the Indians in time of war, did refrain to use force against Plowmen, or molest them, being reputed ministers of common utility. Pomponius writeth, that in Rome it was not lawful for any man to pass out of the City by other way then the gates: for otherwise doing he should be reputed an enemy, which was the cause that moved Romulus to kill his brother Remus, when he climbed upon the wall: yet was he no enemy. Howsoever that was, Martianus affirmeth resolutely, that wheresoever a fugetive is found, there may he lawfully be killed as an enemy: yet is he not so called.   

CHAP. 34.  
¶ Of immunities Military.  
ALbeit unfit it were, that soldiers discontinuing the war, whom we formerly called Emansores, or other men newly entered into that profession should be protected or excused from payment of debts, or otherwise privileged, yet meet it is, that men of long and loyal service should be in some sort borne with, and favoured. In that case therefore divers immunities have been anciently granted unto soldiers of great service or good merit, as appeareth by divers decrees made by the emperors Severus and Antoninus, who dispensed with an execution awarded against one man called Marcellus, commanding that his pay should not be arrested to the use of his creditors: if other mean of satisfaction might be found. Because the law compelleth soldiers to pay only so much as they are able, yet that favour extendeth not to all men professing arms, but those in particular, that have served long, and for such debts as they incurred, during the time they continued in the war. Here is it also to be remembered, that no gift bestowed for service, may be upon any private contract, impawned. For if the creditor can be otherwise satisfied, than the law determineth no execution shall be taken upon gifts or goods bestowed for service, anciently reputed sacred: which reason moved the most Christian king Francis to make an Edict, whereby he commanded, that unto such soldiers as wanted money, victual should be sold in credit: but, if after a convenient time that debt were not paid, than the Treasurer should make stay of the soldiers pay, and deliver it unto the creditor. Likewise Charles the seventh did forbid, that the Arms of soldiers should be sold to satisfy creditors. The law of Graecia did also inhibit the taking of Arms for satisfaction of debt: yet by the same law power is permitted unto creditors to arrest any soldiers person that is indebted. The same law likewise commandeth that no artificer appertaining to the war, should be personally imprisoned for money, yet was it lawful to extend his goods. Solon in his law called Sisacthia made for the Athenians, seemeth to think it unreasonable, that the body of any Citizen should be imprisoned upon debt due for usury. Summarily therefore we say, That soldiers are bound to pay so much as they are able, and no more: which happily moved Tertullianus to affirm that who so hath possession of any stock of goods (chief appertaining unto the war) he may be forced to pay unto his creditors, so much as is properly his own, but not take any thing belonging unto the State: neither is it lawful for the father to sell the lands or goods entailed or assured in perpetuum unto his heirs, as Papinianus hath written.   

CHAP. 35.  
¶ Of captains general, Marshals, and other chief Commanders.  
IN Athens a man called Dionysiodorus did take upon him to read an art of conducting and training soldiers, which skill albeit he had known, yet could he not inform any of his auditory how to become a good Commander: because the leading of men is indeed the least part of Commanding. For it behoveth a General not only to conduct an army, but also to provide things needful both for the war, and maintaining of men. A careful chieftain therefore is to show himself patiented, prudent, cautious, liberal, and such a one as loveth more to give then to keep. Homer used to call Agamemnon a Pastor of people, because he carefully intended the safety of his Army. Antonius for many qualities no commendable Emperor, yet in one point much to be praised, because he liked better to be called a companion of arms, than a Prince. He also sometimes vouchsafed to march on foot, and in his own hand carry the general ensign of the army, which was of great poise, and not to be borne of the strongest soldiers, without much pain. Theodosius the Emperor did not command the meanest soldier to do any thing, but that he himself would sometimes do: wherein he performed the part of a stout soldier, and an excellent chieftain: which example percase moved ancient men of war (after victory) to elect their Emperor, out of the number of notable soldiers: for so it seemeth Germanicus was advanced. We likewise read that Tiberius was pleased to consent that Blesus should be called of the Legions Imperator, for that was the ancient title due to Commanders general. The history of Maximinus showeth, that he became preferred by the war, being borne of obscure parents in Thracia, and (as some writ) the son of a shepherd. Yet because he was a man of great fortune, courage and strength, by the degrees of war he aspired to govern many countries. After that time, he became Lieutenant general unto Alexander: and in the end, by the Roman army chosen Emperor. Thus much concerning general Commanders, advanced for proper virtue.  
Plato in his common weal, wisheth a Chieftain to be elected in this sort; A General of horse (saith he) ought be made by consent of the whole Army. The Praefecti whom we call great commanders, were elected by those soldiers that bore targets: The Tribunimilitum had their advancement by voice of men at arms: and other Captains of meaner place were appointed by the chief General. The horsemen did ever give their voices first, in presence of the foot bands, and two of them that gained most voices, were appointed to command the rest. The Captains also did name him for Emperor, that was in service most painful, in peril most resolute, in action most industrious, in execution most quick, and in counsel most provident. In this election no respect was had, whether the person elected were a Senator, or recommended by the Senate, because the qualities aforesaid sufficed to make a General, as appeared in Maximinus the Emperor: in whose election the Senate did not intermeddle. That General therefore seemeth of most sufficiency, who knoweth (as a soldier) how to offend his enemy, govern his own forces, endure heat and cold, sleep on the ground, patiently suffer both labour and lack. For sometimes we see, that he who hath authority to command, needeth another to command him. Some others also are called to authority, and command in the war, before they have skill how to do it, or have read any precepts military, or are by the rules of predecessors informed. For a matter of more difficulty it is to know what appertaineth unto a Captain, then to execute the office of that place, seeing skill must precede action, and use go before commandment. In this point we have heard Francis the French king much commended, who kept in memory the history of all his predecessors: and to witness his proper valour, at the battle of Pavia (wherein albeit he was unfortunate) yet with his own hand he slew a Germane Ensignebearer, to his eternal glory. It seemeth therefore expedient, for all Princes and commanders in war, to be well studied in histories, and chief those that concern the actions of their ancestors; which perhaps moved Edward the third, king of England, at such time as he made war upon Robert the second, king of Scots, to command a certain Monk to attend his Majesty in that expedition, and with his pen to express in verse (being indeed an excellent Poet) all the actions and proceed of that enterprise. Mahomet the second, king of Turkey, endeavoured much to know the histories of his predecessors, and gave bountiful rewards unto one writer called john Maria of Vincenza, for expressing the victory he obtained against Vssancassan king of Persia, as Paulus iovius noteth: much more praise and honour is due unto those Captains that have by long service and due degrees of war deserved the titles appertaining to arms, and bear about them the scars and tokens of true valour. Adrianus the Emperor would not permit any man to be a Tribune, or take charge in the war, whose beard was not full grown, or whose wit or years were uncapable of that office: neither would he suffer a Captain to take any thing from his soldier.  
Among many other parts of commendation required in a sovereign commander, there is not any more to be honoured then liberality: and contrariwise avarice ought to be extremely abhorred. For hard it is to attend the affairs of war, and over much to affect money. Great reason therefore had Nicomedes to think himself used with indignity by the Bithynians, when he having borne all the offices of war, and was wounded in many places of his body, was then repulsed. All which notwithstanding, Antisthenes was preferred, and made General, when he had never performed any action praise worthy or memorable, nor had endeavoured more than to make himself mighty in money: yet is not that Captain to be misliked, that can with honour and good conscience purchase wealth, for thereby he hath mean and power to supply the wants, both of private soldiers, and public scarcity. The office of a sovereign Commander, may be compared unto the skill of him that governeth well a private house: which is to command things fit, to make men obedient, to reward the good and punish the evil. In which offices, the one and the other of these commanders shall not fail to find enemies, and therefore may be called a war. Here may we also remember that the Mauritanes being confederate with justinianus the Emperor, consented that no man should be their General, but such a one as was a friend unto the Romans, or had received the Ensigns from a commander of the Roman army, which were these: A staff of silver gilded: a cup of leather ornified with silver: and a white vesture of small price.  
The Romans called these officers Magistri militum, or Praefecti, when they were sent to govern an army against the enemy, or to give counsel in the war, or had in charge to dispose of the camp: for so was it decreed by Honorius and Theodosius Sometimes also their lieutenants were called Praefecti, having in charge the defence of a particular province against the enemy, and were in authority equal to him that led the army called Dux, and before the Proconsul. To this dignity, Cabades being restored unto the kingdom of Persia, preferred Selanem a man of great fame and reputation in the war, and therefore called him Seosen, which is the title of that Magistrate who commandeth all sorts of soldiers, as the Constable doth in France, and the High Marshal in England. The office of the Tribunes in Rome, was, to hold the soldiers in order, to see them trained, to keep the keys of gates, to survey the watch, to dispose of the victual, to correct false measures, to punish offenders according to the quality of their faults, to behold often the order of the army, to here the quarrels in question between soldiers, and to visit the sick. For in deed the office of every commander consisteth in doing justice and observation of discipline. He is also to be spare in giving licence unto Soldiers, or to permit any horses to pass out of his country, neither should he suffer them to be employed in hunting, hawking, or such like exercises, a matter specially inhibited by the discipline of Augustus. A sovereign Magistrate military, ought also to remember, that after his commission be expired, he ought not to departed the place of his charge, within the space of fifty days: for so doing without licence of his superior, he incurreth an offence capital: such was the instruction which Zeno the Emperor did give unto Sebastianus, notwithstanding his authority was ceased, and a successor come to receive charge of the Army.    

THE Second Book. OF KNIGHTHOOD.  

¶ The Contents of this Book.  

THE Prooeme.  
Of Knighthood. Cap. 1.  
The original of Knighthood given as a dignity, and what Princes have authority to make Knights. Ca 2.  
The manner of making Knights about the year of our Lord 500 near which time King Arthur reigned in England. Cap. 3.  
The order of disgrading Knights in those days. Cap. 4.  
Knights of the Round table. Cap. 5.  
How actions Adventurous ought be admired, not discredited. Cap. 6.  
The office and duty of every Knight & gentleman. Cap. 7.  
Of Honourable Ornaments given unto Knights. Cap. 8.  
Knights of the Garter. Cap. 9  
Knight's Bannerets. Cap. 10.  
Knights of the Bath. Cap. 11.  
Knight's Bachelors. Cap. 12.  
Ceremonies of degrading of Knights in England. Cap. 13.  
Knights of the Toison. Cap. 14.  
Knights of S. Michael Cap. 15.  
Knights of the Annunciation. Cap. 16.  
Knights of St. Esprit. Cap. 17.  
Knight's Templars. Cap. 18.  
Knights of S. jago. Cap. 19  
Knights of S. john jerusalem, called knights of the Rhodes, and now of Malta. Cap. 20.  
Knights of Calatrava. Cap. 21.  
Knights of the Band. Cap. 22.  
Knights of Alcantara. Cap. 23.  
Knights of Montesio. Cap. 24.  
Knights of Redemption. Cap. 25.  
The original of the knights Teutonici. Cap. 26.  
Knights of the Sepulchre. Cap. 27.  
Knights of S. Mary. Cap. 28.  
Knights of S. Lazaro. Cap. 29.  
Knights of S. Steffano. Cap. 30.    

The Prooeme.  
FOrasmuch as the Actions of Arms (chief on horseback) are, and ever have been used of Noble personages, and Gentlemen of best quailitie, whom the Romans in their flourishing time by a general term called Equites, and are presently of the Italians and Spaniards named Caualieri, without respect of private dignity, or other distinction: we will for this time (yet with respect, and under correction) adventure to English the word Eques, a Gentleman that professeth honour, virtue, and Arms, or any of them: particularly discoursing of what quality he ought be, as followeth.  
First, he must be of good constitution and convenient strength to endure travel in Actions appertaining to Soldiers.  
Secondly, he should be well favoured of face and comely: for commonly God and Nature giveth beauty to such persons as are destined to command, and from others borne to obey, he hath withholden that favour, which moved some writers to affirm, that the princely presence of Priamus did show him to be worthy of government, and to command other men.  
Thirdly, he should be of bold aspect, rather inclined to severity then softness: which countenace the Swisseses and Turks do much affect.  
Fourthly, he must be sober, and discreet, not inclined to vain delights or effeminate pleasures.  
Fiftly, he ought be obedient: for of obedience proceedeth that the meaner are content to be commanded by the better, and the ignorant by those that know. This virtue was greatly embraced of the Romans, and occasioned their often victories. For the punishment of disobedience inflicted by military Magistrates, the Romans have left two most notable examples: the one of Manlius Torquatus, who caused his own son, for that fault to be slain, notwithstanding he had vanquished the enemy: The other of Papirius the Dictator, who for the like offence was punished by Fabius Rutilius General of the horsemen in the Roman Army.  
Sixtly, he ought he vigilant, and patiented: for in the one consisteth the execution of warlike Actions: by the other all travails, pains, and misfortunes are endured.  
Seventhly, he must be faithful and loyal, which quality is required in all sorts of subjects, but chief in soldiers: for thereupon dependeth his Prince's security, and State also, which moved Vegetius to say, That the safety of a Prince consisteth in the well choosing his soldiers. This is the cause, that men professing Arms, do commonly swear by the faith of a Soldier: The French man, a foy de Soldat: The Italian, a fe di Soldato etc. Yea the Kings of France do commonly use this phrase, a foy de gentil homme: a foy du chevalier.  
Eightly, he ought be constant and resolute, because resolution maketh all difficulties easy, and constancy or perseverance bringeth perfection in that he professeth.  
Ninthly, that he should be charitable, because wars are not taken in hand for the destruction of Countries, and towns, but the defence of laws and people.  
Lastly, he should be fortunate, sith Fortune is the Lady of Arms, and showeth her power in nothing more than in the adventures of war.   

CHAP. 1.  
Of Knighthood.  
WHo so desireth to know the original name and dignity of Knighthood, it behoveth him to be informed, that the Romans, among whom Martial discipline was first esteemed, and titles given to men for valorous merit, divided their people into Patritij and Plebaei. After that time, another division was made, as Senatores, Equites, and Plebs: as the French have at this day Les Nobles & la populaire, or Gentiles hommes & villains. And we in England do divide our men into five sorts: Gentlemen, Citizens, Yeomen, Artificers, and Labourers. Of Gentlemen, the first and principal is the King, Prince, Dukes, Marquesses, Earls, viscounts, and Barons. These are the Nobility, and be called Lords, or Noblemen. Next to these be Knights, esquires, and simple Gentlemen, which last number may be called Nobilitas minor: for they in Parliament have no place among the Lords; therefore the Barons or degree of Lords do resemble the dignity of Senatores in Rome, and the title of our Nobility is like unto Patritij, when the Patritij did signify Senatores aut Senatorum filii. But that degree which we do now call Knighthood, is most like unto the title in Rome named Equestris ordo. Yet other opinions there are, both of the beginning and name of Knight, as well among the Italians as the Spaniards. But howsoever it was, most certain it seemeth, that until Equestris ordo was erected in Rome, there was no such degree of men as we call Knights, neither was that name given with such ceremony and show of dignity, as since it hath been used. Yet some there are that fail not to affirm, that Knighthood had the original from Romulus, in this sort.  
That King having set led his government in Rome, partly for security, and partly for magnificence erected three bands of horsemen; the first called Romence after his own name, the next Titience after Titus Tacius, and the third Luceria, whereof only I think Livy maketh mention. Hereupon they will infer, that Knighthood begun under Romulus.  
The Spaniards do hold opinion, that when faith and plain dealing decayed, those men that made profession of war, every thousand did choose one man whom they thought to be of greatest wisdom, courage, and courtesy among the rest. That being done, they made choice of such an horse as was reputed to excel the rest, for beauty, force, and other perfections, and forthwith gave that beast unto that man whom they had chosen: as though their intention were to conjoin that singular beast unto that notable man: naming him Cavaliero, which signifieth Horseman, though we improperly English it Knight.  
Thus much is said in general concerning gentlemen that make profession of Arms, whom the Romans (as it seemeth) sometimes called Milites, and some other times Equites: the Italians and Spaniards Caualieri, the French Chevaliers: but in our language (as is now used) none are called Knights, but only they that have that title given by the Prince or his Lieutenant, with a ceremony thereunto belonging. And of Knights made according to the use of England, are divers degrees, as shall hereafter be declared.   

CHAP. 2.  
¶ The original of Knighthood given as a Dignity: and what Princes have authority to make Knights.  
IT is affirmed by some writers, that Alexander the Great with the advise of his learned tutor Aristotle, resolved to bestow upon such persons as performed any notable service in the war, certain honours and advancements, in token of their extraordinary virtue and notable merit: and therefore he gave unto some badges, to some chains, to some immunities, or some such other demonstration of favour and honour.  
The Roman Emperors in like manner sometimes before the beginning of a service, and sometimes after, bestowed not only commendation, but also dignity on those whose virtue they thought so worthy: as crowns of Bays, of Gold, of Myrtle, or some other gift thought fit by the giver. They gave also horses, swords, armour, arming coats, and such like: & they that received them as a token of honour, kept them carefully in perpetual memory of their valour, and the honour of the Prince that gave them. By this mean also they became much admired and esteemed of other soldiers.  
Afterwards, for more encouragement of virtuous minds, other Princes thought good that the memorable acts of soldiers should be in perpetual memory written, and such privileges as were given them to be recorded, calling them in those writings, Valiant men, Companions in Arms, Victorious soldiers and Knights. Which manner of proceeding did encourage the men of war, no less than the great portraitures which the most ancient Romans made for those that had performed acts egregious.  
Touching the making of Knights, we say, That every Prince sovereign hath power to give that dignity to what person it pleaseth him, as well in time of peace as war. But here is to be noted, that the Knights made, are of more or less reputation according to the quality of that Prince that made them. For he that is made knight by a King, shall be preferred before a knight made by a Prince of meaner title. To conclude therefore we say, that all Emperors, Kings, Dukes and other Princes acknowledging no Superior, may make Knights, and so may commonweals, as the State of Venice and Genoa. The Popes do also sometimes make Knights for money: calling them commonly after their own names: Caualieri di San Pietro, San Paulo, Guiliani, Pij. etc.   

CHAP. 3.  
The manner of making Knights about the year of Christ 500 near which time King Arthur reigned in England.  
IN that age, a Prince determining to make a Knight, did command a Scaffold or Stage to be builded in some Cathedral Church of his kingdom, or other spacious place near unto it. Thither the Gentleman was brought to receive that honour: and being come, was forthwith placed in a chair of silver, adorned with green silk. Then was demanded of him if he were healthy of body, and able to endure the travel required in a soldier: also whether he were a man of honest conversation, and what witnesses worthy credit he could produce so to affirm. That being done, the Bishop or chief Prelate of the Church took the Bible, and holding it open before the Knight, in presence of the King and all others spoke these words: Sir, you that desire to receive the order of Knighthood, swear before God, and by this holy book, that ye shall not fight against this mighty and excellent Prince that now bestoweth the order of Knighthood upon you, unless you shall be commanded so to do, in the service of your own King and natural Prince: for in that case, having first yielded up the collar, device and other ensigns of honour now received, it shall be lawful for you to serve against him, without reproach, or offence to all other companions in Arms: but otherwise doing, ye shall incur infamy, and being taken in war, shall be subject to the pains of death. Ye shall also swear with all your force and power to maintain and defend all Ladies, Gentlewomen, Orphans, Widows, women distressed and abandoned. The like must ye do for wives, being desired, and shun no adventure of your person, in every good war wherein ye happen to be.  
This oath taken, two of the chief Lords led him unto the King, who presently drew forth his sword and laid the same upon the Gentleman's head, and said, God and Saint George (or what other Saint the King pleased to name) make thee a good Knight. Then came unto the Knight, seven noble Ladies, attired in white, and girt a sword unto his side.  
That done, four Knights of the most honourable in that presence put on his spurs.  
These Ceremonies past, the Queen took him by the right arm, and a Duchess by the left, and led him unto a rich seat made on high, and thereupon set him, the King sitting down on the right hand, and the Queen on the other.  
After the King and Queen were thus set, and the new Knight between them, all the rest of the Lords and Ladies sat down also upon other seats prepared for them, three descents under the king's seat.  
Every Lord and Lady being thus placed, thither was brought a solemn collation or banquet of delicate meats, whereof the Knight, the King, the Queen, and whole company did eat. And so the ceremony ended.   

CHAP. 4.  
The degradation of Knights in those days.  
IF any Knight at that time had been corrupted with money by his Prince's enemy, or committed any other notable fact against loyalty and honour, the other Knights forthwith made humble suit unto the king that he might be punished. Which request being granted, they apprehended the offender, and caused him to be armed from head to foot, and in such sort as if he were going to the field. Then they led him up to an high stage made in a Church for that purpose, where thirty Priests sung such Psalms as are used at burials, as though the Knight had lain dead at their feet. At the end of every Psalm they took from him one piece of armour. First they took off his Helmet as that which de●ended his traitorous eyes, than his gauntlet on the right side, as that which covered a corrupt hand: then his gauntlet on the left side, as from a member consenting, and by piecemeal despoiled him of all his Arms as well offensive as defensive, which one after another were thrown to the ground: and at the instant when any piece of armour was cast down, the King of Arms first, and after him all other Heralds cried aloud, saying, this is the headpiece of a disloyal and miscreant Knight. Then was brought thither a basin of gold or silver full of warm water: which being holden up, the Heralds with a loud voice said, What is the Knight's name? The Pursuivants answered that which in truth was his name. Then the chief King of Arms said, That is not true, for he is a miscreant and false traitor, and hath transgressed the ordinances of Knighthood. Thereunto answered the Chaplains, Let us give him his right name. Then spoke the Trumpets, What shall be done with him? To which words the King answered, Let him with dishonour and shame be banished my kingdom as a vile and infamous man that hath offended the honour of Knighthood. So soon as the King had so said, the King of Arms and other Heralds cast the warm water upon the disgraded Knights face, as though he were new baptised, saying, Henceforth thou shalt be called by thy right name, Traitor. Then the King with twelve other Knights put upon them mourning garments, declaring sorrow: and coming unto the Knight disgraded, put him down the Stage, not by the stairs he mounted up when he was made Knight, but threw him down tied unto a rope. Then with great ignominy he was brought unto the Altar, and there laid groveling on the ground, and over him was read a Psalm full of curses.   

CHAP. 5.  
¶ Of Knights of the Round Table.  
ABout the year of Christ 490. there reigned in England (then called Britain) a King named Arthur, whose valour was so great, and admirable, as many men now living, do hold the same rather fabulous then credible. Yet whoso shall consider enterprises of later time achieved by private persons, may be easily induced to think that a great part of praise written of that mighty Monarch, may reasonably receive belief. But omitting to speak of his prowess (percase already by others overlargely discoursed) I say that this most famous King having expulsed out of England the Saxons, conquered Norway, Scotland, and the most part of France, was crowned in the City of Paris. From whence returned, he erected a certain Association or brotherhood of Knights: who vowed to observe these Articles following.  
First, that every Knight should be well armed, and furnished to undertake any enterprise wherein he was employed, by Sea or land, on horseback or foot.  
That he should be ever priest to assail all Tyrants, and oppressors of people.  
That he should protect widowes●and maidens; restore children to their right: repossess such persons as were without just cause exiled, and withal his force maintain the Christian faith.  
That he should be a Champion for the weal public, and as a Lion repulse the enemies of his country.  
That he should advance the reputation of honour, and suppress all vice, relieve people afflicted by adverse fortune, give aid to holy Church, and protect pilgrims.  
That he should bury Soldiers that wanted sepulture, deliver prisoners, ransom captives, and cure men hurt in service of their country.  
That he should in all honourable actions, adventure his person, yet with respect to justice and truth, and in all enterprises proceed sincerely, never failing to use his uttermost force of body, and valour of mind.  
That after the attaining of any enterprise, he should cause it to be recorded, to th'end the fame of that fact might ever live, to his eternal honour, and renown of the Noble order.  
That if any complaint were made at the Court of this mighty King of injury, or oppression, than some knight of the Order, whom the king should appoint, ought revenge the same.  
That if any knight of foreign nation did come unto the Court with desire to challenge, or make show of his prowess, that then (were he single, or accompanied) these knights ought be ready in Arms to make answer.  
That if any Lady, Gentlewoman, Widow, Maiden or other oppressed person did present a petition declaring they were, or had been in this or other nation injured, or offered dishonour, they should be gratiousty heard, and without delay, one or more Knights should be sent to make revenge.  
That every Knight should be willing to inform young Princes, Lords and Gentlemen in the orders, and exercises of Arms, thereby not only to avoid idleness, but also to increase the honour of Knighthood and Chivalry.  
divers other Articles inciting to magnanimous Action of honour in Arms these Knights were sworn to observe: which for brevity I omit. Nevertheless (being used to lose my labour) I adventure to say this little: and the rather, because this order of knighthood is ancient and English.  
I do not read of any rob or habit prescribed unto these Knights, nor with what ceremony they were made.  
Their place of meeting and convocation was the city of Winchester, where king Arthur caused a great round Table to be made, and at the same the Knights at the feast of Pentecost, did sit and eat. The proportion thereof was such, as no room could be thought of more dignity than the rest. Yet (as some writers say) one seat thereof was called, the Sea perilous, reserved for that Knight that did excel the rest in virtue. That place by consent of all the Knights was allotted unto King Arthur, who for his valour surpassed other professors of Arms.  
Of officers and ministers belonging unto this Order, I do not read, but of a Register, whose duty was to enter and keep records of all and every action, enterprised, attempted, or performed by any or all these Knights; which records were read and sung publicly to the eternising of their honour and fame.  
Whether the number of these Knights were many or few, I do not find, but it seemeth imparted to a great many, all persons of high dignity or much prowess. For at a city called Carlion, resorted unto king Arthur at one time, ten kings and thirteen Earls, besides many Barons and other Knights of meaner title.  
As the conquests of this King were many, so was his bounty notable: for it is written, that unto his chief Seneschal or Steward called Kay, he gave the province of Anjou, on his Butler Bedwere he bestowed Normandy, and to his cousin Berell he granted the Duchy of Burgundy, and unto many other Lords and valiant Knights, he allotted other magnificent gifts, according to their virtue and merit.  
Some men have surmised, that the success of king Arthur's prosperous proceeding in his enterprises, was occasioned by counsel of one Merlin, a man in that time reputed a Prophet.  
King Arthur having all his youth found fortune his friend, was notwithstanding at length deceived by the treason of one Mordred his own cousin, to whom (during his absence out of England) he had committed the government.  
He was also at a city called Augusta encountered of the Romans and Saracens, conducted by a Consul called Lucius: nevertheless Arthur by his great valour slew Lucius, and forced his Romans to flee. In that battle also were slain five Saracen kings.  
After this victory, Arthur returned into England, and fought with Mordred. In which conflict died Gawen a Noble Knight and cousin to king Arthur. Also in landing, Aquisel king of Scots was slain; But notwithstanding the loss of these valiant Knights, king Arthur landed, and Mordred fled to London: where the Citizens would not suffer him to enter the City. Then he went into Cornwall, where Arthur did slay him, and he himself was mortally wounded. So great a slaughter had never been before that day seen.  
After this conflict, king Arthur was never found alive, or dead: but (as some Poets have supposed) was taken up into the firmament, and remaineth there a Star among the nine Worthies; which fancy is founded upon the prophecy of old Merlin, who many years before affirmed, that Arthur after a certain time should resuscitate, and come unto Carlion to restore the round Table. There he wrote this Epitaph: Hic jacet Arturus, rex quondam, rexque futurus.   

CHAP. 6.  
¶ How enterprises adventurous ought be admired, but not discredited.  
TRue it is, as hath been formerly said, that many enterprises in times past attempted and achieved above the expectation of men, are now thought rather fabulous then faithfully reported: either because we that now live did not know, or see them, or that ignorant men cannot conceive how they might be done, or that want of courage doth disable them to take the like actions in hand. Yet most certain it is, that divers histories commonly reputed vain fables, were at the first begun upon occasion of matter in effect true, although some writers afterwards, to show the excellency of their invention, or make their works more vendible, have added many fancies and fictions which are not indeed worthy to be believed. And who so shall well consider how difficult a thing it is to write an history of so great truth and perfection, as cannot be controlled, will easily excuse these writers that have taken in hand matter so far from our knowledge and understanding. For like unto all other men, moved with love, hate, profit, or other private passion, they are either willing or ignorantly induced to increase or extenuate the actions and merits of those men, of whom their histories have discoursed. How soever that be, I verily think the Acts and enterprises of Ulysses, Aeneas, Hector, and other famous captains (of whom Poets and profane Writers have written so many wonders) were indeed of notable men, and some part of their doings such, as writers have made mention. Much less do I doubt, that some egregious acts achieved and written in the books of Amadis de Gaul, Ariosto, Tasso, King Arthur of England, and such others do contain many things, which deserve not to be discredited. But omitting to meddle with time so long since past, and with countries so far from our Climate, we will remember some few Actions which worthy men of our own Nation or our neighbours (as that of Hernando Cortes, Pisarro, and others) have (within our knowledge) to the eternising of their fame and honour, performed. The greater part of which enterprises have been achieved in this present age, and shall no doubt hereafter (when men are less industrious) be thought rather fabulous, than matters credible.  
Let us therefore say no more of matter so long before our days, and begin with actions notable performed by men of our own Country, and they (for the most part) persons of such quality, as were not forced with distress, but with desire to advance the honour of their Country. We read in Authors worthy credit, that at one time twenty thousand Soldiers of this most noble Island (then called great Britain) travailed from hence unto judea, and under the emperors Vespasian and Titus, served at the siege and sack of jerusalem. The like enterprise was long after taken in hand by King Richard the first, who in his own person travailed to recover the same City from the Saracens. The voyages and marvels which Sir john Mandevile reporteth, are accounted of many men rather fables than reports of truth, yet of late years, some Sailors even of our own nation, have found by experience they ought not to be discredited. Who would have thought it possible to pass securely into Syria, Persia, Media, and other far countries in the East and Southeast, until M. Anthony jenkinson, (a gentleman yet living, and worthy belief) performed those, and other right notable Voyages? It is also certain that Thomas Windhame a gentleman well borne and worshipfully descended, sailed from thence to Guinea, and the kingdom of Benin, and since that time Captain Fenner performed the same journey, so far as the islands of Capo verde. All which Voyages with many other were made by Princes, or persons of reputation, toward the South and Southeast.  
The like may be said of Voyages of latter time towards the North, and North-east Regions performed by sir Hugh Willowby, M. jenkinson aforesaid, M. Christopher Burrow and others.  
Of voyages towards the West and south-west countries, who hath not heard the Navigation of sir john Hawkins to Brasill, and the West India's, of Roger Bodname gentleman to S. john Vllua in the Bay of Mexico, of sir Francis Drake to Nombre de Dios, sir Martin Furbisher to Meta incognita, sir Humphrey Gilbert to the coast of America, sir Richard Greenevile to Virginia, M. john davis gentleman his discovery 200. leagues beyond sir Martin Furbisher to the Northwest? I omit to make mention of many Merchants, Navigators, and simple Sailors of our land, that have not only attempted, but also performed marvelous actions, to vulgar people and unskilful thought impossible. Yet is it now publicly known that sir Francis Drake, and after him Thomas Candish esquire, (a young gentleman scarcely known to Sailors) within the space of two years and three months, effected a journey about the Globe of the whole earth: an action no doubt, worthy all admiration, and such as before that time had never been performed.  
Here might we also insert how the mighty and formidable Armada of Spain, was by her majesties Navy (conducted by the Earl of Nottingham) vanquished Anno 1588. being in foreign Nations thought unresistible. And more lately the most noble and resolute assault and sack of the City ●. Cales, and other strong places of Spain was executed by the virtue, and excellent valour of his said Lordship, and the Earl of Essex, lately high Marshal of England. To these we may also add the late, and last, (yet not the least) victory gained by the noble Earl of Cumberland, who by his proper virtue, and at the particular charge of him and his friends, assaulted and possessed the Isle of S. john de Porto Ricco, a place both by nature and art reputed impregnable. These and other notable adventures and victories were above the common opinion of men, attempted, and achieved by worthy and excellent Captains of our country: and the chief of them within the reign of our sacred Sovereign, by whose counsel and princely prudence they were begun and ended.  
Magna non possumus, quia nos posse, non credimus.   

CHAP. 7.  
The office and duty of every Knight and Gentleman.  
FIrst it behoveth him to fear God, and with all his power to maintain & defend the Christian faith.  
To be charitable, and comfort those that are afflicted.  
To serve faithfully, and defend his Prince and country courageously.  
To forgive the follies and offences of other men, and sincerely embrace the love of friends.  
To esteem truth, and without respect maintain it.  
To avoid sloth and superfluous ease.  
To spend the time in honest and virtuous actions.  
To reverence Magistrates and converse with persons of honour.  
To eschew riot and detest intemperancy.  
To frequent the war, and use military exercises.  
To eschew dishonest pleasures, and endeavour to do good unto others.  
To accommodate himself to the humour of honest company, and be no wrangler.  
To shun the conversation of perverse persons, and behave himself modestly.  
To be sober and discreet, no boaster of his own acts, nor speaker of himself.  
To desire no excessive riches, and patiently endure worldly calamities.  
To undertake enterprises just, and defend the right of others,  
To support the oppressed, and help widows and Orphans.  
To love God, and be loyal to his Prince.  
To prefer honour before worldly wealth, and be both in word and deed just and faithful.   

CHAP. 8.  
Of honourable ornaments due unto men of virtuous merit, who were ever after called Knights.  
IN ancient Histories it appeareth that the old Romans did give rings of gold unto men of quality, serving in the war, whom afterwards they called Equites. Such rings the Senators used also to wear, whereof may be inferred that knighthood and ensigns of honour were given as well for Counsel, as Military merit. Cicero seemeth to say that captains general had in use (after every victory) to make an Oration unto soldiers, commending their virtue: and to those men that served with much valour were given rings of gold.  
We read likewise in holy Scripture that king Pharaoh in sign of honour did take a ring from his own finger, and gave the same to joseph.  
Some Princes also intending to honour their servants and soldiers did bestow upon them spurs of gold or guilded: in sign they were men of virtue, and professors of Arms on horseback: for spurs are only proper to soldiers of that sort, and so it appeareth by the signification of the latin word Eques, and likewise by the term Cavaliero, ordinarily used of the Spaniards and Italian.  
In old time (as a token of honour and advancement) Princes did bestow girdles and sword. And the law Civil seemeth to note that the girdle signified administration or dignity, and whosoever did lose that girdle, should also forfeit all privileges which the law alloweth unto soldiers. A sword was always hanging at the girdle, and the hilts thereof either of gold or g●lt. Hereof it cometh that Princes in creating a Knight, do either gird him with a sword, or with a sword touch him on the head or shoulder, thereby to signify that as with the sword he is created a Knight, so with the sword he ought to defend the Prince and country that did create him, without fear of death or other danger. Hieramias with his right hand delivered a sword unto juda, and in the name of God made him a Knight, saying, Receive this sacred sword sent from God, wherewith thou shalt vanquish the enemies of Israel.  
It hath been also a custom ancient, that Princes did give collars as a singular demontration of favour and honour.  
Pliny reporteth that the Romans did give unto their confederates a collar of gold, and to their own citizens a collar of silver.  
When Manlius in single combat had slain a French man, he took from him a collar of gold, all bloody, and put the same about his own neck in token of victory. After which time, he was surnamed Torquatus, because Torques in the Latin signifieth a collar or chain.  
The Emperors in like manner bestowed collars upon Captains and others that served in the war, and deserved commendation.  
In some Histories may be found, that collars were of two sorts: the first called Duplares, th'other Simplices. And with those collars the Emperors (for the most part) did give provision of money or victual: to some more, to some less.  
For these reasons and by these examples it appeareth, that among the ensigns and ornaments of Honour and Arms, the great Collar is of highest reputation.  
It is also seen that Prince's sovereign, do at this day bestow chains or small collars upon men of virtue or favour, and in token thereof (for the most part) a picture or model of the giver is thereat pendant; which Collatine the Knight or Gentleman that receiveth it, ought carefully to keep during his life.  
The ancient custom was, that Knights of mean degree, and such as were not of the great Orders (whereunto particular habits are assigned) should in sign of honour wear a garment of scarlet, because red representeth fire, the most noble element, and (next unto the Sun) of most brightness. It was therefore among the old Romans decreed, That no man should wear any habit of that colour, but only Magistrates and men of dignity. Red doth also betoken boldness, magnanimity, and ardent love with charity. The element of fire is also assigned to Mars, in respect whereof that colour is most proper to Knights, Captains, and all other professors of Arms.  
Carol D Howard Com● Nottingham 〈…〉   

CHAP. 9  
Knights of the Garter.  
EDward the third King of England, after he had obtained many great victories of john the French King, and james King of Scotland, both prisoners in the Realm at one time, Henry King of Castille the Bastard expulsed, and Don Pedro restored by the Prince of Wales, did first erect this order in his kingdom Anno 1350. upon no weighty occasion, as is reported. Notwithstanding the same is, and long hath been in so great reputation, as Emperors, Kings and Princes, have and do desire to be companions thereof for their greater honour.  
The patron of this Order is S. George, unto whom it was first dedicated.  
The Sovereign of this Order is the King of England, his heirs and successors for ever.  
The number of this College of fellowship is 26. Knights with the Sovereign, and when any of them die, another is chosen by consent of those Knights that live.  
The habit of these Knights is an under garment, or gown of Crimson velvet, of some called ak●rtle, over which he weareth a mantle of Purple velvet lined with white sarsenet, on the left shoulder thereof is embroidered in a Garter an Eschuchion of S George, and over his right shoulder hangeth his hood of Crimson velvet lined with white, the Cordons to the mantle are purple silk and gold.  
Above all which, about his neck he weareth the collar of the order, being of pure gold, made of garters and knots, and enamelled with roses white and red, weighing 30. ounces of Troy weight, with the image of S. George, richly garnished with precious stones, pendant thereat.  
About his left leg he weareth buckled a garter enriched with gold, pearl and stones, whereupon these French words are embroidered, honey SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE. Which may be thus Englished, Shame be to him that evil thinketh.  
The custom was long that these Knights did yearly hold a feast at the Castle Windesor, where the same King Edward founded a Church, and gave unto certain Priests and Prebends large stipends to serve there. And he ordained also that thirteen poor aged and decayed Gentlemen by the name of poor Knights were there for ever to be maintained and kept, invested in gowns and mantles of cloth only, suitable with those of the Order, to pray for the prosperity of the Sovereign and his successors, and all other Knights of the said noble Order.  
It is not publicly known what moved the King to make this order: but thus it is vulgarly reported, that King Edward dancing with the Queen and other Ladies of his Court, happened to take up a blue garter which fell from one of them, and of some said from the Countess of Salisbury (of whom the King was then enamoured) which garter the King afterwards wore about his left leg for a favour. The Queen taking some offence thereat, it was signified unto the King by some of the Lords the cause of her displeasure, at which he smiling said, honey SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE. I will make of it yet it be long the most honourable Garter that ever was worn, and thereupon instituted the order of the Garter.  
Some rather think it was made to remunerate those Noble men and Knights, that had best endeavoured and deserved in his most Royal and Martial affairs of France, Scotland and Spain, with all which Nations he then had war and triumphed.  
The Statutes of this great Order, for that they are sufficiently known, I here omit.  

The names of the first Knights.  

KIng EDWARD the third Sovereign.  
Edward Prince of Wales.  
Henry Duke of Lancaster.  
Thomas Earl of Warwick.  
The Captain of Bouche.  
Ralph Earl of Stafford.  
William de Mounteacute Earl of Sarisburie.  
Roger Lord Mortimer.  
Sir john Lisle.  
Sir Bartholomew Burgwash.  
Sir john Beauchampe.  
Sir john de Mohun.  
Sir Hugh Courtney.  
Sir Thomas Holland.  
Sir john Grey.  
Sir Richard Fitzsymon.  
Sir Miles Stapleton.  
Sir Thomas wall.  
Sir Hugh Wrothesley.  
Sir Neel Loring.  
Sir john Chandos.  
Sir james de Audley.  
Sir Otho Holland.  
Sir Henry Eme.  
Sir Zanchet d'Abrigecourt.  
Sir William Paganel.    

The names of those Knights that are this present year 1602. of the same most noble Order.  
ELIZABETH Queen of England Sovereign. Henry the fourth, the French King. Charles Howard, Earl of Nottingham. Thomas Butler, Earl of Ormond. Thomas Sackuile, Lord Buckhurst. Gilbert Talbot, Earl of Shrewsbury. George Clifford, Earl of Cumberland. Henry percy, Earl of Northumberland. Edward Somerset, Earl of Worcester. Edmond Sheffeild, Lord Sheffeild. Thomas Howard, Baron of Walden. George Carey, Baron of Hunsdon. Charles Blount, Lord Montioy. Sir Henry Lea, Master of her Mties' armory. Robert Ratcliffe, Earl of Sussex. Henry Brooke, Lord Cobham. Thomas Scrope, Lord Scrope. William Stanley, Earl of Derby. Thomas Cecil, Lord Burleigh.    

The Officers appertaining (at this present) unto this most Honourable Order, are these.  

Doctor Bilson, Prelate. B. of Winchester.  
Sir Edward Dier, Chancellor. Knight.  
Doctor Benet, Register. Deane of Windsor.  
William Dethicke, Garter. Principal K. of Arms.  
Richard Conings by Esquire. Vsher.    

Officers of Arms, attendants upon the said Order.  

W. Camden, Clarencieux. Kings of Arms. W. Segar, Norroy.  
Lancaster. Chester. Heralds. York. Richmond. Windesor. Somerset.  
Rouge-cross. Rougedragon. pursuivants. Portcullis. Blewmantle.     

CHAP. 10.  
Of Knight's Bannerets.  
OTher degrees of Knighthood there are in England: but because they we are no garment, badge or sign to distinguish them from other gentlemen, they are not known to strangers, yet among ourselves we know them right well, because every one having such dignity, is called Sir: As Sir Thomas, Sir john, Sir William, Sir Simon, etc. But first of Knight's Bannerets.  
A Knight that is to receive this honour, shallbe led between two other Knights before the King or General, bearing his Pennon of Arms in his own hand: and in presence of all the Nobility and other Captains, the Heralds shall say unto the King or his General these words following, viz.  
May it please your grace to understand, that this gentleman hath showed himself valiant in the field: and for so doing, deserveth to be advanced unto the degree of a Knight Banneret, as worthy from henceforth to bear a Banner in the war.  
Then the King or General shall cause the points of his Pennon or Guidon to be rend off. And the new Knight shall go unto his tent, conducted between two other Knights, the trumpets sounding all the way before him, there to receive sees: viz. to the Heralds three pound six shillings and viii pence. And if he were before a Knight Bachelor, then is he to pay also unto the Trumpets twenty shillings. I suppose the Scots do call a Knight of this creation a Bannerent, for having his Bannerrent.  
Here is to be noted, that no Knight Banneret can be made, but in the war, and the king present: or when his Standard royal is displayed in the field.  
A Banneret thus made, and every estate above him, may bear his Banner displayed, if he be a Captain: and set his Arms therein as Barons do.   

CHAP. II.  
Knights of the Bath, according to the ancient use.  
WHen an Esquire cometh to the Court to receive this Order of Knighthood, in time of peace, according to the custom of England, he shall be very nobly received by the officers of the Court, as the Steward of Chamberlain, if they be present, or otherwise by the Marshals and Ushers, and there shall be ordained two esquires of honour, wise, and well learned in courtesy and nurture, as also in feats of Chivalry: and they shall be esquires and Governors of all which pertaineth to him, who receiveth the order abovesaid: and if the Esquire do come before dinner, he shall serve the King of water, or with a dish at the first course only, and then the esquires governors shall lead the Esquire that is to be Knighted, into his chamber without any more ado, at that time, and towards evening the esquires governors shall send for a Barber, and he shall prepare a Bath, decked with linen, aswell within the Tub, as without, and that the tub be well covered with carpets and mantles for the cold of the night, and then the beard of the Esquire shallbe shaven, and his hair rounded. This done, the esquires governors shall go to the King and say, Sir it is evening, and the Esquire is ready at the bath, when it shall please ye. Whereupon the King shall command his Chamberlain to convey to the chamber of the Esquire the most gentle and wisest Knights that are then present, to inform, counsel, and instruct him in the order and feats of Chivalry, and likewise that the other esquires of that house with minstrelsy do go before the Knights, singing, playing, and dancing to the chamber door of the said Esquire.  
And when the esquires governors do hear the noise of Music, they shall unclothe the Esquire, and put him naked into the Bath. But at the entering of the chamber the esquires governors shall cause the music to cease, and the esquires also for a time. This done the Knights shall enter into the chamber still without making any noise, and then the Knights shall do reverence one to the other, who shall be the first to counsel the Esquire in Order of the Bath, and when they are agreed, than the first shall go to the Bath, and kneeling down before the tub shall say secretly, Sir, great honour may this Bath be unto you, and then he showeth him the manner of the Order that best he can, and then putteth some of the water of the Bath upon the shoulder of the Esquire, and taketh leave, and the esquires governors shall attend on each side of the Bath themselves, and after that same manner shall all the other Knights do, one after another, till they have all done, and then the Knights depart out of the chamber for a season. This done, the esquires governors do take the Esquire out of the Bath, & lay him in his bed, till he be dry, which bed ought to be simple without curtains, and being dry, he shall rise out of his bed and appareled somewhat warm because of the coldness of the night, and over all his apparel he shall wear a coat of Russet cloth with long sleeves, after the manner of an Hermit, with an hood. The Esquire being out of the Bath and made ready, the Barber shall take away the Bath, and all that is about the same, aswell within as without, and take them for his fees, and likewise the collar if he be an Earl, Baron, Banneret or Bachelor Knight, according to the custom of the Court. This done, the esquires governors shall open the chamber door, and let the Knights enter in, to lead the Esquire to the Chapel. And when they are entered, the esquires singing and dancing shall be brought before the Esquire with their melody to the Chapel. And when they are entered into Chapel, than spices and wine shall be given to the said Knights and esquires. And the esquires governors shall lead the Knights before the Esquire to take their leaves. And he shall thank them altogether for their travel, honour and courtesies. And so they depart: after whom the esquires gournours shall shut the door, and let no man tarry in the Chapel, except the esquires his governors, the Priests, Chandler, and Watch. And so he shall remain in the Chapel till it be almost day, always in prayer, desiring God to bless and increase his grace in him, to give him power and comfort to take this high temporal dignity, to the honour and praise of him, the holy Church, and order of Knighthood. And when day appeareth they shall cause the Priest to say prayers, and communicate if he will. And from the entering of the Chapel door he shall have a candle of wax borne before him. Prayers being begun, one of the Governors shall hold the candle before the Esquire till the reading of the Gospel, and then the Esquire shall hold it himself till the Gospel be ended, and then it shall be set before him till all the Service be ended. Then one of the governors shall take away the hood from the Esquire. And when the Gospel is read, the Esquire shall kneel down and offer money in the honour of God, and him that shall make him Knight. Then the esquires governors shall lead him into his chamber, and lay him in his bed till it be far day. And whilst he resteth in his bed he shallbe covered; that is to say, with a coverlet of gold, called Sigleton, and the same shall be lined with Kersie. And when it seemeth good to the Governors, they shall go to the King and say unto him: Sir, when it pleaseth your Grace our Master shall rise. And then the King shall command the Knights, esquires, and Minstrels, to go to the chamber to cause him rise, and to make him ready, and to bring him before him in his Hall. But before their entering and noise of music heard, the esquires shall make all things ready for the appareling of him. One Knight shall give him his shirt, another his hose, the third his doublet, another shall apparel him in a kertle of red Tartar. Two other shall lift him out of his bed: two others shall put on his black netherstockes sole with leather: two other to lace his Manches: another to gird him with a girdle of white leather without any studs: another shall comb his head: another shall put on his coif: another shall give him a Mantle of silk, and Kertle of red Tartar, laced with a white silk lace. But the Chandler shall have for his fees all the garments and others wherewith he was clothed at the first entry, and also the bed and Sigleton; for which fees, the Chandler of his own expenses shall find the coif, gloves, girdle, & lace. Then the Knights shall mount on horseback, and conduct him to the Hall, the music playing before him, his horse saddled with black leather, the Arson white, stirrup leathers black, and stirrups gilded, the pectorel of black leather with a cross pattée of gold, hanging before the horse feet, and without a crupper: the bridle of black leather with a cross pattée on the forehead: and then a young Esquire to ride before him without a hood, who shall bear his sword by the point with the spurs hanging at the hilts, which are white, studded with black, and a white leather girdle without any studs. When they come to the King's Hall, the Governors and Marshals shallbe ready to meet him, and at his alighting the Marshal shall have his horse, or else 100 sh. for his see, he shall be brought to the uppermost table in the Hall, and there tarry till the Kings coming, the Knights on each side of him: and the young man holding his sword between the two esquires. And when the King cometh into the Hall, and looketh on the Esquire, ready to take the high Order of temporal dignity, he shall demand the sword, and the spurs, and the Chamberlain shall take the sword and the spurs from the young man, and shall show them to the King, & then the King shall take the right spur and shall deliver it to the most noble Lord, saying, Put this upon the esquires heel: and he kneeling on that one knee, shall take the Esquire by the right leg, and put his foot upon his knee, and make fast the spur to his right heel: and the Lord shall make a cross on the knee of the Esquire, and kiss him. This done, another Lord shall come and fasten the spur to the left foot in the same manner. And then the King of his great courtesy shall take the sword, and gird it about the Esquire: and then the Esquire shall lift up his Arms on high, holding the Gauntlets in his hands between his fingers and the thumbs. And the King shall put his arm about the esquires neck, and lift his right hand up, and smite the Esquire on the shoulder, saying, Be a good Knight, and then kisseth him. And then the Knights do lead the new Knight to the Chapel with great melody to the high Altar, where he kneeleth down and putteth his right hand upon the Altar, promising to defend the right of holy Church during his life. And then he shall ungird the sword, and with great devotion pray unto Almighty God that he may keep the Order which he hath taken upon him, and accomplish the same to the end, and taketh a drop of wine. And at his going out of the Chapel, the King's master Cook is ready to take away the spurs, and to have them for his see, saying, I am come from the King being his master Cook, to take the spurs from you, and to show you, that if you do any thing against the order of Chivalry (which God forbidden) I will cut away the spurs from your heels. And then the Knights shall lead him back into the Hall, and he beginneth the table of Knights, and the Knights shall sit about him, and he shallbe served as the other are, but he shall neither eat nor drink nor move, or look here or there, no more than one that is new married. This done, one of the governors shall have a handkerchief in his hand, which he shall hold before his face, when he will spit or such like: and when the King is risen from the table, and gone into his chamber, than the new Knight shall be led with a great number of Knights and Minstrels before him to his chamber, and at their entering the Knights and Minstrels shall take leave, and he shall go to dinner. The Knights being departed, the chamber shall be shut, and that new Knight shallbe despoiled of all his abillaments which shall be given to the Knights & Heralds, if they be present, or else to the Minstrels, with a mark in silver if he be a Bachelor Knight, and if he be a Baron, then double somuch, if he be an Earl or higher estate always doubled, and the Russet nightcap shall be given to the watch, or else a noble in money. And then he shallbe appareled in a blue gown, with the Manches open in the manner of a Priest, and he shall have at his left shoulder a lace of white silk hanging, which he shall wear uppermost on his garment, so long till he have gained honour in Arms: and be recorded by some noble Knights, esquires, and Heralds of Arms for some memorable deeds done by him, as hath been said before, or by some noble Prince, or noble Lady, which may cut away the lace from the Knight's shoulder, saying, Sir, we have heard much of your renown, and what you have done in divers places to the great honour of Chivalry, for yourself and him that made you Knight: therefore reason would that this lace should be taken from you. But after dinner the Knights and gentlemen do come after the Knight, and do bring him to the King's presence, and the esquires governors before him. And when the new Knight cometh into the King's presence, he shall kneel down before him, saying, Most noble and renowned Sir, I do thank you for all the honours, courtesies and goodness which you have done unto me. And so he taketh leave of the King. And then the esquires governors do take leave of their Master, saying, Sir, we have accomplished the commandment of the Kings as he charged us, to the uttermost of our power, wherein if we have displeased you, through negligence, or deed, during the time, we desire pardon. On the other side, Sir, according to the custom of the Court and ancient Kings: we demand Robes and fees for term of life, as esquires of the King, and companions unto Bachelors Knights, and other Lords.   

CHAP. 12.  
Knight's Bachelors.  
FIrst it is to be remembered, that no man is brone a Knight of any title, but made, either before a battle, to encourage them to adventure their lives, or after the fight, as an advancement for their valour then showed: or out of war for some notable service done, or some good hope of virtues that do appear in them.  
These Knights are made either by the King himself, or by his commission and royal authority given for that purpose, or by his Lieutenant in the wars, who hath his royal and absolute power for that time. And this order may be resembled to that which the Romans, called Equites Romanos, differing in a sort, but in some other sort doth agree with it: for seldom in all points one Common wealth doth agree with another, nor long any State accordeth with itself. Equites Romani were chosen ex Censu, which is according to their substance and riches; Even so be Knights in England for the most part, according to the yearly revenue of their lands, being able to maintain that estate: Yet all they that had Equestrem Censum were not in Rome Equites: no more are all Knights in England that may dispend a Knight's land, or fee, but they only to whom it pleaseth the King to give that honour. In Rome the number of Equites was uncertain, and so it is of Knights in England, at the pleasure of the Prince. Equites Romani had Equum Publicum, but the Knights of England find horses themselves, both in peace and war: Census Equester among the Romans was at divers times of divers value, but in England, whosoever may dispend of his free lands forty pounds' starling of yearly revenue, by an old Law, either at the Coronation of the King, or marriage of his daughter, or at the dubbing of the Prince, Knight, or some such great occasion, may be by the King compelled to take that order and honour, or to pay a fine: which many rich men, not so desirous of honour, as of riches, had rather disburse. Some also, who for good respect are not thought worthy that title, and yet have ability, neither be made Knights though they would, and yet pay the fine of forty pounds sterling, which (as silver is now prized) is 120. pound currant money. Where of this word Knight is derived, or whether it signifieth no more than Miles doth in Latin, which is Soldier, I know not. Some hold opinion that the word Soldier doth betoken a waged or hired man to fight. Caesar in his Commentaries called Soldiers, men devoted and sworn by band or oath to serve the Captain, which order if the Almains did follow, it may be, that they who were not hired, but being of the Nation upon their own charges, and for their advancement, and by such common oath and band that did follow the war, were (perhaps) called Knights, or Milites: and now among the Almains some are called lanceknights, as Soldiers not hired, although they be well-near all hired. Or it may be that they who were next about the Prince, as his Guard and servants, picked, and chose men out of the rest, being called in the Almane tongue Knighten, which is as much to say as daily servants, being found of good service, the word afterwards was taken as an honour, for one that professeth Arms. Now our language is so altered, that hard it were to give judgement thereof▪ But sure it is, we in our English do call him Knight, whom the French do call Chevalier, and the Latin Equitem, for Equestris ordinis. Touching the making of these English Knights, the manner is this. He that is to be made Knight, is stricken by the Prince with a sword drawn upon his back, or shoulder: the Prince saying Soys Chevalier, and in times past, was added, S. George. And when the Knight riseth, the Prince saith, advance. This is the manner of dubbing Knights at this present: and that term dubbing was the old term in this point, and not creating. These sorts of Knights are by the Heralds called Knights Bachelors.   

CHAP. 13.  
The Ceremonies in the degradation of Knights in England.  
IT seemeth that the degradation of Knights hath been used only for offences of greatest reproach and dishonour: which I conceive partly by the rareness of such actions, and partly for that the men bereft of that dignity, were not only degraded, but also by law executed. As in the reign of King Edward the fourth it appeared a Knight was degraded in this sort.  
First, after the publication of his offence, his gilt spurs were beaten from his heels, than his sword taken from him and broken: That being done, every piece of his armour was bruised, beaten and cast aside. After all which disgraces, he was beheaded.  
In like manner: Andrew of Herklay a Knight and earl of Carlisle, was in this sort disgraded. He being apprehended, was by the King's commandment brought before sir Anthony Lucy, anno 1322. appareled in all the robes of his estate, as an Earl and a Knight, and so led unto the place of judgement. Being thither come, Sir Anthony Lucy said unto him these words: First thou shalt lose the order of Knighthood, by which thou hadst all thine honour: and further all worship upon thy body be brought to nought. Those words pronounced, Sir Anthony Lucy commanded a knave to hue the Knight's spurs from his heels, & after caused his sword to be broken over his head. That done, he was despoiled of his furred Tabord, of his hood, of his furred coats, and of his girdle. Then Sir Anthony said unto him these words, Andrew, now art thou no Knight, but a knave, and for thy treason the King doth will thou shalt be hanged.  
Maxitmilianus de Austria Dux Bur●undi● R●m Im●. Ord●n● Velleris Aurei Eques 〈◊〉 Fol. 〈◊〉.   

CHAP. 14.  
Knights of the Toizon D'or, or golden Fleece.  
THE Knighthood of the Toizon was instituted by Philip (surnamed the good) Duke of Burgundy, and Earl of Flanders in the year of our Lord, 1429. being moved thereunto with devout zeal that he had to undertake the conquest of the holy land, albeit his valorous determination took none effect, by reason of many alterations and losses which happened unto the Christians in the East at that time. He elected for Patron of this Order, the Apostle S. Andrew.  
The Sovereign of this Order is he unto whom the Dukedom of Burgundy doth lawfully descend.  
The number of these Knights first elected were four and twenty, besides the Sovereign, all men of Noble blood without reproach, and of virtuous merit.  
The habit is an under garment of Crimson velvet, with a mantle of the same, lined with white, it openeth on the right side, and in the wearing is turned up on the left shoulder, it is richly embroidered round about with a border of flames, fusils and fleeces. The hood of crimson velvet the Knights we are on their heads as by the figure appeareth.  
The Collar of this Order, is of gold wrought of flames and fusils with the Toizon hanging thereat. The Sovereign hath authority in himself absolutely to give, and bestow the same at this pleasure. This Collar, or the Toizon, every Knight is bound to wear daily, or failing, shall incur a penalty. But in time of war, or urgent affairs, to wear the Toizon only shall suffice. Or if by mishap the Collar do break, it is permitted for mending thereof, it may be carried unto a goldsmith. Or if any Knight traveling by the way shall fear to be rob, he may lay the Collar aside. Yet it is not lawful to increase the quantity of the Collar, nor add thereunto any stones, or workmanship, and most unlawful it is to sell it, or change it.  
Whosoever entereth into this Order, mustrenounce all other Orders of Knighthood, of every Prince, Company or Religion; yet out of that law are excepted all Emperors, Kings and Dukes, unto whom it is dispensed that they may wear the Ensigns of this Order, if they be chief and Sovereigns of their own Order. Yet to the end the truth may appear, a Council of Knights shall be called to consent unto that dispensation.  
These with other Statutes and Ordinances the Knights of this great Order are sworn to observe and keep. And many of them have been, since the first institution, enlarged, altered, ortaken away by the Sovereigns.  
The day of assembly for these Knights, was at the beginning appointed on the feast day of S. Andrew, but since altered unto the second of May, and that but once in three years; unless it pleaseth the Sovereign otherwise to command.  
To this Order do belong four principal officers, Viz. A Chancellor, a Treasurer, a Register, and a king of Arms named Toizon D'or.  
To this Order also appertaineth an Impreze: the inventor thereof was Charles Duke of Burgundy: whose high valour brought Lewis the xj. king of France unto great trouble, as Monsieur d' Argenton writeth.  
The said Impreze or device was an Instrument made to strike fire, called an Ansill, with these words, Antè ferit, quam flamma micet: meaning, he had power to kindle great trouble before it were perceived, yet was the event unhappy: for in the war against Lorraine and the Suysses, after the defeare of Morat and Granson, his forces were utterly overthrown, and his person slain before Nancy, the Even of the Epiphany. Whereupon Renato Duke of Lorraine being victorious, and seeing the standard of Duke Charles with the Impreze of the Instrument of fire, said, That unfortunate Prince when he had most need to warm him, lacked leisure to strike fire: which speech was pithy; and the more, because the earth was then covered with snow, and by reason of the conflict, full of blood. At that time was the greatest frost and cold that any man living could remember.  
The Toizon which these Knights do wear hanging at their Collar of Order, is the form of a golden fleece, which jason won at Colchos: others do suppose it to be the fleece of Gedeon, whereof the holy Scripture maketh mention; which signifieth Fidel●ie, or justice uncorrupted.  
The number of these Knights was much increased by the Emperor Charles the fifth; who having the dukedom of Burgundy, elected into that Order persons of greater Title than were at the beginning, and commanded the election should be by consent. After him, King Philip of Spain did the like.  

The names of Knights in the first election.  

THe Duke of Burgundy Sovereign.  
William de Vienna of S. George.  
Rinieri Pot Lord of Castille.  
The Lord of Rombaix.  
The Lord Montacute.  
Orland de Vtquerque.  
Anthony de Vergi Conte of Lignij.  
Hugh de Lanoij, Lord of Santes.  
john Lord of Cominges.  
Anthony de Tolongion, Marshal of Burgundy.  
Peter de Luxemburg, Conte of Beureine.  
Gilbert de Lanoy, Lord of Villerual.  
john de Villiers, Lord of Isleadam.  
Anthony Lord of Croy and Renti.  
Florimont de Brimeu Lord of Massincure.  
Robert Lord of Mamimes.  
james de Brimeu, Lord of Grigni.  
Baldwin de Lanoij, Lord of Mulambays.  
Peter de Baufremont of Cargni.  
Philip Lord of D'osteruant.  
john de Orequi.  
john de Croy Lord of Tours super Marne.   

〈…〉     

CHAP. 15.  
Knights of S. Michael.  
IN the year 1469. Lewis the xj. French King erected an order of Knighthood whereinto himself with others the most principal Peers of France did enter. It is said, the occasion which moved the King to entitle this Order with the name of S. Michael, was the memory of an apparition of that Saint upon the bridge of Orleans, when that City was besieged by the English, at which time lived a certain maiden called johan, a woman of so rare wit and valour in Arms, as was reputed more than a mortal creature, or rather some enchantress of singular knowledge.  
This Order is ornified with a great Collar, whereat the Image of S. Michael hangeth. The words thereon set, are these: Immensitremor Oceani.  
The Sovereign of this Order is the French King and his successors.  
The number of Knights to be elected into this Order is 36. But of late years that number hath been much increased, and thereby the order become of small reputation: yet it is said, that the great Collar and rob is bestowed only to that number, although the Michael be given unto many. Howsoever that be, sure it is, that th'intent of that King was to make choice only of the most noble personages of his own blood, and others, who for virtue and honour were accounted worthy: as by the first election appeareth: who were these.  

KIng Lewis the 11. Sovereign.  
Charles of Spain Duke of Vienna.  
john Duke of Bourbon and Avernus.  
Lewis de Luxemburg, Conte of S. Paul and Constable of France.  
Andre de Laual Lord of joheac, Marshal of France.  
john Conte de Sanserre Lord of the Forr●t and of Plessis Mace.  
john de Tonteville Lord of Castiglione.  
Lewis Bastard of Bourbon, Conte of Rosiglione and Admiral of France.  
Anthony of Chiabanes, Conte d'Ammartin, and grandmaster of the King's house.  
john Bastard d'Armignac, Count of Cominges Marshal of France, and Governor of Delfinato.  
George de Trimoville, Lord of Craon Seneshal of Vienna.  
Lewis Lord de Cursol, Seneshal of Poylon.  
Gilbert de Gabanes Lord of Croiton; Seneshal of Vienna.  
Taniqui de Castello, Governor of the Province of Rossiglioni and Sardenna.   
The rest of Knights to be chosen into this Order was deferred until the the next meeting.  
The place of assembly of these Knights, and where their Arms with other Ensigns of Knighthood should be preserved, was appointed to be the Church on Mount S. Michael.  
To this Order belongeth a Treasurer, a chancellor, a Register, and an Herald named Monsanmichaele.  
The feast ordained for these Knights was on Michaelmas day to be kept yearly.  
The Statutes appertaining to this Order, are to be seen in the book, entitled, Les Ordinances de France.  
In the reign of Henry the second French King, the habit of this Order of S. Michael was altered in manner following, as to this day is continued.  
First his doublet, hose, shoes, scabbard, with the band of his cap, & feather were all white. His surcoat of cloth of silver, with the sleeves on. Over that he wore a mantle of cloth of silver tied over the right shoulder, and turned up over the left, it was bordered about with a rich embroidery of cockles and knots; Over the right shoulder lay his hood of cloth of silver, spreading over his back, the tippet hanging before, and over all, the Collar of the Order of S. Michael.  
●mmanud. Philib●●tus 〈◊〉 Dux Precepts Pe●emontij Ord S. A●●un: ciation Equ● 〈◊〉 Fol. 8●.   

CHAP. 16.  
¶ Knights of the Annunciation.  
THis Order was also about the same time begun by Amedeo Count of Savoy, surnamed I● Verde, in memory of Amedeo the first Earl, who having valorously defended the Island of Rhodes against the Turks, wan those Arn●es which deservingly are now borne by the Dukes of Savoy, Viz. Gules a cross Argent. The Collar appertaining to this Order is made of gold, and on it these four letters engraven, F. E. R. T. which signifieth, Fortitudo eius Rhodum tenuit. At the said Collar hangeth a Tablet, wherein is the figute of the Annunciation.  
The Church appointed for ceremonies appertaining unto this Order, is called Pietra, within a Castle in the Diocese of Belleis, whereunto was given (at the foundation of this Order) certain lands for the sustentation of fifteen Chaplains.  
For continuance of this Order, at the time of the constitution were made many honourable ordinances to be kept by the Knights presently elected, and after to be elected. The chief of them are these following.  
First, that he the said Duke and his successor should be Lord and Sovereign of the said Order.  
That every brother and companion of the said Order should at all occasions favour, love, and maintain one the other: and also defend and protect his person & estate against every other person or persons whatsoever.  
That if any question or controversy should arise between two Knights, than they to submit the ordering thereof unto two or more of the fraternity, and after to observe the same unviolated.  
That for avoiding of suit in Law, whensoever any cause of Action was between the Knights, than the censuring thereof should be referred unto four other companions of the Order, to the end the matter might be determined without charge or expenses. And if the question depending were difficult, than the Knights that were to consult there of might call unto their assistance, two Doctors, m●n of approved honesty and understanding.  
That every Knight at his death should give towards the maintaining of the said Church an hundredth Florins to be delivered into the hand of the Prior for the time being.  
That at the death of every Knight the rest of the companions should assemble at the Castle of Pietra to bury the dead in good and honourable order, and every of the said Knights to wear a white gown, and so make their offering. Or if any of them could not be present, then with what convenient speed might be, to come thither after.  
That every Knight at his burial should give unto the Church a Collar, a Banner, his Armour, and coat of Arms, if he be a Banneret; or not being, he ought to give a Penon of Arms, a Collar, and coat of Arms. All which shall be offered on the day of entertainment at the Church in memory of the dead.  
That every Knight should at his own charges come unto the burial accompanied with two servants, and bring thither four great wax Candles or Torches, weighing one hundredth pounds.  

¶ After this Order of Knighthood was ordained at the Castle of Pietra the third of February Anno 1434. by Amadeo first Duke of Savoia, these Statutes were added.  
THat every Knight after the death of any of the brethren, should (during certain days) be appareled in black, and not wear the Collar for nine days next after the Knight's decease signified.  
That the Sovereign should at the burial offer up his collar.  
That every Knight in going to offer should proceed according to his ancienty without other respect.  
That no Knight should be received into the Order, that was a person noted for any dishonourable reproach: or if after he were received, any fault should be committed, then presently was forced to forego his collar, and never more to wear it, but return it unto the Soveragine within two months. And if he failed so to do, then to abide the censure of his companions, and by an Herald be summoned to send the collar unto the Sovereign, and be enjoined never after to wear it.  
That every Knight should be sworn to wear the Order daily and not to accept any other. Some other Statutes there are, which for brevity I omit.  
〈…〉  
Henricus Borbortius. ● Rex Francia et Nauarta● Ordin. S. Spiritus Eques Su●●●mus. F●l ●6.    

CHAP. 17.  
Knights of St Esprit.  
THE Order of St Esprit, was instituted by the right Christian King of France, and Poland, Henry the third of that name, containing a hundred and five Articles. This Knighthood was instituted in the year of grace 1578. and in the fifth year of his reign.  
It was called the Order of the S. Esprit, for that on the day, and feast of Pentecost, it pleased God (as they say) by the inspiration of the holy Ghost, to unite the hearts and wills of the Polish Nobility, at an assembly of Estates general of that puissant kingdom, together with the great Duchy of Lituania, to make choice of the said Henry for their King, and afterward upon the same day, and feast, to call and accept him to the rule and government of that Crown.  
In commemotation whereof with the advice & consent of the Queen his mother, the Princes of his blood, and other Prince's Officers of his Crown, and Lords of his Council, he instituted this Military Order of S. Esprit to be continued for ever, with all Ordinances and Statute therein mentioned irrevocable.  
The number of persons contained in the said Order are one hundred, besides the Sovereign, which is ever the King: in which number are comprehended four Cardinals, five Prelates, the Chancellor, Provost, Master of the Ceremonies, great Treasurer, and Scribe, who are called Commanders. So that never after for any cause or question whatsoever, the said number should be augmented, nor upon the vacation happening of any of the places of the said Cardinals, Prelates, or Officers, any other may be admitted to supply their room or service, unless he be a man of like quality and condition.  
The oaths, ceremonies, pensions, accounts, and other duties I leave to be seen in the printed book of the Order, where they are discoursed of at large: I only will set down the time of their feast, their Officers, the manner of their habits and solemn proceeding, as most fitting and pertinent to our purpose.  
Every year the feast of the Order is celebrated the first day of january, in the Church of the Augustine's in the city of Paris. And if for the public affairs of the Realm, the king in person can not be there present, than the feast is to be celebrated, where he shall personally be, and in the greatest Church, where he is to be assisted with the Cardinals, Prelates, Commanders, & other officers of the said Order, except any of them have commandment by the Sovereign to the contrary. And as they shall in number repair to the Court, they are to advertise the Provost of the said Order, to the end he may prepare their Escutcheons in the Church, where they are to solemnize their Ceremonies, which begin the Even of the said day, and where they all accompany the Sovereign from his Palace to the Church, as followeth, viz.  
The Vsner marcheth foremost, the Herald after the Viher, than the Provost, great Treasurer, and Scribe, the Provost taking his place between the two others. The Chancellor goeth alone, the Commanders two and two after their degrees. After whom proceedeth the Sovereign, or great Master, who is followed of Cardinals, Prelates, and other of the Nobility, being of the said Order. The said great Master, and Commanders are appareled with long Mantles, made after the fashion of those which are worn the day of S. Michael, of black velvet embroidered all about with gold and silver, the embroidery made of flowers de Liesse, & knots of gold, between their sundry ciphers, of silver, and flames of gold seamed.  
The said great Mantle is also garnished with a mantelet of green cloth of silver wrought over, with the same manner of embroidery of the great Mantle, and the said Mantle, and mantelet, are both lined with ●atin of Orange colour. They wear the said Mantle, turned up over the left side, and the opening over the right, according to the pattern, which is here expressed, their hose & doublets are white, their bonnets black with white plumes. Upon the said Mantles, they openly wear the great Colla● of the Order, which was given them at their reception.  
Touching the Officers, the Chancellor is invested as the Commanders, b●t that he hath not the great Collar: he weareth only the cross sowed before on his Mantle, and that of gold hanging at his neck by a blue ribbon. The Provost, great Treasurer, and Scribe, have also Mantles of black velvet, and mantelets of green cloth of silver, but they are onel● bordered about with flames of gold, having the cross sowed on their Mantles, and that of gold hanging at their necks. The Herald and V●her have Mantles of Satin, and Mantlets of green velvet, bordered with flames as those of the other Officers. The sa●de Herald shall carry the cross of the said Order at a Schuchion of Arms enamelled hanging at his neck. And the Usher the like cross, but somewhatlesse in form, than those of the other Officers.  
At their return from the Vespres, or Evensong, the Commanders and Officers, go to confession to be prepared for the Sacrament, which they are to take the next morning.  
The next day the Cardinals, Prelates, Commanders and Officers, accompany the Sovereign, in like Order and Habilement (as aforesaid) to the Church to hear a solemn Mass, where the Sovereign offereth as many crowns, as he is veeres old, and every Commander for himself one crown, which offerings are given to the Nou●ces of the Augustine's for their better entertainment and erudition.  
The service ended, they conduct the Sovereign to his palace, whereas the Cardinals, Prelates and Commanders, with the Chancellor of the Order, dine all at one Table. The Provost, Treasurer, Scribe, Herald, and V●her, at an other Table, and in a place apart.  
The hou●e of Vespres being come, the Sovereign, Cardinals, Prelates, Commanders, and Officers, by Order (as is said) wearing Mantles and mantelets of black cloth, except the Sovereigns which is of scarlet, or deep mortey, having the cross of the said Order sowed thereon, go to the Church to hear the Evensong.  
The Herald of this Order, called King of Arms, at his election making profession of that Religion, is known to be a man of good renown, grave, expert, and fit for such a charge. He hath 400. crowns of the sun yearly for his ordinary wages. He is bound to make abooke, in which are truly to be painted, the Arms and Crests of all the Cardinals, Prelates, Commanders and Officers of the said Order, and under their Arms their names, surnames, signiories, imulouments, and qualities. And for the same to be done, every one of the said Cardinals, Prelates and Commanders, are enjoined to give him a mark of silver at their reception. When occasion serveth that he is to denounce, or signify any message to any of the said Commanders and Officers, he is to report unto the Sovereign in open Chapter the answer which hath been made him, and what else he hath learned in his voyage, concerning the good, honour and service of the said Order.  
It is to be noted that this Herald or King of Arms hath nothing to do with the Order of S. Michael: for there is an express Officer for the same: nor either of them both are to meddle with any action of Arms, but such as may precisely concern their Orders. There are for the King's services (otherwise provincial Heralds which carry their names of the Pairedomes: as N●rmana●, Anjou, Britain, etc. They have a College at Paris, where they all meet at the assembly of the States general, otherwise they abide in their several Provinces.  
The Usher of the said Order assisteth the Ceremonies with a Mace, which he beareth on his neck, which is expressly made for the service of the Order: he hath 312. crowns of the Sun Per annum, which is paid him by the Threasu●er of the Order: his Office is also to keep the door at the chapters which are holden, as all other things that belong to his charge. Both the Herald and Usher when they are chosen take their oaths, and receive their eschuchion and cross at the hands of the Chancellor.  
These five Orders aforesaid, viz that of the Garter in England, that of the T●izon in Burgundy, that of S. Michael in France, that of the Annunciation in Saucy, and that of the S. Esprit last erected in France, be reputed most honourable, and are adorned with great Collars, in token they excel all other degrees of Knighthood.  
Godfredus Adelmar● Institut. Ordin: Tem: plariorum. Fol. 98.   

CHAP. 18.  
Knight's Templars.  
IN the year 1117. nine Gentlemen who happened to meet in the Holy land, (of which number was Godfredus Aldemaro Alexandrino, and Hugo de Planco de Paganus) among themselves determined to erect an Association or brotherhood. And being come unto jerusalem, they consulted upon the estate of that country, being informed, that in Zaffo (a town anciently appertaining to the family of Contareni in Venice) there remained many thieves that used daily to rob such Pilgrims as resorted unto the holy Sepulchre. They therefore resolved (as a service acceptable to God) to hazard their lives in the suppression of those robbers, whereby the way unto jerusalem might become secure. And because the Christian army was then employed in recovery of the Holy land, no order was taken for safe passage. To encourage these Gentlemen in so praisable an enterprise, a lodging in the Temple of jerusalem near unto the Sepulchre, was appointed; of which place they took the name of Knights Templars. Also the King and Patriarch much liking an action so honourable, furnished them with many necessary provisions. To them also resorted many other Christians, so as in short time the number became much increased: yet no habit, sign, or rule was agreed upon. Notwithstanding, the Gentlemen persisted in their vow nine years, and grew to so great reputation, that Pope Honorius at the suit of Steven Patriarch of jerusalem, prescribed unto them an order of life, whereby they were enjoined to wear a white garment; and Pope Eugenius added thereunto a red Crosse.  
After which time, they elected an head or great master, like unto him that commandeth in Malta. The number of these Knights daily increased, and their enterprises became famous: not only for guarding the way and passages, but also they undertook war against the Infidels, both by Sea and land. And the Christian Princes moved with love of their virtue, in sundry provinces assigned unto them houses and great revenues to be spent in God's service. In process of time they became so potent, as in every Christian kingdom they were owners of Towns, Fortresses, and Castles, and wheresoever the great Master did go, a mighty army did follow him.  
It pleased God afterwards to permit, that jerusalem and other places of the Holyland, through discord among the Christians, and negligence of Princes not sending thither any aid, was conquered, about ninety years   

CHAP. 19  
Knights of San jago.  
At such time as the Arabians had well near conquered the Country, the remainder of the Spanish people refusing to live under the Laws of that barbarous nation, retired themselves unto the mountains of Asturia, and there settled a government.  
After some years of their abode there, certain gentlemen consulting together, determined to make an association, and begin a war upon the infidels, and Moors. These gentlemen to the number of thirteen, being all Barons and men of great quality, agreed also upon certain religious rules of Knighthood, yet reserving unto themselves liberty of marriage.  
The Ensign which they resolved to wear was a red Cross in form of a sword.  
This Order was erected at such time as the King Don Ramiro wan the victory against the Moors in the province of Compostella, at which time great possessions and privileges were given to S. james of Compostella, Anno 1030.  
This Order hath one chief governor, who is called great Master: he with thirteen other Knights have authority to choose or remove any Knight at their discretion.  
Upon the feast day of all Saints these Knights do use to meet, and consult upon matters appertaining to their estate.  
The revenues belonging to these Knights is marvelous, amounting to many hundred thousand ducats.  
Many Popes have given their allowance to this Order, yet either they could not, or would not reserve a greater tribute thereof then ten Malachini yearly.  
Thomas Docwra Ordinis. S. johis. Hi●rosolom. vulgo de Malta. Pras. in Anglia. & Eques vlt. Folly 94.   

CHAP. 20.  
Knights of S. john jerusalem: called Knights of the Rhodes: and now of Malta.  
IT is written (I know not with what warrant) that at the City of Amiens in Picardy, a Province of France, there was borne a certain Gentleman, who in his childhood had been brought up in learning: and being grown to man's estate, disposed himself to the exercise of Arms, and there in long time continued. Afterwards having attained riper years, he despised the world, and framed himself to a solitary life, as one fully resolved to live in contemplation, unseen of any but God alone. Having sometime remained in that solitary sort, a sudden desire he had to visit the Sepulchre where Christ was buried, which shortly after he did. And to the end he might with security pass the Barbarous Nations, he appareled himself like unto a Physician; by which mean without impediment he performed his journey. Thus having passed the difficulties of travel in divers strange Countries, he arrived at jerusalem, and being there, fell into acquaintance with Simon, Patriarch of that City, and in lamenting wise informed him of the oppression and cruelty offered and daily used by the Infidels towards the poor Christians in those countries. Whereunto Simon answered, that albeit the Christians in those countries endured great outrages, yet they of jerusalem suffered much greater, and should be forced to more, if God did not defend them.  
By this conference, the Patriarch conceived Peter the Hermit (for so he was called) to be a man of good understanding, and apt to execute any action of importance, that should be committed unto him. Whereupon the Patriarch determined to make him a messenger unto the Pope, unto whom by letters he imparted the great calamity and afflicted estate of the poor Christians, inhabiting the Holy land.  
Peter having received his instructions, and letter of credence, returned into the West: first unto the Pope, and after solicited other Princes: in such sort, and with so good success, as by his persuasions, many great Kings and Potentates, consented to take in hand the recovery of the Holy land from the oppression of the Infidels, and some of them furnished that enterprise with men, some with money, and some did go in person. Among which number (as the chief) was Robert Duke of Normandy, son to King William of England, Godfrey Duke of Lorain, with two of his brethren called Eustace, and Baldwin, Robert Earl of Flanders, Hugh surnamed the Great, brother to the French King: with divers other Princes, Dukes, Earls and Barons. Also thither went Beaumond Duke of Calabria, who for zeal to that service (or desire of honour) resigned his Dukedom unto Ruggiero his brother, taking with him so many of his subjects as would voluntarily follow him, of whom (with such other Captains and soldiers of Italy as came unto him) he assembled more than twenty thousand, all choice men and young, fit for war.  
All things in this sort prepared for the journey, Vrban the second (than Pope) sent unto the Captains a white Cross, with commandment that all the soldiers should wear the like, calling that enterprise La cruciata. It is said that the Christians, as such time as this war was proclaimed in Cleirmont (a city of Auergna) endeavoured themselves universally to animate the soldiers, and joined in general prayer for their good success, giving them meat, apparel and furniture, unasked or required. Moreover, those that were indebted, were forgiven, and such as had been banished, were pardoned. The women also (contrary to their custom) willingly and with much joy consented their husbands and sons should pass in this enterprise, and for their furniture gave them their jewels, Chains, and money. The French King likewise sent them great treasure, and gave privileges to the soldiers lands and wives, in their husband's absence. And many great Princes, and other Lords sold and impawned their Patrimonies to further this action. So as the Army assembled for this holy enterprise, amounted unto three hundred thousand footmen, and one hundred thousand horse, who presently marched towards Constantinople, where they passed the Straight called Bosphoro Thracio, & landed at Calcedonia.  
For the first enterprise they besieged Nicaea in Bythinia, which within fifty days was yielded: and the fourth of july at the foot of certain mountains near unto that city, the Christians fought a battle with a Turkish Army, which in number exceeded ours, and thereat was present Solyman the Emperor of Turkey, but the Christians had victory, with the loss of two thousand men: of the Enemies were slain forty thousand.  
This victory gained, the Christians following their enterprise, within short time won an hundred cities and towns of account: and among them the great Antiochia, before which they begun the siege the twentieth of October, and took it the last of May following, where they found Corbona King of Persia, and Cassiano, Lord of Antioch. near unto that place in one other conflict were slain more than one hundred thousand Turks, with the loss of four thousand of ours.  
The cause of this victory was (in that time of superstition) imputed to the virtue of a bloody Lance found in Antiochia, which they supposed to be a spear wherewith Christ was wounded on the Crosse. It was also said, that the Turks did see (or imagine) another great Army coming against them from the mountains, conducted by three Captains mounted upon three white horses, the beholding whereof occasioned their flight.  
This victory being had, a Navy arrived from Genoa and from Venice. Also with them came certain ships conducted by one Vymer of Bullein in Picardy, a notable Pirate, who repenting his former like, determined to follow that honourable Action.  
The Christian forces thus increased, they marched towards jerusalem, and besieged it, & notwithstanding the city was of great force, yet by God's help, and the valorous adventure of the Christians, it was assaulted, and in the end yielded, Anno 1099.  
This City thus conquered, the said Peter (as the chief procurer of the enterprise) was highly honoured, and Godfrey Duke of Lorayn elected King of the Holy land.  
But to return to the Original of these Knights, I say, that somewhat before the Christians conquered the City of jerusalem, they had obtained of the Saracens leave to dwell near unto the Sepulchre of Christ, and there builded an house, calling it the Hospital of Christians, whither all other Christians daily resorted. After that, the number of Christians increasing, they builded another houses for women, calling it S. Mary Magadelens'. And at length they made a third house, calling it S. john Baptists, where for the keeping of good order they appointed an officer whom they called Rector.  
Some time after was elected to that fellowship, a governor called Gerardus, who commanded that he, with all others of that house, should wear a white Cross upon a black garment, which was the original of the Order, and ever since hath been used.  
Afterwards one other Rector or great Master was elected, whose name was Raimondus, to whom authority was given, that he should govern and command all Knights of this Order, where soever they were dispersed.  
Many years after these Knights conquered the Isle of Rhodes holden by the Turks, Anno 1308. which was the cause they were commonly called Knights: and divers princes seeing them martially inclined, gave unto them great lands and possessions: and they became greatly esteemed for their service, chief against the said Turks, and the Sultan, king of Egypt and jerusalem.  
The said Isle of Rhodes (during those Knights inhabited there) was four times assaulted, yet by God's help, and the valiancy of the Knights, it was defended Then Mahomet Otoman Emperor of Turkey, Anno 1480. with an excessive force of men, and an hundred Sail of Galleys (conducted by a Bassa borne in Greece, descended of the race of Paleologi sometime Emperors of Constantinople) did besiege it, but after 89 days of continual battery, they were forced to abandon the enterprise, and for their farewell, in the last assault, the Knights slew more than forty thousand Turks.  
But in the year 1523. in the month of januarie, the Turks again invaded the Island, and after three months Siege prevailed: for the rest of Christendom never vouchsafed them either aid or relief.  
Since the loss of Rhodes, these Knights have remained in the Island of Malta, and often defended it against the enemies of Christendom, but chief in the year 1565.  
The first erector of Statures and Rules for the government of these Knights, was the said Raymondus, calling himself, Raimondo di Poggio, servo dipoveri di Christo, e custode dello spidalle di San Giovanni Battista di jerusalem.  
No man might be received into this Knighthood, until he had proved his gentility, in presence of the great Master, and other Knights.  
Nor no man descended of a Moor, a jew, or Mahometan, might be admitted, although he were the son of a Prince.  
And every Knight of this order was sworn to fight for the Christian faith, do justice, defend the oppressed, relieve the poor, persecute the Mahometans, use virtue, and protect Widows and Orphans.  
divers other Articles there be: but for that they are full of superstition, I omit them.   

CHAP. 21.  
Knights of Calatrava.  
They were called Knights of Calatrava, of the province and place where they were made and settled, which was where anciently the chief Church of Templars had been, who not being of power sufficient to resist the Saracens, were forced to yield the place unto these Knights.  
The habit of these Knights is a black garment, and upon it in the breast is set a red Crosse.  
These Knights have also exceeding great possessions, and many commandries in divers places of Spain.  
Alphonsus Rex C●stili● Institut●r. Ord. Rubri Balt●i. vulgo. de la banda dict. Fol. 98.   

CHAP. 22.  
Knights of the Band.  
THis order was first erected by Alphonso King of Spain, son to Ferdinando and Queen Constanza in the year 1268. And to give the said Knighthood reputation and honour, the King himself with his sons and brethren vouchsafed to enter thereinto: with them were also admitted divers other gentlemen of best quality and greatest estimation.  
The cause that moved the King to name them, Knights of the Band, was, for that he commanded every man elected into the Order, should wear a certain red Scarf, or Lace of silk the bredeth of three inches, which hung on their left shoulder, & was tied under the right arm.  
No man might enter into this Knighthood, but such as the king did specially admit: neither was any person capable of that dignity, unless he were the son of a Knight or some Gentleman of great account, or at the least such a one as had served the King by space of ten years in his Court, or in the war against the Moors.  
Into this Order no Gentleman could be received being an elder brother, or an heir in possession or appearance, but only such as were younger, without land and liveload: because the King's intention was to advance the Gentlemen of his Court that had not of their own.  
At such time as any Gentleman was admitted a Knight, he promised to observe these Articles following, which I have thought good particularly to express, and the rather because they tend only to entertain the minds of men in the offices of Courage and Courtesy, without any mixture of superstition, whereof almost all other Orders in those days tasted.  
First, that he should speak unto the King for commodity of the commonwealth and the defence thereof, so often as he were thereunto required; and refusing so to do, shall forfeit all his patrimony, and be banished his country.  
That he should above all things speak the truth unto the King, and at every occasion be faithful to his Majesty.  
That he should not be silent whensoever any person should speak against the King's honour: upon pain of being banished the Court, and deprived of his Band for ever.  
That he should be no great speaker, and in speaking to utter the truth: but if he should say or affirm an untruth, then for a punishment, to in the streets without his sword, for one whole month.  
That he should endeavour himself to keep company with wise m●● and persons experienced in the war: for being found to converse wi●● merchants, artificers, or base people, he should be therefore greatly reproved by the great Master, and for one month be commanded to keep his house.  
That he should maintain his own word, and faithfully keep promise with his friends: and being found to do otherwise, to be enjoined to walk and go alone, unaccompanied of any other of the King's Court, & should not presume to speak or come near unto any other Knight.  
That he should always have good armour in his chamber, good horses in his stable, good lances in his hall, and a good sword by his side: or otherwise to be called Page, and no Knight, for one whole month.  
That he should not be seen mounted upon any Mule, or other unseemly hackney: neither walk abroad without his Band, nor enter into the King's palace without his sword, nor eat alone at home, upon pain to forfeit for every such offence, one Mark toward the maintaining of the Tilt.  
That he should be no flatterer of the King, or any other person, neither take delight in scoffing, upon pain to walk on foot for one month, and be confined to his house another month.  
That he should not complain of any hurt, nor boast of his own acts, nor in curing his wounds cry Oh: for if in vaunting wise he uttered any oftentatious speeches, he should be reproved by the great master, and let alone unvisited of all his companions.  
That he should be no common gamester, chief at the dice, nor consent that others should play in his house, upon pain to forfeit for every such offence, one months pay, and for one month and a half not to be seen in the Court.  
That he should not in any sort lay to pawn his Armour or weapons, nor play away his garments, upon pain to be imprisoned in his own house a whole month, and for two months following, to go without the Band.  
That he should be daily appareled in fine cloth, and on Holy days in silk, and on high feasts wear gold in his garments if he pleased, without being compelled so to do. But if he did wear buskins upon neither stocks of cloth, the great Master should take them from him, and give them in alms to the poor.  
That in walking either in Court or City, his pace should not be swift or hasty, upon pain to be reproved of his fellow Knights, and punished at the great Master's discretion.  
That he should not speak any thing unfit, or offensive to his fellow in Arms, upon pain to ask him forgiveness, and to be banished the Court for three months.  
That he should not commence or enter suit of Law against the daughter of any Knight, upon pain never to have Lady or Gentlewoman of the Court to his mistress or wife.  
That if he happened to meet with any Lady or Gentlewoman of the Court, he should forthwith alight from his horse, and offer her his service, upon pain to lose one months wages, and the favour of all Ladies.  
That if any Lady of honour required service at his hand, he refusing to do it (having power) should be called for ever, the discourteous Knight.  
That he should not eat alone, nor at any time feed upon gross meats.  
That he should not enter quarrel with any of his fellow Knights: or if any such disagreement did happen, that he nor any other Knight should make party, but by all good means seek to reconcile them, upon pain to pay a mark towards the charge of the next justs.  
That if any man not being of this Order, should presume to wear the band, that then he should be forced to fight with two Knights: but vanquishing them, should be also a Knight himself: and being vanquished, should be banished the Court, and never to wear the Band.  
That if at any justs or Tournaments in the Court, a Gentleman being not of the Order, should win the prize, than the King was bound forthwith to make him a Knight of the Band.  
That if any Knight of the Band did offer to draw his sword against any of his fellows: for so doing he should absent himself two months, & two other months wear but half his band. And if a Knight did hurt his fellow in Arms, he should be imprisoned one half year, and the next half year, be banished the Court.  
That no Knight for any offence should be punished or judged before he were brought to the King, and his pleasure signified.  
That he should be ever furnished to attend on the King, whensoever he went to the war: and if any battle were stricken, then ought these Knights jointly to give the charge: and if in any such service a Knight performed not his part, he should lose one years pay, and one other year wear but half the Band.  
That no Knight should be enforced to serve in any war, save only against the Infidels: Or attending on the King to any other war, to wear no Band: and if he served any other Prince in his war, he should lose the Band.  
That all the Knights should assemble three times a year to consult upon matters pertaining to the Order. The assembly was at such place as the King pleased to appoint, and there they awaited with their horse and armour; the first meeting was in April, the second in September, the last at Christmas.  
That all the Knights of this Order, should fight at the Turney at the lest twice every year, Just four times a year, play at the Canes six times a year, and manage horses every week. And who so failed to perform all, or any one of these Knightly exercises, should attend on the King one month without a sword, and one other month without a Band.  
That if the King did come to any city or town, that then the Knights within eight days after, should prepare a place for the justs and Tournaments: they should also exercise all other warlike weapons: and if any Knight were negligent in these things, he should be confined to his lodging, and wear but half the Band.  
That no Knight might remain in Court without a mistress, with intent to marry her, and not dishonour her, and whensoever she pleased to walk, he was to attend on her on foot or horseback, to do her all honour and service.  
That if any justs were holden within ten miles of the Court, every Knight to be there, under pain to go without his sword one month, and without his Band another.  
That if any of these Knights were married within twenty miles of the Court, all the rest should accompany him to the King to receive a gift, and from thence to the place of wedding to exercise feats of Arms there, and every Knight to present the bride with some gift.  
That the first Sunday of every month, all the Knights should show themselves armed before the King, ready to perform any action in Arms at the King's pleasure: for the King would not have them be only Knights in name, but in deed also.  
That in no Tournament there should be more Knights than thirty on one party, and so many on the other party, and that no sword should be brought into the place, but such as were rebated both of edge and point. And that upon the sound of trumpet, the fight should begin, and at the sound of the Clarions, every man to cease from fight, and retire, upon pain that who so failed, should never more enter into that combat, and be banished the Court for one month.  
That at every day of justs, each Knight should pass four Carieres, before four Knights appointed for judges, and they who broke no staves in those courses, should pay the charges of the justs.  
That if any Knight were sick and in peril of death, all other his fellow Knights should visit him, and exhort him to godliness. And if he died, to accompany his course to the grave. Also to mourn in black one whole month, and absent themselves from the Exercise of Arms, for the space of three months, unless the King should otherwise command.  
That within two days after such funeral, all the Knights should assemble, and present the Band of the dead Knight unto the King, making humble suit for some of his sons to succeed, if any of them were meet, praying it would please his Majesty to be good to the mother, that she might live according to her honourable calling.   

CHAP. 23.  
Knights of Alcantara.  
THese Knights living in effect under the ordinances and rules of the Calatraua, do wear a green Crosse.  
near unto the city of Alcantara, in Castiglia upon the River of Tago, they have a Church of great beauty endowed with rich possessions.   

CHAP. 24.  
Knights of Montesio.  
IN Valentia are the Cavalieridi Montesio, a place also seated in that Province.  
These Knights do wear a red Cross, and their order begun about the same time that the Knighthood of Calatrava took beginning.   

CHAP. 25.  
Knights of Redemption.  
Their garments are white, and thereon a black Crosse.  
The office of these Knights, is to Redeem Prisoners, whereupon they are called Caualieri del redentione.  
The chief governor of them remaineth at Barcelona.   

CHAP. 26.  
¶ The Original of the Knights Teutonici.  
The beginner of this Knighthood ' was a certain Almane, who after the taking of jerusalem by the Christians together with divers other of that Nation remained there. This Almain being exceeding rich and married, kept a frank and liberal house, relieving all passengers and Pilgrims that traveled to jerusalem: insomuch that his house became as an Hospital or place of ordinary access. At length he builded near unto it a fair Church, which (according to the use of that time) he did dedicated to our Lady.  
Not long after many Christians resorting thither, as well for love of the Christian Religion, as to visit the sick, they resolved to erect a fraternity, and having chosen a great Master to be governor, ordained that every man of that association, should be appareled in white, and upon their uppermost garment wear a black Cross, voided with a Cross potence.  
It was also agreed, that no man should be admitted into that order, save only Gentlemen of the Dutch nation: and they to protest at all occasions to adventure their lives in defence of Christ's Gospel.  
About 88 years after jerusalem had remained in the Christians hands, it was taken again from them by the Saracens in the year 1184 since which time it never was recovered. For which cause these Knights retired to Ptolemaida, where they remained.  
At length Ptolemaida, being also taken by the Saracens, they returned into Germany their natural country; where, after some short abode (as loathing rest and idleness) they went unto Frederick the second than Emperor in the year 1220, to let his Majesty understand, that the people of Prusia used incursions upon the confines of Saxony, adding that those people were barbarous idolaters without the knowledge of God, and therefore besought his Majesty to grant them leave to make war upon them at their own charges, yet with condition that whatsoever they gained, his Majesty would give the same to the maintenance of that Order.  
The Emperor allowing of that suit, presently granted them the country, and under his seal confirmed the gift.  
These Knights by this donation much encouraged, forthwith took Arms, and within short space subdued all that province, and then passed the river of Vistola, and conquered other people, who became their subjects, and were made Christians.  
Within short space after, these Knights builded divers Churches, and among the same Cathedral Temples, making them places of residence for Bishops, who were also enjoined to wear the habit of that Order.  
near unto the river Vistola was a great Oak, where these Knights builded the first Castle and Town, which with time was increased and called Borgo di Santa Maria, or Mareenburg, where is now the chief Church appertaining to this Order: there unto belongeth so great riches and revenues, as these Knights may both for men and money compare with divers Princes.  
This country of Prussia is great, and much thereof bounded by the river of Vistola: and is also confined by Sarmatia, the Massagets, and Polonia.  
These Knights are also Lords of Livonia, which was likewise by them brought to the faith of Christianity, & is with Christians inhabited.   

CHAP. 27.  
Knights of the Sepulchre.  
THis Knighthood is now extinct, or rather conjoined unto the Order of Malta.  
The Ensign belonging to these Knights, was two Red Crosses united.   

CHAP. 28.  
Knights of S. Mary.  
The habit of this Order was very pompous, and thereupon a red Cross wrought with gold round about.  
They were specially inhibited to wear gold in their spurs and horse harness.  
They made profession to fight against the Infidels, and all others that offended justice: notwithstanding they lived ever at home in rest, with their wives and children.  
They were commonly called Caualieri di Madonna: but because they lived continually in ease and pleasure, men termed them Fratri gaudenti: as much in our language, as Good fellow brethren. It may be some of them are yet extant.   

CHAP. 29.  
Knights of S. Lazaro.  
These Knights do profess to be obedient unto their great Master, and other officers of the Order: they promise also to live chaste, or at the least continent, and content with one wife. Also to be charitable, and liberal, chiefly to poor people infected with leprosy.  
Moreover, every Knight promiseth to wear a green Cross, and before they enter into this Knighthood must prove himself to be borne in lawful wedlock, and a Gentleman both by father and mother, and to bear Arms. Also that he is descended of ancient Christians, and no Morrano or Turk. That he hath of rent at the least 200 crowns, wherewith to maintain his dignity. That he and his ancestors have ever lived as Gentlemen, without use of any base or mechanical occupation. That he hath not been suspected of any notable evil fact, or is defamed for any vice. That he be not indebted, nor is wedded to any widow, or hath had more than one wife. But besides these passable protestations, he must undertake to say five and twenty Pater nosters, and so many ave Maria's, with other superstitious things not worthy the writing. This Order hath of late time been much favoured by the Dukes of Savoy.   

CHAP. 30.  
Knights of S. Stephano.  
The Statutes annexed to this Order, are not unlike to those appertaining to the order of Malta: saving that these have liberty to marry.  
The chief place of their resiance is the city of Pisa, where the Duke prepared them a Church, and builded for them a palace wherein to lodge. And because near to that City is a Haven fit to receive the Galleys wherein these Knights should serve, it seemed good to that Prince to settle them there.  
The Duke himself and his successors is Great master of this Order, and under him are divers other Officers of reputation.  
This is the last Order or degree of Knights, that I have seen or read of.    

THE THIRD BOOK. Concerning Combat for life, justs, Turnements, Triumphs and Inaugurations of Emperors, Kings and Princes.  

The Contents of this Book.  

THe Prooeme.  
Of particular Combats with their original. Ca 1.  
Whether Combats may be justly permitted. Ca 2.  
When and how Combats were in use. Cap. 3.  
What exceptions or repulses may move the defenders to refuse the Combat. Cap. 4.  
Whether a man of mean quality may challenge his superior. Cap. 5.  
What sorts of men may not be admitted to trial of Arms. 6.  
Who was anciently accounted victorious in Combat. Cap. 7.  
What was anciently due unto such men as were victorious in public Combat. Cap. 8.  
Of the disequality of Gentlemen. Cap. 9  
Of the quality and disequality of great Nobility, and the privileges due to all men professing Arms. Cap. 10.  
Of Arms offensive and defensive. Cap. 11.  
Of the Election of weapons. Cap. 12.  
Certain questions, opinions and judgements, upon accidents in trial and exercise of Arms. Cap. 13.  
Of honour gained or lost by being disarmed in sundry places, and sundry pieces. Cap. 14.  
Of honour gained or lost by hurts given or taken in Combat for life or triumph. Cap. 15.  
Of Combats ancient. Cap. 16.  
The order of Combats for life in England anciently recorded in the Office of Arms. Cap. 17.  
Of Triumphs ancient and modern. Cap. 18.  
Of Triumphs and their Original. Cap. 19  
Of the manner of Triumphing, and the habits of the Triumpher. Cap. 20.  
Of the divers quality of Triumphs in Rome. Cap. 21.  
In what Order the Romans triumphed. Cap. 22.  
Of other furniture and pomp appertaining to Triumphs in Rome. Cap. 23.  
Of the Triumphal going of Darius to meet Alexander the great. Cap. 24.  
The Triumphal entry of Xerxes K. of Persia into Greece, yet afterward forced for fear, to fly into his own kingdom. Cap. 25.  
Of Triumphs in Germany. Cap. 26.  
Of Triumphs at the interview of Pope Alexander, and the Emperor Frederick Barbarosa at Venice. Anno Dom. 1166. Cap. 27.  
An admirable Triumphal show at Venice, to congratulate the recovery of Cypress. Anno 1366. Cap. 28.  
A Triumph in the reign of King Richard the second, Anno 1590. Cap. 29.  
A Triumphal passage of Charles the v. Emperor through France. Anno 1540 Cap. 30.  
A triumphal entry of Philip Prince of Spain at Milan. Anno 1548. Cap. 31.  
A Military challenge in Italy. Anno 1555. Cap. 32.  
Of triumphal challenges in France. Cap. 32.  
Of one other Military action between five English gentlemen, and five French. Cap. 34.  
another like action. Cap. 35.  
another challenge of a French gentleman in Spain. Cap. 36.  
another notable challenge in France. Anno 1390. Cap. 37.  
another most noble challenge. Cap. 38.  
The triumphant interview of the Kings of England and France. Anno 1519. Cap. 39  
A triumph celebrated in France. Anno 1559. Cap. 40.  
A Military triumph at Brussels. Anno 1549. Cap. 41.  
The Inauguration of Carolus Magnus King of Italy Anno 773. Cap. 42.  
Carolus Magnus' Inauguration being made Emperor, Anno 1800. Cap. 43.  
The Inauguration of Pope Gregory the tenth. Cap. 44.  
The Inauguration of Henry the fourth King of England. Anno 1399. Cap. 45.  
The Inauguration of Charles the French King at Rheims Anno 1380. Cap. 46.  
At the Inauguration of King Henry the third French King, three notable things observed. Cap. 47.  
The Inauguration of Charles the fift. Cap. 48.  
Ceremonies appertaining to the delivery of Prizes at justs and Turnements. Cap. 49.  
Of justs and Turnements, and how the Accidents in such exercises are judged in the kingdom of Naples. Cap. 50.  
justs and Turnements how they were anciently judged by john Tiptoft Earl of Worcester, high Constable of England in the Reign of King Edward the 4. Cap. 51.  
Triumphs Military for honour and love of Ladies, brought before the Kings of England. Cap. 52.  
A triumph before King Edward the third.  
A triumph before King Edward the fourth.  
A triumph before King Henry the sixth.  
A triumph before King Henry the seventh.  
A triumph before King Henry the eight.  
Of like Actions in Arms since the Reign of Queen Elizabeth. Cap. 53.  
The Original occasions of yearly Triumphs in England. Cap. 54.  
The Author's conclusion.    

The Prooeme.  
ALbeit, in ages more ancient, Princes were sometimes pleased to admit private Combat and trial by arms: yet even then the laws determined, that no man of base calling could be allowed to fight with any Gentleman, or other person by long service or virtue become Noble.  
It behoveth therefore to know what Nobility and Gentility is. Be therefore informed that Nobility is (as some have defined it) ancient riches accompanied with virtuous qualities. Others affirm that riches (being of their own nature vile) cannot make men Noble; concluding that virtue alone sufficeth Bartholus saith, that virtue only maketh a man Noble, and riches is an ornament thereof.  
Others do think, that Nobility proceedeth from the ancient honour, fame and title of Predecessors: because (other wise) a bondman (being virtuous) might challenge that honour. Some also have thought, that as before God he is most Noble and worthy, unto whom he hath given most grace, even so is he most Honourable among men, whom Princes or laws have advanced unto dignity. Howsoever it be, most sure it is, that no man giveth unto himself any title, but it behoveth him to receive it from others. Therefore Bartholus concludeth that to be made Noble, it is requisite the Prince should bestow some sort of dignity, office, or title upon the person that is ennobled, to the end he may be known from other men. But our opinion is, that men may be reputed Noble by three means. First by nature or descent of Ancestors, which is the vulgar opinion. Secondly for virtue only, which the Philosophers affirm. Thirdly by mixture of Ancient Noble blood with virtue, which is indeed the true and most commendable kind of Nobility. For seeing man is a creature reasonable, he ought be Noble in respect of his own virtue, and not the virtue of others, which moved Ulysses to say unto Ajax, boasting of Ancestors, Et genus, & Proavos, & quae non fecimus ipsi, Vix ea nostra voco. etc.  
But for manifestation that natural Nobility mixed with virtue, is most true and perfect, thus may it be proved. The Almighty hath created all things, both in generality and speciality, with a certain excellency and bounty, one more perfect than the other, one noble, another ignoble. For among stones some are precious, others of no virtue, & of the better sort of them, some more or less precious: Even so among living creatures, both in generality & speciality, we find some courteous and gentle, others rude and uncivil. Much more is the difference of nature in men, among whom the eternal God hath dispensed his grace, to some more, and to some less, according to his divine will and pleasure. Wherhfore they seem to err much, that think Gentility in nature hath no force, when experience proveth that of one race we see wise, just, valiant, and temperate persons. Yet because in ordinary observation we find, that neither the horse of excellent courage doth always beget another of like quality, nor that the virtuous man hath ever children resembling himself, we do not (having proof of their degeneration) esteem the one or the other: as Juvenal saith, 
Malo Pater tibi sit Thersites, dummodo tu sis  
Aeacidae similis, Vulcaniaque arma capessas,  
Quà m te Thersitae similem producat Achilles.   
Seeing then that either by nature, nurture, or endeavour, some men are more virtuous than others, therefore ought they be reputed more Gentle, Noble and worthy honour, then are those which are void of noble Ancestors, good education and industry. No rule is so general or certain, but sometime receiveth exception. Yet appeareth it, that Nature in her own operation doth seldom digress from the order thereof. The Falcon never (or very rarely) bringeth forth other bird than a Falcon. The Greyhound engendereth a whelp like unto himself. Nevertheless, if either that bird in shape resembling her Dame, hath not in her like virtue: or that whelp doth prove in delight, divers from his Sire, they thereby become either contemned, or little esteemed: Even so is it among men descending from Ancestors of honour and virtue: for if neither by celestial grace, nurture nor endeavour they aspire unto the habit of virtue, then become they thereby unfit for all public action, unprofitable to themselves, and consequently disdained, or at the least, lightly regarded, what Pedigree, Arms, or Badges soever are to warrant their Ancient Nobility Wherhfore eftsoons concluding I say with the Poet, 
Tota licèt veteres exornent undique cerae  
Atria, nobilitas sola est atque unica virtus.  
Paulus aut Cossus aut Drusus moribus esto.  
Hos ante effigies maiorum pone tuorum  
Praecedant ipsas illi te consule virgas.  
Dic mihi Teucrorum proles, animalia muta  
Quis generosa putet nisi fortia? nempe volucrem  
Sic laudamus equum, facili cui plurima palma  
Feruet, & exultat rauco victoria circo  
Nobilis hic, quocunque venit de gramine, cuius  
Clara fuga antè alios, & primus in aequore pulvis.    

CHAP. 1.  
Of particular Combats, with their Original.  
THe Grecians called a private fight Monomachia, and the Law Civil Duellum, (as it were) the fight of two persons. The first use thereof was among the Mantineians in Greece: where they that entered into such Combats, did for the most part appear in pompous apparel, with feathers, and other ornaments of great magnificence. Those fighters also used Emblems and Emprezes'. This kind of fight seemeth very ancient: for Homer and Virgil make thereof mention.   

CHAP. 2.  
¶ Whether Combats may justly be permitted.  
THe Popes of Rome have long since inhibited all Combats. The Laws Civil also do seem to reject that kind of trial. Yet is it reasonable, that a martial man justly challenged, should (without offence) appear in the field, and with sword in hand defend his honour: for by law of Nations it is lawful he may so do. Yet ought he not (without licence) to fight within his own Prince's dominion, if without loss of reputation he may do otherwise. And in the Roman state (without the Magistrate's allowance) the law did absolutely forbid such fight. Therefore as without licence combat was unlawful in Rome, so was it with the Prince's permission avowable: for by such warrant Valerius corvinus, Marcus Torquatus, and others did fight.  
We read also that Princes themselves, contending for kingdoms, by that mean (to avoid effusion of blood) have determined their right: whereof we have ancient examples, as the combat of Charles Duke of Anjoy and Peter of Arragon, contending for the Isle of Sicil; of Corbis & Osua brethren, upon their title to Carthage; of the Duke of Bohemia and the Duke of Lancaster: and in holy Scripture, of David and Goliath.   

CHAP. 3.  
¶ When and how Combats were in use.  
ALbeit the laws both Canonical and Civil have inhibited Combats, yet by use and ancient custom (in some countries) they were permitted; chief among the old Lombard's. For whensoeur matters of great importance had been duly examined, and the truth could not appear otherwise then by God's judgement; in such cases the combat was granted: yet with this caution, that the combatants were first sworn, that without fraud, and for trial of truth, the same should be performed.  
The matters of those combats were chief these.  
If a man were accused of treason.  
If a reconciled enemy did break his vow.  
If a man for desire of inheritance, were charged to murder his father.  
If a man were touched with adultery: or a woman accused to procure her husband's death.  
These and some other doubts, moved the Lombard's to grant combat, if by other just proofs the truth could not appear: neither doth it seem barbarous or unseasonable in those cases, to admit combat. This custom the Frenchmen also (with little difference) approved: as it appeareth by a constitution of King Philip the Fair, yet extant in these words: Siquis occulti criminis capitalisque reus sit, atque ita de eo constet, ut quaecstioni subijci possit, condemnari non possit, is arbitratu accusatoris duello experiatur. Since those days combats have been more considerately granted in Italy, for the people of that Nation (being jealous of their honour) upon light occasions (and almost for every lie) would resort unto a Prince for security and licence, for combat.   

CHAP. 4.  
¶ What exceptions or repulses may justly move the Defender to refuse the Combat.  
AChalenger may be refused in respect of his person, being known a man wicked or infamous. For as it is not reasonable, that any man of good fame should hazard himself to fight with him that is infamous; so a general rule it is, that no man of so vile quality shall bear Arms. Unlawful also it is, and forbidden by law, that any murderer, these, or other vicious person should be allowed to accuse or fight with any gentleman or other person of reputation Quid saith, Nulla lex iustior quamnecis artifices arte perire sua.  
Of no better estimation ought he be that is a fugitive, a seditious person, a traitor, a forsaker of the Army, a perjured man, a traitor to his master or friend, a bawd, or noted of any crime, that is accompanied with infamy.   

CHAP. 5.  
¶ Whether a man of mean quality may challenge his superior.  
FOr answer to this question, I will use the opinion of joannes jacobus Triwltius, who being Colonel general of the French Kings forces, hearing a man at Arms to refuse the challenge of a foot soldier, said that he ought not, because every soldier being enroled, and in the King's pay, is reputed a gentleman: quontam ex militia oritur nobilitas. Every small disequality ought not make difference chief where God is judge: before whom is no difference of persons. Moreover if that exception were generally admitted, no challenge should be at all, because none, or very few are equal; for some are honourable, as they that have received dignity from the Prince: other are gentlemen, whose title the Arms of their Ancestors do warrant. Others for vertuc have deserved same, and are reputed noble. Plancus and other ancient writers do say, that Nobilis est, quasi notus. Hardly therefore are gentlemen found, that by all these means can warrant their Nobility. Better it is therefore to justify honour by Arms, then incur suspicion of vilety, or stand upon curious points of pedigrees. What good could Plancus have, when puffed with pride, he boasted himself to descend of the high house of Drusis. And Juvenal saith: Nobilitas veraest atque unica virtus.  
Much doubt hath also been made, whether a man of meaner title may challenge a greater: as when an Earl challengeth a Duke, whether lawfully he may so do. Of this matter divers men have thought diversly. Paris the doctor saith, That a gentleman borne, and of three descents, may fight or challenge a Duke upon any injury to him done. The reason thereof is, That a Duke offering injury, maketh him to whom it is offered his equal, and able to encounter him in Arms, which otherwise he ought not be.  
But this opinion the Lawyers of later time do not allow. For as in controversy criminal, persons illustrious, and of great title, may answer by Proctor, so may they in combat appear by Champion.  
Otherwise it ought be, where both the Challenger and Defender be Illustri and titular personages; for in that case, although they are not even of one degree, yet being both Noble, the greater Lord cannot refuse to fight with the inferior. For which reason an Earl may not be repulsed by a Marquis, or a Duke, because they are both Right honourable, though of divers title. Yet is it not fit, that private Gentlemen or Barons should challenge a great Marquis. A Gentleman of three descents, and such a one as hath employed his life in Arms, ought not be refused to fight with men of worship, because the inequality of their dignities is not great: and such is the opinion of Paris.   

CHAP. 6.  
What sorts of men ought not be admitted to trial of Arms.  
FOrasmuch as the trial of Arms appertaineth only to Gentlemen, and that gentility is a degree Honourable, it were not fit that any persons of meaner condition, should thereunto be admitted. Wherefore, as the judges of civil trials do ordinarily reject the testimony of such as are accounted infamous, even so in Martial trial, a person honourable ought not by men of base quality be accused: for how can he charge another with any crime, that hath himself committed an offence against his own reputation?  
It hath been therefore ordained and determined, that no man having committed treason against his Prince or Country, shall be admitted.  
He also may be repulsed that hath had intelligence or conference with the enemy of his Prince or Country, or that being taken of them, doth there remain, having means to return unto his Prince's service.  
He that becometh a Spy, or explorator for the enemy, or that taketh an oath against his Prince, or that taketh a Prince's pay and departeth before he hath served the full time.  
He that abandoneth the Army of his Prince, and fleeth unto the enemy, or being discharged, doth go unto the Enemy in the time of skirmish or fight, shall be reputed as infamous, and also a Traitor.  
He that abandoneth the Ensign of his Prince or Captain, or that either by day or night shall maliciously departed from the place of his charge about his Prince's person, or in the camp.  
Among these we will account all thieves, beggars, bawds, victuallers, persons excommunicate, usurers, persons banished the Army, and every other man exercising an occupation or trade, unfit and unworthy a Gentleman or Soldier.  
Finally, whosoever is defamed of any notable crime, or is by the law of the land not admitted to bear witness, may be numbered among them that lawfully are repulsed: these men I say, challenging any Gentleman or soldier, ought not only be refused, but of every honest persons to be abhorred, because in fight with men of such condition, a man of good reputation doth equll himself unto persons utterly unworthy. Yet true it is, that whosoever repulseth a person for cause of infamy, must assuredly know, that he hath been for such crimes condemned, or at the least the same is a thing so notorious, as the party repulsed cannot deny it. But if any such infamous man be challenged by a Gentleman or soldier, he may not after be refused, unless that after challenge, he committeth some infamous fact, which is to be observed aswell in the challenger as the defender.   

CHAP. 7.  
Who was anciently accounted victorious in Combat.  
AT such time as combats were in use, by permission of Princes, and publicly performed, the order was thus. If the Challenger did not vanquish the Defender in the day of fight, before the Sun setting; he himself was judged vanquished, and could not after challenge any other Gentleman. This victory, and this privilege is only due unto the Defender: all other favours were common to both the fighters.  
The next kind of victory was, when any of the Combatants did yield unto his enemy, either by confessing himself not able to defend, or yielding himself prisoner, or when he uttered any other speech tending to submission.  
The third was, when any of them did expressly deny, or unsay that he affirmed, or repent the words whereon the quarrel did grow.  
Fourthly if he did run away, and abandoned the lists or field, where the fight was to be performed. And this was the most base and dishonourable sort of vanquishment.  
He was also without victory and vanquished, that was slain within the Lists or seld: yet was that sort of vanquishing lest dishonourable, though by ancient custom no man slain in public combats should be buried among Christian bodies.   

CHAP. 8.  
¶ What was anciently due unto such men, as were victorious in public Combats.  
ALbeit I am not ignorant, that this discourse is little or nothing pertinent to private Combat or quarrel; yet for that it concerneth a matter pleasant unto us, and glorious for those that have been victorious, I will briefly set down what was due by ancient order of Arms, unto such Gentlemen as in public combat were victorious.  
Whosoever was vanquished within the Lists, was the prisoner of him that did vanquish. To him also was due all Arms, both offensive and defensive, garments and horse, with all furniture brought thither, either for ornament or use.  
The person of him that was vanquished, was by honourable custom given unto the Prince of the place, or else unto some other Prince whom the vanquisher served or loved: but this was done by use, not of duty.  
The vanquished also might be compelled to pay the charges of the vanquisher:  
The vanquished might be forced to pay ransom, no less then if he had been a prisoner of the war. But if the prisoner did serve the vanquisher, the space of five years, in services meet for a Gentleman, then was he set at liberty without payment. And if in the mean time he were employed in any base action or service unworthy his degree, than was it lawful for him to escape and break prison: Or if it happened that during the imprisonment, any land or other wealth did come unto him, yet was it not lawful for the victor to increase the ransom.  
If the victor did die within the time that the vanquished was a prisoner, then should his heir have the same title and interest.  
If a prisoner was suffered to go at liberty upon his faith, he did or ought in any wise return, being called, unless the victor in the mean time did become a Traitor to their common Prince, or were excommunicate, or that between them were some new enmity, for in those cases, it was lawful not to return.  
If being in this sort at liberty, he happened to become a Prince, or a Lord, than was he not bound to return, but pay ransom only.  
If during the time of imprisonment, he were not well used, he was likewise excused: yet did he pay a convenient ransom.  
If the prisoner did happen to save his taker from any great peril, during the imprisonment, than was he, by law, forthwith set at liberty.   

CHAP. 9  
Of disequality among Gentlemen.  
OMitting to speak of Emperors, Kings, and Lords of great title, Let us only remember what order was anciently observed when one Gentleman or soldier happened to challenge another.  
It behoveth therefore to consider, that every Gentleman either he hath office, or he hath none. If he hath office, as government of countries, Towns, embassage, or command in the war, than his authority or employment doth continue for time, or life. In which case the custom was anciently thus.  
If an Officer for time were called to answer by arms, than did he defer the Combat until the expiration of that Office.  
If this Office were for life, and his quality superior to the Challenger, than did he fight by Champion.  
If the Officer challenged were not superior, then did he ask leave of his Sovereign and fight. But if he could not obtain licence, yet did he appear in person, and with arms answer his enemy, for (in those days) the obligation of honour was preferred before all other respects.  
Whosoever was borne Noble (under which word is comprised all sorts of Gentlemen) then were they ever reputed equal. Yet note here, that a Gentleman borne, is he, who hath his descent from three degrees of Gentry, both of the mothers and father's side. So saith Paris.  
If the Office or authority of the defender were such as ought to command the Challenger, then might he fight by Champion.  
A Gentleman of any Noble house (not having jurisdiction or commandment) might in those ages be challenged by any other private Gentleman. And because the profession of arms is honourable, an old soldier without reproach, was accounted a Gentleman.  
Ascholler also having taken degrees of school, was not denied the title of Gentry.  
A simple soldier of honest same, might fight with any corporal, Sergeant or other Officer, (the Captain excepted)  
Every Captain might challenge another Captain, unless their charges were such as the one did command the other. And this rule served through all degrees of soldiers. Yet men of arms being the most honourable soldiers, might not be refused to fight with any private Captain of footmen, being of equal birth and authority.   

CHAP. 10.  
¶ Of the equality and disequality of great Nobility, and of the privileges due to all men professing Arms.  
A King uncrowned may lawfully challenge a King crowned, unless the King uncrowned be unlawfully aspired, or a tyrant. The number of Christian Kings are 14. of whom only four were anciently crowned by the Pope, that is, the French King, the King of England, the King of jerusalem, and the King of Sicil. All the other Kings were crowned by their own Prelates. Thus saith Paris.  
An Earl being a Prince absolute, and not subject unto the Empire, or any other Potentate, may refuse to fight with any person being a subject notwithstanding he hath the title of Prince, Duke or marquess. Here is to be noted, that these titles of honour were at the first given in office, as the title of Duke was proper unto him that was a General of the Army. A marquess was he unto whom the confine or marches of a country or kingdom was committed. An Earl or Count was a judge or commander in peace, and of them in the ancient emperors service were divers, as the Countess Palatine were as stewards of the Emperor's house, of his court, or stable, and every of them might challenge any Prince, Duke, or marquess being a subject, because they are in respect of subjection, reputed none other then Barons.  
A Gentleman well borne, and descended from Parentage of four degrees, may fight with any Earl or Baton, in case of treason to his Prince or Country, and also murder and infidelity: because they are (besides their dignity) none other then Gentlemen, and Gentility or Nobility is hereditary and cannot be taken away, but dignity may. But in other quarrels of less importance, the Earl in respect of his dignity, may fight by Champion, but in the cases aforesaid he shall fight in person, unless he be aged, lame, or otherwise disabled.  
A Captain General of an Army Imperial or Royal, may not be challenged by any Gentleman or Lord, neither aught the governor of and City, Town, or Castle, because no public commandment may be abandoned for private respect. The like is to be understood of Ambassadors, who in regard of the place they hold, may (during their commission) repulse the challenge of any Gentleman or other subject whatsoever.  
A Soldier basely borne, having lived in continual exercise of Arms by the space of ten years, without committing any disobedience, or other reproachful act, ought be admitted to fight with any Gentleman borne.  
A Gentleman, who either by his own fault or his ancestor, hath committed any treason against his Prince, may be repulsed to fight with any other Gentleman, unless the said offender or his ancestors were restored in blood, or is in descent three degrees from the ancestor that was attainted.  
A Gentleman that is known Spy for the enemy, or bewrayeth the secrets of his own Prince's camp, abandoneth his ensign, or committeth any other military offence, may be repulsed to fight with every other gentlemen of good fame and reputation. And by ancient custom, men blotted with such a note, might not live in any City or Town where the Emperor or other Prince remained.  
A Gentleman that hath made profession of Arms, by the space of twenty years in the Court or Camp of his Prince, without infamy or reproach, may (not withstanding he be dismissed, retired, or cassed) fight with any other Gentleman that liveth in present pay.  
A Gentleman having aspired unto any title or dignity, and is either in respect of age or infirmity retired to his own house, ought nevertheless to enjoy all his honours, and shall be ever (unless he commit some dishonourable fact) reputed worthy the honour he received in Court or camp, and fight with any other Gentleman whatsoever.  
An Artificer following the camp, and exercising his Artor Mystery (notwithstanding he be also in pay) may be repulsed to fight with any private Soldier that maketh particular profession and exercise of Arms.  
No man under the degree of a Gentleman, ought be received or allowed for a man at Arms on horseback: for by the Imperial laws the Regiment of Lances was called Equestris ordo, and they whom we call light Horsemen, were named Celeri.   

CHAP. 11.  
Of Arms both offensive and Defensine.  
IT hath been before said, that by the law of Lombardie, every Combat (unless upon quarrel of infidelity) should be tried with shields and staves, and with no other weapon. But the matter of their Combats was only for trial of truth, without respect of honour. Howsoever it were, besides that custom must be received for law, it seemeth to me that either in public or private fight, such weapons ought be used as are commonly worn of Gentlemen and others professing Armes. And touching Arms defensive, it hath been also the use, that as they are thought allowable in war and all general fights, so in particular trial of Arms, they ought not be rejected, because fortitude accompanied with prudence is much the more commendable, seeing he that unwisely or inconsiderately adventureth himself, is not to be reputed valiant, but furious: neither is he accounted valiant, that without counsel or cause, delighteth in dangers, but he that never doth shun any generous action, tending to public benefit, or his own private reputation. And Aristotle saith, that a valiant man doth neither fear all things, nor dare do all things. For these respects it hath ever been thought fit, that in particular Combats, the Fighters should be allowed Arms defensive, and not perform the same naked, and utterly disarmed, with swords and daggers only, as is in this part of the world now used. And sith the peril of life is no less in particular then in public fight, it seemeth very reasonable that defensive Arms should be allowed, yet so as both the challenger and defender be equally armed and weaponed, which in truth ought be at the election of the defendant, as heretofore hath been discoursed. But because the custom of the land is, and happily also law forbiddeth that any man should be armed save only in the war, I think no Gentleman ought to refuse to fight disarmed. And here will I not omit to remember an abuse which hardly is discontinued, I mean that some English gentleman are so obstinately addicted to custom, as notwithstanding they do themselves enter quarrel and be challengers, yet will they use that sort of weapon only which please themselves. An opinion contrary unto reason, and the use of all other people, as though ancient use made that weapon only allowable, which reason will also prove vice as good as virtue, because it is no less ancient.   

CHAP. 12.  
Of the election of Weapons.  
FOr good and reasonable causes, many advantages are due unto him that is challenged, because he being accused and constrained to fight, just and true reason willeth that he should enjoy all honest favour. It hath been therefore well determined, that whosoever is defender, doth sufficiently acquit himself, and ought be reputed victorious, if he be not victored. But on the other side, he that challengeth, must not only escape to be vanquished, but also vanquish his enemy: for otherwise he shall be reputed as victored, and lose the quarrel. Which seemeth very reasonable, because his office is to prove: But the defender is not bound to more than defend.  
Another favour also appertaineth to the defender, which is, the election of the weapon, because, if another man will voluntarily call me to trial of the sword, the choice of the weapon ought of right to be mine. Yet true it is, that no defender ought to make election of other Arms either defensive or offensive, than such as are lawful, and worn ordinarily by gentlemen and Soldiers. Therewith also is to be observed, that if the question whereupon the Combat or fight groweth may be decided by civil trial, that then no trial of Arms ought be enterprised. Much more also may be added touching the equality or disequality of the persons that enter into fight, and likewise of the Arms aswell defensive as offensive: but because public Combats are now almost generally forbidden, and in this land most rarely used, I speak only of those things which are to be known for the performance of private Combat and fight between particular gentlemen.   

CHAP. 13.  
Certain questions, opinions, and judgements, upon accidents happening in trials and exercise of Arms.  
IF two men at Arms do covenant to fight on horseback, and run ten courses with sharp Lances, and that he who worst performeth those courses, should be judged victored and prisoner to the other: It happeneth that at the second course, the one of them falleth from his horse, and suddenly recovering to horseback offereth to perform the rest of the courses. The question is, whether it be lawful for him so to do, or by the fall be reputed a prisoner? Whereunto is answered, that in a challenge for life and death, no man ought be accounted vanquished unless he be slain, or forced with his own mouth to yield, or deny those words whereupon the quarrel groweth: yet otherwise it is, when the challenge or Combat is for honour only, love of Ladies, or exercise of Arms, because in that case notwithstanding the Runners be determined upon a certain number of courses, yet if at the first, or after (before those courses be all performed) any of them do fall, he that receiveth the fall shall lose the honour, and the other depart with victory.  
Two gentlemen being come into the field to fight for life, the one in fight happeneth to fall, the other presently sitteth upon him, and saith, Yield thyself; He that lieth under, saith like words, and therewith woundeth his enemy lying upon him, who feeling his grief mortal, striketh the other in the throat. He that was first fallen, ariseth and walketh, shortly after they both die. The question is, which of them ought to be judged victorious. Albeit no dead man can require judgement of victory, yet to the of them ought receive most honour.  
Hereunto may be said, that the hand being a member most necessary for fight, and placed much higher than the leg: therefore the loss thereof is of more importance, and consequently dishonourable. On the other side is alleged, that seeing the leg is of as great necessity, so as without it he is disabled to serve either on horse or foot: therefore he who becometh hurt and lame in that part, receiveth most dishonour; and the more, for that no Art can supply that want, as in the hand it may. But I refer the true deciding of this doubt unto the wise and learned reader.  
Two Gentlemen come to fight for life: the challenger being left handed is maimed on that hand, the other being right handed looseth it. Which of them ought receive most dishonour?  
It seemeth that in this case the losses and harms are equal: for he who was left handed, being maimed on that side, is deprived of that hand which he used chief, and was no less apt for him, than the right hand is unto the enemy. And sith it is the office of the Challenger not only to maintain, but also offend and prove in not doing more to prejudice the defender, than that harm himself receiveth: therefore the challenger (although he looseth but a left hand) is in this case most dishonoured. Yet because the exercise of these men's hands were of like necessity, I think (under correction) the judgement ought to rest as indifferent.  
Two Gentlemen in performing a combat on foot, are hurt in places equal: the question is, whether of them is victorious.  
We have in the former question said, that where two fighters be equally hurt, the challenger should departed with dishonour, because he hath not proved that which he took in hand, which is to vanquish the defender: therefore the drawing the enemy's blood, and the manner thereof is to be considered. If then the one be hurt on the right arm, and the other on the left, it may seem there is none advantage: for as the right hand is apt to offend in fight, so the left hand is no less fit to defend. Notwithstanding, for that the use of the right hand is both more necessary and ordinary, he who is hurt thereof, aught to be adjudged unto most dishonour, chief in combat for life. For in the exercise of Arms for honour only, the judgement ought lie dead, or else he shall be thought victorious that most manfully performed his part, or that regardeth least the wound, or that most cunningly doth handle his weapon. The quality of the hurts is also to be considered, which of them is more or less mortal; likewise which member is more or less to be regarded.  
Four Gentlemen determined to fight on horseback for trial of truth and life, did enter into the Lists: the one party do both charge one of the adversaries reputed a man of small force, yet valiantly defending himself, did hurt one of the assailers: and his companion seeing the matter so handled, suddenly dismounteth, and with his Lance woundeth the other of his enemies in the back, and forceth the one of them to deny his words: he that denied, fleeth out of the Lists, persuading his fellow being first hurt to abide there, saying it was more honourable to die within, then without the Lists. He who forced the enemy to flee, pursued him, but not able to take him, a question was moved, which party ought be accounted victorious, because on either party one was hurt, and the other two went out of the Lists without licence of the judge. Whereto may be said:  
That he who denied, aught with his companion to lose the honour: for albeit one of the enemies did also leave the Lists, yet his intent therein was to pursue his foe being fled thence: and forsomuch as the combat was for matter of treason, it sufficeth not only for the victorious to vanquish the enemy, but also to bring him into the power of the judge to be punished. And it is plain, that seeing of the one party one was hurt, and the other fled, they ought to be judged to lose all honour, and be condemned as guilty of that whereupon the quarrel was moved.  
Seven Gentlemen do compound with seven other, to run certain courses at the Tilt for honour and love of Ladies: in which match, it happened that five of the one party did commendably acquit themselves, but the other two of that side were overthrown. On the other side, two only performed their courses well, and the rest of that company exceeding evil, losing many Lances, and running very foul: whereof a question grew, whether unto five well doers, and two evil, or unto two well doers with five evil, the honour ought to be allotted.  
Albeit in this case much may be spoken: yet for that the question is not of any particular man's merit, but which party in general performed best the enterprise, it may be alleged, that the party wherein were most weldoers ought to have the honour, notwithstanding the fall of two of their companions: yet for so much as the fall from horseback by the enemy's force or virtue is most reproachful, it seemeth that the misadventure of two men only, may reasonably be the loss of honour to all the rest. And therefore we leave the judgement of this doubt unto wise men, better experienced in Arms.  
Two gentlemen being in combat for life, the Challenger taketh the sword of the Defender from him, notwithstanding the Defender most valiantly defendeth himself with his arm and hands all the whole day, during which time he could not be forced either to deny, yield, or be slain. A question thereupon arose, whether of them was victorious.  
Forasmuch as this Combat was for life, and that in every fight of such nature, no victory is fully gained until the Defender is slain, or else forced to yield or deny; it seemeth that he is not to be judged guilty, not having done any of these, although his sword were lost, which indeed in all martial exercises, and feats of Arms is a thing much to be discommended. But most certain it is, that in all Combats and actions, for honour, love, and praise only, whosoever loseth his sword, must presently also lose the honour and victory.  
Two Gentlemen fight for life within the Lists, the one yieldeth himself a prisoner. Whether may the Prince of the place (who in combat is elected a judge) save the life of him that is vanquished. Hereunto may be answered:  
That albeit every prisoner appertaineth unto his taker, yet hath it commonly been used, that the victorious have presented their prisoners unto the Prince, to be disposed at his good pleasure, who in recompense thereof, do use according to the magnanimous minds of such persons, not only to pay the charges of the victorious, but also in sign of clemency and mercy, set the infortunate prisoner freely at liberty. As did the noble King Edward the third of England, unto john Visconti, who in his presence was vanquished by Thomas de la March base son unto the French King. And Philip Duke of Milan did the like unto an unfortunate Gentleman vanquished by a Neoplitane Knight.   

CHAP. 14.  
Of the honour gained or lost by being disarmed in sundry places, and of sundry pieces.  
A Man that loseth his sword in fight, is more reproached than he that loseth his shield. For he gaineth the greatest honour that winneth the chief weapon from the enemy, which is the sword, seeing therewith the Emperor and Kings do create their Knights, and the sword is borne before them in in sign of authority and Regal power.  
He that loseth his headpiece in fight, is more dishonoured, than he that loseth his shield, because the Helmet defendeth the most principal part of man, but the shield armeth a lower place.  
He that loseth his Gauntlet in fight, is more to be blamed, than he who is disarmed of his Poulderon. For the Gauntlet armeth the hand, without which member no fight can be performed, and therefore that part of Armour is commonly sent in sign of defiance.  
He that is cast out of the Saddle by violence of his adversaries encounter, shall be more reproved, than he who falleth by the default of his horse, the breaking of Girths, or any such like accident.   

CHAP. 15.  
¶ Of the honour gained or lost by the hurts given or taken in Combat for life, or in triumph.  
HE that in fight loseth his eye, shall thereby receive more dishonour, than he that loseth his teeth, because the eye is a member serving the most necessary sense, but the teeth are only instruments of the mouth. He that loseth his right eye, is more to be reproached, than he that loseth the left eye, because the right side is in better opinion of men. The like is to be said of the hands, of the arms and legs. If a man having but one eye do fight with another man that hath two, in losing that one eye, he shall be more blamed, than he who hath two eyes, although he loseth one. He that loseth his whole hand shall be more reproached, than he who loseth one eye. And he that loseth a foot, is more disgraced than he that loseth one hand.   

CHAP. 16.  
Of Combats ancient.  
TOo long it were to tell the causes, and event of Combats heretofore performed, by Princes, and other persons of honourable quality.  
Nevertheless, who so desireth to know what was anciently done in matter of such quality, let him read the Combats of David with Goliath. Of Romulus with Acron: of Marcellus with Virdimarus king of France. Of the Horatij and Curiatij. Of Satibarzanes with Erigius. Of Horrates with Dioxippus a Champion. Of Alexander with Porus king of the Indians. Of Titus Manlius with one other Frenchman, of Marcus Valerius with one other Lord of that Nation. Of jonathas the jew with Pudentus: of a Duke of Bohemia, with the Duke of Lancaster. Of certain Christians with a like number of Barbarians. Of Seanderbeg alone, against three other men. Of Valares a Gothian, with Artanas' an Armenian, and many others.   

CHAP. 17.  
The order of Combats for life in England, as they are anciently recorded in the office of Arms at London.  
FIrst the cartel or Bill of Quarrel, aswell of the Challengers behalf as of the Defenders, was brought into the Court, before the Constable and Martial. And when the truth of the cause of quarrel, could not be proved by witness, nor otherwise, then was it permitted the same should receive trial by force of Arms, the one party by assailing, the other by defending. The Constable as Vicar general unto the King assigned the day of battle, which was to be performed within forty days next following, whereunto both the Challenger and Defender condscended. Then were the Combatants commanded to bring in sufficient pledges for surety, that they and every of them should appear, and perform the combat, betwixt the sun rising, and going done of the day appointed for the acquirall of their pledges, and that they nor any of them, should do or cause to be done any molestation, damage, assault or subtlety against the person of his enemy, either by himself, his friends, his followers, or other person whatsoever.  

In what sort the King commanded the place of Combat to be made.  
THe King's pleasure being signified unto the Constable & Marshal, they caused Lists or Rails to be made, and set up in length threescore paces, and in breadth forty paces. The place where the Lists were appointed, was ever upon plain and dry ground, without ridges, hills, or other impediments. At either end of the Lists was made a gate or place of entry, with a strong bar to keep out the people. For the guarding of either gate one Sergeant at Arms was appointed, and commanded not to suffer any man to approach within four foot. The one gate opened towards the East, the other towards the West, being strongly barred with a rail of seven foot long, and of such height, as no horse could pass under or over the same.   

In what sort the King did sit to behold the Combat.  
ON the day of battle, the King used to sit on a high seat or Scaffold purposely made, at the foot whereof was another seat for the Constable and Martial, who being come thither, called before them the pledges aswell of the Defendant, as of the Challenger, to be showed and presented unto the King, there to remain within the Lists as prisoners, until such time as the Challenger and Defender were come, and had performed all their Ceremonies.   

In what sort the Challenger used to present himself to Combat.  
THe Challenger did commonly come to the East gate of the Lists, and brought with him such armours as were appointed by the Court, and wherewith he determined to fight. Being at the gate, there he stayed until such time as the Constable and Martial arose from their seat, and went thither. They being come to the said gate of the Lists, & beholding the Challenger there, the Constable said, For what cause art thou come hither thus armed? and what is thy name? unto whom the Challenger answered thus: My name is A. B. and am hither come armed and mounted, to perform my challenge against G. D. and acquit my pledges. Wherefore I humbly desire this gate may be opened, and I suffered to perform my intent and purpose. Then the Constable did open the visor of his headpiece to see his face, and thereby to know that man to be he who makes the challenge.  
These Ceremonies ended, the Constable commanded the gate of the Lists to be opened, whereat the armed man with his necessaries and council entered. From thence he was brought before the King, where he remained, until such time as the Defender was come thither.  
In like manner the Defender appearing did make request unto the Constable and Marshal, desiring they would be pleased to deliver and discharge his pledges. Whereupon the said Constable and Martial did humbly desire the King to release them, because the Defender is already come, and presented before his Majesty, there to perform his duty.  
But in case the Defender did not come at time convenient in the day appointed, then did the King deliver his pleasure unto the Constable, and he reported the same unto the Marshal, who forthwith did give order unto the Lieutenant, that the Defender should presently be called to appear by the Herald Martial of the King of the South, called Clarencieux: and in case the Herald Martial of the King of the South was not present, than was the proclamation made by some other Herald. But if the combat were performed in the North, on the other side of the River of Trent, in the circuit of the King of the North called Norrey, than was his Marshal to make proclamation. The words whereof were to this effect.  
Oiez, G. D. Defendant in this Combat, appear now, for in this day thou hast taken upon thee to acquit thy pledges in presence of the Lords, Constable and Martial, and also defend thy person against A. B. who challenged thee to maintain the cause of this Combat.  
This Proclamation was made thrice at every corner of the Lists: but if at the second time the party appeared not, than the Herald did add these words: The day passeth, and therefore come without delay. And if in case the said Defendant appeared not before noon, but stayed until the third hour after, than did the Herald by commandment of the Constable and Martial, in the beginning of the proclamation say, A. B. appear in haste, and save thine honour, for the day is well near spent, wherein thou didst promise to perform thine enterprise.  
It was also used that the Constable's Clerk, should in a book record the hour of the Combatants appearing within the Lists, either on foot or on horseback, in what sort they were armed, of what colour the horses were, and how they were in all points furnished.  
It was also anciently used, that the Constable moved the King in favour of the Combatants, to know whether his Majesty were pleased to appoint any of his Nobility or other servants of reputation, to assist them for counsel in combat.  
The Constable and Martial did survey the Lances and other weapons, wherewith the combat should be performed, making them equal, and of even measure.  
The Constable also appointed two Knights or Esquires unto the Challenger, to keep the place free from impediments: the like was also done for the Defender.  
The Constable did also move the King, to know whether his Majesty in person would take the Oaths of the fighters, or give him and the Marshal authority to do it out of his presence.  
The Constable also did send the Marshal unto the Challenger, and his counsel to make ready his Oath, declaring that after that ceremony all protestations should be void.  
After these preparations, the Constable caused his Clerk to bring forth the book, whereupon the Combatants were solemnly sworn.   

The first Oath.  
THe Constable having caused his Clerk to read the Challengers bill, and calling him by his name, said, Dost thou conceive the effect of this Bill? Here is also thine own Gauntlet of defiance. Thou shalt swear by the holy Evangelists, that all things therein contained be true, and that thou maintain it so to be, upon the person of thine adversary, as God shall help thee, and the holy Evangelists.  
The Oath thus taken, he was led back unto his former place, and the Constable did cause the Marshal to produce the Defender, who took the like Oath. This Oath was ever taken the parties kneeling, unless it pleased the Constable and Marshal to pardon that duty.   

The second Oath.  
THe second Oath was also indifferently propounded to either of them, viz. That they had not brought into the Lists other Armour or weapon than was allowed, neither any engine, instrument, herb, charm, or enchantment, and that neither of them▪ should put affiance or trust in any thing other then God, and their own valours, as God and the holy Evangelists should help them. That done they were both sent to their places of entry.   

The third Oath was thus.  
THe combatants being again called, were commanded by the Constable to take one the other by the hand, and lay their left hands upon the book: which done, the Constable said, I charge thee A. B. challenger upon thy faith, that thou do thine uttermost endeavour and force to prove thine affirmation, either by death or denial of thine adversary, before he departeth these Lists, and before the Sun goeth down this day, as God and the holy Evangelists shall help thee.  
The very same Oath in like manner used, was offered unto the Defender, & that done, the combatants returned unto their places, their friends, and counsellors.  
These ceremonies ended, the Herald by commandment of the Constable and Martial, did make proclamation at four corners of the Lists, thus: Oiez, Oiez: We charge and command in the name of the King, the Constable and Martial, that no man of what estate, title, or degree soever, shall approach the Lists nearer than four foot in distance, nor shall utter any speech, word, voice, or countenance, whereby either the Challenger or Defender may take advantage upon pain of loss of life, living, and goods, to be taken at the King's good pleasure.  
Then the Constable and Martial assigned a place convenient within the Lists, where the Kings of Arms, Heralds, and other Officers should stand and be ready if they were called: for afterwards, all things were committed unto their charge as well on the behalf of the defender as the challenger, as if any thing were forgotten in their confessions, either touching their lands or consciences; or that any of them desired to eat or drink: all those wants were supplied by the Heralds and none other.  
But here is to be noted, that no meat or drink might be given to the Challenger, without leave first asked of the Defender, who commonly did not deny the request. And after the Herald went unto the Constable and Martial, and made them privy thereunto, desiring their favours, that the combatants might eat, drink, or ease their bodies, if need were.  
After these orders taken, the Constable and Martial did avoid the Lists of all sorts of persons, save only one Knight and two esquires armed, to attend the Constable: and the like number to await on the Marshal, either of them having in his hand a Lance without head, ready to departed the Combatants, if the King did command.  
Of more ancient time the Constable and Marshal used to have certain Lieutenants and servants within the Lists. Also the one part to keep order on one side, and the others to look unto the other side. And if the Queen happened to behold the combat, than the Constable and Martial awaited on the King's side, and their Lieutenants attended on the Queen.  
Then did the Constable alone, sitting down before the King, send his Lieutenant to the Challenger to come unto him, and the Marshal with his Lieutenant did accompany the Defender.  
The Constable thus set, did pronounce his speech with a loud voice: Let them go, let them go, let them go, and do their best.  
Upon which words pronounced, in the King's presence, the Challenger did march towards the Defender to assail him furiously, and the other prepared himself for defence, as best he might.  
In the mean time, the Constable and Marshal with their Lieutenants, stood circumspectly to hear and see if any word, sign, or voice of yielding were uttered by either of the fighters, and also to be ready if the King should command the Lances to be let fall, to departed the fight.  
The Constable and Martial did also take regard, that the Challenger and Defender should appear at the day and hour appointed, whether they had about them any engine, or other unlawful things, as charms or enchantment: yet was it lawful both for the Challenger and Defender, to be as well and surely armed as they could. And if any of them would have his sword shorter than the Standard, yet was not the other bound to ●aue his cut to that measure, if he required that favour of the Court. But if either the one or the others sword passed the Standard, than was that inequality to be reform, or if they were both over long, both ought be reform.  
It had been also in more ancient time used, that the Constable & Martial should foresee, that if the King's pleasure was to departed the fight, and suffer the combatants to rest before the combat ended, that they should be parted in due time, when no advantage were. Likewise that they should take heed that none of them should privately speak unto the other of yielding, or otherwise. For unto the Constable and Martial appertained the witnessing and record of all things.  
And in case the combat were for question of treason, he that was vanquished should be forthwith disarmed within the Lists, by commandment of the Constable and the Marshal. Also the armour and weapons of the vanquished was in one end of the Lists defaced, to his disgrace; and after, the same drawn out together with his horse. From thence also the man vanquished was drawn unto the place of execution, to be there headed or hanged, according to the custom of the country.  
The performance of all which punishment appertained only to the Marshal, who ought see all things done in his own presence. And in case the Challenger did not vanquish the Enemy, then ought he suffer the same pains that are due to the Defender, if he were vanquished. But if the quarrel were upon a crime of less importance, the party vanquished should not be drawn unto the place of execution, but only led thither to receive death or other punishment, according to the quality of the crime.  
If the combat were only for trial of virtue or honour, he that was vanquished therein, should be disarmed, and put out of the Lists without further punishment.  
If it happened that the King would take the quarrel into his hand, and make peace between the parties without longer fight; then did the Constable lead the one, and the Marshal the other out of the Lists at several gates, armed and mounted as they were, having special regard, that neither of them should go the one before the other. For the quarrel resting in the King's hand, night not be renewed, or any violence offered without prejudice unto the King's honour. And because it is a point very special in matters of Arms, that he who leaveth the Lists first incurreth a note of dishonour: therefore to departed the Lists in due time was ever precisely observed, were the combat for treason, or other cause whatsoever.  
It is also to be remembered, that without the principal Lists were ever certain counterlists, betwixt which two, the servants of the Constable and Martial did stand. There stood also the King's Sergeants at Arms, to see and consider if any default or offence were committed contrary to the proclamation of the Court, against the King's royal Majesty, or the Law of Arms. Those men were ever armed at all pieces.  
The servants of the Constable and Martial had charge of the place, and good order thereof. The King's Sergeants took care to keep the gates of the Lists, and be there ready to make arrest of any person, when they should be commanded by the Constable or Martial. The fees of the Marshal were all horses, pieces of Armour, or other furniture that fell to the ground, after the Combatants did enter into the Lists, aswell from the Challenger as the Defender. But all the rest appertained to the party victorious, whether he were Challenger or Defender.  
The Bars, Posts, Rails, and every other part of the Lists were also the fees of the Marshal.   

Certain Combats granted by the Kings of England.  
EDmund of the race of West Saxons, fought in Combat with Canutus King of Denmark for the possession of the Crown of England. In which fight, both the Princes being weary, by consent parted the land betwixt them. Anno 1016.  
Robert Mountfort accused Henry of Essex of treason, affirming, that he in a journey toward Wales near unto Colshill, threw away the King's Standard, saying the King was dead, and turned back those that went to the King's succour. Henry denied the accusation, so as the matter was to be tried by Combat; The place appointed for fight, was a little Isle near unto Reding. In this Combat Henry was vaquished, and fell down dead, and at the suit of friends, licence was obtained that his body might be buried by the Monks of Reding. But it happened that the said Henry recovered, and became a Monk in that Abbey. Anno 1163. In the reign of King Henry the second.  
Henry duke of Hereford accused Thomas Mowbray duke of Norfolk of certain words by him spoken, as they road between London and Brainford, tending unto the King's dishonour. Thomas duke of Norfolk denied to have spoken any such word, but Henry affirming his accusation, the King granted the Combat, to be performed at Coventry the seventh of September 1398. Anno Rich. 2. but the combat was not performed, for th' one and th'other party was banished the Realm.  
A combat was fought at Westminster in the King's presence, between john Ansley Knight, and Thomas Catrington Esquire, whom the said Knight had accused of treason, for selling the castle of S. saviours, which the Lord Chandos had builded in the Isle of Constantine in France. In which combat the Knight was victorious. Anno 1374. Rich. 2.  
A combat was granted unto an Esquire borne in Navarre to fight with an English Esquire called john Welsh, whom the Navarrois accused of Treason. But the true cause of the Navarrois his malice was, that the said Welsh had dishonoured his wife, as (being vanquished) he confessed. The King gave sentence he should be drawn and hanged. Anno 1344. Rich. 2.  
A combat was fought between sir Richard Wooduile, and one other Knight borne in Spain. After the third blow given, the King stayed the fight. Anno 1441. Henrici 6.  
A combat was granted unto john Viscount borne in Cypress, and Thomas de la Marsh Bastard son unto Philip King of France, in the reign of king Edward the third at Westminster.    

CHAP. 18.  
Of Triumphs Ancient and Modern.  
TRiumphs have been commonly used at the Inauguration and Coronation of Emperors, Kings and Princes: at their Marriages, Entry of cities, interview, Progresses and Funerals. Those pompous shows, were first invented and practised by the Romans: whom divers other Princes have imitated: though hard it was, (and happily impossible) for any Prince to equal them in magnificence. Yet read we may, that Xerxes, Darius and Alexander the great, were Princes of marvelous puissance, and for triumphs admirable. Howsoever those matters were handled, certain it is, that albeit our Princes of Europe (in respect of Christian religion) do, in some sort, contemn excess of Mundane glory, yet have they ever lived royally, and at occasions, triumphed, with princely honour and greatness; according to the measure of their Empires; as shall hereafter appear.  
But first we have thought good to speak of Roman Triumphs, and briefly to touch in what order they triumphed: for to report them at large were a labour almost infinite.   

CHAP. 19  
Of Triumphs and their original.  
VArro saith, That Princes and great Captains being returned to Rome with victory, were allowed to pass with their army through the city unto the Capital, singing Io. Triumph: Io. Triumph.  
The first inventor of Triumphs was Liber Pater, as Pliny saith. Yet certain it is, (and so by law provided) that no man should be admitted to Triumph, unless he had vanquished full five thousand enemies.  
Cato and Martius (Tribunes of the people) by law also decreed, that who so untruly reported the enterprise he had done, should incur punishment. Therefore entering into the city, every Triumpher did first come before the Questors, and deliver his actions in writing, and swear they were true.  
It was likewise by law provided, and by custom also observed, that only for recovery of dominion, no man should be permitted to triumph. Which was the cause that neither Publius Scipio for the recovery of Spain, not Marcus Marcellus for taking of Syracuse, were suffered to triumph.  
The first that imitated Liber Pater in triumphing was Titus Tatius, when he triumphed for victory of the Sabini, yet was that no full triumph, but (as they called it) Ouante, because his victory was not great, and without blood. For the same reason the crown he ware, was made of Myrtel, which ever after was the crown of all Captains that triumphed for victories of mean reputation.  
In that age also it was unlawful for any man to triumph, unless he were a Dictator, a Consul, or a Praetor. Therefore L. Lentulus being Proconful, although he had performed great services in Spain, yet was he not admitted to enter Rome, but Ouante.  
Afterwards Scipio most instantly required to triumph, having deserved great glory, but till that time no man (without office) had triumphed.  
Likewise C. Manlius, by the base people elected the first Dictator, by their commandment also without allowance of the Patritij, did triumph.  
And Gneus Pompeius a Gentleman Roman, before he was of age to be Consul, triumphed twice.  
Another law or custom there was, that no Captain might triumph, until he had borough back the army: and therewith also delivered the country of his charge, quiet, into the hand of his successor. For Lucius Manlius the Consul, having effected great victories in Spain, was (in the Hall of Bellona) denied to triumph, because the country where he commanded, was not in peace, as Livy reporteth.   

CHAP. 20.  
The manner of triumphing and the habits of the Triumpher in Rome.  
THe Prince or Captain that triumphed was ever drawn in a chariot, as appeareth by the Ark Triumphal of Titus and Vespasian, and likewise by that of L. Verus Antoninus made of marble, yet extant in Rome. This Ark was drawn by four white horses. Others used in their chariots white Bulls or Elephants. As Pompey triumphing of Africa had in his chariot Elephants only. But Caesar surpassing all others in pomp was drawn by forty Elephants, and in the day time conducted to the Capitol, with torches, when he triumphed over the Galli.  
Some writers have said that the Emperor Aurelianus was drawn with four Hearts or Stags, and being come to the Capitol, he caused them all to be slain, and sacrificed to jupiter Optimus Maximus.  
Other Historians have noted, that some triumphs have continued more than one day: As Titus Quintius Flaminius held his triumph of the Macedonians & Grecians, three days. Likewise Suetonius triumphed four days in one month: and Augustus triumphing of the Dalmatians, Acciaci, and Alexandria, had three chariots for three days.  
The Triumpher also used to carry in his chariot his own children, which custom Cicero seemeth to confirm in his Oration for Murena, saying that Aemilius Paulus carried in triumph his son, who within three days after died.  
Adrianus having obtained of the Senate to triumph, he modestly refused it, saying, that honour was due to Traianus. And so (as a good Emperor) he caused Traianus picture to be carried in the chariot, fearing that after his death, he should lose the honour of the triumph.  
Marcus and Lucius Antonius being brethren, and triumphing together, they carried in their chariot the daughter of Marcus a young virgin.  
Commodus the Emperor, a man of immodest manners, and unworthy of all Imperial honour, being returned to Rome carried in the chariot with him his vicious Anterus, who being placed near his person, as he passed the city, he ofttimes kissed him publicly.  
far otherwise did Severus Afer, who being victorious of the Parthians was offered the honour of triumph: which he refused, alleging he was unhealthy: and therefore desired his sons might be set in the chariot to triumph in his place.  
Thus appeareth it that the Romans accounted no honour too much or too great for those that had in their service virtuously employed themselves. After the triumphal chariot followed the chief prisoners bound.  
Then came many captains and soldiers wearing boughs of Laurel, in sign of victory. Being also persuaded that by virtue of that tree they were purged of man's slaughter. Laurel is also a cause of good fortune, and a sign of prosperity, because it is ever green and flourishing. As Pliny writeth, saying, Laurus triumphis dicatur: Caesarum Pontificumque sola domos exornat, & ante limina excubat. Yet the same Pliny saith that in times more ancient, he that triumphed, did use a crown Etrusca of gold, which by a servant was carried, and on his finger a ring of iron, to signify that the fortune of him that triumphed, and his servant, was alike. In this manner Caius Marius triumphed of jugurtha▪ yet in his third triumph he ware a ring of gold.  
Tarqvinius Priscus at his triumph ware a coat of gold, as Pliny and others affirm.  
One other custom the Romans had, and was no ordinance or law, yet precisely observed; which is, that whosoever in any civil war had gained victory (how notable soever) he should not be admitted to triumph: because men therein slain, were Citizens, and no strangers, which was the reason that Nasica having vanquished Tiberius Gracchus and his followers, nor Metellus suppressing Caius Opimius, nor Antonius defeating Catilina, were admitted to triumph.  
Nevertheless when Lucius Sylla had surprised the cities of Graecia, and taken the Marian citizens, he was allowed in triumphant wise to carry with him the spoils gained in those places.   

CHAP. 21.  
Of the divers quality of Triumphs in Rome.  
SOme Triumphs were full and entire: others of less pomp and state, they were called Ouanti. But why they were so called, writers do not agree.  
Triumphs absolute have been formerly discoursed. Now are we to speak of mean or half triumphs.  
Plutarch seemeth to think, that who so in this kind triumphed, did sacrifice in the Capitol a sheep: but he that was allowed a full triumph, did offer a Bull.  
Dionysius saith, that Ouatio, differeth from Triumphus by this mean. He that entered the city Ouans, had no chariot, nor used any regal garment but marched with the Army on foot. Plutarch likewise writeth they ware in their Crown no Laurel, but Myrtle.  
This kind of Triumph was instituted in Rome in the year 253. ab urbe condita.  
Dionysius and Plutarch, are not of one opinion, why this sort of Triumph was called Ouante. Yet this seemeth the cause.  
Posthumius being Consul, in his service of the war proceeded coldly and sparing of blood.  
Also in one other expedition before, he fought most infortunately, with loss of many men, and by fleeing saved his own person.  
Other causes do seem of this Triumph Ouante: as if the war was not justly pronounced, or the enemy of base reputation, as a Pirate, a bondman, or a coward.  
So as the victory obtained, doth appear unworthy much honour. Either else if the war received end by word, and no violence. Or if the service were done in a foreign country, by authority of another Prince, or without lawful authority.  
Whether the Triumpher Ouante did enter the city on horseback or foot, is a question.  
Another use also the Soldiers had, which haply will seem strange; that following the triumphal chariot, oft times they uttered scoffs and jests against the Triumpher? Such was the behaviour of Caesar's followers at his Triumph. For among other speeches they used these words: Gallias Caesar subegit, Nicomedes Caesarem: & Ventidium Bassum Parthici triumphi die secuti milites decantarunt; Qui mulos fricabat, factus est Consul.  
In Rome it was by law provided that no Captain should come into the city before his triumph: So saith Plutarch in the life of Paulus Aemilius.  
We read likewise, all Triumphs were celebrated in Rome only, two excepted, which seemeth strange. For in those days Milan, Aquileia, and Constantinople were cities of great fame.  
Papirius Cursor triumphed first in Monte Albano, for his victory against the Corsi: as Pliny reporteth. And Papirius Maso, not permitted to triumph in the city, he triumphed in Monte Albano.  
Paulus Orosius the last that hath written of the Roman Empire, saith that the number of triumphs in Rome is 320.   

CHAP. 22.  
In what order the Romans triumphed.  
THe first triumph in Rome, was that of King Tatius.  
Next to him Tarqvinius Priscus the King triumphed. But in what sort these Kings did triumph, we cannot find.  
After the expulsion of the Tarquinij, and the death of Brutus, Publius Valerius the Consul triumphed.  
Then, with greater pomp and admiration the Dictator Camillus triumphed, who sitting in a chariot drawn by two white horses, entered the city. Which manner of triumph was never before seen, therefore moved much envy.  
Many years after was the triumph of Papirius Cursor Dictator, who triumphed for victory of the Samniti.  
Quintus Fabius also triumphed of the Galli, Etrusci and Samniti.  
Then followed again the triumph of Papirius Cursor the Consul, when he brought home the Army from Samnio. He furnished his triumph with many prisoners both horsemen and footmen, with crowns Civicae, Vallarae, and Murales, carrying with him spoils of the Samniti, and leading many honourable captives: he brought with him also two hundred thousand and thirty three thousand pound weight of treasure. All which money was delivered into the treasury, and no part thereof given to the soldier.  
With greater joy the two Consuls, Claudius Nero and Livius Salinator, triumphed for their victory, having defeated Hasarubal and slain him, yet was this triumph in magnificence far inferior: but the treasure they brought to the city was an hundred thousand pound weight, whereof 23. thousand was divided among the Soldiers.  
But far more magnificent was the triumph of Scipio, who being returned from Libya triumphed at Rome, in this sort. First he caused certain Trumpets to sound: after them followed chariots laden with spoil: then were carried towers of wood, made for models of those cities which were taken. Next were the carriages of gold and silver, part whereof was unwrought, and part coin: next were certain crowns carried in sign of honour at the winning of cities, which were followed with white Bulls and Elephants: after them came the captive Princes of Carthage and Numidia. Before Scipio his person, marched his Lictori or Mace-bearers appareled in purple, and accompanied with divers sorts of music and singers. These men had on their heads crowns, wearing also garments of silk cut. In marching every of them one after another, sung some verse in praise of the victory; making also gesture to move mirth. The chariot of Scipio was richly wrought with gold, and near to his person also many sweet perfumes were burned. The horses of his chariot were white, and on their heads they ware crowns: their foretops and maines were curled, and dressed with gold, and precious stones.  
Scipio himself was appareled in purple, embroidered with stars of gold, according to the Roman fashion. In the one hand he bore a sceptre of ivory, in the other a branch of Laurel, which among the Romans were signs of victory. About him were carried certain young boys and virgins, and at his stirrup marched some young men of his blood. Lastly followed his guard, and their Ensigns, with the army divided into squadrons. The Soldiers of best service carried in their hand abranch of Laurel; and certain Musicians did sing their praise. Others of no merit bore no Laurel, as persons noted of infamy. By which manner of Triumph, the honour or disgrace of every one did appear.  
Scipio being thus arrived in the Capitol, laid aside his pomp, and (as the custom than was) feasted his company in the Temple.  
Some time after, Marcus Porcius Cato triumphed of Spain, with honour comparable. He brought with him twenty five pound weight of unwrought silver, and of gold one thousand five hundred. To every footman he gave two hundred and seventy pieces: and to every horseman thrice so much.  
About that time, Lucius Quintius triumphed three days.  
The first day he showed the Armour, weapons, and ensigns taken from Philip and his cities.  
The second day he showed the silver and gold, both wrought and unwrought. The silver unwrought was eighteen thousand pound weight, and the gold two hundredth seventy thousand pound weight. Besides treasure, were many vessels of all sorts; with them also were many headpieces, excellently and artificially wrought: ten targets of silver, and one of gold: besides great pieces of coin of incredible poise; among which, was of king Philip's coin in gold, fourteen thousand and five hundredth and fourteen pieces.  
The third day he showed the crowns of gold, and the gifts of cities, wherewith he had been presented. Before h●s chariot marched many noble prisoners, among whom was Demetrius the son of King Philip, and Armenes the son of Nabides the Lacedaemonian.  
Then Quintius in person entered the City, his chariot being followed with great numbers of Soldiers. Then much treasure was divided, one part to a footman, two parts to a Centurion, and three parts to a Horseman. Those prisoners that were exempt from bondage, ware their heads polled in sign of liberty.  
After Quintius, Pub. Cornelius Nasica triumphed for victory of the Boij.  
The pomp of Cornelius was numbered among the triumphs of mean magnificence. He brought with him the Arms, Ensigns, and Pillage taken from the Gauls. Also certain noble prisoners and troops of horses taken from other enemies. Besides these spoils, he showed chains of gold: and one thousand four hundred seventy pound weight of silver, of gold 246. pound weight: in vessels of the French fashion 360. pound weight.  
He had likewise pieces of coin whereon was imprinted a chariot drawn by two horses. Of them were a hundred thirty and eight thousand, which were given to the Soldiers.  
Now may we not omit the triumph of Marcus Flavius, who determined to triumph: but hearing Aemilius was coming to Rome, he fell sick, and deferred his triumph to avoid contention. The next january he triumphed of the Etoli and Cephalonia. Before his chariot were carried crowns of gold weighing an hundred and twelve pounds, of silver 83. pound weight, with other spoils incredible.  
Over long it were to tell of all the Roman triumphs, and their magnificence, being greater than can be expressed.  
Let us only remember the triumph of Gaius Manlius, who brought into Rome 200. kings crowns of gold, 220. thousand pound weight of silver, with other coins of divers Nations. He carried also great spoils, taken from King Alexander, and from the Gauls. In this triumph he set before his chariot two and fifty captains prisoners, and rewarded his own soldiers abundantly.   

CHAP. 23.  
Of other furniture and pomp appertaining to triumphs in Rome.  
IN those ancient times, the Triumphs were also ornified with Arks, Pillars, Obelisks, Pyramids, & divers demonstrations of magnificence.  
Who so had prosperously prevailed in the war, and obtained victory in any foreign Country, did commonly erect an Ark triumphal, whereon was graven or painted his proceeding in the victory. Pliny writeth that in his life, these triumphal arks were first made, and by the Triumphers offered to jupiter in the Capitol.  
The most ancient Ark now extant in Rome, is that of Titus, before whose days portraitures, & many other triumphal ornaments were in use; whereof to speak now were tedious.   

CHAP. 24.  
The triumphal going of Darius to meet Alexander the Great.  
TO speak of all Roman triumphs were a matter infinite: we will therefore cease to say more of them, and speak of others performed elsewhere. And first how Darius marched to meet with Alexander.  
The Persian use was, that so soon as the Sun shined in the morning, a trumpet was sounded in the King's Pavilion, which warned every man to come forth.  
Upon the roof of the King's Pavilion, an image of the Sun closed in Crystal was set, which shined exceedingly, and might be seen many miles.  
The order of the King's company, when he marched, was this:  
First the fire (which they called holy and everlasting) was carried upon Altars of silver.  
Next to those Altars went the Magis or sorcerers, singing certain Persian verses.  
The number of the Magis was three hundred three score and five.  
After them followed 365 young men, in Carthaginian attire, for the Persian year containeth even so many days.  
Then a chariot consecrated to jupiter did follow, ever drawn by four white horses of exceeding greatness: they called those, Horses of the Sun. Their rains were of gold, and their furniture white.  
Not far from this chariot, were twelve other chariots ornified with gold and silver.  
Then marched more horsemen of twelve divers nations, diversly armed, and of divers quality.  
Next to them were ten thousand men, whom the Persians called immortal. Some aware chains of gold, others had coats with sleeves embroidered with gold, and set with rich stones.  
Not far off were fifteen thousand men, whom they called the King's cousins: which number was furnished rather richly (like women) then well armed: they were called Doryphori.  
Next to this troop were other men appareled like Kings. They went before the King's chariot he being carried up higher than any other. These chariots were laden with Images of the gods, made of silver and gold.  
Between the Images a partition was set with rich shining jewels: the one side represented a war; and likewise the other.  
Among these things they sacrificed an Eagle of gold spreading her wings: but of all things, the King's attire was most admired.  
His apparel was of purple parted in the mids with white: and over it he had a short cloak like a woman's garment, embroidered with Sparow-haukes of gold, very strangely.  
His girdle was womanlike small and girt: whereat hanged a Scimitar, or crooked sword: the sheath thereof was set with precious stones.  
On his head he ware a royal cap, called Cidaris, which all Kings of Persia do use. It was tied on his head with a lace, part of sky colour and part white.  
After the chariot, followed ten thousand Lances, adorned with silver: and next to the chariot certain choice men carried Darts gilded. Also on either side, his nearest of blood did accompany him.  
This troop contained thirty thousand footmen, whom five hundred of the King's horsemen followed.  
About one acre distance from them the chariot of Sisygamba King Darius' mother, did come, and in one other his wife.  
All the Ladies and other women belonging to both the Queens, were on horseback.  
After them other women did come (whom they called Armamax:) they exceeded not the number of fifteen.  
In that company were the king's children, with their governors. Also a number of eunuchs, being persons of some reputation among the Persians.  
Then the King's Minions being 360 were carried in chariots: their apparel was princely and rich.  
After them the king's coin was carried by six hundred Mules and three hundred Camels guarded with Archers.  
The King's Concubines and his kinsmen were next to them. And they being past, the Cooks, Sculions', and other base people did follow.  
Last of all came certain Captains and soldiers lightly armed, to force the troops to march in order.   

CHAP. 25.  
The Triumphal entry of Xerxes' King of Persia into Greece: yet afterward forced for fear, to flee into his own kingdom.  
FIrst he sent before, all his carriage, and all those people that were cumbered with any burden or other impediment.  
After them followed seventy hundred thousand men of sundry Nations: who marched in no order, but confsed. Among whom was eighty thousand horsemen. All these passed a good distance before the King's person.  
Then marched a thousand Gentlemen Persians, and with them so many Lancers: who carried the point of their lances backward.  
The next troup was only ten horses most richly furnished: being of the race of Nicae: beasts of exceeding greatness and beauty.  
These were followed with a chariot, consecrated to jupiter, and drawn by eight white horses. The man that did drive those horses, went on foot, holding the reins in his hand. In this chariot unlawful it was for any mortal man to sit.  
After it, Xerxes his own person was carried in a chariot drawn by horses of Niscaea. The driver of them walked before on foot: his name was Patiramphus the son of Ota, a Persian. In this sort Xerxes went towards the Sardi, sometimes sitting in his chariot, and sometimes on horseback.  
Next to him followed the bravest and best men of Arms in Persia, carrying (as it were) half lances.  
Then came ten thousand Persians on foot: one thousand bearing pikes, and on the points of them (in stead of crowns) were silver apples. Some of them that went next to Xerxes, had apples of gold upon their pikes.  
These were followed with ten thousand other Persian horsemen.  
Last of all, about two acres of ground behind, was a multitude of people without order or number.   

CHAP. 26.  
Of Triumphs in Germany.  
HEnry the first Emperor of that name, who for his great delight in hawking and fowling, was called Auceps, being advertised of the often incursions of Hungarians into Germany, thought good to assemble the Princes Anno 935. and by force of Arms to repulse them: which design, with the assent of those Lords, by public proclamation he made known: commanding that every Prince with his best furniture upon a day certain should appear at Magdeburg, which was performed.  
First, the Count Palatin of the Rhine appeared. The Bishop of Treuer: The Bishop of Colein: The Bishop of Leyden. The cities Imperial, Mentz, Aquisgran, etc. All which companies the Palatin presented unto the Emperor: and under every of those Prince's colours, other meaner Princes and Lords also appeared.  
Under the Ensign of the Palatine were the Duke of Elsatia, The Duke of Thungren. The Duke of Limpu●g. The Marquis of Pontamonson, with six other Dukes.  
Under the Ensign of the Duke of Suevia, were twelve other Lords.  
The like under the Ensign of Franconia, and all other chief Princes.  
And last of all, were the emperors companies. So was the number of Princes, Lords, Knights and Gentlemen 6240.  
The whole army was sixty nine thousand strong.  
These Christian forces (assisted by the Almighty) defeated the Hungarians, and slew the greater number.  
The victory obtained, and the Emperor with his Princes returning homewards, were in all places feasted. And they desirous in some sort to honour the Ladies of those countries, where they passed, were willing in triumphal wise, to make justs, Turneaments, and other Military pastimes. Which being pleasing to the Emperor, and acceptable to all others; His Majesty with consent of the Princes, commanded that public triumphs should be proclaimed; whereunto all Princes, Lords, and Gentlemen might resort, to show their valour. And this was the original of German triumphs.  
Then was there a Counsel and commission granted to certain Princes and other Lords, to invent orders for the future justs, and appoint places fit for their celebration.  
The Commissioners considering what glory might of these exercises accrue unto the German Nation: and therewith knowing that the exercise of Arms was no small help to inform Gentlemen, and make them meet for serious services: not forgetting also that Noble Ladies would take delight in such royal sight: they greatly commended that invention unto the Emperor, who presently agreed that Laws might be made and observed in those Actions.  
His Imperial Majesty commanded that at every Triumph 4. chief persons should be chosen to give direction, and by their authority all Ordinances to be made. Those men were called Reges Ludorum. The first Kings were elected at the Triumph of Meydburg.  

1 Charles Lord of Hohenhuwen, of Suevia.  
2 George Lord of Wolffartshausen of Bavaria.  
3 Meinolphus Lord of Erbach, of the Rhine.  
4 Ernestus Grumbach Esquire.   
The Actors in the first Triumph, whose names were enroled, and presented unto the Emperor, were in all 390. Among whom, These were the emperors band.  

The Duke of Holland.  
The Prince of Pomeran.  
The Prince of Saxon.  
The Prince of Thuringia.  
The Burgrave of Meydburg.  
The Prince of Witten.  
The Prince of Russia.  
The Prince of Delmantia.  
The Count of Thuringia.  
The Marquis of Staden.  
The Prince of Ascania.  
The Earl of Aldenburg.  
The Earl Valesius.  
The Earl Harracortius.  
The Earl Schwartzburg.  
The Earl Weissenfels.  
The Earl Gleichen.  
The Burgrave of Leisneck.  
The Earl of Eberstein.  
The Earl of Eysenburg.  
The Earl of Rotel.  
The Earl of Winssenburg.  
The Earl of Wunssdorff.  
The Earl of Vffen.  
The Earl of Lovenrode.  
The Earl of Rochlitz.  
The Earl of Piedmont.  
The Earl of Alençonius.  
The Earl of Bren.  
The Earl of Leisneck.  
The Rawgrave of cassel.  
The Earl Woldenburg.  
The Earl of Eskersberg.  
The Earl of Pein.  
The Earl of Arnsshag.  
The Earl of Lobdiburg.  
The Earl Nortingen.  
The Earl of Ployssigk.   
After the Emperor followed the Palatine of the Rhine with his band, containing 80. persons, among whom were 7. Princes and 16. Earls, viz.  

The Duke of Alsatia.  
The Duke of Barry.  
The Marquis of Pontamonsa.  
The Duke of Lymburg.  
The Duke of Bourbon.  
The Duke of Limburg.  
The Earl of Burgundy, and others.  
Next to him followed the Duke of Suevia with his band, containing 82. persons, of which number 9 were Dukes and Princes.  
Next followed the Duke of Bavaria with his band containing 69. persons, of whom 8. were Dukes and Princes.  
Next followed the Duke of Franconia with his band, containing 80. persons, of whom 4. were Princes.   
Besides these Bands appertaining to the Emperor, and the 4 principal Princes of Germany (being the chief Nobility and Gentlemen) yet other Princes also offered their Bands. viz.  

Otho Duke of Thuringia the emperors eldest son, presented 112. persons: of whom 8. were Dukes or Princes.  
Likewise Arnoldus the Emperors second son presented 85. persons: among whom some were also Princes.   
To conclude, the number of Princes, Lords and Gentlemen that appeared in these triumphs (before the fourth triumph was ended) amounted unto two thousand persons.  
Then was there charge and commission given to Georgius Scwabenlant to be the Herald and pronouncer of all Orders and Ordinances concerning those affairs. He also took notes how every man was mounted, armed and furnished. To him also appertained the publication of what honour or dishonour every man deserved: and therewith to persuade that no malice or quarrel should be among the Actors, but every one with an honourable emulation to do his best.  
This Officer also proclaimed the privileges, and what Arms were to be used: and that done, he assigned place where every band should attend, and in what order they should run: which were long to be rehearsed.  
The troops of Lances thus marshaled, the beholders were permitted to enter. But first of all the Princes, Ladies and women of honour did take their places, of whose beauty, pomp, and rich attire no man needeth to doubt. These women thus prepared, in passing to their places (with due reverence and thanks) set them down: and the courses being run, desired that every Actor might receive the praise he deserved. Therewith also, that the chief prizes might be allotted to the 4. Kings appointed for the next triumph, which should be celebrated at Ravensburg upon S. james day Anno 941. which was 3. years after this present triumph.  
The prizes were delivered according to the praises and pleasure of the Ladies.  

This triumph and the ceremonies thereof ended, it pleased the Emperor to pronounce the first Article to be observed in all future triumphs, viz.  
IT should be lawful for all Gentlemen well borne, to enter and fight in these exercises of Arms; ever excepting such as in word or deed had blasphemed God, or done or said contrary to our Christian faith. Of whom if any shall presume to enter the Lists, we will and command, That the Arms of his ancestors, with all other his furniture, shallbe cast out, his horse confiscate, and in am of honour (which arrogantly and unworthily was sought) his person shallbe expulsed with perpetual infamy.   

The second Article was pronounced by the Pallatin: the effect whereof was.  
THat if any Lord or Gentleman whatsoever, hath or shall wittingly or willingly say or do any thing in prejudice of the dignity Imperial or profit thereof, he shallbe repulsed from these exercises, and suffer the punishments thereunto due.  
I also ordain and pronounce Meinolphus of Erbach to be King in the celebration of the next triumph, and the chief leader of all my Nobility of the Rhein.   

The third Article was pronounced by the Duke of Suevia, viz.  
THat if any Gentleman (of what title soever) hath by word or deed dishonoured any virgin, widow, or other gentlewoman: or hath by force taken or detained any goods or lands to them or any of them belonging, he shallbe judged unworthy to receive fame and honour in these triumphs, he shall also forfeit his horses, and with infamy be expulsed the Lists. Such is my censure irrevocable. I likewise constitute Carolus Lord of Hohenhewen to be a King in these triumphs, and Leader of the Nobility of Suevia.   

The fourth Article was pronounced by the Duke of Bavaria, viz.  
THat forasmuch as nothing was more agreeable to the glory of God and honour of the holy Empire, than truth; I require that all men (of what dignity or title soever) being known unjust in their doings, and liars, should during their lives, remain infamous. And if any person of such quality shall offer to enter the Lists, I command him to be with dishonour dismounted. I likewise pronounce George of Wolffarthuusen in my name, to be King of the Province of Bavaria.   

The fifth Article was pronounced by Conradus Duke of Franconia, to this effect.  
THat whosoever hath betrayed or forsaken his master in the field or in his journey, or hath procured any other man so to do: or if he hath not defended his country, his subjects & others committed to his charge, as is the duty of a good man: or if wickedly he hath procured the trouble of any person, or not defended him, but left them as a pray to the enemy, than I command that every such person shallbe for ever repulsed from the celebration of these triumphs: he shall also forfeit his horse, and endure the ignominy due to men infamous. I also pronounce Ernestus of Grumbach Esquire, to be King of the triumph within my circuit of Franconia.   

These Articles pronounced and written, the Emperor called before him 15 men appointed to be Curatores ludorum (as we may term them) supervisors of the Triumph, to whom he said, That forasmuch as he allowed and much liked the pastime, his intention was to impart the same to all Kings, Princes, and Potentates Christian: to the end that if any of their Nobility were lovers of Arms and honour, they might appear in our Triumphs with all things needful, on Monday next after S. Matthew the Apostle. At Meydeburg.  
THen his Majesty was pleased with the advise of the four, and the fifteen men aforesaid, to add divers other Articles, as followeth: That If any man had either openly or secretly slain his wife, or had aided or counseled another man to kill his master, he should forfeit his horse, and be expulsed the Lists.  
If any man had committed sacrilege, by spoiling of Churches, or Chapels, or had by force taken the goods of any widow or Orphan, or not defended them to his power, he should forfeit his horse, and be punished with infamy.  
If any man without warning had assaulted his enemy, or by indirect means had procured him to be rob of corn, wine, or other provision feloniously, he should forfeit his horse, etc.  
If any man in the Empire or under the Empire, rashly and without licence of the Emperor, did impose new and unaccustomed tributes, whereby the people might be damnified, he should forfeit his horse, and be taxed of infamy.  
If any man had been convinced of notorious adultery, having himself a wife, or being a Bachelor had by force deflowered any matron, virgin, or religious woman, he should forfeit his horse, & remain infamous.  
If any Gentleman borne being the Owner of lands and revenue, and not therewith contented, did exact or oppress his Tenants; or being the Officer of a Prince or other great Lord did wrest from his subjects, to enrich himself: for so doing he should forfeit his horse, and be excluded from the Lists with infamy.  
All which Articles being publicly read and approved, were by his Imperial Majesty confirmed as Law.    

CHAP. 27.  
¶ Of Triumphs at the interview of Pope Alexander, and the Emperor Foedericus Barbarossa, at Venice. Anno 1166.  
Advertisement being given to Venice, that the Emperor resolved to come thither, Piro Zinzano the Duke's son, was sent with six long Galleys to meet him at Ravenna. After them were dispatched a great number of less vessels.  
The Emperor being arrived at Venice, the Pope was set in a rich chair at the Church door, and there tarried his coming. Before the Pope's feet, a carpet of purple was spread upon the ground.  
The Emperor being come to the said Carpet, forthwith fell down, and from thence (upon his knees) went towards the Pope, to kiss his feet: which done, the Pope with his hand, lifted him up.  
From thence they passed together unto the great Altar in S. Marks Church, whereon was set the Table of precious stones, which at this day is reputed one of the richest treasures of Europe.  
Some have reported, that there the Emperor did prostrate himself before the Altar, and the Pope set his foot upon his neck.  
While this was in doing, the Clergy sung that Psalm of David, which saith: Super Aspidem & Basiliscum ambulabis.  
Which the Emperor hearing, said, Non tibi, sed Petro. The Pope replied, Et mihi & Petro.  
After some days abode in Venice, the Pope departed by sea to Ancona, and the Emperor towards Germany by land, either of them accompanied with Gentlemen Venetians in great number.   

CHAP. 28.  
¶ An admirable triumphal show, at Venice, to congratulate the recovery of Cyprus. Anno. 1366.  
AFter thanks given to God for the recovery of this Island, every man endeavoured to make demonstration of gladness; wherein no cost in banqueting or other solemnisation was omitted.  
Among these shows of triumph and jollity, two sights there were most admirable, and never before that time seen: the manner of the one was a representation of justing on horseback.  
For certain portraitures or images of men and horses were so made, of skins clothed in silk, with Lances and Shields, as the wind by a strait line forced them to run one encountering the other, like to a course of the field.  
The other was like unto a combat: where armed men did seem to fight, both which shows were in the street.  
In the first the Actors were only 24 young Gentlemen Venetians, for parsonage, apparel, and years very commendable. The inventor and director of these pastimes was Thomasso Bambasio, who for such devices and action was in Venice esteemed, as in old time Roscius had been in Rome. Surely it seemeth strange, that so many men richly attired, and so many horses bravely furnished, could be managed with so great dexterity: and one having ended his courses, another was presently ready to supply that place. In the mean while the Lances did seem broken, and the splinters fly about.  
The duke with all the Nobility of the city, beheld this miraculous sight, and so did a multitude of people.  
Among these beholders (as mine Author saith) were divers Noble men of England, who travailed to Venice, purposely to see the manner of this Triumph, and the Actors.   

CHAP. 29.  
A Triumph in the reign of King Richard the second, 1390.  
THis noble Prince being advertised, with what magnificence and pomp, the Queen Isabella of France had made her entry into Paris, thought good to appoint a military triumph at London, wherein appeared sixty Knights, and so many fair young Ladies of his Court sumptuously appareled.  
With this troup, his Majesty road from the Tower of London unto Smithfield: and passing thorough Cheapside a proclamation was made, that on Sunday and Monday next following, these Knights would attend there to challenge all comers.  
For him that deserved best in this Just (if he were a stranger) the Queen and her Ladies had prepared a crown of gold: or if he were any of the sixty English Knights, he should receive a rich bracelet.  
The English Knights likewise promised to give unto the stranger of best desert, a fair horse with his furniture: or if he were an English man, he should receive a Falcon.  
This challenge and these prizes had been by a King of Arms formerly proclaimed in England, Scotland, France, Flaunders, Brabant, Henault, and Germany: which moved many persons of Honour and reputation to come hither. Among whom was William of Henault Earl of Oye or (as some did call him) of Ostrenant, a young Prince much delighting in Arms.  
This Noble youth desirous to honour the King of England his kinsman, drew into his company many Gentlemen of his Nation, with whom he passed into England.  
Then resolving to perform that journey, thought good to take the consent of Albert his father, Count of Henault, Holland, and Zealand. Of whom with great difficulty he obtained leave.  
The like desire to honour the King, moved the Earl of S. Paul, who had married the King's sister. And he brought with him a great troup of gallant Knights.  
These two Princes came first unto Calis, where they found English ships ready to transport them. But the Earl of Oye passed over first: and being come to London had access to the King: of whom he was with great joy embraced. The like courtesy he found in john Holland the King's brother, and all other Lords of the Court.  
The day of triumph being come, the King and the Queen attended upon by the troops of men at Arms and Ladies aforesaid passed through London from the Tower to Smithfield.  
Being come thither, the King, the Queen, the Ladies, and other honourable personages, settled themselves in such places as were prepared, and sorted with their degrees.  
Then were the men of Arms marshaled, and set in such order, as they should run.  
The first courses were allotted to the Earl of S. Paul and his Band: who were with great courage encountered by the English. Between them the first days justing was spent: and that night his Majesty, the Queen and all the company supped and lodged in the Bishop's house, near to Saint Paul's Church.  
The chief honour and commendation of that first fight, was (among the strangers) given unto the Earl of S. Paul: and among the English the Earl of Huntingdon had the praise.  
This magnificent supper ended, every one resorted to his lodging (the King and Queen only excepted) who continued their lodging in that house all the time of that triumph.  
The next day, after noon, King Richard himself in complete Armour appeared in the field, being followed with the whole band of English Knights.  
Thither also came the Queen with her train of Ladies, and was set in that room, where the day before she had been placed.  
The first (of the strangers) that offered to run, was the Earl of Oye: who presented himself, and his company most pompously furnished. And after him followed the Earl of S. Paul, with his troup of Frenchmen.  
The Knight's strangers, being entered and ready, were forthwith encountered by the English. The conflict continued till dark night, with equal honour.  
The justs of that day ended, the King returned to his lodging, accompanied with the Noble strangers, and there supped.  
The chief commendation of that day (on the stranger's part) was allotted to the Earl of Oye, who by his virtue, without favour, so deserved.  
Likewise among the English, a Gentleman named Hew Spencer was highly praised.  
On Tuesday also, the men at Arms resorted to the Tilt, and continued the exercise, with great admiration of the beholders.  
On Wednesday the runners intermingled themselves, and every one did run as he thought good.  
On Thursday the King convited all the men: and all the women supped with the Queen.  
On Friday the whole company was feasted by the Duke of Lancaster.  
On Saturday the King and the Queen, accompanied with the Earls of Oye and S. Paul (in great state) road to Windsor: where they were most honourably entertained: and the Earl of Oye received the Garter. From thence every one returned home.   

CHAP. 30.  
The triumphal passage of Charles the fift Emperor, through France. Anno 1540  
IN the month of December this Emperor arrived at Bayon, where the Dolphin, and Duke of Awernia with great pomp received him. Being in the town, he behaved himself as King, pardoning offenders, and deluering them from prison. From thence with like Majesty he passed to other cities, accompanied with the said Dolphin and Duke, where he used the same authority.  
In january he came to Castelloaldum, where the King in person with much magnificence entertained him. From thence he passed to Amboyse, where King Charles the 8. had built two great towers, the walls whereof are so large, as Mules and Carts may pass upon them.  
The King then to the end that Caesar's entry in the night should be the more magnificent, furnished those towers with an exceeding great number of lights, so as they might behold all the Country, as if it had been fair day. But when Caesar was going up, by great mishap, the tower fell on fire; the flame and smoke whereof became so great, as every one feared lest the Emperor should have been smothered. Whereupon all men there present laboured by fleeing to save themselves. Some that were suspected to have done this fact were apprehended, and the King did command they should be hanged, though indeed no proof appeared: but Caesar would in no wise they should die, so were they pardoned.  
After this disaster, the King conducted the Emperar to Bleas, and from thence to Fountainableu, where they hunted, hauked, and beheld certain justs and Tournaments; in conclusion, no sport or solace was omitted.  
From thence the Emperor attended by the Dolphin and Duke, went to Paris. Before he entered the city, the Burgesses and Citizens of all sorts, came forth, and received him with no less ceremony then if the King had been present: there he also set at liberty all prisoners. From thence he passed unto the Constable's house, and was there most honourably lodged. At last he went into Picardy, and so to Valentia, which is the first town of his jurisdiction in Belgica: unto which place the Dolphin and Duke did follow him.   

CHAP. 31.  
The triumphal Entry of Philip Prince of Spain, at Milan. An. 1548.  
THis Prince entered at the gate towards Pavia: where the citizens had made a stately bridge, whereupon they showed divers Pageants & arks triumphal, adorned with verses, and sentences very markable. About three of the clock after noon, he entered the city, where the most reputed citizens did attend him in Burgo della Trinitá, as they call it.  
Being passed that place, he was saluted by Caesar Gonzaga, the Count john Trewltio, the Count Charles Belgioso, and many other noble persons richly appareled.  
After them Mutio Sforza presented his reverence, being accompanied with a great troop of Gentlemen of the Country, clad in white silk, and bearing in their hands Pole-axes: the heads of them were gilded, and the staves covered with white silk.  
Then followed the Doctors, & scholars, accompanied with 300 horsemen appareled in yellow coats. And immediately appeared two other troops of men lightly armed, which company guarded the ancient Lords and Noblemen of the country: among whom were some Princes, Earls and Barons. That troop was so great, as two hours sufficed not to see them pass.  
They that road next unto the Prince's person, were the Duke of Alba, the Duke of Sossa, the marquess of Pescara, the Admiral of Castilia, the marquess Milo, Ferdinando Gonzaga.  
On the one side of the Prince the Cardinal of Trent, on the other the Duke of Savoy did ride. Behind them followed five companies of men at Arms, appareled in silver and gold, conducted by Count Alexander Gonzaga, Count Francisco Somaia, Count Philippo Tornello, & two other noblemen.  
I omit to tell of divers shows, arks triumphal, and other sights wherewith in every street the Prince was entertained, by Italians only.  
These Compliments ended, the Prince came unto the chief Church: at the door whereof were excellent Paintries.  
The Prince in his entire to the Church, was by the Senate and people of Milan presented with a basin of gold full of double ducats, to the number of ten thousand (as was reported)  
The Prince thus entertained, and settled in the city, justs and Tournaments were brought before him.  
The Actors in that triumph were appareled in silk of divers colours, garnished with gold. The first of them did come unknown clad in white, supposed to be the Prince himself.  

Mutio Sforza, in Ash colour.  
The Count Philippo Tornello, in sky colour.  
The Count Francisco Beneventano, in yellow.  
Ramando Cardona, in Greene..  
Alessandra Gonzaga, in Murry.  
Count Caetano, in White and Black.  
Ferdinando Noya, in gold colour.  
The Castellan of Cremona, in Black.  
Nicolao Rusterla, in Wax colour.  
Il signor della Trinita, in Blue.   
From Milan this Prince passed into Germany, followed with these Lords and Gentlemen, whose names are under written.  

The Duke of Alba.  
The Duke of Sessa.  
The Admiral of Castilia.  
The marquess of Astorgo.  
The Prince of Ascoli.  
The marquess of Pescara.  
The Duke of Ferendina.  
The Duke of Monteliano.  
The Count of Lunensa.  
The Count of Cifanta.  
Lodovico Davila, gran Commendator.  
Gomesio à Figureia captain of the guard.   

Officers of Household.  
Don Francisco Astense.  
Marchio à Nave.  
Comes Olivarius.  
Don jacobo da Azeneda.  
Gualtero Padillano.   

Gentlemen of the Chamber.  
Don Antonio Rosano.  
Rogomes a Sylva.   

Gentleman Courtiers.  
Don Gabriel a Cuenta.  
Marchio Falcesio.  
Don Barnardindi Mendoza.  
Don Alphonso Fonario.  
Don jacobo di Cardona.  
Don jacobo di Achuna.  
Don Henrico Erugue.  
Don Bernardo Manriques a Lara.  
Don juaro a Seiaverda.  
Don Michael a Luna.  
Don Lodovico a Cardona, with others, to the number of 97. Lords and Gentlemen, twenty Pages, besides Officers and Grooms: Harquebuziers two hundred, Lances an hundred.    

CHAP. 38.  
¶ A Military challenge in Italy 1555.  
AT such time as the French king with his army remained at Ast, the Imperial camp not being far from thence, certain French Lords challenged the like number of Italians to break sharp Lances for their mistress love: in which action they would hazard both honour and life. The Imperial Lords accepted the challenge.  
Thus the match was concluded: yet the French fearing some subtlety (because the country favoured the enemy) procured Monsieur de Thermes with five hundred horse and 200. footmen to lie near the place, to the end he might defend his friends, if need should require.  
The first courses were performed between the Duke de Nemours and the marquess of Pescara, who having ended their courses with honour, they embraced one the other, and so gave place.  
The next that presented himself, was Monsieur de Classis son and heir of Monsieur de Vasey, a Knight of the Order and Captain of fifty men at Arms: against whom came the marquess Malespina, who in that encounter was sore hurt and died.  
The third courses were between Monsieur de Mauns a Leader in the French Army, and a Spanish captain called Alba. In which re-encounter the Frenchman was wounded in the neck, and the fourth day after died.  
The last was between Monsieur Monshany, and the Earl Caraffa a Neapolitan, whose encounter was so violent, as with his Lance he pierced thorough the Armour and body of the Frenchman, so far, as an Ell thereof was seen at his back, whereof he presently died. So was both parties partakers of misadventure.   

CHAP. 33.  
Of Triumphant challenges in France.  
NOw to th' end it may appear, that our Gentlemen of England have been no less desirous to honour their Nation in foreign countries, then willing to advance the renown of their Prince at home: it shall not be (as I think) offensive to remember some triumphal actions by them performed in foreign countries, as writers have well observed: wishing our English Armorists and Historians, were of like care to conserve all memorable actions, tending to the honour of their own Prince and country. Of which acts it seemeth there are many worthy to be remembered. For when the Duke of Buckingham, or (as mine Author calleth him) the Earl of Buckingham, remained governor of the King's Army in Bullonoys, a certain Frenchman approaching the Camp, with a loud voice asked if any Gentleman there had a mistress, or other beloved Lady, for whose sake and honour, he would break three Lances, and adventure three encounters of his sword. This proud Challenge being heard by the English men, one joachimus Cathorius (as the Author calleth him) a brave English Gentleman stepped forth: which the Lord Fitzwater (than Marshal,) seeing he forthwith sent word unto the Frenchman (whose name was Gawenus Micelleus) that he should be presently answered. Whereof the French Gentleman very glad, returned to his friends, & furnished with three Lances, three Maces of iron, three Swords, and three servants to bear them, presented himself before the English Army. The English seeing him in this sort prepared to maintain the challenge, much marveled thereat, supposing that no Frenchman had dared to encounter the force of an English Soldier.  
The brute of this bravado forthwith was dispersed through the Army, and at last the General became thereof informed, who desirous to behold the combat, mounted on horseback, accompanied with the Earl of Stafford, and the Earl or L of Devonshire.  
The Duke and other beholders thus assembled, the Challenger and Defender begun their courses: but by default of the horses, their Lances miss at the first, and at the next encounter very lightly th' one touched the others Armour.  
The Duke beholding in what estate the matter stood, and perceiving night at hand, commanded the conflict should cease till an other day: and in the mean space required the Frenchman might be well entreated.  
The next day of trial being come, th' one and th' other appeared, and with much commendation broke their Lances. That done, they came to the sword, th' one assaulting th' other furiously, till they were both hurt; which the Duke perceiving, caused them to be parted, and the Frenchman by an Herald was safely sent home to his friends.   

CHAP. 34.  
Of one other like Military action between five English Gentlemen, and five French.  
ABout the same time, and in presence of the said Duke of Buckingham, one other conflict on horseback was performed between five French Gentlemen, and the like number of ours, who gained the chief honour.  
I dare not (for fear of mistaking) set down their names in English, but thus I find them in Latin: On the French party was Nothus Clarus a Pimontesse, Tristamus jailleus, joannes Castelmorantius, Galleus Aunoeus, Dom, Hoyavius Ameus.  
The Englishmen were Edwardus Bellicampus the son of Roger, johannes Ambreticortius, jonaquinus Clitonius, Gulielmus Clitonius, and Gulielmus Francus.   

CHAP. 35.  
Of one other like Action.  
IT happened that certain English Gentlemen having served in the war of France, determined to return home, and obtained licence of the Constable that so they might do. Their names do seem to be john Fitzwarren, William Clinton, john Burley, and Nicholas Clifford. They being upon their way, one (whom mine Author calleth joannes Boucmelius a French Gentleman) did overtake them: and having before that time spoken with Nicholas Clifford touching matter of Honour and Arms, asked him whether he could, before he departed, consent to make trial of his virtue, by breaking of three Lances. With all my heart (quoth Clifford) for so have I long desired to do: and no time more fit than now, when the Constable and his company may be judge; Yet such is my hap, as I have no Armour at hand. For supply of that want (quoth Boucmelius) I will take order that two Armours shallbe brought unto us, and of them the choice shallbe yours, with every other thing fit for our purpose.  
This agreement made, they imparted the same unto the Constable, and obtained his licence: yet with condition, that they should attend upon him the next day, at which time he would, with other noble men, see what should be the event of that Action.  
About the hour appointed these Champions did appear, and at the first course Clifford with his Lance pierced through the Armour and body of Boucmelius, of which hurt he presently died.  
This accident much grieved the French, and Clifford himself was not a little sorry: which the Constable perceiving, said unto Clifford, Be not dismayed, for this is the fruit of like adventures: and if myself had been in thy place, I should have done the same: for better ever it is to do, then suffer at the hand of an enemy.  
The Constable having ended his speech, convited Clifford with his company to dinner: and then caused them to be conducted to the next town in safety.   

CHAP. 36.  
¶ An other Challenge of a French Gentleman in Spain.  
IN the Army of the King of Castille, there was a French Gentleman, young of years, and in Arms of great reputation: men called him Tristram de Roy. He seeing the wars ended between the Kings of Castille and Portugal, determined to return home. Yet desirous by some means to gain honour, before his arrival in France, procured an Herald to go unto the English Army, and proclaim, That if any Gentleman there would break three Lances, he would challenge him.  
This challenge being heard in the English camp, a brave young Gentleman named Miles Windesor accepted thereof: hoping by that occasion to merit the honour of Knighthood.  
The next day according to appointment, he appeared in the field, accompanied with Matthew Gorney, William Beuchamp, though Simons, the L. Shandos, the L. Newcastle, the L. Bardolf, and many others.  
The French Challenger appeared likewise honourably graced with friends: and thus both parties in readiness to run, the Lord Souldichius bestowed the dignity of Knighthood upon the said Windsor. Which done, the one charged the other: and the two first courses were performed with great courage, yet without any hurt. But in the third course the armour both of the one and the other was pierced through; yet by breach of the lances, both of them escaped more harm.   

CHAP. 37.  
One other notable Challenge in France, Anno 1390.  
IN the reign of King Charles the sixth, three noble young men of great hope and much affecting the war lived in that Court. viz. monsieur de Bouciquant the younger, monsieur Reynaut de Roye, and monsieur de S. Pie, all Gentlemen of that King's chamber.  
In the same time also there was in England a Knight for valour and military virtue of great fame: men called him Sir Peter Courtney: He having obtained licence, passed the sea, and traveled to Paris. After a few days rest in that city, he challenged Mounsieur Trimoulie, a noble Gentleman in great reputation: who accepting the defy, obtained licence to answer, appointing a day and place. The time being come, the King accompanied with the Duke of Burgundy, and many other great Estates went to behold that conflict.  
The first course was performed exceeding well, and either party broke his lance with commendation. But the second lance being delivered into their hands, the King inhibited more should be done: seeming somewhat offended with the English Knight who had made suit, that he might be suffered to do his uttermost.  
This Action by the King's commandment was stayed, and Sir Peter Courtney therewith grieved, thought good to abandon that Country, and so desired he might do.  
The King well pleased he should departed, sent unto him an honourable gift, and the Duke of Burgundy did the like. The King also commanded Mounsiver de Clary (a grea● Lord) to accompany him to Calais.  
By the way, they visited the Earl of S. Paul, who married King Richard's sister of England.  
The Earl in most courteous manner welcomed Sir Peter, and the rather, for that his Lady had formerly been married to the Lord Courtney his kinsman, who died young.  
This Sir Peter Courtney being well entertained, the Earl and he with their company supped together: in which time (as the custom is) they communed of many matters. Among which the Earl asked of Sir Peter, how he liked the Realm of France, and what conceit he had of the Nobility.  
Whereunto Sir Peter with a sour countenance answered, That he found in France nothing to be compared with the magnificence of England: though for friendly entertainment he had no cause to complain: yet said Sir Peter, I am not well satisfied in that matter, which was the chief cause of my coming into France. For I protest in the presence of all this Honourable company, that if Monsieur de Clary, being a Noble Gentleman of France, had come into England, and challenged any of our Nation, he should have been fully answered: but other measure hath been offered to me in France: for when Monsieur de Tremoulie and I had engaged our honour, after one Lance broken, the king commanded me to stay. I have therefore said, and wheresoever I shall become, will say, that in France I was denied reason and leave to do my uttermost.  
These words much moved Mounsieur de Clary, yet (for the present) he suppressed his anger, having charge to conduct Sir Peter safely unto Calis. Notwithstanding this heat (quoth the Earl) let me tell you Sir Peter, that in mine opinion you depart from France with much honour, because the King vouchsafed to entreat you, that the fight might stay: whom to obey, is a certain sign of wisdom and praise worthy. I pray you therefore Sir Knight, have patience, and let us proceed in our journey.  
Thus Sir Peter having taken leave of the Earl, passed forth towards Calais, accompanied with Mounsieur de Clary; who so soon as they were entered into the confines of the English Dominion, Sir Peter most hearty thanked him for his company and courtesy. But Clary having made an impression of such sour speeches, as Sir Peter had uttered in the Earl's house, said thus: Having now fully performed the King's commandment conducting you safe to your friends, I must, before we part, put you in mind of your inconsiderate words in contempt of the Nobility of France. And to the end you being arrived in England, shall have no cause or colour to boast that you were not answered in France: Lo here I myself (though inferior to many others) am this day, or to morrow ready to encounter ●ou; not for malice to your person, or gloriously to boast of my valour, but for conservation of the fame and honour due to our French nation; where never wanted Gentlemen to answer in Arms, when any English man should challenge.  
Well (quoth Sir Peter) you say well; and with good will I accept your challenge: and to morrow I will not fail to attend you armed, with three Lances, according to the custom of France.  
This agreement being made, Sir Peter went forthwith to Calais, there to furnish himself of Arms fit for the Combat. And making the Lord john Warren (than Governor) privy to what was intended, the next day he returned to meet Mounsieur de Clary between Bulloyne and Calais: thither also went the Governor, and other English Gentlemen to behold.  
The courses between these Champions being begun: at the first encounter either party broke well: but in the second encounter by default of the English Knights Armour, he was hurt in the shoulder, as other English Gentlemen did well see: which moved the Governor of Calais to say unto Mounsieur de Clary, You have dealt discourteously, to hurt Courtney when his Armour was broken.  
I am sorry (quoth Clary) but in my power it is not to govern Fortune: what is happened to him, might likewise have come to me.  
The matter standing in these terms, Mounsieur de Clary returned into France, supposing he had deserved great commendation. But being come to the Court, the King, the Duke of Burgundy and Trymoulie himself blamed him: and the Counsel of France gave sentence that his goods should be confiscate, because the King having commanded that Sir Peter should be without offence peaceably conducted to Calais, the matter was otherwise handled. To be short, Clary was brought to the King's presence, and by the Counsel asked what reason he had to take Arms against any man whom the king expressly had commanded to defend.  
These words much perplexed Clary, and the king's offence did greatly amaze him. Notwithstanding with a good courage he said, that what was enjoined him to do, he had most faithfully performed: But Courtney with insolent speech taxed him and all the French nation; which without dishonour might not be endured: He therefore thought not only to have been free from blame, but also merit commendation. yet (quoth he) seeing my expectation faileth me, I submit myself to the censure of the Constable and Marshals of France. I also will endure the judgement of Courtney himself and all other men of Arms in the kingdoms of France and England. All which excuses & submissions notwithstanding, he was committed to prison and his goods confiscate, till at the humble and earnest suit of Mounsieur de Coucy, the Duke of Bourbon, the Earl of S. Paul, and the Englishman (to whom he had done wrong) he was restored to liberty. Then said the Constable, Dost thou think (Mounsieur de Clary) to have done well or honoured the French nation by taking Arms against Courtney, who was recommended unto thee? If aught hath been by Courtney spoken in prejudice of the French Nobility, thou ought have complained thereof to the king, and then have proceeded by his majesties direction. But the matter was not so handled by thee, which is cause of thy punishment. From henceforth therefore be more advised, & for thy liberty give thanks unto the duke of Bourbon, Mounsieur de Coucy, & the Earl S. Paul, who have exceedingly entreated to compass this favour. Such was the end of this military Action.   

CHAP. 38.  
¶ One other most noble Challenge.  
THe strange event of the former conflict between Courtney, Trimolie, and Clary, moved the Ladies of the French Court to incite Bouciquant, Roy, and S. Pie, to attempt some new feats of Arms upon the confines of the King of England's possessions in Picardy.  
This generous motion proceeding from the Ladies, was easily apprehended by the French Lords and Gentlemen; and chief those three aforesaid, being (of all others) most desirous of same and military glory. The King being made privy to this intention, commanded those three Gentlemen to frame a form of Challenge in writing, which should be allowed or reform, as to his Majesty should be thought good: which was done accordingly, containing this in effect.  
THe great desire we have to know the noble Gentlemen inhabiting near the kingdom of France, and therewith longing to make trial of their valour in Arms, have moved us to appear at Ingueluert the 20. of May next, and there to remain 30. days. We also determine to be accompanied with other noble Gentlemen lovers of Arms and Honour, there to encounter all comers with Lances either sharp, blunt, or both: and every man shallbe permitted to run five courses.  
We likewise hereby give you to understand, that such order is taken, as every one of us shall have his shield, and Empreaze hanging on the outside of the Pavilion: to th' end if any of you desire to run, than the day before you may with a wandor such a Lance as you intent to run with, touch the shield. And who so meanetb to try his fortume both with blunt and sharp, must touch the shield with either, and signify his name to him that hath our said shields in keeping.  
It is moreover ordered, that every defender may bring with him one other Gentleman in am of a Padrin, to encounter us both, or single, as it shall please them. Wherewith we pray and desire all noble and worthy Gentlemen (of what Nation soever) to believe, that no pride or malice hath moved us to this enterprise, but rather an earnest desire to see and know all such noble Gentlemen, as are willing to make proof of their virtue and valour, without fraud or covin. In witness whereof every one of us have signed these Letters with our seals and Empreaze. Written and dated at Montepessolane the 20. of November 1389.  
Subscribed. Bouçequaut. Roy. S. Pye.  
THese Letters showed to the King, were imparted to his Counsel: who considering their tenor, deemed them to be presumptuous (chief in respect the place appointed was near unto Calis: which haply might call into question the truce taken for three years.) Whereupon some of the most ancient Counsellors, thought it unmeet to permit the Challenge. But others perceiving the King's inclination, did allow thereof, because the words of challenge, were modest and reasonable.  
The matter thus debated in Counsel, the King called into his chamber all the three Challengers, to whom he said thus, Bouciquaut, Roy, and you S. Pie, behave yourselves well, and with respect both to private and public comeliness, perform what you have in hand. As for charge, spare not, for of our bounty we will bestow upon you ten thousand Florins, to be discreetly spent to your own honour. Then after most humble thanks given unto his Majesty, they determined to send the proclamation of their Challenge into divers countries, but chief into England.  
The proclamation being in all places published, every courageous Lord and Gentleman put himself in readiness: and first of all the English, being persuaded, that in respect they were nearest, it behoved them to appear soonest. Therefore before all others, these Englishmen determined to make proof of their fortune. 

john Holland.  
The Earl of Huntingdon.  
john Courtney.  
john Goulonfee.  
john Russell.  
Thomas Scrope.  
William Clifton.  
William Clinton.  
William Tailboys.  
Godfrey Seten.  
William Hacklet.  
john Dabridgcourt.  
Henry Bewmount and others, to the number of one hundredth or more,   went into France to show their virtue in that Challenge. Besides them also many others did pass the seas, to see what should be done.  
The first Englishman that passed the Sea, was john Holland brother to the King of England, having in his train Noblemen and Gentlemen of note, about 60. who were all lodged within the town of Calis.  
The Challengers then having prepared themselves, arrived at Bulloyne, in the beginning of May, and were lodged in the Abbey where they were informed of the excellent furniture which the English had brought; Whereat they rejoiced and made the more haste to their business. Then they caused there green Pavilions to be set up, between Calis and Bullen.  
At the door of every Pavilion, a shield was hanged, which any man (desirous to fight) might at his pleasure touch.  

The order of this Triumph was thus.  
THe twenty and one day of May, the Challengers appeared at the place ready armed and mounted.  
Shortly after the English men came from Calais, some to try their fortune, and other to behold.  
First of all john Holland with his Lance touched the Shield of Bouciquaut, and forthwith he came out of his Pavilion, and mounted on horseback. which done, th'one charged the other, without more hurt, then that the English Lords shield was pierced through.  
The second course was also without harm: And the English man preparing for a third course, Bouciquaut denied to do more that day; which the English Lord hearing, turned himself to the shield of S. Pie & touched it.  
Then presently he came forth courageously, but the first course proved foul, for that the horses kept not their right path. Notwithstanding Holland disarmed the head of S. Pye.  
The second course was performed better, and the lance both of the one and the other broken upon the Shields.  
At the third course, both their Head-pieces were stricken off, and all the lookers on might see their faces. Nevertheless the Lord Holland desired that for his mistress sake he might break one Lance more. Which courageous offer both French and English commended.  
Next to these, Roy and the English man called Earl Martial charged one the other, with much commendation.  
The third courses were performed by Bouciquaut and the Lord Clifford, cousin to the Lord Shandois, a man expert in Arms and of great fame.  
The fourth English man that ran, was Henry Bewmount, a Knight of good reputation.  
The seventh encounter was between S. Pie and the same Bewmount.  
The eight encounter was between Roy and Peter Courtney.  
The ninth encounter was between Bouciquaut and Courtney.  
The tenth between S. Pie and Courtney, who had touched all their shields.  
The next encounter was allotted to Goulowfer and Roy.  
The next courses were between S. Pie and john Russell.  
The next was between Bouciquaut and Peter Scrope, a young Gentleman of great courage, but of no long practice in Arms: yet was his encounter so violent, as forced Bouciquaut to bleed at the ears, and retire to his pavilion all that day.  
But Scrope not contented with the honour of his success against Bouciquaut touched the shield of S. Pie and presently the one encountered the other. But at the second course (by misfortune) the English Knight fell down, and though (with some help) he recovered his horse, yet ran he no more that day. Such was the success of the first days justing.   

The second meeting.  
THe second day Gulielmus Clysetonius, an English Knight, expert in Arms, encountered Bouciquaut, with equal fortune. The next encounter was between the L. Clinetonius and S. Pie, either of them performing his part well.  
The third encounter was between William Stamartius cousin to the Earl of Huntingdon, and Raynol Roy, who seemed to deserve best.  
The 4. encounter was between Lancaster and Bouciquaut with small advantage.  
The 5. encounter was between S. Pie and Taylbois a Gentleman very young. Either of them was disarmed on the head, and so returned to their Pavilions.  
The 6. encounter was between Godfrey Seten and Roy: at the first course Lances being strong, their horses were forced to pauze. At the second (for the same reason) th'one and th'other let fall their Lances, without breaking. At their third course th'one and th'other was hurt: so as Roy was sore bruised, and Seten pierced into the shoulder. Which wound he endured with great patience, & without show of grief, suff●ed the Chirurgeon to draw back the Lance, and search the wound, which courage was highly praised.  
The 7. encounter was between an English man called Blanquetius and S. Pye.  
The 8. encounter was between Thomalinus Messidonius and Bouciquaut. This English man was richly armed, & at the first course pierced through the shield of Bouciquaut: But at the third course he was unhorsed.  
The 9 encounter was between Navartonius and Bouciquaut with equal fortune.  
The 10 encounter was between Sequaquetonius an English Knight and Roy. This Knight was of experience in Arms, and at the first course well-near unhorsed his adversary. But at the last meeting the French Taint was so strong, as the Englishman was well-near borne down: and so they departed. Thus ended the second days Triumph.  
¶ Note here that the French King (being disguised) was present at all these exercises.   

The third meeting.  
THe third day likewise these noble Knights both English and French appeared. The weather was fair, calm, and fit for Military action. The first courses were performed between john Savage and Roy: who at the first encountered so furiously, as both th'one & th'other was almost forced to fall from his horse. The rest of their courses were honourable.  
The second encounter was between Gulielmus Basqueneus cousin to the Earl Martial, and Bouciquaut. At the third course they were both disarmed on the head.  
The third encounter was between an English Knight called Scot, and S. Pye. Their first course was fair on both sides, and so was the second. But at the third course the French Knight lost his headpiece, and the English Knight unhorsed.  
The fourth encounter was between Barnard Stapleton, and s. Pie, and either of them at the third course lost his headpiece.  
The fifth encounter was between john Arundel and Roy. This English Knight was reputed for horsemanship, dancing, and singing, excellent. The one and the other of them performed their courses with commendation.  
The sixth encounter was between Nicolas Stoner and Bouciquaut, who in their third course lost both their headpieces, and so bore headed, went away.  
The seventh encounter was between john Marshal and Bouciquaut, who was somewhat hurt with a splitter, & the other disarmed of his headpiece.  
The eighth encounter was between john Clifton and Roy, with equal fortune.  
The ninth encounter was between Roger Lea and S. Pie, either of them being disarmed on the head, departed.  
The tenth encounter was between Aubrigcourt and Roy. This Aubrigcourt was not borne in England, but brought up in the Court of the most noble King Edward. At their first course they were both violently stricken on the head, and in the next on the breast, and so they parted. But Aubrigcourt not so contented, challenged Bouciquaut: who answered him two courses with equal fortune, and the third course they were both disarmed on the head. Such was the success of the third days meeting.   

The fourth meeting.  
ON Thursday (which was the last) these noble Knights returned to the field, where Godfrey Eustace made the first encounter against Bouciquaut, and were both hurt on the head.  
The next encounter was between Alanus Burgius and S. Pie, with being both disarmed on the head.  
The next encounter was between johannes Storpius and Bouciquaut, in which courses the English man's horse was said to fall down.  
The next encounter was between Bouciquaut and an English Knight called Hercourt, belonging to the Queen of England, but not borne in England. At the first course Bouciquaut miss, and the English Knight broke cross, which is an error in Arms: and thereupon much disputation arose between the French and English. For the French affirmed, that Hercourt by law of Arms, had forfeited his Horse and Arms: but at request of the company, that fault was remitted, and he permitted to run one course more against Roy, who had not run that day, and therefore willingly consented. The courses between these Knights were exceeding violent, but the Englishman being wearied was utterly thrown from his horse, and as a dead man lay flat on the ground: but afterwards he revived lamenting that disgrace.  
The fifth encounter was between Robert Scrope and S. Pie, who after three courses gave over, without loss or gain.  
The sixth encounter was between john Morley and Reginaldus Roy: for the first blow was so violent, as forced their horses to stand still in the place of meeting.  
The seventh encounter was between johannes Moutonius and Bouciquaut: both of them at the first meeting had their shields pierced, and after were disarmed on the head.  
The eight encounter was between jaqueminus Stropius and S. Pye. At the first course both their horses went out. At the second they broke both on the head. At the third, both their Lances fell from them: and at the last the Englishman pierced through the adversaries shield, but was himself dismounted.  
The ninth encounter was between Guilielmus Masqueleus and Bouciquaut. These Knights with equal courage and skill performed well their courses.  
The last encounter was between Nicolas Lea and S. Pie: the one and the other of them broke their Lances well, till at the last they were both disarmed on the head.  
The Challenge thus ended, all the troop of English Knights having attended that business full four days, thanked the French Knights for being Authors of so honourable a triumph. On the other side the French much thanked the English for their company: and the King who was there secretly, returned home, where he informed the Queen what honour had been done to all Ladies.    

CHAP. 39  
The triumphant Interview of the Kings of England and France. An. 1519.  
THese most excellent Princes having occasion of conference, appointed a meeting in Picardy. The day drawing near, the king of England passed the seas and arrived at Calais: from whence (having reposed himself) he removed to Guynes. The French King likewise being come lodged at Ardes.  
Between the one and the other of those towns (as it were in the midway) a place of meeting was appointed.  
Thither went the one and the other of those King's most royally mounted, and followed with so great magnificence, as in an hundred years before the like sight had not been seen in Christendom.  
Some writers have in vain laboured to set down the royalty and exceeding pomp of those Courts, which might be seen, but not expressed.  
At the place of meeting, two Pavilions were erected, the one for the French king, the other for the King of England.  
These Princes being come, embraced one the other: and that done, they went together into one Pavilion.  
The French King was accompanied with his Lord Admiral, called Bonivett, his Chancellor, and some few other Counsellors.  
The King of England had with him the Cardinal of York, the Duke of Norfolk, and the Duke of Suffolk.  
Then having set in counsel, and returned to their Pavilions, they bethought them of entertainment, sports and princely Compliments.  
For which purpose, commandment was given, that a Tilt should be erected: where justs, Tournaments and other triumphal exercises, continued about fifteen days: for so long those Princes remained there.  
One day the King of England convited the French King, & feasted him in his Pavilion, which was a building of wood, containing four rooms, exceeding large, and so richly furnished, as haply the like had not been seen in Christendom.  
That Frame was purposely made in England, and after the feast, taken down to be returned.  
One other day the French King feasted the King of England in his Pavilion, wherein hanged a cloth of Estate marvelous large, and so rich as cannot be expressed.  
The ropes belonging to that Pavilion were make of yellow silk and gold, wreathed together.  
The Kings being ready to dine, there happened so great a storm of wind, as fearing the Pavilion could not stand, they removed from thence to the place where the Fortress is now; and beareth the name of that banquet.  
The apparel, jewels and other Ornaments of pomp, used by Princes, Lords & Gentlemen awaiting on those Kings, cannot be esteemed: much less expressed: for, as mine Author saith, some carried on their backs the prize of whole woods, others the weight of ten thousand sheep, and some the worth of a great Lordship.   

CHAP. 40.  
A Triumph celebrated in France. Anno 1559.  
WHen the marriage between the King of Spain and Elizabeth, eldest daughter of Henry the French King, was concluded: in sign of congratulation and joy, a royal Triumph was proclaimed and prepared at Paris: whereunto the Nobility of all France, Spain, and the Low countries repaired: which done, a solemn Just, and other military sports were taken in hand, wherein the King in his own person, the Duke of Ferrara, the Duke of Gwyze, and the Duke of Nemors were Challengers.  
The place for performance of that Action was appointed in the street of S. Anthony in Paris, and there a Tilt with every furniture fit for such a feast, was prepared.  
To that place (as at like occasions it happeneth) resorted an infinite number of people to behold: for whom scaffolds and stages were ready to receive them; and those places not capable of so excessive a number, many of the people bestowed themselves on the sides and roofs of the houses.  
The first courses were performed by the French King, to his great glory: the rest of the Challengers also very honourably did the like. Then the Lords and Counsellors besought the King that in respect the weather was exceeding hot, his Majesty would be pleased to moderate his motion, and for that day cease from running: adding this persuasion, that it was unfit a King should in such disports hazard his person; which persuasion for the present prevailed. But his Majesty (as it were drawn on by fatal force) would in any wise the 3. day return to the Tilt, either to make further trial of his valour, or thereby (as some supposed) to honour his daughter, to the uttermost of his power.  
That day his Majesty in all princely pomp appeared: his person and horse also being more richly furnished then any pen can express.  
The first courses his Majesty performed fortunately, with marvelous applause of the beholders.  
At the fourth course, by marvelous misadventure, he became hurt with a splinter of the adversaries Lance, which pierced his eye so deep, as thereby his brain was much bruised. Thus was the Nuptial feast disturbed, and joy converted to sorrow. Such is the state of worldly things, gladness is ever followed with sadness, and pleasure accompanied with pain.  
The rest of the troop there ready to run, were with that accident marvelously amazed, and not knowing what to do, every man let f●ll his Lance, and cursed all such triumphs.  
Some pressed to carry his person home, and others (as touched to the heart) shut up their eyes from seeing a spectacle so lamentable.  
The Ladies likewise and Gentlewomen of the Court, turned their faces from beholding, and closed up their eyes with tears. To conclude, the whole number of Courtiers were stricken with sorrow not explicable.  
The Citizens likewise, and generally all the subjects of that kingdom, were perplexed, to see the tragical event of that disastrous triumph: which was intended to congratulate a new peace and an honourable alliance.  
The form and face of the city thus converted from exceeding joy, to unspeakable sorrow; some held up their hands to heaven, others made haste to the Churches, and every one with abundance of sighs and sobs, cried out, beseeching God to grant the King recovery: as if every man's well doing had thereon depended.  
How unpleasing these news were to the King of Spain, every one can conceive.  
Then the Physicians and chirurgeons, not only of France, but of the Low countries also came thither to show their skill, using all Art and endeavour that might be: but the splinters of the Lance had pierced the King's eye so deep, as the tenderness of the place could not suffer it to be taken out, nor seen, (the brain also being pierced) no mean there was to cure the wound. The King therefore tormented with extreme pain, fell into a burning Fever, whereof in the end of eleven days he died In all which time he did never weep, or speak any word that might be imputed to pusillanimity; but most magnanimously took leave of life: Only thus he said, that seeing he was destined to die in Arms, he would have been much better contented, to have lost his life in the field, then in those domestical pastimes. Let this accident therefore remain an example to all princes never to adventure their own persons unnecessarily, considering their only lives is the welfare of infinite others.   

CHAP. 41.  
A Military triumph at Brussels, Anno 1549.  
A Feigned fortress, with Trenches, Baracadoes, and other furniture of defence was erected. On the root whereof a sword of gold was set, adorned with precious stones.  
This Castle was environed with water, like to an Island: and impossible it was to mount unto the walls, but by degrees and stairs exceeding steep.  
This island was called Insula Fortunae, which is the isle of Fortune: others named it Insula periculosa: the perilous island.  
Upon the water which environed the Castle, a ship of gold did always ride at Anchor, with sails of red silk and gold. Neither was any thing else wanting to illustrate the beauty thereof.  
On the first gate was painted a roaring Lion of gold, which picture shined very gloriously: and near to it was a postern gate, the name whereof was Porta terroris: which is the gate of terror.  
Between the water and the gate was a large Court: and there hanged a large white Shield, and therein was painted a black Eagle.  
near to that place was a Turret, whereinto no man could come, until he had passed many doors: it was called Transitus periculosus, which is, the perilous passage.  
Not far from thence was a Pillar of no great height, yet broad and square, and thereon was painted a red Griffin, under which sign were graved the Laws of that island in three tongues.  
The first passage to the Castle was kept by the Knight of the red Griffin: who was indeed the Earl Aringberg.  
The second passage was kept by the Knight of the black Eagle: that was the Earl Hoochstrat.  
The third passage next the island, was kept by the Knight of the golden Lion: which was the Earl of Egmond.  
Within this Castle, called Arxtenebrosa; remained the L. Corbaron governor to the Prince Aurasina, who had before won it by art Magic: and now by converting the letters of his name backward, named himself Norabroc.  
Before every of the foresaid gates, a magnificent Pavilion was erected, and therein the Earls with their troops attended their enemies.  
Then was there a petition presented to the Emperor, against Norabroc the Magician, for that he by his devilish art and force of the enchanted sword, had surprised many noble personages and worthy Knights, now prisoners in the Castle of darkness.  
And forsomuch as it hath been prophesied, that the glorious expugnation of this Castle is destined only to the most virtuous and fortunate Prince living under the sun (who can be no other than the excellent Prince of Spain) son to the most invincible Emperor Charles) they humbly desired, that he with his Knights might attempt the enterprise.  
The emperors licence obtained, the three Knights within the dark Castle, came forth to encounter all those that durst assail them.  
The first that appeared, called himself the Dark Knight, followed with one only servant to carry his lance. His armour was black, and his apparel course: Of the same colour was the attire of his servant, and the furniture of his horse. But the assault no sooner was made, but he retired into the Castle. Norabroc had ever six Gentlemen appareled in red and yellow, ready to receive such Knights as went out or in.  
Those six were attired after the Hungarian fashion, wearing on their heads Turbans.  
These men had charge of the bridge, to let in every Knight that would fight. This Dark Knight was the Lord Chaumont: and he that encountered him was the Knight of the red Griffin, otherwise called the Earl of Arenberg. His armour was all gilded, and over it he ware an arming coat of silver cloth, very rich. In his crest he also aware feathers white and vermilion.  
The Dark Knight thus retired to the Castle, three other Knights appeared in coats of black cloth of gold, and in their crests they ware feathers of many colours. Before them road a young man appareled like to a woman, after the most antic fashion.  
That woman was mounted upon a fish, and by her a footman did run. She complained and bitterly cursed one, by whom she had been injured.  
Then the Knights who accompanied her, promised to be revenged, and presently determined to assault the Island.  
The first of these three Knights bearing many colours, was Yuan Cunia the Spaniard: who at the second course, hurt the Earl Arenberg very sore; and having lost the use of one finger on his right hand, he ran no more. In his place therefore succeeded, a Knight unknown, wearing the sign of an horn. Then came the Earl Hochstrate in white silver: wearing on his breast a rose. And although he performed his part well, yet was he forced to dismount.  
The Earl Arenberg being wounded, in his place one other of three knights errant, did come: who was the Lord Hubermunt of the Emperor's Chamber.  
The third Knight was Peter Ernest Earl Mansfield, calling himself Knight of the white Moil. Against him came the Knight of the golden Lion: upon whom the Earl Mansfield broke three swords: but the fourth sword by misadventure fell out of his hand, and thereby he forced to become prisoner. And this was the end of that days conflict.  
The next day soon after dinner, out came the Lord Pelous of Burgundy called the Knight of the green Shield: he and his horse were furnished with gold and green. The first three encounters he made against the Lord Thourlo, were to good purpose: but being come to the Sword, it was by force wrested from him, and he carried to prison.  
Then followed Rodorigo Bassano a Spaniard, called Pedro Vermandesio, who within three encounters was taken.  
The Lo. Courlan a Burgundian, called Knight of the three Stars, all in green, desiring to be revenged, was also made prisoner.  
The next day Peter Ernestus Earl Mansfield desired again to try his fortune, calling himself the feathered Knight. But at the second encounter his adversaries Lance broke the sight of his headpiece, and cut his nose, wherewith he fell down dead: yet because the armour was good and the violence of the blow broken, he recovered.  
After Mansfield, followed the L. Noyel a Fleming: who after a little fight before the tower of Terror, where he fought with great courage, was forced to yield.  
Then jacomo di Leyva a Spaniard (called the Indian Knight) attired in black, after the second course yielded himself.  
Next to the Spaniard entered two Knights in red cloth of Tissue, richly embroidered with gold: they called themselves Knights of Hungary. The one was the Prince of Ascoli, who at the first encounter yielded himself: neither had Giacobo a Cunia (called also Gonartus a Stella tenebrosa) better fortune: for at the first course he was taken.  
The first that entered the Island by force, was john Guixada surnamed Gulielmus Superbus: He, appareled in black tissue embroidered about with gold, by force of Arms broke into all the passages; and then by aid of the Lord Bosswio master of the emperors stable, was received into a Bark, having sails of white and red silk. So being landed in the I'll, he attempted to win the precious sword. And though his attempt proved vain, yet in approbation of his valour, the Queen did give him a crown.  
Next to him his brother, with equal fortune, entered the Island: men called him john Lodovic Guixada, who for his hardy enterprise received also a garland.  
The like success had the Duke of Arscot his brother, who with the marquess of Cieura (called Knight of the red Shield, whereon were painted three Moors heads) entered the Isle. Likewise Ferdinando della Zerda a Spaniard (called fortunes Knight) having slain the guard, was also crowned.  
The next day also Monsieur de Chaumont, called the sudden Knight, and one other Knight named Florestan which was the Lord Valous, both Flemings, yielded their charges.  
The fift man that entered the Isle, was Lodovico Zapatta a Spaniard: his garments were of yellow cloth of gold. But john Zevendio a Spaniard also, called the sorrowful Knight, was forced in the first strait to alight, & was presently led into the dark fortress. The like fortune had Monsieur de Moncean named Knight of the Misty mountain.  
The sixth that entered the Isle was the Earl of Megen, otherwise the Knight of the Sun. His apparel was black cloth of gold. The like good hap was like to befall unto Monsieur Champagni, but his horse encountering an enemy at the chock, amazed him so much as he fell down and was taken prisoner.  
The seventh garland Gaspero Roblesio a Spaniard gained. He being called Knight of the Moon, recovered the second passage, complaining unto the Earl of Egmont, that the judges without desert had given honour to Monsieur de Truilier a Frenchman.  
But Monsieur Querenaut a Knight errant, encountering Monsieur Preux called Knight of the Rose, took him prisoner. Then Garna ab Ayala a Spaniard, called the Knight of Death, all in black powdered white, came forth to fight. Before ●im the Queen's Musicians went singing a funeral tune; which prognosticated his misadventure: for at the first encounter he was taken.  
Then appeared one called Knight of the Basilisk, being indeed Monsieur Myngoval, who in a fight on foot gained great honour: but at his first encounter on horseback he became prisoner.  
The eight garland Monsieur de maly a Flemish Gentleman, and a follower of the Duke of Arscot, obtained. That Knight was bravely furnished in white silver, and called himself the furious Knight.  
Last of all, the prince of Spain with his Band of Knights appeared: their attire was vermilion cloth of gold, wrought with flowers of silver, and guarded about with lace of gold. The Caparisons of their horses were of the same. Also the Saddles, the Petrels, Croopers, and Girths were of vermilion silk, mixed with gold; so was every man's scabbard, and all the favours in their Crests were made of white and vermilion red. The chief Knight of the prince's company was the Marquis of Pescara, son to the marquess of Guasta in Italy, who called himself Knight Anonius; a beardless young man, yet so valorous, as in that fight he received a crown.  
Next to him was the Baron, Noirquerk, a Fleming, called Knight of the the Rose: a gallant Gentleman, yet at the first encounter taken prisoner.  
The third was the marquess of Monte, Knight of the Sky, because his Armour was of that colour: He passed the Straight, but further he could not go.  
The fourth was the Prince of Piemount and Duke of Savoy, whose virtue merited a garland, but his sword could not gain more ground, but only to enter the Island.  
The fift was the Prince of Spain, who broke his two first Lances with great courage: and the third was torn with so great violence, as thereof ten pieces were seen to lie on the ground.  
These courses furiously performed, he drew forth his sword, and with marvelous speed pierced further into the Island: till in the end of three assaults, he gained the place where the fatal sword was: whereof having laid hold, he flourished over his head, and forthwith the misty clouds of darkness vanished: so, as every man might see all places of the castle.  
The darkness of the fortress thus driven away, the Prince with his enchanted sword touched the walls: and immediately they fell down.  
The castle thus demolished, the Enchanter Norabroc, with a Turkish cap on his head, came forth: and kneeling on his knees, desired the Prince's pardon. Therewith also he set at liberty all the knights whom he held in prison, and they being free, in triumphant wise followed the Prince to his Court.   

CHAP. 42.  
The inauguration of Carolus Magnus King of Italy, Anno 773.  
WHen Desiderio King of the Lombard's was taken prisoner, and the people of Lombardie yielded to Charles, he proclaimed himself King of all Italy: which title by law of Arms he justly claimed to be his. The same was also by the decree of Pope Gregory confirmed. Then was he also by the Bishop of Milan crowned at Modena. The crown he received, was of iron: for of that metal he commanded it should be made, enjoining all his successors to do the like.  
The order and ceremonies of that coronation, remaineth recorded in the Rota at Rome: and is to this day observed at the Inauguration of all Emperors, when they are elected King of Romans.  
The morning when this Charles was to be crowned, certain Bishops were sent to conduct him from his chamber unto the Church, and being come thither he was brought before the high Altar.  
Then the Archbishop, after he had said certain prayers, turned himself to the people, and asked them whether they did consent to receive that Prince for their King, and whether they determined faithfully to obey his laws and commandments.  
So soon then as the people had pronounced their consent, the Bishop with holy oil anointed the King's head, his breast, and shoulders: therewith praying God to bless him, and grant him good success in Arms, with an happy succession of children.  
These Ceremonies being ended, the Archbishop delivered into the King's hand a sword, and ornified him with a bracelet, a ring and a sceptre. Also upon his head he set the crown aforesaid. All those things being done, he kissed him (as a sign of peace) and so departed from the King.   

CHAP. 43.  
The Inauguration of Carolus Magnus, being made Emperor, Anno 800.  
WHen the people inhabiting the confines of Benevento had much molested that Country, and were subdued by Vinigesius the son of Charles then Duke of Spoleto: Leo the Bishop of Rome in the time of prayers, when all the people were assembled, the Barons of Rome also present, did consecrate and anoint Charles, before the Altar Basilica, where he also received the Ensigns of the Empire. From thence he was conducted to the chief Altar of the Temple, and there anointed, when he had reigned in France 33 years: before which time, no Emperor in three hundred and thirty years, had been seen in Italy. This order of coronation hath ever since been observed.  
At every such coronation, the people with one voice did cry: Carolo Augusto, Magno, & Pacifico vita & victoria.  
The same time also Pypin his son was anointed, and by solemn decree of the Pope declared King of Italy.   

CHAP. 44.  
The Inauguration of Pope Gregory. x.  
IN the year 1268. Pope Clement the fourth died at Viterbo. After whose death the Papacy (by discord of Cardinals) was void two years, and nine months.  
The Cardinals then present in Court, were seventeen, whose disconformity continued the seat void almost three years: yet did they assemble often, but every one ambitiously affecting the Papacy for himself, nothing could be concluded: for in those days the Cardinals were not shut up in the conclave, (as since hath been the use) but every one went at liberty and at his pleasure.  
The creation of the Pope thus deferred, Philip the Frence King, and Charles king of Sicill came unto Viterbo, to solicit the election: yet they prevailed not.  
One day, these Kings being present in the Conclave, the Cardinal of Porto seeing the frowardness of the other Cardinals, who seemed to pray aid of the holy Ghost in that action, said unto them: My Lords, let us untile the roof of this chamber, for it seemeth the holy Ghost cannot enter, if the house be still covered. And so soon as he heard that Gregory was pronounced Pope, he framed these verses of that election, viz.  
Papatus munus tulit Archidiaconus unus,  
Quem patrem patrum fecit discordia fratrum.  
This Pope before his ascension was called Theobaldus, an Archdeacon, no Cardinal: being also, at that time, beyond the sea at Ptolemaida in Syria: whether he was gone with Edward the King of England's eldest son. From thence they intended (among other pilgrims) to go unto jerusalem. But hearing he was pronounced Pope, returned from Syria into Italy: and being come to Viterbo he received the Ensigns of Papacy. From thence he passed to Rome, and was there crowned by the name of Gregory the tenth. He lived Pope six years, six months, and ten days: and finding fault with some orders of the Church, chief in electing the Pope, he framed divers Canons of which these are part.  
First that the assembly of Cardinals for choice of every new Pope, should be at a place fit for the purpose, and where the Pope defunct, with his Court, did die. But if the death happened in any village or small town, than the next city to be the place of election.  
That no election of any new Pope should be, till after ten days that the other Pope departed, to the end the Cardinal's absent might appear.  
That no Cardinal in his absence should be permitted to have any suffrage or voice in the conclave.  
That every Cardinal absent, and every other person of any condition, should be capable of the Papacy.  
That no Cardinal entered into the Conclave, should go out, before the new Pope were created.  
That no Cardinal or other person should ambitiously endeavour to compass the Papacy by money or other corruption, upon peril of the Pope's curse.   

CHAP. 45.  
¶ The Inauguration of Henry the 4. King of England 1399.  
THis King, called before Duke of Lancaster, came first to Westminster, and from thence he went unto the Tower of London, accompanied with the Nobility and the rest of his Court: there he made nine Knights of the Bath, and 46. other Knights.  
The next day after dinner, he returned to Westminster in great pomp: he himself riding through London, kept his head bare: and about his neck he ware the collar appertaining to the Order of France.  
Before the King, went the Prince his son, six Dukes, six Earls, and eighteen Barons, besides other Lords, Knights, esquires, and Gentlemen to the number of 900. or thereabout.  
By the way awaited the Lord Mayor with his brethren, and officers of the City. Also the companies of every Hall in their Liveries, which number amounted to six hundred.  
All the streets where the King passed, were hanged with cloth of gold, silver, or rich Arras.  
That day and the next, all the conduits were full of wine, some Claret, and some White.  
The night before the Coronation, the King washed his body: and the next morning prayed, in the presence of three Prelates.  
The next morning, the Clergy in great numbers attended the King to the Temple of Westminster: and from thence all the Lords and Knights of the Order in their robes awaited upon his Majesty to the Palace, who all that way marched under the Canopy of State.  
On either hand of the King a sword was carried: the one represented the Ecclesiastical, the other Political jurisdiction.  
The Ecclesiastical sword was borne by the Prince of Wales the King's son: the sword of justice, Henry Percy Earl of Northumberland and Constable of England, did bear: which office was lately taken from the Earl of Rutland and given to him. The sceptre was carried by the Earl of Westmoreland Martial of England.  
In this order, and thus accompanied, the King came into the Church, where he found a place of State prepared in the mids: there he set himself down, being furnished with all his rich and royal ornaments, the crown excepted.  
The Archbishop of Canterbury preached, and showed the King's person unto the people, saying, Behold him here that is to reign over you, for so God hath ordained: Will you (quoth he) consent he shall be crowned your King? whereunto they answered, Yea: and holding up their hands, offered to be sworn.  
Then the King went down from his seat, and kneeled before the high Altar, where two Archbishops and ten Bishops did take off his royal garments, and anoint him in the presence of all the multitude: viz. on the crown of his head, on the breast, on the shoulders, on the palms of his hands: which done, they set his cap upon his head.  
Then the King put upon him a garment like unto a Deacon, and girt the same, as Prelates use to do. Then they buckled upon one of his feet a Spur, and drew forth the sword of justice, which they delivered into the King's hand, and he put it up into the sheath: when it was put up, the Archbishop of Canterbury girt it unto his side.  
Then was the Crown of S. Edward brought thither, and by that Archbishop set upon the King's head.  
All these ceremonies, and Divine Service finished, the King with the same pomp he came to the Church, returned to the Palace: in the mids whereof was a fountain which flowed with wine, white and red.  
At dinner, the King did sit at the first table: at the second sat the five chief Peers of the kingdom: at the third, the Mayor and aldermans: at the fourth, the nine new made Knights: at the fifh, the Knights & Gentlemen of the King's house.  
So long as the King did sit, the Prince of Wales stood on his right hand, holding the Ecclesiastical sword: and on the left hand stood the Constable of England, shaking the sword of justice: under them stood the Marshal holding the Sceptre.  
At the King's table, besides the King, two Archbishops and three other Bishops did sit.  
In the dinner time a Knight well mounted & armed at all pieces, came into the Hall: and before him road an other horseman, that carried his Lance; his name was Dymmock.  
This Champion having his sword drawn, and a Mace also ready, delivered unto the king a scroll of paper: wherein was contained; that if any Gentleman would deny that Henry there present, were not the lawful King of England, he was ready by Arms to maintain it, where and when the King should command.  
This cartel was delivered to a King of Arms, and by the King's commandment proclaimed in the palace, and in six places of the City: but no man found to say the contrary: and so the ceremony of this Coronation ended.   

CHAP. 46.  
The Inauguration of Charles the French King, at Rheims, 1380.  
THis Charles the 6. King of France of that name, being twelve years old, was crowned in the presence of the Dukes of Anjoy, Awernia, Burgundy, Bourbon, Brabant, Berry and Lorayn: the Earl of Piedmont, the Earl of Marcury the Earl Eu, and William Lord of Namur being present: the Earl of Flanders and Bloys sent their deputies.  
The King entered the city of Rheims, with a marvelous troop of Lords and Gentlemen: having before them thirty trumpets sounding.  
His Majesty alighted at our Lady Church: and thither resorted unto him his cousins of Albert, Navarre, Barry, Harecourt, and other young Princes and Lords of the blood, whom the next day he dubbed Knights.  
On Sunday after, the King went unto the Church, which was most sumptuously prepared. There the Bishop crowned his Majesty, and anointed him with that oil wherewith Saint Remigius had anointed Clodoveus the first Christian King of France.  
That Oil was miraculously (as is reported) sent from heaven by an Angel, purposely to anoint Clodoveus. And being preserved ever since a glass, although all the kings have been therewith anointed, yet is the quantity thereof no whit decreased.  
The King being come before the high Altar, did honour all the young men aforesaid, with Knighthood: and that done he kneeled upon rich foot Carpets that were there spread: at his feet the young Princes (newly made Knights) did sit: and Oliver Clisson, newly also advanced to be Constable of the kingdom, performed his office; and there (amids the nobility) with all pomp possible, the King was crowned.  
Then to the end that all men might have cause to rejoice, the King was pleased to remit and forgive all taxations, subsidies and impositions by what name soever, lately invented.  
The Coronation finished, his Majesty returned to the palace, where his table was prepared, and hereat (besides the King) did sit the Dukes, his uncles, viz. the Duke of Brabant, Anjoy, Awernia, Burgundy, and Bourbon, and on his right hand sat the Archbishop of Rheims with other Lords of the Spiritualty.  
Touching meaner Lords of the kingdom, they shifted for place where it could be found.  
The Admiral's Coucy, Clisson, and Tremoly had their tables equally covered with Carpets of Tissue.  
The next day the King dined, according to ancient use: and the charge of the Inauguration was defrayed by the Citizens of Rheims.  
These ceremonies being consummate with great pomp, triumph, and joy, he returned to Paris.   

CHAP. 47.  
At the Inauguration of King Henry the third French King, three notable things observed.  
FIrst when he should have been anointed with the holy oil, there was none found in the ceremonious Horn, which for many years had been preserved by miracle as a relic sent from heaven.  
Secondly, when in the royal seat the Crown was set upon his head by certain Bishops, (as is accustomed) he cried out twice, Oh it hurts me.  
Thirdly, when he kneeled before the Altar during Mass, the Crown fell from his head, all which seemed ominous to the beholders, and so it proved both to himself and others.   

CHAP. 48.  
The Inauguration of Charles the fift. Anno 1520.  
THis Emperor having given order for his affairs in Belgica, required the Electors, that they would come to his Inauguration at Aquisgran, where the plague then happened to be; which moved them to desire, that the celebration might be elsewhere. But his Majesty at the Citizen's suit, (who had prepared with great cost) resolved not to alter, alleging also that Charles the fourth his predecessor, had made a law, that the Emperor ought of necessity be crowned at Aquisgran.  
The 21. of October the Archbishop of Mentz, Colein and Treuer appeared.  
The marquess of Brandenburg came after, and the Duke of Saxony being sick, stayed at Colein.  
The next day all these Princes road to meet the Emperor, and when they came near unto his person, they alighted; which done, with all reverence the Archbishop of Mentz (in the name of them all) spoke unto his Majesty, and was by the mouth of the Cardinal of Salisburg courteously answered.  
All those troops so united, proceeded to the City.  
Without the gate, the Palatin of the Rhine also did meet them, so were the Electors companies about one thousand six hundredth; some Lances, and some Archers.  
The Emperors own troop was two thousand, very magnificently furnished.  
Thither also came john Duke of Cleve, with 400. men well armed: and much discord there was between the Cl●uoys and the Saxons, who should preceded. The like pomp had not been seen in Germany.  
On th'one side of Caesar road the Archbishop of Cullein: and on th'other was the Archbishop of Mentz.  
Next to them followed the Ambassadors of the King of Bohemia, the Bishops of Sedun, Saltsburg and Croy, all Cardinals; and with them were the Ambassadors of all Kings and Princes: saving of the Pope, and the King of England, which was supposed to be of purpose; lest the deputies of the German Princes should preceded them.  
The Emperor being come to Aquisgran, alighted at our Lady Church: and there (after prayers) he talked particularly with the Electors, who followed him to his lodging.  
One other day they met again in the Temple, where the throng was so great, as hardly the Guard could make room.  
In the mids of the Temple, a great Crown was hanged, and under it carpets were spread, whereupon Caesar did prostrate himself, till the Archbishop of Collen had ended certain prayers.  
Then the Archbishop of Mentz and Treuer did take him up and led him before our Lady's altar: where again he fell down upon his face, and after prayers, they led him to his throne of State.  
When these ceremonies were ended, the Bishop of Cullen begun the Mass, and having said a part thereof, he asked the Emperor (in the Latin tongue) If he would conserve the Christian faith? defend the Church? do justice? protect the Empire? defend widows, fatherless children, and people distressed? Whereunto, when he had consented, he was led to the Altar: and there with a solemn oath, confirmed the words he had spoken, and returned to his throne.  
After the oath taken, the Bishop of Cullen said other prayers, and then put oil upon his head, his breast, the bending places of his arms, and the palms of his hands.  
Being thus anointed, the Archbishops of Mentz and Treuer led him into the Vestry, where they appareled him as a deacon, and in that habit brought him forth, and placed him in his throne, where after more prayers, the Archbishop of Cullen (in presence of the whole Clergy,) delivered into his hand a naked sword, and recommended to him the Common weal.  
Caesar having the sword in his hand, put it into the sheath: which done, they put upon his finger a Ring, and on his shoulders they cast a Regal cloak.  
They also delivered to him a Sceptre and a Ball, to represent the form of the whole world.  
Then all the three Bishops laid hand on the Crown, and set it upon the emperors head.  
When all these things were done, he was again brought unto the Altar, and there sworn to perform the duty of a good Prince.  
That oath taken, the Emperor accompanied with those Bishops, went up higher, and there sat in a seat of stone. Then the Bishop of Mentz (in the German tongue) spoke aloud, and wished that his Majesty and people to him subject, might long live in health and happiness. After which words, in sign of public joy, the Quoristers and instruments of Music made melody.  
At all these solemn prayers the Lady Margarita aunt to the Emperor, and governess of the Low countries was present.  
In the end of these compliments he received the Sacrament: and made many Knights, which honour (as mine Auctor saith) was anciently the reward of virtue and approved valour: but now the custom is, that if a King do lightly lay his sword upon any man's shoulder, that favour alone, without more ceremony or other merit, shall make him a Knight: which is the cause, that title is given not only to Gentlemen well borne, but also to Merchants and others, that ambitiously do seek it.  
All these things being done in the Church, the Emperor returned to his Palace, which was most magnificently prepared. There he dined: and so did the Electors: every one sitting at a table by himself.  
The dinner being ended, and the tables taken away: the Bishop of Treuer took place right against the Emperor, for so the law of Charlemagne determined.  
In ages more ancient, an ox's body filled full of small beasts and fowls, was roasted, on the day of Caesar's Inauguration, whereof one part was served at his table, the rest given to the multitude. Two Conduits were likewise made to run wine all that day.  
Dinner being done, the Emperor retired into his chamber, and there he delivered the seals of the Empire unto the Archbishop of Mentz: and the next day all the Electors supped with his Majesty.   

CHAP. 49.  
¶ Ceremonies appertaining to the delivery of Prizes at jousts and Tournaments.  
AT every public triumph before a Prince, it seemeth the use heretofore hath been, that the Prizes of best desert should be given by the hand of the Queen, notwithstanding it were in the King's presence: but first a solemn proclamation to be made by the Heralds, to this effect.  
Oyez, oyez, oyez: Be it known to all men by these presents, that by authority of the most high, most excellent, and most puissant Prince H. by the grace of God King of England, France, and Ireland, etc. That of those which have jousted on the Challengers side, A. B. hath deserved the prize, and to him let the same be given as due, by the censure of the Queen, with the assent of her Ladies, Gentlewomen, and all others of her highness Court here present.  
Likewise on the party of Defenders, C. D. hath jousted well, E. F. better, but G. H. best of all: unto whom the prize is judged by the most mighty, most excellent, and virtuous Princess with consent aforesaid.  
This was the form of delivering the prizes, at the most noble and triumphant jousts performed by King Henry the eight & Francis the French King, with their Nobility and Gentlemen of Arms, at their interview in Picardy, where the Proclamation in form aforesaid was pronounced in English and French.  
It seemeth that in ages more ancient the use was, that the Prince did also give a letter of attestation to such persons as gained any prize, either in combat for life or honour: for myself have read such a one granted by a King of France unto an Italian Gentleman, in these words following: whereunto was added an honourable ceremony.  
NOi Filippo per gratia di Dio Re di Franza, etc. Notifichiammo a tutti coloro, a quali perueranno quest nostre littere, & i lo haranno a grado & in piacere, e generalment a Imperadori, Re, Duchi, Marchesi, Conti, Principi, Nobili, Caualierie Gentilhuomini, Come havendo noi celebrato le nostre feast a honore, a laud, & a gloria di nostro Signior Dio, & ad honore di tutti i Caualieri che sono venuti a combattere a tutto transito in questo honorato passo di Armi. Vogliamo che siano riconosciuti coloro che si saranno valorosament portati, senza essermai vinti pure una volta, pois che si debbe dare l' honore a chi merita, & ch' esenza menda. Però, per queste ordoniammo, commandiammo, e sententiammo, che a gloria, a honore, a laud, & a fama del egregio, e virtuoso Cavalier N. esso sia publicato in tutti quatro i cantoni delle lizzes & sbarre, day Re d' armi, Araldi, & Passavanti, con trombette, e Sonatori, con consentimento nostro & delli giudici del campo, rappresentanti la persona nostra per lo miglio●e di tutti i Caualieri de nostro regno. Et command●ammo che sia posto sopra un cavallo tuito bianco, e che tutti coloro che vi si truoueranno, cosi donne, come huomini, vengono con esso not tutti a Piedi, e sia fatta processione generale e N vada sotto il baldacchino fino alla chiesa. Appresso commandiammo & ordoniammo, che uscendo della chiesa, si vada per tutte le lizze, & sbarre, e N. ne prenda la possessione, e per i Re d' Armi gli siano date tutte le ch●aui delle debt lizze in segno di vittoria. Et ancora commandiammo, che siano celebrate feast che durino quindeci giorni, a laud & gloria del vittorioso N. E perch ciascuno conosca la real verita di questo fatto, habbiamo segnata la present carta con colour vermiglio, e suggellata col nostro Real Suggillo. Data nella nostra Citta di Parigi, a 4. di Luglio, etc.  

The same in English.  
PHilip by the grace of God King of France, etc. Be it known to all men to whom these Letters shall come, and to every other person that take delight or pleasure in Arms; and generally to all Emperors, Kings, Dukes, Marquesses, Earls, Princes, Barons, and other Gentlemen, That we have celebrated a solemn triumph, to the honour, praise, and the glory of God, and the commendation of such as did fight in this honourable action of Arms. And being desirous that they who have valorously performed their parts without receiving blame or disgrace, should be known; to the end honour may be given to every one according to his merit: Therefore we have hereby ordained, commanded, and judged, for the everlasting honour, praise, and glory of the excellent and virtuous Gentleman N. his name shall be proclaimed in all the four corners of the Lists or place of jousts by the king of Arms, the Heralds, and Pursuivants, and by the censure of the judges of the field, representing our person: whereby all men may know, that the said N. is the most excellent and most virtuous Gentleman of Arms in all our kingdom. We moreover command, that he shall be mounted upon a white horse, and that every person present, as well women as men, shall with us follow him in procession on foot. And that the said N. shall ride under a canopy unto the Church. We likewise ordain and command, that in return from the Church, he shall pass through the place of jousts, and there take possession of the keys, which shall be delivered unto him by the king of Arms in sign of victory. Lastly we command, that the celebration of the feast shall continue the space of fifteen days, to the commendation and glory of the victorious N. And in witness of the very troth in this matter, we have signed these Letters with red ink, and thereunto set our Royal Seal. Dated in our City of Paris the 4. of july, etc.    

CHAP. 50.  
Of justs and Turneaments, and how the accidents in such exercises are to be judged in the Kingdom of Naples.  
IT is written, how at a triumph in the noble city of Naples, a Gentleman called the L. Peter Count of Derise, received so furious an encounter by the Lance of another that ran against him, that therewith he became at one instant disarmed of his shield, his Curates and Headpiece, so as he being utterly disarmed, was left on horseback in his doublet only, without other harm. In requital whereof, the said Peter gave unto the other Gentleman so violent a blow, as therewith the girths of the horse were broken, and the man cast headlong on the ground.  
Whereupon a question was moved, which of them had merited most honour, or rather which of them deserved least reproach? Whereunto was answered absolutely, that he who fell from the horse, was most dishonoured, for (next unto death) to fall from the horse is most reproachful.  
Yet it is less disgrace to fall with the horse, then to fall alone: and therefore, albeit a man doth run never so well, if in the end he doth fall from the horse, he can by no means receive honour for that day, but shall rather departed with disgrace.  
Who so fighteth on foot at Barrier, or in any other exercise of Arms, is by the force of his adversary constrained with his hand to touch the ground, shall thereby lose all commendation.  
He that on horseback directeth his Lance at the head, is more to be praised, than he that toucheth lower. For the higher the Lance hitteth, the greater is the Runners commendation.  
Whoso runneth low is not only unworthy praise, but also meriteth reproach. And he who so carrieth his Lance comely and firm, is more to be praised, although he break not, than he who misgoverneth his horse, or unskilfully handleth his Lance, although he doth break.  
He that useth to run high, sitteth steadily and moveth least in his course, accompanying his horse evenly and justly, is in running worthy all commendation.  
He that falleth with the encounter of the adversary, although (as is before said) the same be a great disgrace: yet is it more excusable, then if he remaineth on horseback amazed, suffering his horse to wander he wotteth not whither.  
He that with his Lance taketh away the rest of the adversaries Armour, meriteth more honour, than he that taketh away any other ornament.  
He that breaketh his Lance on the pommel or bolster of his adversaries saddle, deserveth worse than he who beareth his Lance well without breaking.  
He that breaketh on the face or other part of the horse, meriteth worse than he that breaketh not at all.  
He that hurteth an horse, shall not receive honour, although before he hath run well: for he that hurteth an horse is in like predicament with him that falleth, who cannot on that day receive any honour.  
He is worthy small estimation that cannot govern his own horse, or that sitteth lose in his saddle: but much is he to be praised, that with his force disordereth his adversary in the saddle.  
He that letteth his Lance fall, can claim no commendation. And less worthy praise is he that knoweth not how it should be charged.  
He that breaketh the Lance furiously in many pieces, is more reputed, than he that breaketh it faintly in one only place.  
He that conveyeth his Lance into the Rest in due time, is worthy commendation: but he that carrieth it shaking in his hand, or vnstayedly in the Rest, meriteth blame.  
He that dexteriously carrieth the Lance long on the arm, and skilfully conveyeth it into the Rest near the time of encounter, is more allowed, them he that suddenly and at the first setting out doth charge it.  
To conclude, he is worthy all commendation, that beareth himself well on horseback, that sitteth comely, that fitteth his body well with Armour, that hath his person so disposed, as if it were without Armour, that can endure to wear it long, & that till the end of the day disarmeth not his head.  
He that performeth not all his determined courses, ought not receive any prize or honour.  
He that hurteth or toucheth an horse with his Lance, shall neither have prize nor praise, for he is in case as though he had fallen.  
He that doth fall, may not run any more in that day, unless he falleth on his feet standing right up, and be also a Challenger: for in that case he may return to horse & answer all comers, because on that day he is so bound to do.   

CHAP. 51.  
Of justs and Tournaments, how they were anciently judged by john Tiptoft Earl of Worcester, high Constable of England, in the reign of King Edward the fourth.  
FIrst, who so breaketh most spears, as they ought be broken, shall have the prize.  
Who so hitteth three times in the height of the Helm, shall have a prize.  
Who so meeteth cronall to cronall shall have a prize.  
Who so beareth a man down with the force of his Spear, shall have a prize.  

Here followeth wherefore the prize shallbe lost.  
FIrst who so striketh an Horse, shall have no prize.  
Who so striketh a man, his back turned or disgarnished of his spear, shall have no prize.  
Who so hitteth the Toil three times, shall have no prize.  
Who so unhelmeth himself two times, shall have no prize, unless his horse fail him.   

Here followeth how spears shall be allowed.  
FIrst who so breaketh a Spear between the Saddle, and the Charnel of the Helm, shallbe allowed one.  
Who so breaketh a spear from the Charnel upward, shall be allowed one.  
Who so breaketh and putteth his adversary down, or out of the saddle, or disarmeth him in such wise, as he may not run the next course after, shallbe allowed three spears broken.   

Here followeth how Spears broken shall be disallowed.  
FIrst he that breaketh on the Saddle, shall be disallowed for a Spear breaking.  
Who so hitteth the Toil once, shallbe disallowed for two.  
Who so hitteth the Toil twice, for the second shallbe abated three.  
Who so breaketh a spear within a foot of the Charnel, shallbe judged as no Spear, but a Taint.   

Of prizes to be given.  
FIrst, who so beareth a man down, and out of the Saddle, or putteth him to earth horse and man, shall have the prize before him that striketh Curnall to Curnall.  
He that striketh Curnall to Curnall two times, shall have the prize before him that striketh the sight three times.  
He that striketh the sight two times, shall have the prize before him that breaketh most Spears.   

At the Torney.  
TWo blows at passage, and ten at the joining ought suffice, unless it be otherwise determined.  
All gripes, shocks, and foul play forbidden.   

How prizes at Turney and Barriers are to be lost.  
HE that giveth a stroke with a Pike from girdle downward, or under the Bar, shall have no prize.  
He whose sword falleth out of his hand, shall have no prize.  
He that hath a close Gauntlet, or any thing to fasten his sword to his hand, shall have no prize.  
He that stayeth his hand on the Bar, in fight shall have no prize.  
He that showeth not his sword unto the judges before he fighteth, shall have no prize.  
Having here spoken of foreign triumphs, I think it not impertinent (and haply my duty also) to remember what honour hath been by like Actions done unto the Kings of England our own natural Sovereign's. For albeit the Romans, the Persians, & Syrians being heretofore the most mighty monarchs of the world, and consequently of greatest pomp, yet in later time (and chief within these 500 years) no Prince Christian hath lived more honourably than the Kings of England. And as their prowess in Arms hath been great, so their Courts for magnificence and greatness needed not give place to any, which may appear by the often and excellent triumphs celebrated before Kings and Queens of this land. Yea certain it is, that neither France, Spain, Germany or other Nation Christian was ever honoured with so many Military triumphs, as England hath been, chief in the reign of her Majesty who now liveth: as hereafter shall appear. For besides other excellent triumphal Actions, and Military pastimes since her majesties reign, a yearly (and as it were ordinary) triumph hath been celebrated to her highness honour, by the noble and virtuous Gentlemen of her Court; a custom never before used not known in any Court or Country. And albeit (as hath been formerly remembered) the Triumphs of Germany were of great pomp and notable, yet because they were furnished with the whole number of Princes and Nobility of that Nation, (and the celebration rare) they seem to me less admirable than our own, which have continued more than 30. years yearly, without intermission; and performed chief (and in effect only) by the Princes, Lords and Gentlemen daily attendant upon her majesties Royal person. Whereby the honour of those Actions is indeed due to her highness Court only.    

CHAP. 52.  
¶ Triumphs Military for Honour and love of Ladies: brought before the Kings of England.  

A Triumph before King Edward the third. 1343.  
THis King being the most warlike and virtuous Prince that lived in his days, happened (as mine Author saith) to fall in love with a noble Lady of his Kingdom, and desiring both to honour her, and please himself with her presence, convited all noble Ladies, to behold a triumph at London, to be there performed by the Nobles, and Gentlemen of his Court. This intention his Majesty did command to be proclaimed in France, Henault, Flanders, Brabant and other places: giving Passport and secure abode to all noble strangers, that would resort into England. That done, he sent unto all Princes, Lords and esquires of the Realm, requiring that they with their wives, daughters and cousins, should at the day appointed, appear at his Court.  
To this feast came William Earl of Henault, and john his brother with many Barons, and Gentlemen. The triumph continued 15. days, and every thing succeeded well, had not john the son and heir of Viscount Beaumount been there slain.  
In this triumph also appeared the Earl of Lancaster, and Henry his son. The Earl of Derby. The Lord Robert of Artoys. The Earl of Richmount. The Earl of Northampton. The Earl of Gloucester. The Earl of Warwick. The Earl of Salisbury. The Earl of Pembroke. The Earl of Hartford. The Earl of Arundel. The Earl of Cornwall. The Earl of Norfolk. The Earl of Suffolk. The Baron of Stafford with others.  
In the reign of the same King Edward, a Royal Just was holden at Lincoln● by the Duke of Lancaster, where were present certain Ambassadors sent by the King of Spain, for the Lady joane daughter to the King, who should have been married unto that King of Spain: but meeting her on the way, she died.  
A triumph was holden at Windsor before the same King Edward, whereat was present David King of Scots, the Lord of Tankeruile, and the Lord Charles de Valois, who by the King's licence was permitted to run, and had the prize. Anno 1349.  
In Smithfield were solemn justs in the same King's reign, where was present a great part of the most valiant Knights of England and France. Thither came also noble persons of other Nations, and Spaniards, Cipriots, Armenians, who at that time humbly desired aid against Pagans. An. 1361.   

A triumph before King Edward the fourth.  
IVsts were again holden in Smithfield, where Anthony Woodvile Lord Scales did run against the Bastard of Burgundy. Anno 1444.   

A triumph before King Henry the sixth.  
ONe other notable Action of Arms was personally performed in Smithfield, between a Gentleman of Spain called Sir Francis le Arogonoys, and Sir john Astley Knight of the Garter. For after the said Sir Francis had won the honour from all the men at Arms in France, he came into England and made a general challenge, but by the great valour of Sir john Astley lost the same unto him.   

Triumphs before King Henry the seventh.  
AT Richmont was holden a solemn triumph, which continued a whole month, where Sir james Parker running against Hugh Vaughan, was hurt and died. 1494.  
One other triumph was in the same King's days performed in the Tower of London. Anno 1502.   

Triumphs before King Henry the eight.  
But far exceeding all these, was that magnificent Just and Tournament at the meeting of the two excellent Princes, King Henry the eight of England, and Francis the French King, who choosing unto them fourteen others, did challenge to run at the Tilt, and fight both at the Tourney and Barrier with all comers. The Challengers were, the King of England, the French King, the Duke of Suffolk, the marquess Dorset, Sir William Kingston, Sir Richard jerningham, Master Nicholas Carew, and Master Anthony Kneuet, with their Assistants, Sir Rowland and Sir Giles Capel: with these were so many other French Gentlemen as made up the number aforesaid.  
For Defenders thither came Mounsieur Vandosme, the Earl of De●onshire, and the Lord Edmond Howard, every of them bringing in a fair band of Knights well armed.  
This most noble challenge of these two mighty Kings accompanied with fourteen other Knights (of either nation) seven, they caused to be proclaimed by Norrey King at Arms, in England, France, and Germany, Anno 12▪ Henrici 8.  
One other most memorable Challenge, was made by the same King: who in his own royal person, with William Earl of Devonshire, Sir Thomas Kneuet, and Edward Nevel Esquire, answered all comers, at Westminster. The King called himself Caeur Loyal: the Lord William, Bon Voloir: Sir Thomas Kneuet, Valiant desire: and Edward Nevil, joyous Pensier.   

The Defenders were.  
THe Lord Grace, Sir William a Parr, Robert Morton, Richard Blunt, Thomas Cheyney, Thomas Terrel, Christopher Willoughby, the Lord Howard, Charles Brandon, the Lord marquess, Henry Guildford, the Earl of Wiltshir●, Sir Thomas Bullin, Thomas Lucy, the Lord Leonard, the Lord john, john Melton, Griffith Doon, Edmond Howard, Richard Tempest.  
After this Challenge was ended the prize appointed for the Challengers party was given unto Caeur Loyal: and among the Defenders to Edmond Howard.  
Another solemn Challenge was proclaimed and performed by certain English Knights, viz. Sir john Dudley, Sir Thomas Seimor, Sir Francis Poynings, Sir George Carew, Anthony Kingston, and Richard Cromwell. Anno 1540   

Another action of Arms published in the Chamber of Presence at Westminster by a King of Arms 25. of November in the 1. and 2. of P. and M.  
FOrasmuch as ever it hath been a custom, that to the Courts of Kings and great Princes, Knights and Gentlemen of divers Nations have made their repair for the trial of Knighthood and exercise of Arms, And knowing this Royal Court of England to be replenished with as many noble Knights as any kingdom in the world at this day; It seemeth good to Don Frederick de Toledo, the Lord Strange, Don Ferdinando de Toledo, Don Francisco de Mendoca, and Garsulace de la Vega, That seeing here in this place, better than in any other, they may show the great desire that they have to serve their Ladies by the honourable adventures of their persons, They say that they will maintain a fight on foot at the Barriers with footman's harness, three bushes with a pike, & seven strokes with a sword, in the place appointed before the Court gate on Tuesday the 4. day of December, from the twelfth hour of the day until five at night, against all comers, Praying the Lords, the Earl of Arundel, the Lord Clinton, Gartilapez de Padilla, and Don Pedro de Cordova that they would be judges of this Triumph, for the better performance of the conditions following.  
First, that he which cometh forth most gallantly, without wearing on himself or furniture any gold, or silver, fine, or counterfeit, woven embroidered, or of goldsmith's work, shall have a rich Brooch.  
He that striketh best with a Pike, shall have a Ring with a Ruby.  
He that fighteth best with a Sword, shall have a Ring with a Diamond.  
He that fighteth most valiantly when they jointly fight together, shall have a Ring with a Diamond.  
He that giveth a stroke with a Pike from the girdle downward, or under the Barrier, shall win no prize.  
He that shall have a close gauntlet, or any thing to fasten his Sword to his hand, shall win no prize.  
He that his Sword falleth out of his hand, shall win no prize.  
He that striketh his hand in fight on the Barriers, shall win no prize.  
Whosoever shall fight, and not show his Sword to the judges before, shall win no prize.   

The Prizes given. The Prize of the fairest and most gallant entry.  
THe marquess de Valle came into the field very well appointed in armour and apparel. The King's Majesty better than he. Don Frederick de Toledo best of all; to whom the Queen's Majesty awarded the prize of the Brooch.   

The Prize for the Pike.  
THe Duke of Medina Caeli performed valorously, Don Pedro de la Zerda bettered him, Don Diego Ortado di Mendoça did best of all; to whom was given by the Queen's Majesty a Ring of gold with a Ruby.   

The Prize for the Sword.  
SIr George Howard fought very well, Don Adrian Garçias performed better, Sir john Parrot best of all: to whom the Queen's Majesty gave a Ring of gold with a Diamond.   

The Prize at the Pike in rank.  
THomas Percy acquitted valiantly, Carlo di Sanguine with greater fortune, Ruygomez best of all, to whom the Queen gave a Ring of gold.   

The Prize of all together in rank at the foil.  
LOrd William Howard L. Admiral with high commendation, marquess di Toro Mayore exceeded him, the King's Majesty exceeded all: to whom the Queen gave (in highest honour) a Ring of gold with a rich Diamond.  
In all which, and other the like triumphant Gests performed by the English and Spanish Nobility, it was ever held honourable and prizeworthy to appear within Lists most gallant and fairest armed, and yet with least superstitious cost of gold, silver, embroidery, or curiosity of workmanship.    

CHAP. 53.  
Of the like Actions in Arms since the reign of Queen Elizabeth.  
ONe solemn just, Tournament, and fight at the Barrier was holden at Westminster, wherein the Duke of Norfolk, the Earl of Sussex, the Earl of Warwick, the Earl of Leicester, the Lord Scroop, the Lord Darcie, and the Lord Hunsdon were Challengers, & with great honour answered all comers. The Defenders names are not extant. 1558.  
A royal Challenge was also there proclaimed before her Majesty; wherein were Challengers, the Earl of Oxenford, Charles Howard now Lord Admiral, Sir Henry Lea, and Sir Christopher Hatton, now Knights of the Garter; the one Master of her majesties armory; the other (at his death) Lord Chancellor.  

The Defenders were.  
THe Lord Stafford, the Lord Henry Seamor, Edward Harbert, Sir George Carie, Thomas Cecil, Henry Grace, William Howard, Sir Jerome Bowes, Henry Knowles, Henry Kneuet, William Norris, Richard Bulkley, Thomas Kneuet, william Knowles, Ralph Lane, George Delues, Robert Colsel, Lancelot Bostock, Brian Ansley, Henry Mackwilliam, Thomas Bedding field, Thomas Moor, William Worthing tun, Richard Blunt, Thomas Connesby, Robert Alexander, Roger Clopton.  
This Triumph continued three days: the first at Tilt, the second at Turney, and the third at the Barrier.  
On every of the Challengers her Majesty bestowed a prize, for the recieuing whereof, they were particularly led armed by two Ladies, unto her presence Chamber.  
The prize at the Tilton the Defenders party was given unto Henry Grace; at the Tourney, to the Lord Henry Seamor: at the Barriers to Thomas Cecil. Before them went Clarencieux King of Arms, in his Rich coat of Arms.  
This magnificent triumph was performed, Anno 1571.  
An honourable Challenge was likewise brought before her Majesty, by the Earl of Arundel, calling himself Callophisus, who with his assistant Sir William Drury, challenged all comers. Anno 1580.   

The Defenders were,  
THe Earl of Oxford, the Lord Windsor, Philip Sidney, Edward Norris, Henry Knowles, Robert Knowles, Fulk Grivell, Thomas Kneuet, Thomas Kellaway, Ralph Bowes, George Goring, George Gifford, Anthony Cook, Henry Bronkard, Edward Denny, Richard Ward, Thomas Parrot. The prize was given to the Earl of Oxford.  
To these actions of Arms, we may add a notable Tournament on horseback, solemnized within her majesties palace at Westminster: which became the more rare and memorable, because it was performed in the night. The manner whereof in brief was thus.  
It pleased her Majesty, (according to her Princely custom in the entertainment of noble strangers) to convite unto supper the Duke Memorancie, chief Marshal of France, at that time come thither to receive the honourable order of the Garder. This magnificent supper ended, it pleased her Highness (the weather being warm) to walk out of her chamber into the open Terrace, whither also (awaiting on her) went the said Duke, and all others of the French Nobility, with the Ambassadors, Lords and Ladies of the Court. At her majesties coming to the North side of the Terrace, there were prepared and set rich chairs, cushions and carpets. In which place it pleased her to stay, entertaining most graciously the said Duke, and other Noble strangers. Next unto them were placed the Ladies, Lords, Counsellors, and other persons of reputation, according to their degrees and convenience of the room. So as the said Terrace was on all sides beset with Lord, Ladies, and persons of quality, sumptuously appareled, and richly furnished, and among them (both above and under) stood many of the Guard in their rich coats, holding an infinite number of Torches: and so in the preaching place: by which mean, those that beheld the Terrace in this sort furnished, deemed it rather a Theatre celestial, than a palace of earthly building.  
The place with this Royal presence replenished, suddenly entered Walter Earl of Essex, and with him twelve Gentlemen armed at all pieces, and well mounted. The Earl and his horse was furnished with white cloth of silver, and the rest in white satin, who after reverence done to her Majesty, marched to the East side of the Court, and there in troup, stood firm. Forthwith entered Edward Earl of Rutland, with a like number, in like sort armed and appareled all in blue: and having presented his reverence, stayed on the West end. Before either of these bands, one Chariot was drawn, and therein a fair Damsel, conducted by an armed Knight, who pronounced certain speeches in the French tongue, unto her Majesty. These Ceremonies passed, The Queen commanded the armed men to fall unto fight: which was performed with great courage, and commendation, chief in the Earl of Essex, a noble parsonage, valorous in arms, and all other ways of great virtue. Truly this Action was marvelously magnificent, and appeared a sight exceeding glorious to those that were below looking upward to the Terrace, where her Majesty, the Lords and Ladies stood, so pompously appareled, iewelled and furnished, as hardly can be seen the like in any Christian Court, as myself saw, and other the Actors (at occasions staying from fight) with great admiration did behold and think.  
Of the Actor's names in this Triumph (it seemeth) no note is kept: yet are many of them living.  
Not inferior, but far exceeding in princely pomp and quality of Actors was that Royal combat and fight on foot before her Majesty the first of januarie, Anno 1●81. where Mounsieur brother unto the French King, the Prince of D' Aufine, the Earl of Sussex, the Earl of Leicester, the Count S. Aignon, Mounsieur Chamuallon, and Mounsieur Bacquevile were Challengers.   

The Defenders were,  
THe Lord Thomas Howard, Sir William Russell, Mounsieur Brunis, Mounsieur S. Vincent, Sir Thomas Cecil, Henry Grace, john Borough, Lord Windsor, Walter Windsor, Le Boylere, Le Chevalaier, Ambrose Willoughby, Sir William Drury, Thomas Radcliffe, Lord Sheffeeld, Robert Grace, Ralph Lane, George Carew, Fulke Grevill, William Knowles, Francis Knowles, Thomas Bedingfeild, Thomas Kneuet, Lord Darcy, Anthony Mildmay, Ralph Staverton, Lancelot Bostock, George Beeston, William Worthington, Thomas Kellaway, Sir George Carey, Ralph Bowes, Henry Windsor, john Wotton, George Goring, Edward Moor, George Gifford, Thomas Borough, Anthony Cook, Hercules Meutas, Richard Skipwith, Henry Bronkard, john Parker, Francis Darcy, john Tirrell.  
They are not here placed according to their degrees, but as they were called to fight: and with such titles as they then had.  
After these particular Triumphs, we may not forget the ordinary exercises of Arms, yearly used in memory of the applause of her majesties Subjects, at the day of her most happy ascension to the crown of England. In which Actions divers chief Lords and Gentlemen of the Realm (and some strangers also) appeared, though (indeed) the greatest number (and in effect all) were ordinary attendants upon her majesties Court.    

CHAP. 54.  
The Original occasions of the yearly Triumphs in England.  
HEre will we remember also (and I hope without envy so may) that these annual exercises in Arms, solemnized the 17. day of November, were first begun and occasionaed by the right virtuous and honourable Sir Henry Lea, Master of her highness armory, and now deservingly Knight of the most noble Order, who of his great zeal, and earnest desire to eternize the glory of her majesties Court, in the beginning of her happy reign, voluntarily vowed (unless infirmity, age, or other accident did impeach him) during his life, to present himself at the Tilt armed, the day aforesaid yearly, there to perform in honour of her sacred Majesty the promise he formerly made. Whereupon the Lords and Gentlemen of the said Court, incited by so worthy an example, determined to continue that custom, and not unlike to the ancient Knighthood della Banda in Spain, have ever since yearly assembled in Arms accordingly: though true it is, that the Author of that custom (being now by age overtaken) in the 33. year of her majesties reign resigned and recommended that office unto the right noble George Earl of Cumberland. The ceremonies of which assignation were publicly performed in presence of her Majesty, her Ladies and Nobility, also an infinite number of people, beholding the same, as followeth.  
On the 17. day of November, Anno 1590. this honourable Gentleman together with the Earl of Cumberland, having first performed their service in Arms, presented themselves unto her Highness, at the foot of the stairs under her Gallery window in the Tilt yard at Westminster, where at that time her Majesty did sit, accompanied with the Viscount Turyn Ambassador of France, many Ladies, and the chiefest Nobility.  
Her Majesty beholding these armed Knights coming toward her, did suddenly hear a music so sweet and secret, as every one thereat greatly marveled. And hearkening to that excellent melody, the earth as it were opening, there appeared a Pavilion, made of white Taffeta, containing eight score else, being in proportion like unto the sacred Temple of the Virgins Vestal. This Temple seemed to consist upon pillars of Pourferry, arched like unto a Church, within it were many Lamps burning. Also, on the one side there stood an Altar covered with cloth of gold, and thereupon two wax candles burning in rich candlesticks, upon the Altar also were laid certain Princely presents, which after by three Virgins were presented unto her Majesty. Before the door of this Temple stood a crowned Pillar, embraced by an Eglantine tree, whereon there hanged a Table; and therein written (with letters of gold) this prayer following.  

Elizae. etc.  
PIae, Potenti, Foelicissimae virgini,  
Fidei, Pacis, Nobilitatis vindici,  
Cui Deus, Astra, Virtus,  
Summa devouerunt omnia.  
Post tot Annos, tot Triumphos,  
Animam ad pedes positurus  
Tuos,  
Sacra Senex  
affixit Arma.  
Vitam quetam, Imperium, famam  
Aeternam, aeternam, precatur tibi,  
Sanguine redempturus suo.  
Vltra columnas Herculis  
Columna moveatur Tua.  
Corona superet Coronas omnes,  
ut quam coelum foelicissime nascenti Coronam dedit,  
Beatissima moriens reports coelo.  
sum, Sancte, Aeterne,  
Audi, exaudi,  
Deus.   
The music aforesaid, was accompanied with these verses, pronounced and sungs by M. Hales her majesties servant, a Gentleman in that Art excellent, and for his voice both commendable and admirable.  

My golden locks time hath to silver turned,  
(Oh time too swift, and swiftness never ceasing)  
My youth 'gainst age, and age at youth hath spurned.  
But spurned in vain, youth waineth by increasing.  
Beauty, strength, and youth, flowers fading been,  
Duty, faith and love, are roots and ever green.   

My Helmet now shall make an hive for Bees,  
And lovers songs shall turn to holy Psalms:  
A man at Arms must now sit on his knees,  
And feed on prayers, that are old ages alms.  
And so from Court to Cottage I depart,  
My Saint is sure of mine unspotted heart.   

And when I sadly sit in homely Cell,  
I'll teach my Swains this Carrol for a song,  
Blessed be the hearts that think my Sovereign well,  
Cursed be the souls that think to do her wrong.  
Goddess, vouch safe this aged man his right,  
To be your Beadsman now, that was your Knight.   
The gifts which the Vestal maidens presented unto her Majesty, were these: A vail of white exceeding rich and curiously wrought: a cloak and safeguard set with buttons of gold, and on them were graven Emprezes' of excellent devise: in the loop of every button was a noble man's badge, fixed to a pillar richly embroidered.  
And here (by way of digression) let us remember a speech which this noble Gentleman used at such time as these buttons were set upon the garment aforesaid: I would (quoth he) that all my friends might have been remembered in these buttons, but there is not room enough to contain them all; and if I have them not all, then (said he) those that are left out, may take exception. Whereunto another standing by, answered: Sir, let as many be placed as can be, and cause the last button to be made like the Character of etc. Now Godamercy with all my heart (quoth the Knight) for I would not have given the Caetera of my friends for a million of gold.  
But to return to the purpose, These presents and prayer being with great reverence delivered into her majesties own hands, and he himself disarmed, offered up his armour at the foot of her majesties crowned pillar; and kneeling upon his knees, presented the Earl of Cumberland, humbly beseeching she would be pleased to accept him for her Knight, to continue the yearly exercises aforesaid. Her Majesty graciously accepting of that offer, this aged Knight armed the Earl, and mounted him upon his horse. That being done, he put upon his own person a side coat of black Velvet pointed under the arm, and covered his head (in lieu of an helmet) with a buttoned cap of the country fashion.  
After all these ceremonies, for divers days he ware upon his cloak a crown embroidered, with a certain motto or device, but what his intention therein was, himself best knoweth.  
Now to conclude the matter of assignation, you shall understand, that this noble Gentleman by her majesties express commandment, is yearly (without respect unto his age) personally present at these military exercises, there to see, survey, and as one most careful & skilful to direct them; for indeed his virtue and valour in Arms is such as deserveth to command. And touching that point, I will let you know the opinion of Monsieur de Champany, a Gentleman of great experience and notable observation, who at his being Ambassador in England for causes of the Low Countries, and writing to his friends there, in one of his intercepted Letters, among other occurrents these words were found: I was (quoth he) one day by Sir Christopher Hatton Captain of her majesties guard invited to Eltham, an house of the Queens, whereof he was the guradian: At which time I heard and saw three things that in all my travel of France, Italy, and Spain, I never heard or saw the like. The first was a consort of music, so excellent and sweet as cannot be expressed. The second a course at a Buck with the best and most beautiful Greyhounds that ever I did behold. And the third a man of Arms excellently mounted, richly armed, and indeed the most accomplished Cavaliero I had ever seen. This Knight was called Sir Henry Lea, who that day (accompanied with other Gentlemen of the Court) only to do me honour, vouchsafed at my return to Greenwich to break certain Lances: which action was performed with great dexterity and commendation. Thus much was the substance (and well near the whole circumstance) of Sir Henry Lea his last taking of Arms: wherein he seemed to imitate the ancient Romans, who having served a convenient time, and claiming the privileges due to old Soldiers (whom they called Emeriti) did come into Campo Martio, every man leading his own horse; and there offered his Arms unto Mars in presence of the chief Magistrates: which ceremony, Scipio, Cassius, the great Pompey, with many other noble Captains, disdained not to do.  
Summarily, these annual Actions have been most nobly performed (according to their times) by one Duke, 19 Earls, 27 Barons, 4 Knights of the Garter, and above 150 other Knights and esquires.  

The Author's Intention.  
NOw fora much as all that which hath been hitherto said, doth tend to extol the excellency of Arms and honour, with the dignities to them appertaining: Yet for not being mistaken in my meaning, I have thought good to say, that the commendation due unto learning, is of no less desert than that which belongeth to Marshal merit. And indeed very rarely doth any man excel in Arms, that is utterly ignorant of good letters: For what man unlearned can conceive the ordering and disposing of men, in marching, encamping, and fight, without Arithmetic? Or who can comprehend the ingenious fortifications or instruments apt for Offence or Defence of Towns, or passing of waters, unless he hath knowledge of Geometry? or how may Sea service be performed without skill to know the Latitude of the place, by the Pole, and the Longitude by other Stars? which must be learned of Astronomers. Yea, learning is of such necessity, that no common weal without it can be well governed, neither was any State ever well ordered, unless the Governors thereof had studied Philosophy: chief that part, that entreateth of manners: for that only informeth, first, how every man should govern himself: Secondly, how he should guide his own family, and thirdly teacheth, how a City or Common weal may be well ordered and governed, both in war and peace. Which moved Plato to say, That happy is the common weal where either the Prince is a Philosopher, or where a Philosopher is the Prince. And although it cannot be denied that Empires and Kingdoms are both won and kept, aswell by force and manhood, as by wisdom and policy: yet is the chief of that policy attained unto by learning. For in all governments, the wiser have authority above the rude and unlearned: as in every private house or town, the most discreet and best experienced are preferred; so in all Nations they that be most civil, learned and politic, do find means to command the rest: although in force, they be inferior. The experience hereof was apparently seen in the Grecians and Romans; among whom, like as wisdom and learning was most esteemed, so their Empires were spread furthest, and continued longest. And to prove that excellency of learning in those Nations prevailed against others equal to them in manhood and courage, we also will use this only example: That albeit this Realm before any conquest thereof, was (no doubt) inhabited with people of great courage; yet for that they were uncivil, or at the least, without policy and learning, they were brought under the subjection of other Nations: as the Saxons were last by the Normans, and the Romans by the Saxons before that, and the Britaines by the Romans first of all.  
And albeit divers men have been and yet are, both wise and politic without learning, and some also that be learned (in respect of worldly policy) be very simple: yet I say, that such wise men should have been more excellent, if they had been learned, and the other more simple and foolish, they had been utterly without learning.  
Exercise in war maketh not every man fit to be a Captain, though he follow Arms never so long: and yet is there none so unapt for war, but with use is more perfect, and the rather if he be learned. For if experience doth help, than I am sure that learning helpeth much more to the increase of wisdom. We will then determine, that experience, because it doth further Wisdom, may be called the father thereof, and Memory the mother; because she doth nourish and preserve it: for in vain should experience be sought for, if the same were not held in remembrance. Then if both experience and memory be helped and increased by learning, it must needs be confessed, that experience helpeth it.  
Every man seethe that the experience of an old man, maketh him wiser than the younger, because he hath seen more. ●et an old man seethe only things in his own time; but the learned ma● seethe not only his own age and experience, but whatsoever hath been in long time past; yea since the first writer took pen in hand, & therefore must needs know more than the unlearned man, be he never so old: for no memory can compare with writing. Besides that, if the unlearned do forget any thing seen, hardly shall he reduce it to memory again: whereas the learned man by turning his book, hath mean to call to remembrance, what he happeneth to forget. Therefore as he that liveth fourscore years, must needs have more experience than he that liveth forty: so he that seethe in books, the actions of men a thousand years, knoweth more than he, that by living one hundredth years could attain unto. In like manner, if he that travaileth many Nations, be of more experience than others of like age, that never went from their native Country: so he that is learned, by cosmography, histories, and other learning, seethe the manner and usage of every country in the world, yea of many more than is possible for one man (in all his life) to travel through: and of those he travaileth, much better doth he learn, by small abode there, than an other by longer experience that is altogether unlearned. By this learning also we may conceive the situation, Temperature, and quality of every Country throughout the world. Also through the Science of Astronomy we know the course of Planets above, and their aspects and conjunctions, which the learned men in times past attained unto by long conference and observation: but we by perusing their books only, may learn it: yet without that help we could never. To conclude, there is nothing either of profit or necessity for man's life, but by learning is taught more perfectly, than it can be compassed by experience, or other mean whatsoever.  
But leaving the commodities of learning to be discoursed by those that are learned in deed, this only I say, that the endeavour of Gentlemen, ought be either in Arms or learning, or in them both. And in my poor conceit, hardly deserveth he any title of honour, that doth not take pleasure in the one or the other.  
For as no living creature is borne to idleness, so is there no doubt, but God and nature hath destined each one, for some commendable business.  
And like as base occupations are fit for folk of base fortune, so valiant and venturous minds, in actions of honour and virtue should be employed. And if in this earthly life any there be that meriteth fame or favour, surely the same is a virtuous life and valorous endeavour. Whereof Juvenal saith: 
Res gerere & captos ostendere civibus hosts,  
Atting it solium iovis, & caele● a tentat.  
Principibus placuisse virus non ultima laus est.    

The Author's conclusion.  
WE have said in our former discourse, that no man of any quality or fortune, is borne or destined to ease, idleness, or unprofitable occupation: we have likewise touched the commodities of such learn, as are required in actions both Civil and Martial, whereby may appear, how necessary it is for all Gentlemen to endeavour themselves in the one and the other, as those knowledges whereby men are made worthy of honourable title. Notwithstanding, through corrupt custom or bad education, the greater part of our English gentlemen, are not only ignorant, what honour and virtue meaneth, but consequently do disdain (or at the least wise lightly regard) those labours whereby they might and ought become comfortable to friends, and serviceable to their Prince and country: which happily moved the Poet to forewarn fathers to have care of their children's education, saying, 
Gratum est quod patriae ●iuem Populoque dedisti,  
Si facis ut patriae sit idoneus, utilis agris.  
Vtilis & bellorum & pacis rebus agendis.   
And continuing the consideration of this matter, I am occasioned to be sorry, that our English youth do not only earnestly affect vain pleasures, and improfitable pastimes, as recreation: but also use them with daily labour, as their chief business, and special profession. And to speak plain, I am more than half persuaded, that great sort of our Gentlemen (chief those that have had their nurture at home with their own ignorant parents) do take more comfort to be called good Faulkoners, or expert woodmen, than either skilful Soldiers, or learned Scholars. Yet who so observeth, shall find, that the same men by secret instinct of gentle nature, do not a little glory in the ancient badges, titles, and services of their Ancestors, supposing those passed merits (supported with riches) ought, without further sufficiency, make them more worthy than others, whose own proper labour and virtue have indeed deserved much honour. But as no fowl flieth with the wings of another, nor no horse doth run on legs not his own, so should no man be praised or admired for the virtue or good merit of another. And albeit the fame of Ancestors honour, may (for some short space) maintain a certain hope of virtue, (chief where no vice appeareth) yet time, which doth distinguish things indeed, from those that only appear, will also (like unto counterfeit metal) bewray the want or worth of every man, and for such a one he shall be known and esteemed, of what name, house, parentage or predecessor soever he is descended. It therefore behoveth every Gentleman well borne, to embrace the love of virtue, and in the actions thereof to employ the course of his whole life For what can be more pleasing to a generous mind, than the study of wisdom? whereby to know good from evil, and truth from falsehood, the one to be followed, the other eschewed.  
What may be more blessed than justice? whereby we refrain from all injuries, and give unto every one that which to him appertaineth: what is more noble than fortitude? which contemneth all worldly accidents, & with invincible courage fighteth for equity and right. And what is more beseeming a noble parsonage than temperance? which teacheth comeliness and moderation, governing the passions & perturbations of mind, to the quietness of man's life, and contentation of others. These, with other virtues on them depending, have from base birth and poor parentage, advanced many to great titles and dignity: and as those virtuous endeavours have preferred them, so discontinuance did utterly deface that honour in their posterity. Virtue (I say) is that, which from mean estate hath raised the lovers thereof to great reputation and glory. Among infinite examples (omitting men of meaner fortune, yet worthy much honour) we have Agathocles, Eumenes, Pertinax, Dioclesian, Valentinian, with other Emperors, Kings, & Captains. Of like fortune in birth was M. Tullius, Cato, Horace, and divers most notable learned men: yea Socrates himself (who by the Oracle of Apollo was judged the wisest man alive) had no great parentage. And julius Caesar, that both in arms and learning excelled, was the first Emperor, and from low degree aspired to excessive glory. Notwithstanding, through protraction of time, and the degeneration of posterity, not only their own houses and names are vanished, but also the honour & renown of the nations where they lived, is utterly decayed and extinguished: which the Christian Poet Palingenius did well express in these verses.  
Nempe diu res nulla manet, nempe omni●● semper  
Deteriora solent fieri, in p●iusque referri,  
Naturae imperio, & fatorum lege perenni:  
Deinde iterum ex alio faetu instaurata renasci.  
Thus have we heard the means of aspiring unto honour, and by what occasion the same is lost & decayed. But well I wots, that unto these reasons and examples produced to incite our English youth, they answer, That were they sure to attain unto the least part of that fortune these great personages, and many others their inferiors have come unto, then would they not fear to adventure their labour and lives to the uttermost: but because the pains and perils are certain, & the success doubtful, they think it more wisdom to Hunt and Hawk at home, then hazard their bodies abroad, or beat their brains about that, which haply shall never turn them to profit. This silly allegation compounded of sloth and pusillanimity, may easily be refelled, but rarely reform: notwithstanding (for that I am used to lose my labour) I will reply thereunto thus: That seeing no reward is due before desert, and that honour is the recompense of virtue, it may not be looked for, until some virtuous testimony be first showed. What Soldier is so simple, as entering into pay, will at the first day look to be made a Captain, or have promise within few years to become a General? what Scholar will at his first coming to study, demand the degrees due unto Art, or shortly after (with little learning) will challenge to be a Doctor? Yet true it is, that sometimes the simplest Archer doth hit the mark, which many an excellent shooter misseth; yet hardly will any wise man be brought to lay money on his side, or hope of such success. Even so, in the attaining of Honour, although favour and fortune oft times preferreth the unworthy: yet the true way and most likely mean thereunto, is true virtue and industrious life. Wherefore concluding, I say, that every noble and magnanimous mind, doth not so much covet the reward of virtue, as it taketh delight therein. As the Poet saith: 
Propter se virtus petitur, non propter honorem,  
Ipsa licet propriè, ac verè, mer●atur honorem.      

THE FOURTH BOOK: Of Precedency, and places due to great Personages, Civil Magistrates, and others of reputation.  

The Contents of this Book.  

THe Prooeme.  
Of Honour in general. Cap. 1.  
Of Honour in particular, And with what Compliments men are honoured. Cap. 2.  
Of Ensigns Royal and Military. Cap. 3.  
Of Emperors. Cap. 4.  
Of Kings. Cap. 5.  
Of Queens. Cap. 6.  
A Prince. Cap. 7.  
An Archduke. Cap. 8.  
A Duke. Cap. 9  
A marquess. Cap. 10.  
An Earl. Cap. 11.  
A Viscount. Cap. 12.  
A Baron. Cap. 13.  
Of Esquires. Cap. 14.  
Of Gentlemen. Cap. 15.  
How Gentlemen are to take place. Cap. 16.  
Privileges anciently appertaining to Gentlemen. Cap. 17.  
Of divers dispositions of Gentlemen according to the humour of the Country wherein they inhabit. Cap. 18.  
Of Kingdoms, and how Kings are to precede, according to the Council of Constance. Cap. 19  
Of Magistrates. Cap. 20.  
Of Officers and their Precedency Cap. 21.  
Of Honourable places due to great Estates, their wives and children. Cap. 22.  
The proceeding of Parliament. Cap. 23.  
The placing of great Officers according to the Statute Anno 31. Hen. 8. Cap. 24.  
The Queen's Majesties most Royal proceeding to Pawles, Anno 1588. Cap. 25.  
Of Precedency among persons of mean and private condition. Cap. 26.  
Of Funerals, and Order to be therein kept. Cap. 27.  
Of Monuments and Epitaphs. Cap. 28.    

The Prooeme.  
ALbeit the ranks and places appointed to honourable Subjects, ought ever to be at the Prince's disposition and pleasure, (for so do we find in sacred Scripture Hester cap. 6.) Yet the Majesty of our present Sovereign hath ever consented, that all noble personages, Magistrates, and others of dignity should precede according to order anciently used in the reigns of her most noble predecessors. Howsoever it be, true it is, that in divers ages, and upon divers considerations, some alteration hath been: As sometimes the Prelates have taken place before Princes, and all other Lords: and some other times the Temporal Lords and Officers did march next unto the King. In some other time the chief precedence was given to Dukes, Marquesses and Earls, without respect unto the King's blood, his Alliance or favour. So as no absolute order, or precise rule hath been on that behalf observed, and is the cause that questions and confusion do oft times arise at the assembly and meeting of great personages, and others of dignity and reputation. For avoiding of which inconveniences, it may please her royal Majesty, by princely power and sacred wisdom, to signify her pleasure on that behalf; to the end that persons of dignity, Magistrates, Officers, and other subjects of quality, may be martialled and ranged accordingly. For as good order is an ornament of great excellency: so confusion causeth discord, and is the root of many most dangerous questions: which moved the Philosophers to say, that the loss of worldly wealth is less grievous to men of generous mind, than the privation of place and honourable estimation. If then order in precedency be a matter of so much consequence, among persons of reputation; great heed and regard ought be had thereunto, to the end that Princes, Prelates, Magistrates, Officers, Ministers, and all other of honourable and honest quality, should take due places, without prejudice to their superiors or equals. For so great is the force of ambition, as oftentimes private ostentation seeketh to put back true dignity, and impudent presumption presumeth to step before virtue, honour, and honourable merit.   

CHAP. 1.  
Of Honour in general.  
Honour, saith Cicero, is the reward of virtue, and infamy the recompense of vice: whoso then desireth to aspire unto Honour, it behoveth him to come thereunto by the way of virtue, which the Romans covertly expressed in building the Temple of Honour, so as no man could pass thereunto, but first he was forced to go through the Church dedicated to Virtue. But because the greatest number of men, are not well informed what Virtue meaneth, it shall be expedient to say, that Virtue is a good habit, and true perfection of reason; whereunto whoso will attain, it behoveth him to consider, what and how many the moral Virtues are, chief those few, of the which the rest have dependence. Therefore to begin with that which of all others is most necessary for preservation of human society, I say that justice is a virtue which informeth every man to rest contented with so much as to him appertaineth, and give to all others that which to them belongeth. This is it which conserveth peace, and whereof men be deservingly called Good. Next thereunto we think Temperance or modesty, aught to accompany every wise man, and chief him that hath authority over others: For no man there is that can rightly judge, how to direct the manners of other men, that knoweth not first how to govern himself. The rule whereof is this virtue of Temperance: which teacheth a moderation of hope, and fear; and of joy, and sorrow; with every other affection or perturbation of mind. Next unto these (in every man truly honourable) Fortitude deservingly requireth her place, as that which protecteth and defendeth the actions both of moderation and justice. This is that virtue which informeth valiant men to fight for justice, and not to offend others, unless injury shall thereunto enforce. These I say are the chief and most honourable of all moral virtues. Yet for that every of them requireth the aid and excellency of Prudence (being a virtue intellective) we wish that all honourable personages should be therewith endued, considering that the force thereof is a certain natural skill to distinguish the good from evil, to desire the one, and detest the other, to say that is fit to be spoken, and conceal that which is unfit to be uttered: to prosecute that which is worthy, and forsake that which is vicious and vile. Yea, the excellency of Prudence is such, as without it no other virtue can proceed: Which moved some Philosophers to affirm, that Prudence alone included the force and power of all virtues. But omitting to discourse more largely, I say, that whosoever is possessed with so excellent graces, doth justly deserve to be accounted good and honourable: For albeit riches and authority be vulgarly reputed great honours, yet whoso hath most high Titles, or dignities, unless his proceed be such as are consonant to justice, he may be accounted a man of more authority than virtue.  
Likewise, he that immoderately and untemperately pampereth his own body, not confining his sensual pleasures, unto the bounds of reason, doth seem rather subject to bestial voluptuousness, then virtuous moderation: and consequently both unable to govern himself, and unapt to command others.  
Many other virtues there are fit to be found in every honorrable parsonage, but among them, piety, liberality, mercy, and affability are excellent ornaments in every noble and generous mind. It is not therefore as ignorant persons and unskilful folk do surmise, that great riches, or titles of dignity, do make men honourable, unless they be accompanied with the virtues and perfections aforesaid: for riches (albeit they are a great ornament to illustrate virtue) yet are they not any efficient cause to make men honourable.  
Neither are dignities in descents of noble blood, enough to advance men unto Honour: for whatsoever is not within us, cannot be justly called ours, but rather the graces and goods of fortune.  
And who so pleaseth to have thereof more perfect proof, let him lay before his consideration some mechanical man, that by providence or parsimony hath aspired unto excessive riches, or by undeserved favour is advanced to high titles: yet in the opinion of those that do indeed know how to distinguish of every man's merit, he shall be deemed rather notable for his imperfections, then worthy of true honour.   

CHAP. 2.  
Of Honour in particular, and with what compliments men are honoured.  
THe scope and mark of each man's endeavour, is either profit or honour. The one proper to men in bare or mean fortune, the other to persons of virtue and generous mind. But now we will in this work entreat only of the last: For as one man is more worthy than another, so ought he before others to be preferred and honoured. It therefore behoveth to know that Honour is a certain testimony of each man's excellency in virtue, and who so desireth to be honoured, must endeavour to win some apparent note of worthiness, either before God or men. In the first case no human skill or conjecture can judge. Neither is it lawful for any man to call him Honourable, that hath not by virtuous merit acquired some exterior title, or made proof of honourable merit either in words or deeds. The signs or notes of Nobility are these, Notitia, Laus, Civilis excellentia, Generositas. Some learned writers therefore have said, that Honour consisteth signs exterior. And Aristotle calleth it, Maximum bonorum exteriorum. Others affirm, it is a certain reverence in testimony of virtue. Lucas de Penna defineth Honour in these words, Honour est administratio reipub. cum dignitatis gradu sive cum sumptu, sive sine sumptu. And S. Austen speaking of Honour in his book de Civitate Dei, which Cicero also in his Offices citeth, saith, Honos alit arts, omnesque incendimur ad studia gloria. divers other definitions of Honour there are, which for brevity we omit.  
Touching the worth or prize of Honour, it ought be valued above all earthly wealth, and is more precious than silver or gold: and I suppose that hope of honour and fear of punishment, be the breeders thereof; the one inciteth man's mind to honest endeavour, the other suppresseth lewd inclination, and maketh bad motions obedient to reason. Marcus Tullius studying to restrain the force of audacious youth, ordained by law eight divers punishments, calling them damnum, vincula, verbera, talio, ignominia, exilium, mors, servitus.  
But here is to be noted, that Honour and Reverence are in nature differing: because reverence is only the first motive to honour, which after becometh honour absolute. The like difference is between honour and praise, for honour is of itself, and in itself: but praise ten death to a further end. Moreover, honour is a testimony of excellency, chief in virtue: therefore according to each man's virtue and merit, honours are bestowed, and ought not be given to the unworthy: so concluding with Aristotle, I say, Praws honore non est dignus.  
Thus much of Honour and the nature thereof. Now we think fit to say, that the power and authority to bestow honour resteth only in the Prince. For the Law saith: Honorandus est, quem Princeps honorat: adding, quem Princeps judicat dignum, & nos iudicabimus: nam nullus debet esse tantae superbiae fastigio tumidus, ut regalem sensum contemnat. Cap. de privilegijs eorum, qui in sacro palatio militant.  
It seemeth also expedient to know how men become honoured, and by what means they aspire thereunto: for Aristotle saith, Honour est praemium virtutis. Some are also honoured for their dignity, as Princes, Prelates, Officers, and other men of great place or title.  
Others are honoured for their age or anciency: and so is it commanded in holy Scripture, Coram cano capite consurge, Leu. 19  
Others are honoured for their function, as Preachers and Ministers of the word. And some be honoured for magistracy or authority in the commonweal: As Casaneus remembreth, That when the son of Q. Fabius Max. was Consul, and sitting in the seat of magistracy, he commanded his father from his horse being mounted in his presence, according as it was instituted by the ancient Romans, That no man on horseback should approach the Consul, but for honour's sake he should first alight, as Val. Max. in tit. de Instit. antiquis, reporteth. Fabius therefore being so commanded from his horse by his son, pronounced this most excellent sentence: Nolui ante iussum tuum descendere, non ut imperium tuum contemnerem, sed ut experirer an scires consulem agere.  
Others are honoured as Parents, to whom their children & nephews do owe all duty and obedience: as is commanded in the book of Proverbs, Honora patrem & matrem, ut sis long aews super terram, 28.  
To these, many other causes of Honour may be added, as subjects to honour their Prince, servants their masters, inferiors their superiors. And divers demonstrations of honour are also due by external countenance, words, and gesture; as by attentive hearing of him that speaketh, by rising to him that passeth, etc.  
He that sitteth doth receive honour from him that standeth: yet a man of dignity in presence of judges ought to sit & not to stand as other common persons do, unless his own cause be pleaded. So saith Baldus.  
A man that sitteth at the table is more honoured than he that serveth, and he that sitteth on the right hand is more honoured than he that sitteth on the left hand.  
He is also honoured that sitteth next to the Prince, or nearest to him that is of greatest dignity. We also account him honoured that standeth or walketh in the mids of two, or a greater number, quia mediocritas in electione loci maxime probatur.  
He is likewise reputed most honoured, that sitteth at the chief end, or in the highest place of the Table: because the most worthy aught to begin: which haply moved Virgil to say, A jove principium Musae.  
He is most honoured that walketh next the wall (unless they be three in number) for then he that is in the mids, is in the worthiest place, as hath been formerly said. And he that sitteth next the wall, hath the higher place. But if three of equal quality do walk together, then (for not offering Indignity one th'other) sometimes one, and sometimes the other, aught to take the middle place, which Order the Spaniards and Venetians do precisely observe: affirming the right side to be most Honourable.  
Among brethren the eldest is always to precede. And so are their wives to take place: In pari dignitate. Except by some peculiar dignity the younger be graced.  
In like manner where many are of one company or fellowship, as in the Inns of Court, or the Universities, the more ancient is ever most honourable, and shall precede others, In pari dignitate.  
Men are also honoured in their diet, for the more honourable the guest is, the more delicate aught his fare be. Likewise the apparel of men ought be differing, according to their degrees, to the end the profession and quality of every one may be known: as an arming Coat best becometh a Captain, a Tippet is seemly for a Priest, a Gown is meetest for a Scholar, because each man's attire ought be like unto the State, profession, and office he beareth: as appeareth by that caution which Seneca did give unto the Empress, mother of Nero. His words are these, Endue te, charissima uxor, delicatè, non propter te, sed propter honorem Imperij.  
A man is also honoured, when his Prince or other superior is pleased to salute him by word or writing, or to grace him with gift of any Office or dignity.  
Men are honoured when for any egregious act, they are permitted to erect Images of themselves: as Porcius Cato, Horatius Cocles, Mutius Scaevola and other notable men were suffered to do.  
Men are honoured by drinking in gold, and wearing of purple, also by being styled the cousins of Princes.  
Men are honoured by bearing Arms: For who so hath Arms from ancestors, is more honourable than he who is the first Gentleman of his race, and consequently ought be placed in a more worthy seat. Note here that to every title of great dignity, a particular ensign or ornament is appointed. An Emperor hath his Diadem or Infula, a King his Crown, a Bishop his mitre, and Archbishop his Mantle, a Doctor his Baretum. As Lucas de Penna writeth, Ca●de Murilegulis.   

CHAP. 3.  
Of Ensigns Royal and Military.  
POlydorus in his book de Inuentoribus rerum lib. 2. cap 3. saith, That the Ensigns of Roman Kings were Fasces cum securi, Corona aurea, sella eburnea, trabeae curules, phalerae, annuli, pal●damenta pretexta, togae pictae, tunicae palmatae; which Ensigns may be called in our English, a bondle of small wands with an hatchet, a Crown of gold, a saddle of ivory, a kirtle of State, trappings of horses, robes of State (ever burned with the King's body) which ornament was also (after the expulsion of Kings) worn by Consuls and other Magistrates, who pronounced no sentence, but in that garment. Togae pictae I suppose were long gowns painted, or wrought l●ke unto Damask, or embroidered about: and Palmatae were garments wrought with palm-trees in sign of conquest and peace. It seemeth also that no other Ensign of Majesty, that might illustrate a King's greatness and gravity was there wanting. These Kings had also 12▪ Littori (as we may call them) Sergeants who carried before them the bondles and Hatchets aforesaid  
A Diadem, a Crown, and a Sceptre are likewise Ensigns appertaining to Emperors and Kings. But of Crowns there were anciently divers kinds. And Polydore in his book aforesaid speaketh of many, affirming that Liber Pater was the first inventor of Crowns, and ware upon his head a Crown of ivy. Yet do we read that Moses (many years before) caused Crowns of gold to be made, as josephus hath written: and of all antiquity the Egyptian kings have had Crowns. Teste Coelio.  
The first use of wearing Crowns was in Tragedies and gladiatory combats, at which time they were made of boughs and trees, afterwards they were composed of flowers of divers colours, in the Plays Flo●eall, and in the Pastoral Comedies also, and by imitation of them, others were framed of slender bars of tin, or some other metal guilded: so as in process of time many kinds of Crowns were invented and much esteemed, chief among the Romans, and in the time of Consuls.  
The chief Crowns were Military, and with them Consuls and general Commanders, in their triumphs were crowned. At the beginning those crowns were made of bays: which tree showeth mirth and victory, and after of gold.  
The next they called Corona Muralis, given to him that first was seen upon the wall of the Enemy's town. This Crown was also of gold wrought with certain battlements like unto a wall.  
The third they named Corona Castrensis likewise of gold: being given to him that could break the wall of the enemy, & enter the town or castle. The points of this Crown was made like Towers.  
The fourth was Corona Navalis also of gold garnished with forecastles, given to him that by force and virtue first boarded the enemy's ship.  
The fift was Corona Oleaginea bestowed upon them that were victorious in the Olympian Plays, or for repulsing the enemy.  
Corona Oualis was made of Myrtle, and given to them that entered a Town, taken with little resistance, or yielded upon composition, or when the war was proclaimed, or made against slaves or pirates only.  
Corona obsidialis was given to a General leader that had saved his army distressed. That Crown was made of grass growing where the Army was besieged. Such a one the Senate and people of Rome bestowed upon Fabius Maximus in the second war against the Carthagenians.  
Corona Civica was also of high estimation, being given to him that saved a Citizen from the enemy. This Crown was made of Oaken boughs, and reputed an ensign of exceeding honour. Of which opinion Antoninus Pius seemed to be, saying: Malo unum civem servare, quàm mill hostes occidere.  
Corona Haederalis, was given to Poets. Corona Populea was given to young men industrious and disposed to virtuous endeavour.  
Other ensigns Military the Romans used, and were bestowed in token of dignity: as chains of gold, gilt spurs, lances, and white rods, the one a token of war, the other of peace. We will also speak of Crowns of later device given to great Estates.   

CHAP. 4.  
Of Emperors.  
IMperator dicitur quasi Imperij Rator fortasse, ut legislator. Ita & Imperij lator. Id est, Imperium supremamque maiestatem habens, non armis solum munitam, sed & legibus moderatam. The name of Emperor was first in use among the Romans, and by them invented, not for Princes, but chief Leaders and Captains of the war. At the beginning they were yearly created in january, and ended their authority in September: which custom continued until the Battle of Pharsalia, wherein Pompey was defeated by Caesar: who being returnened to Rome, the Romans consented he should enjoy that title of Emperor during his life; the which his nephew Octavian, succeeding him in the Empire continued and made it hereditary to his successors, with the surname of Augustus, for his happy government: which name hath been ever since used by all Emperors to this day. So appeareth it that the title of Emperor began in Rome, Anno mundi 3914. or as others say 3963 ab urbe condita 706. And before the birth of Christ 47.  
This Emperor and his successors continued their seat at Rome until the reign of Constantine the great, Anno Christi 310. by whom the Imperial Court was transferred to Constantinople. So the Empire became divided into two Empires, one Emperor governed at Constantinople in the East, the other at Rome in the West. Which order continued from the reign of Carolus magnus until Constantinus Paleologus. In whose time Constantinople was besieged, and taken by the Turks.  
The West Empire after the death of Charlemagne, hath in divers ages been governed by Princes of divers nations, as Frenchmen, Saxons, Suevians, and Austrians, who presently hold that dignity.  
In the reign of Otho 3. (with the consent of Pope Gregory 5.) the election of the Emperor was taken from the Italians, and granted unto seven Princes of Germany, viz. the Archbishops of Mentz▪ Treuer, and Colein, the Count Palatin of Rhine, the Duke of Saxon, the marquess of Brandenburg, and the King of Bohemia, then called Duke of Bohemia. This order was after confirmed in the reign of Charles the fourth, about the year 1378.  
Among Prince's secular, an Emperor hath anciently been reputed worthy a chief place, and to precede all other Princes, which is the cause that Baldus called an Emperor the Vicar or Vicegerent of God upon earth: and therefore when other Princes are crowned with one only Crown, an Emperor hath ever had three.  
The first Crown is of iron, which he receiveth at Aquisgran, by the hand of the Archbishop of Colein, within whose Diocese that City is seated.  
The second Crown is of silver, which he taketh at the hand of the Archbishop of Milan, in the City of Modena, after he is arrived in Italy. Yet true it is, that the Emperor Henry received it at Milan in S. Ambrose Church: and haply so have some other Emperors. Silver signifieth cleanness and brightness. Yet some writers have said, the first Crown is of silver, and the second of iron, which Cass. denieth.  
The third Crown is of pure gold, wherewith he is crowned at Rome by the Pope, in the Church of S. Peter, before the Altar of S. Maurice. Gold is accounted the most excellent of all metals, and of such perfection in justice Emperors and Princes ought be. In these three metals all Tributes and other duties were anciently paid unto Emperors.  
When the Sceptre and sword are delivered into his hand, it is likewise said unto him: viz. By these signs thou art admonished to correct subjects with a fatherly chastisement, extending thy hand of mercy, first unto the ministers of God, and next to widows, and fatherless children: so shall the oil of mercy never fall from thy head, and both in this world, and the world to come, thou shalt be rewarded with an everlasting crown.   

CHAP. 5.  
Of Kings.  
REx dicitur a regendo, quia dignus est regere populum suum in bello, eundemque ab inimicis sua magnanimitate & virtute defendere. For the better conceiving of that which followeth, it shall not be impertinent to know, that Kings, Princes, and other sovereign Commanders, did in the beginning) aspire unto greatness by puissance and force: of which number Cain was the first, as Austen lib. 15. de civitate Dei cap. 20. writeth. This Cain to the end he might with more commodity command his people, builded a city, calling it by his sons name Enoch: and was the first city in the world, as appeareth in Genes. cap. 4.  
After the flood, the first King that reigned, was Nimrod descended of the line of Cham, as we find in Gen. 9 whose son builded the Tower of Babel, intending to make the same of height equal to the heaven. But the Lord offended with his ambition inspired the people to speak in divers languages, for before that time, all men had only one tongue, Gen. cap. 9  
These and other Princes were oppressors of people, and displeasing to God, for which cause they received unfortunate end. The first King of Barbary, exercising the art Magic was slain by the devil. In like manner other ancient monarch reigning tyrannically, ended their lives by violence. As Pharaoh (whose heart being hardened against the Lord) was drowned in the red sea, Exod. 14. Also Corah, Dathan, and Abiram, swallowed up by the earth, Numb. 16. Antiochus' eaten of louse, 2. Mac. 9 Saul the first King of Israel, disobedient to David, and other ministers of the Lord, was wounded of the Philistims, and in the end desperately stabbed himself to death with his own sword, 1. Kings. 31. And Absalon the son of David, rebelling against his father, was slain by joab, 1. King. 14.  
Too long it were to tell by how many means the Almighty Lord hath punished the ungodly and impious oppressors of people, and with what power and grace he hath protected those Kings & Princes that governed with justice, & maintained people in peace: for indeed there is no power but from God, as Christ speaking to Pilate said: Non haberes potestatem adversum me ullam, nisi datum tibi esset desuper. joh. 19 It appeareth also that good Princes do deserve divine honour, as S. Austen seemeth to affirm. And the Apostle in his Epistle to Timothy saith. Qui bene praesunt, duplici honore dignisunt. Good and godly Kings therefore have received from God divine virtue above all other creatures. As was scene in Saul: who being made King by Samuel forthwith became inspired with the gift of Prophecy, and the Spirit of God did enter into him, whereby he prophesied with other Prophets. 1. King. cap. 10.  
We read likewise that Solomon being created King, obtained the excellency of wisdom, 1. King. 3.  
If seemeth also that Kings, are divinely inspired with divers other parttcular graces and virtues: as the kings of England and France (by touching only) do cure an infirmity called The King's evil, & the Kings of Spain (as some writers affirm) have power to cast devils out of men's bodies.   

CHAP. 6.  
Of Queens.  
NExt and nearest unto the King, his Queen is to take place, because the weareth a Regal Crown, which no other person but a King may do.  
It seemeth also that a Queen ought to sit on the King's right hand: which honour the sacred Scriptures do allow, Psal. 45. Astitit Regina à dextris tuis in vestitu deaurato. And if she be a maiden Queen Sovereign, and absolute, she is In pari dignitate with a King, & may precede him also according to the dignity of her kingdom. And if she be a Queen of three entiere kingdoms (as our Sovereign is) she may assume the title of an Empress.  
Also Officers and ministers appertaining unto a Queen absolute, are privileged equal with the Officers of Kings, and may take place accordingly Lu. de Pen. Ca de privilegijs.  
Note also that albeit a Queen be the daughter of a Duke or an Earl, or any other inferior degree, yet shall she be called Queen by the dignity of her husband. And if she be the daughter of a King, superior to her husband, then may she also retain the dignity of her father's daughter. jac. Rebuff. & alij dig▪ lib. 12. which was the reason that the Lady Claudia daughter unto King Lewis the 12. did take place before the Lady Loysia of Savoy, notwithstanding she was mother to King Francis the first. So did the daughter precede the mother.  
Yet some do hold that a King's mother ought be preferred before all others: alleging the Text, Positus est thronus matris juxta thronum Regis, the 3. of Kings. We read also in the same place, that King Solomon beholding his mother coming towards him, adored her, and caused a Throne to be set on his right hand. Which seemeth indeed to be her place, in absence of the Queen, not otherwise: as mine Author writeth.   

CHAP. 7.  
A Prince.  
LIke as the splendent beams of the Sun, do spread themselves in giving light, heat and comfort, unto all living things, without any dimunition of his proper virtue, either in substance, course, or brightness: so from the sacred power, and Regal authority of Emperors, Kings, and Queens, all earthly dignities do proceed, yet their own Princely and sovereign power In sua prima sublimitate doth not suffer or sustain any blemish or detriment.  
The first place and chiefest, degree therefore (after the Estates aforenamed) appertaineth unto the Prince, or eldest son of the King, in respect he is the first borne child of his father, and may claim to sit on the right hand, as Baldus seemeth to affirm, saying, Primogenitus sedet ad dextram patris, by imitation of the Christian belief.  
Note that the eldest son of a King hath ever a title of greater dignity, than his other brethren, viz. In England he is called Prince of Wales, in France the Dolphin, in Spain, L' Infante, etc.  
Princeps dicitur quia est quasi prinicipalis in s●renuitate post Regem. In Enland he is borne Duke of Cornwall, and therefore needeth no ducal creation: when he is made Prince, he is presented before the King in Princely robes, who putteth about his neck a sword bendwise, a cap and Coronet over his head, a ring over his middle finger, a verge of gold in his hand, and his Letters patents after they be read.  
The second place is due unto the first son of the King's eldest son. So as the nephew seemeth to precede the uncle, which hath been a question of great difficulty, and left unto trial of the sword. Yet in France it hath been divers times, diversly judged, but for the most part in favour of the Nephew. And in England the Nephew was preferred before the Uncle, as Baldus noteth.   

CHAP. 8.  
An Archduke.  
Some hold opinion that this title of Archduke may be assumed by the eldest brother of every ducal family in Germany, & hath been by custom so used, as a title of greatest dignity among brethren.  
But Tillet saith, that in France, when any great Duke had the conduct of an Army, and thereby commanded other Dukes under him, than was he called Duke of France, that is to say, Duke of Dukes. The which office for that it had so great a superintendency, was afterward called Meyer du palay. This Meyer or Maior, had the authority of a Viceroy, and commanded in all causes both Military and Civil.  
To this degree of Archduke belongeth a Surcoat, a Mantle, and a hood of Crimson velvet, wherewith he is invested at his Creation, he hath also a Chapeau or Ducal cap doubled Ermine indented, with a Coronet about the same, and one arch of gold with an Orb, he also beareth a Verge or rod of gold.   

CHAP. 9  
A Duke.  
These Dukes are ornified with a Surcoat, Mantle, and Hood: at their Creation they wear also a ducal cap doubled Ermine, but not indented. They have also a Coronet, and Verge of gold.  
Note here that in England all Dukes of the King's blood, as his son, brother, uncle, or nephew, ought be reputed as Archdukes, and precede all other Dukes.  
Note also, that he who is a Duke tantùm, shall take place before any Lord that is both a marquess and an Earl, notwithstanding they be two dignities But he that is a Duke and marquess, or a Duke and an Earl, shall march before a Duke tantùm.   

CHAP. 10.  
A marquess.  
THe fift estate is a marquess, called by the Saxons, A Marken Reue, that is to say, a Ruler of the Marches. This great Officer (in the King's battle) was chief Captain of the Horse camp, and next it authority unto the He●tzog or Constable, so that it should seem he was in degree, as our High Marshal is in England.  
To this estate is due a Surcoat, Mantle, and Hood, with a Coronet of gold Fleury.   

CHAP. 11.  
An Earl.  
In the Empire at this day are sundry sorts of Earls, which they call Graves: as Landgraves, id est, regionum Comites. Margraves, id est, certarum marcarum seu districtuum vel agri, civitatis, aut regionis alicuius finium Comites. Palatins, qui sunt judices regni edomiti. Burgraves, quasi 〈◊〉 Comites. Rheingraves, qui praesunt rusticis.  
In the Court imperial, Comes was anciently the title of sundry officers: as Comes Largitionum, Comes laborum, Comes Consistorianus, Comes Palatij. Comes Palaij had jura Regalia, and thereby might erect Barons under them, as Hugh Lupus first Count Palatin of Chester made eight Barons, and had that Earldom given unto him by the Conqueror: ita liberè ad Gladium, sicut ipse Rex tenebat Angliam ad Coronam.  
The County of Lancaster was made County Palatine by King Edward the third, and had Barons, Chancery, and Seal, & so had the Bishoprics of Durham and Ely. The Offices of these Barons were to sit in Council and Parliament with the Earl in his Palace, and to honour his Court with their presence. Also for more magnificence, these Earls kept their Grandiours, and festival days, as absolute Princes in their provinces.  
Comes Marescallus Angliae, is an Earl by office, and so is no other Earl of England but he: he is in the vancancie of the Constable, the King's lieutenant General in all marshal affairs. His office is of great commandment, and endued with many honourable privileges. King Rich. the second in the 21. of his reign granted to Thomas Holland Duke of Surrey Earl Marshal of England, Quod idem Dux ratione officij sui habeat, gerat, & deferat quendam baculum aureum, circa utrumque finem de nigro annulatum, non obstante quod aliquis alius ante haec tempora, baculum ligneum portare consueverit.  
To the degree of an Earl belongeth a Surcoat, a Mantle, and a Hood, with a Coronet of gold with points only, and no flowers.   

CHAP. 12.  
A Viscount.  
A Viscount is in degree & dignity next unto an Earl: it was anciently a name of Office under an Earl, and called Vicecomes or Subcomes; and this office was to hear and determine causes of difference, and to execute justice in the Earl's County. The Saxons called him the Shyre-reve, and in the Norman speech Viscount. He is of greater dignity than a Baron: as is the Viscount de Thureyn, and the Viscount of cumber in France; or as the viscounts Montacute, and Viscount Howard of Bindon in England. This degree hath a Surcoat, a Mantle, and a Hood, and a Circulet without either Flowers or Points, as appeareth in the Margin.   

CHAP. 13.  
A Baron.  
NExt ensueth a Baron, which dignity was called in the British tongue Dynast, in the Saxon Thayn, in Latin Baro, which signifieth Vir gravis: for Albertus de Rosa in his Dictionary expressing the signification of the word Baro, saith: Barones dicuntur graves personae, à Graeco vocabulo Baria, quod idem est quod autoritas gravis. Likewise . in his Dictionary saith, Baro est vir fortis, à quo fit diminutiwm Barunculus. Men in this dignity were ever of great reputation; for Hortensius speaking of Barons (whom Dominicus de S. Gemi. calleth also Capitanius) saith, Non solum militare, sed prudenter atque graviter ipsis ducibus consulere officium est Baronis.  
Barons were also anciently accounted companions to Earls and others of higher dignity, and therefore reckoned of that number, called Peers, or Pares regni, or Pares homines, of some men pronounced Parhomines, and corruptly Barones, converting the letter P. into B. as Libard for Leopard.  
The dignity of a Baron is thus defined. Baronia est quaedam dignitas inter nobiles, habens quandam praeeminentiam inter solos simplices nobiles, post principatus, ex consuetudine introductam, & ex quodam mod● utendi diver simode diversas patrias▪ Cass.  
It seemeth also that a Baron in divers countries is diversly esteemed: for in England they are to proceed according to their segniority; but in Burgundy they be reputed the greatest Barons that are of greatest possessions. And as a Duke had anciently under him ten Earls or Earldoms, and an Earl 10 Baronies, so a Baron ought be commander of some competent company of Segniories, & the greater the number be, the more his honour. Quanto maiora qu●●tractat, tanto ipse maior est. David. Likewise Salustius in his Prooeme of Catelin said, Maxima gloria, in maximo Imperio.  
In the kingdom of Naples all Gentlemen having jurisdiction appertaining to their lands and castles, are called Barons: yet in divers places of France no signory is reputed a Barony, unless it hath belonging unto it four Castles, one Hospital, one College with a Church: having also a Seal authentic: Which dignity is preferred before the title of Gentlemen, yet is inferior to all Countiships: such is the opinion of Cassaneus, lib. 8.  
One other degree of great estate and titular dignity there is, called Princes: although in England I have not seen or read of any such in that kind yet where that title is in use, they precede Barons: Some of them have juraregalia, and therefore do hold that dignity either by custom or privilege: as the princes of Orange, Piedemont, and Achaia have jura regalia. But others do hold that title by custom, which is of great force, as Baldus affirmeth saying, Consuetudini standum erit.  
A Baron hath not Potestatem Principis, yet is he numbered among noble personages, and some Barons (by reason of their Baronies) have so much authority over their own vassals as if they conspire against them, that offence is called treason, in respect whereof, the title of Baron is so much the more honourable.  
Note that a Baron having jura Imperialia or jura Regalia, is reputed equal unto an Earl, notwithstanding the Earldom, or Barony do differ in dignity.  
Note also, that Barons do participate of divers privileges and Immunities proper unto other dignities aforesaid; they are Lords of the Parliament in England, and of them it is called the Barons Court. For the Parliament makes not Barons, but Barons Parliaments.  
The title of Barons in France, was (anciently) general, aswell to Princes of blood, as all others holding immediately of the Crown So do we call the greatest estates of England by the names of Barons, Lords Spiritual, and Temporal. Of Barons in England there hath been also anciently divers sorts. Some were Barons in name, but not noble, as the Barons of the five Ports, and Barons of London whom Bracton maketh mention of in these words, Coram Baronibus London. And in another place, Sicut Barones London coràm me testantur. The Barons of the Exchequer are of like condition.  
Other Barons both in name and dignity, yet not called honourable, were Barons created by the Earls Palatines.  
Of Baron's honourable, are three degrees, viz. by Tenure, by Creation, and by Writ.  
Barons by Tenure, are Bishops chief called Lords Spiritual, and ever reputed honourable, not in respect of nobleness in blood, but for their function and office, they are Peers and Barons of the Realm. They are also first in nomination, and take place on the Prince's right hand in the Parliament chamber. They are also called Right honourable Lords, and reverent Fathers in God. They have been likewise capable of Temporal dignities, as Baronies, and Earldoms. Some of them be accounted Counts Palatine in their proper jurisdiction.  
Barons by writ, are summoned by their proper surnames, as A. B. Chevalier, although (indeed) he be no Knight. And all those Barons so called by writ, the dignity is invested in their own surname, and so in their own persons, and not in their Castles, Houses, Manors, or Lordships.  
Barons by creation, are either solemnly created by another name, than their own, as in the right of their wives or mothers. Or else by the names of some Castle, House, Manor, or Lordship.  
In which diversities although Barons be diversly made, yet are they all alike in their callings, and though in show some of their dignities be of a place certain, yet is the right dignity in the person of the Baron. For admit a Baron should ●ell, or exchange the place, whereof he is called, yet shall he still hold the name, and be written and reputed thereby, and have his place, and voice in Parliament by the same name he was first called or created.  
Of Knights and Knighthood we have at large discoursed in the second Book, only this is to be remembered that the form of dubbing of Knights, both in war and peace, is not now observed, as it hath been: Nam Milites tunica suorum armorum, & torque indui, gladio cingt, & calcaribus auratis ornarisolebant, and the Prince in the action thereof pronounced these words: Soyez loyal Chlr. en nom de Dieu, & S. George.  
Miles dicitur, quasi unus electus ex mill, olim inter Romanos mill homines strenui & maximè bellicosi electiinter caeteros fuerunt, & quilibet eorum dictus fuit miles, quasi unus ex mill.   

CHAP. 14.  
Of esquires.  
AN Esquire or Escuier (commonly called Squire) is he that was anciently called Scutiger, and to this day in the latin is named Armiger. These men, as sir Thomas Smith in his book de Rcip. Anglorum, doth describe them▪ are Gentlemen bearing arms, or armouries, as the French do call it, in testimony of the Nobility or race from whence they are come. esquires be taken for no distinct order of the common weal, but go with the residue of Gentlemen: save that (as he thinketh) they be those men who bear Arms, in sign (as I have said) of the race and family whereof they are descended. In respect whereof they have neither creation nor dubbing, unless it be such as hold office by the Prince's gift and receive a collar of SS. Or else they were at the first, costrels or bearers of the Arm● of Lords or Knights, and by that had their name for a dignity and honour, given to distinguish them from common Soldiers, called in Latin Gregarij milites. So is every Esquire a Gentleman, but every Gentleman not an Esquire, unless he be such a one as beareth Arms, which Arms are given either by the Prince, as a testimony of favour, or a sign of his virtue that received them, or both: either else by donation of the Kings of Arms, who by the Prince's Commandment or Commission have authority at their discretion to bestow such honour, with consent of the Earl Martial.  
Somerset Glover, that learned Herald, maketh four definitions, or several sorts of esquires according to the custom of England.  
The first of them, and the most ancient, are the eldest sons of Knights, and eldest sons of them successively.  
The second sort, are the eldest sons of the younger sons of Barons, and Noble men of higher degree, which take end, & are determined when the chief Masles of such elder sons do fail, and that the inheritance goeth away with the heirs females▪  
The third sort are those, that by the King are created Esquiets by the gift of a Collar of SS. and such bearing Arms are the principal of that coat Armour, and of their whole race, out of whose families although divers other houses do spring and issue, yet the eldest of that coat Armour only is an Esquire, and the residue are but Gentlemen.  
The fourth and last sort of esquires are such, as bearing office in the common weal, or in the King's house, are therefore called and reputed to be esquires, as the sergeant at the Law, the Escheators in every shire, and in the King's house, the Sergeant of every Office: but having no Arms, that degree dieth with them, and their issue is not ennobled thereby.  
Mounsieur P. Pithou, in his memories of the Earls of Champagne, and Brie saith further, that among the Fiefes of Normandy, the fief called fief de Haubert, was that which in Latin is Feuda Loricae, or Feuda Scutiferorum the very original of the name of our esquires, coming of the Arms, and service which they ought to Knights, for they held their land of a Knight by Scutage, as a Knight held his land of the King, by Knight's service. And such Fiefes were called Vray Vassaulx, being bound always to serve their Lord (by reason of their fief) without pay.  
There are also in England other sorts of esquires, which courtesy and custom have made, among which they are reputed esquires that are able at the Musters to present a Lance, or light horse, for the Prince's service, not unlike the manner of the Spaniards, where all freehoulders are called Cavalieroes, that do keep horse for the King's impolyments.   

CHAP. 15.  
Of Gentlemen.  
GEntlemen are they who in the Greek are called Eugeneis, in Latin Nobiles or Ingenui, in the French Nobles, in the English Gentlemen. Gens in Latin betokeneth a race, a surname, or family: as the Romans had Traquinij, Valerij, Quintij, Claudij, Cincinnati, Fabiuses, Cossi, and such like: so have we in England certain names, which for their continuance in reputation, virtue, and riches, may be in Latin called Agnati or Gentiles, that is, men known, or Gentlemen of this or that name and family. But let us consider how this Nobility is defined, and by how many means men do thereunto aspire.  
judocus Clicthovius defineth Nobility thus: Nobilitas est generis velalterius rei excellentia ac dignitas, Tract. Nobil. Cap. 1. Nobility is the excellency of gentle race, or of some other good quality. And Bartholus discoursing long, whether Nobility and Dignity be but one, concludeth they are not: yet (said he) the one resembleth the other, Lib. 1. Cap. de Dig. adding, That as he to whom God hath vouchsafed his grace, is before his divine Majesty, noble; so before men, who so is favoured by his Prince or the Laws, ought be received for noble. This Nobility therefore is thus defined: Nobilitas est qualitas illata per Principatum tenentem, qua quis ultra acceptos plebeios honestus ostenditur: Nobility is a title bestowed by him that holdeth place of the Prince, and maketh him that receiveth it to be of better reputation than other men.  
Of Nobility (or as we call it Gentility) divers divisions by divers men have been. Bartholus saith, That of Nobility there are three kinds, viz. Nobilitas theologica seu supernaturalis, Nobilitas naturalis, Nobilitas politica.  
The first is a certain Nobility known to God only: and they that be so ennobled, be noble for integrity and virtue.  
The second Nobility may be considered in two respects, as Bartholus affirmeth: For, both creatures unreasonable and they that are senseless may (in some sort) be called Noble, as we see Birds even of one Espece or kind, some prove noble and some ignoble; as of Falcons, some are Gentle and some Haggard. Likewise of fourfooted beasts, some are Noble, as the Lion; some ignoble, as the Wolf: which Ovid in his book de Tristibus well expresseth: 
Quo quisque est maior, magis est placabilis irae,  
Et faciles motus mens generosa capit.  
Corpora magnanimo satis est prostrasse Leoni,  
Pugna suum finem, cum jacet hostis, habet.  
At Lupus, & turpes instant morientibus Vrsi,  
Et quaecunque minor nobilitate fera est.   
Politica nobilitas, is that honour which the Prince giveth: as hath been formerly said.  
Aristotle in his 4. book of politics maketh four kinds of Nobility, viz. Divitiarum, Generis, Virtutis, & Disciplinae: that is, noble by riches, noble by ancestors, noble for virtue, and noble for learning. But leaving to say more concerning the quality of Nobility, let us return to those persons that we formerly called private or simple Gentlemen. We say therefore that they ought be preferred before all other men without dignity, whensoever any comparison is made. For this word Gentleman or Nobilis, id est, nos cibilis, is a name of pre-eminence to distinguish men of virtue from base people. We read in holy Scripture, how Moses constituted certain judges, and called them Sapientes and Nobiles, Deut. 1. Samuel was also called Nobilis for his excellency in prophesying. It is likewise in Eccles. Beata terra cuius Rex nobilis est. And Aristot. in his Polit. saith, Nobilitas apud omnes in honore habetur. And Seneca saith, Habet hoc proprium generosus animus, quod concitatur ad honesta. Now for so much as Nobility or Generosity is the first degree or step whereby men ascend to greater dignity, it seemeth fit to be informed how that title is acquired. We say therefore, that some are Gentlemen by blood of Ancestors, as appeareth in the book of Wisd 3. Gloria hominis ex honore patris sui, & contumelia filii pater sine honore. Also, Gloria filiorum parentes eorum, Prou. 18. Yet is this to be understood, that the word Parents signifieth the Nobility of fathers, not of mothers, as Bal. affirmeth Cap. de servis fugiti. Of which opinion Cicero in his Offices seemeth to be, saying, Optima haereditas à patribus traditur liberis, omnisque, patrimonio praestantior gloria virtutis, rerumque gestarum.  
Secondly men are made Noble for wisdom: for in true wisdom Nobility consisteth, Sap. 7. And Prudence ought be preferred before all riches, yea nothing desirable can be thereunto compared, Prou 8.  
Thirdly men are advanced for learning in the Laws Civil: hereof it cometh, that Doctors of Law are to be honoured so highly, as no other man (how honourable soever) shall presume to call them Fratres, but Domini, Le. 1. Cod. Yet Bonus de Curtili in his treatise of Nobility saith, That in the opinion of Bartolus, knowledge or learning doth not make a Gentleman, unless he be dignified with the title of Doctor, or graced by some office of reputation, and if that be taken away, he shallbe reputed a common person.  
Item, men placed in Offices judicial, are thereby made noble: for every judge ought be reputed a Gentleman in regard of his Office. Also every officer under the Prince, I mean, having any Office of honour or worship, is thereby made a Gentleman. Dignitas & nobilitas idem sunt Bart de Dig li. 12.  
Item, men become noble for virtue, and chief justice: which moved Lucas de Penna to define Nobility thus, Nobilitas nihil aliud est, quàm habitus operatioque virtutis, in homine. And another old writer summarily saith, 
Nobilitas hominis, est mens Deitatis Imago.  
Nobilitas hominis, virtutum clara propago.  
Nobilitas hominis, humilem relevare iacentem.  
Nobilitas hominis, mentem refrenare furentem.  
Nobilitas hominis, nisi turpia nulla timere,  
Nobilitas hominis, Naturae ●ura tenere.   
Item, if any common person by his virtue or fortune do chance to be made a Duke, and Earl, a Baron, or do aspire to any other dignity of honour or worship, he thereby becometh a Gentleman. Or if he be made a Captain of a Country or castle, having pension or fee appertaining thereunto, he ought be a Gentleman: For which reason, every man of dignity is a Gentleman.  
Item, they are Nobilitated to whom the Prince granteth any honourable Fee farm, Pension, or entertainment for life: chief if the same be ancient. Quoniam feodum nobile nobilitat suum possessorem. And that Fee is indeed ancient and Honourable, which by custom is used to be given by the Prince to Gentlemen only, and if the same be granted to any ignoble person, that donation doth not presently make the receiver noble: Quoniam nobilitas ictu oculi non nascitur. Bal. Praeludij Feodorum Lucas de Penna saith, that if a Yeoman do buy an honourable Fee, he shall not thereby become a Gentleman. The reason thereof is, Res à persona sumit conditionem, & honorem, & non e contra.  
Item, by common opinion some ignoble persons are called Gentlemen. Of these the number is infinite, yet are they not indeed Noble, but vulgarly so esteemed: as Lucas de Penna saith.  
Item, men are ennobled by the Princes grant, as Baldus affirmeth, Yet if a simple subject, being made a Gentleman, do not exercise the qualities beseeming that dignity, he ought be deprived of that title: Or if he converse with base men, or apparel himself and his wife in garments unfit for their degree, they shall not be accounted Noble. Quia habitus demonstrat qualitatem & dignitatem personae deferentis. And as these persons made Gentlemen, in not exercising the professions of that degree, do lose the benefit thereof: So Captains and Soldiers discontinuing the war, do by Law lose their reputation. Milites not exercentes militiam, non gaudent privilegijs militum. Bal. in lib. 1. Cod.  
Item men may sometimes become Noble in respect of the place where they were borne: For the Citizens of famous Towns may reasonably be thought more worthy than villains. Yet if a Gentleman do inhabit his village, he shall nevertheless continue Noble. Quia nobilis à rustico, non loco, sed genere distinguitur.  
Item, all men in the princes ordinary service and household are thereby ennobled, and ought be Gentlemen. The words 〈◊〉 the Law be these. Omnes famulantes principi sunt in dignitate & ideo nobiles: cum dignitas & nobilitas idem sunt. Bart. lib. 1. Ca de Dignit. 12.  
Item, some Gentlemen do hold that dignity by prescription, not having other proof, then that they and their ancestors were called Gentlemen time out of mind. And for this reason it seemeth that Nobility the more ancient it is, the more commendable, chief if the first of such families were advanced for virtue. Which Nobility is that whereof Aristotle meaneth, saying, Nobilitas est maiorum quaedam claritas honorabilis progenitorum. Likewise Boetius de Con. saith, Nobilitas est quaedam laus proveniens de merito parentum.  
Item, Nobility is oft times gotten by marriage; for if a Gentleman do marry a woman of base parentage, she is thereby ennobled. Text est in leg. in mulieres Ca de dig.  
Item, of riches (chief if they be ancient) men be called noble; for commonly no man is accounted worthy much honour, or of great trust and credit, unless he be rich; according to the old saying, 
In pretio pretium nunc est, dat census honores,  
Census amicitias, pauper ubique iac●t.   
Yet Seneca saith, Id laudandum est quod ipsius est. Nevertheless, Bonus de Curtili accordeth with the common opinion, saying, Nobilitas sine divitijs mortua est,  
Item, men be made noble for their service in war, if therein they have acquired any charge honourable. For no ordinary Soldier without place of commandment is reputed a Gentleman, unless he were so borne, as Lucas de Penna saith, Simplex militia dignitatem non habet.  
Item Doctors and Graduates in Schools, do merit to be ennobled and become Gentlemen.  
Item, in England whoso studieth liberal Sciences in the Universities, or is accounted learned in the common Laws, and for the most part, who so can live idly, and without manual labour, or will bear the port, charge, and countenance of a Gentleman, shallbe called Master (for that is the title which men give to Esquires and other Gentlemen) and shall be taken for a Gentleman. For true it is with us, Tanti eris alijs, quanti tibi fueris. So doth it appear, that (in England) the King needeth not to make Gentlemen, because every man may assume that title, or buy it better cheap, then by suit to the Prince, or by expense in his service. And who so can make proof, that his Ancestors or himself, have had Arms, or can procure them by purchase, may be called Armiger or Esquire. Such men are called sometime in scorn Gentlemen of the first head, as Sir Thomas Smith pleasantly writeth.   

CHAP. 16.  
How Gentlemen are to take place.  
A Gentleman that hath two or three titles, shall precede him that is a Gentleman only. As a Doctor being also a Gentle man borne, shall precede all other Doctors of meaner birth. Likewise a Gentleman Graduate shall take place before him that is a Graduate tantùm. But this is to be understood: Data paritate temporis.  
A Gentlemen that is both a Knight and a Doctor, shall go before him that is a Knight or a Doctor tantùm.  
A Gentleman well qualified, and well borne, shall precede a Gentlemen of good quality or of good birth tantùm. Quia duplex dignitas fulget in eo, propria, & suorum.  
A Gentleman ennobled, for learning virtue and good manners, is to be preferred before a Gentleman borne, and rich. Quia Sapienti, Scientia & virtus sunt in anima. Luc. de penna. Of which opinion Ovid seemed to be, saying, 
Non census, nec opes, nec clarum nomen avorum,  
Sed probitas magnos, ingeniumque facit.  
Sed virtus magnum reddit, & ingenuum.   
A Gentleman advanced for virtue shallbe preferred before a Gentleman by Office, Quia dignitatibus ex virtute, non virtuti ex dignitatibus honor accedit. Boetius 2. de Cons.   

CHAP. 17.  
Privileges anciently appertaining to Gentlemen.  
IN crimes of one quality, a Gentleman shall be punished with more favour than a common person: unless the offence be Heresy, Treason, or excessive contumacy.  
In giving witness, the testimony of a Gentleman ought be received and more credited than the word of a common person. Qu●a promissa Nobilium, pro factis habentur.  
In election of Magistrates, Officers, and all other Ministers, the voices of Gentlemen are preferred.  
In commitment of portions appertaining to persons Lunatic or Orphans, the Gentlemen of their blood are to be trusted, before any person of meaner quality, and likewise in their marriages.  
If a Gentleman be an inhabitant of two Cities, and called to Office in both: it shall be in his choice to go unto the more noble, or otherwise at his pleasure.  
A Gentleman ought be excused from base services, impositions and duties, both real and personal.  
A Gentleman condemned to death, was anciently not to be hanged, but beheaded, and his examination taken without torture.  
divers other Privileges and Immunities the laws Civil have heretofore granted unto Gentlemen.   

CHAP. 18.  
Of the divers dispositions of Gentlemen, according to the humour of the Country where they inhabit.  
FIrst it is to be remembered, that Gentlemen (which title comprehendeth all degrees of dignity) are either attendant upon Princes, or Officers in the State, or else do live privately upon their own possessions.  
These men, as they are divers, so are they diversly affected.  
The Romans anciently delighted in Arms, but in times of peace occupied themselves in Agriculture, as an exercise honest and commendable. Which Titus Livius seemeth to affirm, by these words: Bonus Cives, & bonus Agricola.  
The Neapolitan standeth so high upon his puntoes d'honor, as for the most part he scorneth Merchandise, Physic, and all other professions profitable. Yea his disdain of base parentage is such, as a Gentleman Neapolitan accounteth it more honourable to live by robbery, than industry: and will rather hazard his daughter to incur infamy, then marry her to a most rich Merchant, or other ignoble person.  
The Venetian, albeit he reputeth himself the most noble Gentleman of the world, being capable of all offices in that Common weal, yet he holdeth it no dishonour to traffic in merchandise.  
The Genoues do hold the self same opinion: though true it is, that some of them have Castles, and houses upon the mountains, and there at occasions do inhabit.  
The German Gentlemen, doth (as it were ever) abide in his Country house or castle, and is not much ashamed to better his revenue by robbery and pillage. Yet some of them do serve or follow Princes, and thereby become the better nurtured.  
The French Gentlemen, almost generally do inhabit their houses in the Village, and manure their own lands, which course was anciently accounted most commendable. For Lycurgus' King of the Lacedæmonians made a Law, enjoining all Gentlemen to dwell in the Country, the more commodiously to endeavour the exercises and virtues Military.  
Much after that manner the English Gentlemen that liveth privately, doth dispose his life: as one that accounteth it no honour to exercise Merchandise: neither did they (in times past) repute the practice of Law or Physic, so commendable as now they do. For their ancient endeavour was agriculture, and feeding of cattle, to maintain honourable hospitality, being persuaded, the more rich they were, the more they were esteemed.  
Among the Grecians there was not anciently any mean to be advanced, but only by the emperors service: wherein whosoever did continue any time (were he never so basely borne) should notwithstanding be made a Gentleman.  
The Egyptians and Affyrians would not admit any man to have the title of a Gentleman, unless he were a soldier, and skilful in Military affairs. The rest of the people lived as slaves without reputation.  
The Tartarians and Muscovites do hold no man worthy the name of a Gentleman, unless he be a man of Arms, a Captain, or at the least, a soldier of extraordinary account. For learning is there of no price.   

CHAP. 19  
Of Kingdoms, and how Kings are to precede according to the Council of Constance, in the time of King Henry the fift.  
WE read that anciently the greatest, and most noble Kings of the world were these: viz. The King of Sycionia, the King Egypt, and the King of Assyria; but of them, that of Assyria of greatest power. For Ninus the son of Belus, had conquered and brought to his obedience all the people of Asia, (India excepted.) Others affirm he commanded the one half of the world, and some say he was King of a third part. So writeth S. Augustine li. 17. cap. 17. de ci. Dei.  
It is likewise by other writers said, that in ancient time were four mighty Kingdoms (by Daniel) compared to four metals: viz, That of Assyrians in the East was likened unto gold: that of the Persians and Medians to silver: that of the North Regions to brass: that of the Romans in the West to iron. But the kingdoms of the East were most honourable, though (at length) it pleased God that the Empire of Rome (resembled to iron) both in longitude and latitude exceeded all others: For as iron doth cut and decrease all other metals, so the dominion and power of Romans abased and eclipsed all other Regal puissance. Howsoever that were, the glory and greatness of the Roman force (in tract of time) did also become of small force, weak and feeble: according to the prophesy of Daniel, ca 2.  
But leaving to speak more of times so ancient, we say that in Asia the chief Kingdoms are Catai, Tharses, Turnester, Corasina, India, Persia, Media, Georgia, Syria, Cappadocia, Ethinia, etc.  
In Africa, is Ethiopia, Libya, Arabia, judea, Cilicia, Mauritania, Numidia and others.  
In Europe are likewise many kingdoms, but of them, these are most potent: viz. England, France, Scotland, Spain, Portugal, Denmark, Moscovia, Sweden, Poland. etc.  
Now touching the Precedence of these Princes in Europe by divers writers it is affirmed, that the King of France may justly claim the chief place.  
First, for that it pleased God to send from heaven unto Clodoveus the first Christian King of that Nation, three Lilies (as a Divine favour) to be from thenceforth borne in the Arms of that kingdom, before which time the King's Arms was three Toads.  
Secondly, they allege that France is the most ancient kingdom of Europe, and that Suardus was King of that Nation in the reign of Alexander.  
Thirdly, because the King of France is anointed: which indeed seemeth a mark of much pre-eminence.  
Fourthly, for that the French King beareth the title of Most Christian.  
Lastly, because it hath been in sundry papal Consistories decreed, that the Ambassadors of France should precede the Ambassadors of Spain.  
Others hold that Precedency appertaineth to the King of Spain.  
First, for that he is entitled, The most Catholic King.  
Secondly, because he is King of many kingdoms, and consequently of most honour, according to the proverb of Sal. In mulitudine populi dignitas regis: which reason Sallust seemeth also to confirm, saying, Maxima gloria in maximo Imperio.  
But we say the chief place of honour, and Precedency in Europe, appertaineth to the King of England.  
First, in respect of ancienty. For albeit Alexander first King of the Grecians, and of Persia, called himself King of the world: even at that time Brutus was King of England, and (as some have said) Suardus was then King of France. But Gaquinus in his Chronicle of France, maketh no mention thereof, not recordeth his name among the number of French Kings.  
Secondly, the king of England is anointed, and so is no other king, but the French King, the King of Sicil, and the King of jerusalem.  
Thirdly, the King of England is crowned, which honour the King of Spain, Portugal, Arragon, Navarra, and many other Princes have not.  
Fourthly, the King of England is a Prince most absolute, as from whom is no appellation, either in jurisdiction Ecclesiastical or Civil.  
And albeit Enqueranus Monstellet writeth that in the year 1420. at the Interview of the Kings of England and France, making their entry into the City of Paris, the French King did ride on the right hand, and kissed the Relics of Saints first: Yet is that no proof of his right in precedence: for Quilibet rex seu Princeps, in suo regno in culmine sedere debet: so saith Corsetus de potestate Regia.  
And admit that in time more ancient, the Kings of France had precedence before England, yet since the Conquest, & famous victories of Henry the fift, and Coronation of Henry the sixth in Paris, the Kings of England may justly take place: neither is the title of most Christian any proof of ancienty, being only an honour given for certain services done by King Pepin and Charlemagne to the Church of Rome.  
As for the allegation of Spain affirming that the King Catholic is owner of many kingdoms, and therefore of most honour: that reason is of no consequence. For so is also the King of England, whose only kingdom of England is by nature inexpugnable, and so plentifully peopled as sufficeth not only to defend itself against all other Nations, but also to invade, and conquer, as both Spain and France hath made experience.  
But the last and most effectual reason in favour of England, is, that the King and people thereof received the Gospel and faith Christian before France or Spain. Also the Bishops with the Ambassadors English had precedence in the greatest general Counsels of Christendom, as particularly appeared at the Council of Constance, where the Bishops of England were present and honoured accordingly. At which time it was doubted whether Spain should be admitted a nation, but in the end the Spaniards were allowed for the fift and last nation. And all the people there assembled were divided into five classes or ranks, viz. Germans, French, English, Italians, and Spaniards.  
The German rank contained themselves, Bohemia, Hungaria, Polonia, Dalmatia, Graecia, and Croatia.  
The French had place alone, as a nation absolute.  
To the English Nation, Scotland, Norway, Denmark, Sweden, and Cyprus were adjoined.  
The Italians had all the kingdoms subject to Rome, Sicily, Naples and Argier.  
With the Spaniards were the Ambassadors and Bishops of Castilia, Arragon, Maiorca, Navarra, Portugal and Granado.  
This assembly contained the Legates and Ambassadors of 83. Kings. Besides the person of the Emperor, and King of Romans, two Popes (for one died there,) five patriarchs, three and thirty Cardinals, forty and seven Archbishops, a hundredth forty and five Bishops, and 83. Suffragans.  
Thirty and nine Dukes.  
Thirty and seven Earls being absolute Princes.  
An hundredth and thirty inferior Earls.  
seventy and nine free Lords or Barons.  
Knights of all Nations fifteen hundred.  
Gentlemen twenty thousand, besides Doctors, Licentiats, and Schoolmen infinite.  
For the King of England appeared Richard Beauchamp Earl of Warwick, with him were four Bishops, viz. Sarisbury, Chester, bath, and Bangor. Sarisbury died during that Council, and living took his place above all other Bishops, as an Archbishop, and for the time was placed last in the rank of Archbishops.  

The Earl of Warwick's attendants, were as followeth.  
Hurting de Clough Knight.  
john Warerton Knight.  
john Seton Knight.  
Piers Craft Knight.  
john Roch Knight.  
james Hermford Knight.  
Beringer de Beaumond  
Knight.   

Gentlemen.  
Nicholas Serpon.  
William Newland.  
Geffrey Offley.  
Walter Hungerford.  
Hugh Holdbach.  
john Fitton.  
Thomas Wileot.  
Richard Dutton.  
Oliver Dunley.  
Petrs Craft.  
john Lantsdon.  
john Roche.  
Thomas Fanhes.  
William Newland.  
john Merbory.  
john Otlinger.  
Ralph Rainscroft.  
Henry Vessey.  
William Vessey.   

Schoolmen of Cambridge.  
Henry Abundy.  
john Wells.  
john Sheirford.  
Doctors in Divinity.   

Thomas Palton.  
Robert Appleton.  
john Stokes.  
Civilians.   

Schoolmen of Oxford.  
The Lord Prior of Orsestry.  
Peter Rodley.  
Priamus Farbach.    

CHAP. 20.  
Of Magistrates.  
NExt under Emperors, Kings and Princes Sovereign, are four degrees of Magistrates.  
Some are called Magni and Illustres.  
Some be Medij and Spectabiles.  
Some be Minimi and Clarissimi.  
And some are Infimi.  
The first may be named Magistrates sovereign, as they who acknowledge no superior, but the Majesty of the Prince.  
The second are they that yield obedience to them, and command other Magistrates their inferiors.  
The latter two are such as cannot command any Magistrate, but have power only over particular subjects within the limits of their jurisdiction.  
Touching the first that have authority to command all other Magistrates, and acknowledge no superior but the Prince, they are fewer at this day then heretofore. Yet certain it seemeth, that some Roman Emperors authorized one Magistrate or Lieutenant (without any companion) to command all other Magistrates of the Empire, and to him all Governors and Magistrates did appeal: Which Magistrate they called Praefectus Praetorio. True it is, that at the beginning he was of no greater quality than Captain of the Legions Praetorian, as Seius Strabo, under Augustus, and Sejanus under Tibertus; until other Emperors succeeding by little and little increased their authority, as in the end the Praefectus Praetorio became Lieutenant general, and judge of all questions and causes whatsoever, by which occasion, that office was given unto men learned in the Law: as Martian under Otho, Papinian under Severus, and Ulpian under Alexander. All which came to pass, before Arms were divided from laws, and justicers from Captains. Afterwards, this great office became imparted unto two, and sometimes three persons, purposely to abridge the excessive authority of one.  
But touching the Precedency of Magistrates, albeit they cannot aptly be ranged with those of the Empire, yet may they (in some sort) be placed according to the dignity and degrees of those titles which the Romans anciently used. And touching their authority, it shall not be amiss to know that a Magistrate is an Officer having power to command in the common weal: among whom in the Roman Empire, the Praefectus Praetorio was the chief, having authority above all other Officers, to whom also every one did appeal.  
To this Praetor or Praefect we may compare the Grand Mayor du Pallais in France, who in times past did in that kingdom bear chief office. To him also in some sort we may resemble the high Seneschal of England, under King William the Conqueror, and other Kings his successors. These Magistrates might therefore be reasonably called Illustrissimi chiefly in the King's absence. For sure it is, that in presence of the King all power of Magistrates and Commissioners also doth cease: For during that time, they have no authority of commandment either over other subjects, or other Officers their inferiors. But this mighty Magistrate is no more either in England or France, yet during their authority they were called Illustrissmi: which title signified a certain pre-eminency above all Magistrates that were Illustres, either Honorarij or Administrantes. Nam accidentia denominant Subiectum.  
Next to these Illustrissimi or Maximi, the chief place of Precedency is due unto those whom we called Illustres, and among them the L. Chancellor is chief: etiam in dignitate impari: as one whose excellent virtue ought be preferred before all other officers.  
Likewise the Lord high Constable or Lord Martial is a Magistrate Illust. the Lord Treasurer, Admiral of England, the Lord Chamberlain, and all others of the King's privy Council may assume the title of persons Illust. or (as we commonly call them) right Honourable. So saith Cass.  
It seemeth also that Doctors who have read in school the space of twenty years, may be called Illustrissimi as Purpuratus noteth.  
To these Illust. or right Honourable personages, the laws Imperial have granted many great privileges, as the same Barthol. discourseth.  
After these, the Magistrates (whom we formerly called Spectabiles and may in our tongue be termed Honourable) ought to follow: as commanders in Arms, judges, Governors, or Lieutenant's General of Provinces and Cities, etc.  
The fourth place appertaineth to them that anciently were named Clarissimi or Right worshipful, who are inferior justicers and Ministers, Colonels, Captains, and mean Officers, etc.  
Lastly are they whom the Romans entitled Infimi, and in English Worshipful, as Captains of particular Castles, judges in Towns corporate, where no action is triable above 3000 shillings.  
Note here that every Magistrate is an Officer, but every Officer is not a Magistrate: and of all Magistrates the Lord Chancellor hath ever had precedence, not only in England and France, but of all anciency in every other place: for read we may, that Eginardus who wrote the life of Carolus Magnus, was his Chancellor. Likewise Tribonianus was Chancellor unto the Emperor justinian; josaphat was Chancellor to King David, 2. of Kings; Vlpianus to the Emperor Alexander; Seneca to Nero: and in France, the Chancellor hath so great pre-eminence, as he precedeth the Constable, unless he be the King's brother or his son. For the better memory of the degrees aforesaid, Lucas de Penna speaking of titular dignity, hath left these verses underwritten.  
Illustris primus, medius spectabilis, imus  
(Vt lex testatur) clarissimus esse probatur:  
Et superillustris praeponitur omnibus istis.   

CHAP. 21.  
Of Officers, and their Precedency.  
OFficers serving Princes are of divers sorts: among which, some do attend the Prince's person, others have charge of his Treasure; some are ministers of justice, and some are commanders in war.  
For the better conceiving of our intention therefore, and the order of that which followeth, it behoveth to know, That the first places of dignity do appertain to those that are attendant and administrant in office illustrious. The second is due to them that have heretofore borne office of dignity, and are now vacant. The third belongeth to those that have obtained an office of dignity in reversion.  
These divers degrees were in the Imperial Court called Administrantes, Vacantes, and Honorarij.  
The officers Administrant are to precede; next to them the Vacants, and then the Honorarij or officers extraordinary: in which order they are ever to take place, In simili dignitate, non in dignitate dispari.  
But to begin with Administrants' and their order among themselves, thus it is: He that was first placed or sworn, aught ever to precede, and so in order from the first to the last, In paridignitate. As for example: a Gentleman of the King's Chamber in ordinary attendance, shall take place before all other Gentlemen, in part dignitate.  
The like order ought be observed by the Vacants: for he that hath been longest vacant, may take place before him that is less ancient in vacancy. As for example: He that was a Viceroy or an Ambassador ten years past, shall sit before him that served since, in pari dignitate.  
The same course is to be kept among the number of Honorantes or servants extraordinary. As for example: He to whom any office or other place of dignity is granted in reversion, being first therein placed or sworn, shall go before all others of his rank, in pari dignitate. As for example: A Master of Requests extraordinary must precede all others that have since obtained that dignity; yet true it is, that an officer extraordinary may be by birth or otherwise so privileged, as he shall take place of a Vacant, and sometimes also of an Administrant.  
Note also that every office or dignity granted by the Prince in his own presence, shall be of greater reputation then if the same were given in absence, or sent unto him that receiveth it, data paritate in reliquis.  
The same law also commandeth that a Vacant shallbe preferred before an officer extraordinary: and men of Arms serving in any Imperial or Royal Court, shallbe privileged before others in pari dignitate. johan. de Platea.  
Note likewise that these officers (whom we call Vacants) are of two sorts: The one are they that have absolutely quitted their offices, or consented their places may be supplied by others: the other are they, who had office in some City, Court, or Country, where now no such office is: as the Counsellors of Milan, when that State was subject to the French king, are now no more officers in that City, being subject to the King of Spain: yet do they hold place of other Vacants, in pari dignitate.  
Likewise an Officer Administrant may sometime precede an Officer Extraordinary, etiam in dignitate dispari. But otherwise it is with a Vacant or extraordinary officer, for he is never preferred in pari dignitate. We call him Extraordinary, that hath only the name of an Officer, without administration or fee: yet shall he go before all others of that place, being his punies or men of no place. As for example: A Gentleman waiter Extraordinary shall not only precede all other Gentlemen of less ancienty, but also sit before all other Gentlemen not the King's servants, in pari dignitate. And consequently every man Extraordinary in the Prince's service, shall take place before all other men without office, and in pari dignitate.  
It is also to be remembered, that in every office near the person of the King, or in his Royal house, there is ever one supreme and superlative officer above the rest: and after him other Honourable officers of divers degrees. The rest are equal, yet with respect that he who was first preferred, shall take place first. As for example: The chief Officer of the Emperor's house was called Praefectus sacri Palatij, and under him were certain Comites; as in the Court of England her majesties supreme Officer of household is the Lord Steward, and next to him the Treasurer, controller, & Cofferer: in France, Le Grand Maistre: in Spain, El Maggior domo, etc.  
Likewise those Emperors had one Praefectus sacri Cubiculi: another Stabuli, with their Comites: as our Sovereign hath a Lord Chamberlain, a Master of the horse, and divers officers inferior to them. The rest of her servants in every particular office, are to proceed as equals, having respect to ancienty: For he that was first advanced ought always to take place first, in pari dignitate. Which rule may direct every man to go, as becometh his quality, and consequently eschew all occasions of offence, or presumption. Whereunto we will add one thing (perhaps by every one not observed, or to all men not known) which is, that all men serving near unto the Prince's person (in what office or place soever) are thereby privileged and honoured. The words of the Law are these. Adhaerentes lateri Principis, & eidem in officio seruientes, nobilitantur, & nobiles efficiuntur. Omnes famulantes principi sunt in dignitate, & ideo nobiles: cum dignitas & nobilitas idem sunt. Bart. Cap. de dignitatibus.   

CHAP. 22.  
Of Honourable places due to great Estates, their wives and children.  

A Duke.  
A Duke must go after the ancienty of his Ancestors creation, so that he be of the same blood and stock. And the Duchess his wife to go according to the same. But if he be a Duke of new creation, than he is to proceed as a new Duke.  
He is to have in his own house a cloth of Estate, and in every other place, out of the Prince's presence, so that the same come not to the ground, by half a yard.  
A Duchess (likewise) may have her cloth of Estate, and a Baroness to bear up her train in her own house. And no Earl ought to wash with a Duke, but at the Duke's pleasure.  
A Duke's eldest son is borne in the degree of a marquess, and shall go as a marquess, and wear as many powderings as a marquess, and have his assays, the marquess being present, saving he shall go beneath a marquess, and his wife beneath a marchioness and above all Duke's daughters. But if so be a Duke hath a daughter, which is his sole heir, if she be the eldest Dukes daughter, than she shall go before and above the Duke's eldest sons wife.  
Also a Duke's daughter is borne equivalent to a marchioness, and shall wear as many powderings as a marchioness, saving she shall go beneath all marchioness and all Duke's eldest sons wives. They shall have none assays in the Marchionesses presence. And if they be married to a Baron, they shall go according to the degree of their husbands. And if they be married to a Knight, or to one under the degree of a Knight, they are to have place according to their birth.  
Note that a Baron, is an Estate of great dignity in blood, honour and habit, a Peer of the Realm, and companion of Princes, and therefore no disparagement unto his wife (albeit a Duke's daughter) to take her place according to her husband's condition.  
All Dukes younger sons be borne as Earls, and shall wear as many powderings as an Earl, saving they shall go beneath all Earls, and Marquis' eldest sons, and above all viscounts. And their wives shall go beneath all Countesses and Marquis' daughters, and above all Vicountesses, and next to Marquis' daughters.  
Also all Duke's daughters shall go one with another, so that always the eldest Dukes Daughter go uppermost, unless the Prince's pleasure be to the contrary.   

A marquess.  
A marquess must go after the ancienty of his Ancestors creation. And the marchioness his wife according to the same.  
He is to have a cloth of Estate in his own house, so that it hang a yard above the ground, and in every other place, saving in a Duke's house, or in his sovereign's presence.  
He may have no assays in a Duke's presence, but only his cups covered. Neither may a marchioness have her gown borne, in a Duchess presence, but by a Gentleman; for it is accounted a higher degree to be borne by a woman, then by a man. But in her own house she may have her gown borne up by a Knight's wife.  
Also there ought no Viscount or Vicountesse to wash with a marquess or a marchioness, but at their pleasures.  
A marquess eldest son is borne in the degree as an Earl, and shall go as an Earl, and have his Assays in an Earl's presence, and wear as many powderings as an Earl, saving that he shall go beneath an Earl, and above all Duke's younger sons, and his wife shall go beneath all Countesses, and above all Marquis' daughters.  
But if the Marquis' daughter be his heir, and she the elder Marquis' daughter, than she shall go above the younger Marquis' eldest sons wife.  
Item, a Marquis' daughter is by birth equal to a Countess, and shall wear as many powderings as a Countess, saving she shall go beneath all Countesses and Marquis' eldest sons wives. But they shall have none assays in any Countess' presence.  
And if they be married to a Baron, than they shall go according to their husband's degree, ut supra. And if they be married to a Knight, or under the degree of a Knight than they shall take place after their birth.  
Item, Marquesses younger sons be borne as viscounts, and shall wear as many Powdring as a Viscount, saving only he shall go beneath all viscounts and Earl's eldest sons, and above all Barons; and his wife shall go beneath all Vicountesses, and Earls daughters, and above all Baronesses.  
Item, all Marquis' daughters are to go one with another, so that always the eldest marquess daughter go uppermost, unless the pleasure of the Prince be to the contrary.   

An Earl.  
AN Earl shall go after the ancienty of his Ancestors creation, so that he be of the same kindred and stock. And the Countess his wife shall go according to the same. He may have none Assays in a marquess presence, but only his Cup covered. Neither may any Countess have her gown borne in a Marchionesses presence, by a Gentlewoman, but by a Gentleman.  
Also an Earl may have in his own house a cloth of Estate, which shall be fringed round, without any pendant. And a Baron ought not to wash with an Earl, but at his pleasure.  
Item an Earl's eldest son is borne equal to a Viscount, and shall go as a Viscount, and shall wear as many Powdring as a Viscount. But he shall go beneath all viscounts, and his wife beneath all Vicountesses, and above all Earls daughters. But if she be the Earl's daughter and heir, and the elder Earls daughter, than she shall go above the younger Earls eldest sons wife.  
Item all Earls daughters be borne as Vicountesses, and shall wear as many Powdring as a Viscountesse, yet shall she go beneath all Viscountesses, and Earls eldest sons wives. And if they be married to a Baron, or to any other above a Baron, than they shall go after the degree of their husband. And if they be married to a Knight, or under the degree of a Knight, than they are to go, and have place according to their birth.  
Item, all Earls younger sons be borne as Barons, and shall wear as many Powdring as a Baron, saving they shall go beneath all Barons, and Viscounts eldest sons, and above all Baronnets. And their wives shall go beneath all Baronnesses and Viscountesse daughters, and above all Baronet's wives.  
Item, all Earls daughters to go one with an other, the elder Earls daughter to go uppermost, unless the pleasure of the Prince be to the contrary.   

A Viscount.  
A Viscount must go after the ancienty of his own Ancestors creation, and the Viscountesse must have place according to the same. He may have in his own house the Cup of Assay holden under his Cup while he drinketh, but none Assay taken.  
He may have a Carver and Shower with their Towels, when they set their service on the Table. The Viscount being there present, and all Viscountesses may have their gowns borne up by a man, in the presence of a Countess. Also they may have a Traverse in their own houses.  
Item, Viscounts eldest sons be borne as Barons, and shall wear as many Powdring as a Baron, saving he shall go beneath all Barons, and above all Barons young sons. And his wife shall go beneath all Baronesses, and above all Viscounts daughters.  
Item, viscounts daughters be borne as Baronesses, and shall wear as many Powdring as a baroness, saving she shall go beneath all Baronesses, and Viscounts eldest sons wives, and if they be married to a Baron, they shall go after the degree of their Husbands. And if they be married to a Knight, or an Esquire, they are to take place according to their birth.  
Item, Viscounts younger sons, shall go as Bannerets, and wear as many Powdring as a Banneret, saving they shall go beneath all Baronet's.   

A Baron.  
A Baron must go after the ancienty of his Ancestors creation, so that the eldest Baron go uppermost, and the baroness his wife must go after the same: she may have her gown borne up with a man in presence of a Vicountesse, and the Baron may have the cover of his cup holden underneath when he drinketh.  
Item, a Baron's eldest son shall go and have place as a Banneret, and take the upper hand of a Banneret, because his father is a Peer of the Realm: and by the same reason all Barons younger sons shall precede all Bachelor Knights.  
Item, all Baron's daughters shall go above all Bannerets wives, that is to say, she shall have the upper hand of Bannerets wives & Knights wives.  
Item, all Baron's daughters to go one with another, so that the eldest Barons daughter go always uppermost: unless the Prince's pleasure be to the contrary.  
Note that if any of all the degrees above written be descended of the blood Royal, they ought to stand above and precede all others that are in pari dignitate of themselves: as a Duke of the Blood above all Dukes not of the Blood, and so the like in all other degrees, except the Princes known pleasure be to the contrary.  
A Duke's eldest son and heir of the blood Royal shall have place before a marquess, and if he be not of the blood, he shall have place above an Earl.  
An Earl's son and heir of the blood Royal shall precede a Viscount: and if he be not of the blood, he shall have place above a Baron.    

CHAP. 23.  
The proceeding of Parliament to Westminster, from her majesties Royal Palace of White Hall.  

FIrst, Messengers of the Chamber.  
Gentlemen two and two.  
esquires two and two.  
The six Clerks of the Chancery.  
Clerks of the star-chamber.  
Clerks of the Signet.  
Clerks of the privy Counsel.  
The Masters of the Chancery.  
esquires of the Body.   

The Trumpets.  
The Queen's Attorney and Solicitor.  
Sergeants of the Law.  
The Queen's Sergeant alone.  
The Barons of the Exchequer two, and two.  
judges of the Common Pleas.  
judges of the Kings Bench. 
pursuivants.  
pursuivants.   
The Lord chief Baron, and the Lord chief justice of the Common Pleas.  
The Master of the Rolls, and the Lord chief justice of the Kings Bench.  
bachelor Knights.  
Knights of the bath.  
Knight's Bannerets.  
Knights of the Privy Counsel two and two.  
Knights of the Garter.  
The Queen's majesties Cloak and Hat borne by a Knight or an Esquire.  
noblemen's younger sons, 
Heralds.  
Heralds.  and heirs apparent two and two.  
The principal Secretary, being no Baron.  
The Vice-chamberlaine.  
The treasurer and controller of the Household.  
Barons in their Robes, two and two. The youngest form oft.  
Bishops in their Robes, two and two.  
The Lord Admiral, and the Lord Chamberlain of Household together, if they be Barons, and In pari dignitate.   

Norroy King of Arms.  
Viscounts in their Robes, two and two, the youngest foremost.  
Earls in their Robes, two and two, they youngest foremost.  
Marquesses in their Robes.  
Dukes in their Robes.  
The Lord Precedent of the Counsel, and the Lord Privy Seal.  
Lord Steward of the Queen's house, and the Lord great Chamberlain.   

Clarencieux King of Arms.  
The Almoner. The Master of Requests.  
The Lord chancellor, and the Lord Treasurer of England together.  
The Archbishop of Canterbury, & the Archbishop of York together.  
Sergeants at Arms. Sergeants at Arms.   

Garter chief King of Arms barehead.  
The Cap of Estate borne by the Marquis of Winchester, and with him on the left hand the Earl Martial of England with his gilt rod.  
The Sword borne by an Earl.   

THE Queen's Majesty on horseback, or in her Chariot with her Robes of Estate, her Train borne by a Duchess, or marchioness.  
The Pensioners on each side of her Majesty bearing Pole-axes.  
The Lord Chamberlain, and the Vize-chamberlaine on each side of the Queen (if they attend out of their rank) but somewhat behind her.  
The Master of the Horse, leading a spare Horse next behind her Majesty.  
Ladies and Gentlewomen, according to their Estates, two and two.  
The Captain of the Guard with all the Guard following, two & two.    

CHAP. 24.  
The placing of great Officers according to the Act of Parliament made, An. 31. H. 8.  
THe Lord Vicegerent shallbe placed on the Bishop's side above them all.  
Then the Lord Chancellor.  
The Lord Treasurer.  
The Lord Precedent of the privy Counsel.  
The Lord Privy seal.  
These four being of the degree of a Baron, or above, shall sit in the Parliament in all assemblies of Council above Dukes, not being of the blood Royal, viz. The King's brother, Uncle, or Nephews, etc.  
And these six.  
The Lord great Chamberlain of England.  
The Lord High Constable of England.  
The Earl Martial of England.  
The Lord Admiral of England.  
The Lord great Master of Steward of the King's house.  
The Lord Chamberlain of the King's household.  
These six are placed in all assemblies of Council, after Lord privy Seal, according to their degrees, and estates, So that if he be a Baron, to sit above all Barons: and if he be an Earl, above all Earls. And so likewise the King's principal Secretary, being a Baron of the Parliament, hath place above all Barons, and if he be of higher degree, he shall sit and be placed according thereunto.  
Note, If any of the Officers above mentioned, be not of the degree of a Baron, whereby he hath not power to assent, or dissent in the high Court of Parliament, than he, or they are to sit on the uppermost Wolsacke in the Parliament chamber, the one above the other in like order as is specified.  
The Nobility Temporal are placed according to the ancienty of their several creations, and so are the Lords Spiritual, saving, 

The Archbishop of Canterbury, So placed of dignity. The Archbishop of York.  
Bishop of London. So placed by Act of Parliament. Bishop of Durham. Bishop of Winhcester.    
The rest of the Bishops have their places according to the seniority of their several consecrations. And this for their placing in the Parliament house. Howbeit when the Archbishop of Canterbury sitteth in his Provincial assembly, he hath on his right hand the Archbishop of York, and next unto him the Bishop of Winchester, and on the left hand the Bishop of London. But if it fall out that the Archbishop of Canterbury be not there by the vacation of his See, than the Archbishop of York is to take his place, who admitteth the Bishop of London to his right hand, and the Prelate of Winchester to his left, the rest sitting as is before said, as they are elders by consecration.   

CHAP. 25.  
The Queen's Majesties most royal proceeding in State from Somerset place to Paul's Church. Ann. 1588.  
ON Sunday the 24. day of November, Anno 1588. our Sovereign Lady Queen Elizabeth road with great solemnity in her open chariot from Somerset house in the Strand, to the Cathedral Church of S. Paul in London: where, at the West door before her majesties entrance in, there was provided a rich Chair of Estate, and the ground being spread likewise with tapits, her Majesty kneeled down against a desk covered with very Princely furniture, and said the Lords prayer: and then the Bishop of London in his Cope, delivered her a book containing all the Orders, Charters, and Privileges belonging to the said Church: which her Majesty receiving, did confirm and redeliver unto the Bishop in the presence of all the Prebends and Churchmen, who attended her Highness in very rich Copes: and so with the whole Choir singing before her, she proceeded up into the Chancel, where within a Travers she rested until the Procession and other divine Anthems were sung. After which, her Majesty entered into the place ordained for the Duchy of Lancaster, which at that time was newly re-edified with fair and large glass windows, in which she stayed during the Sermon preached at the Cross by Doctor Perce then Bish. of Salisbury; where, with the whole assembly of the people she gave God public thanks for that triumphant and ever memorable victory over the Spanish Fleet, proudly by them called Invincible. The Sermon being done, her Majesty went to the Bishop's Palace, and there dined: and towards evening returned unto Somerset place by torchlight.  
Against her Highness coming in the morning, the streets were railed and hung with Blue broad clothes for the several Companies in their Liveries to stand, & every Company distinguished by Banners, Standards, and Pennons of their Arms richly painted, and illumined. The Gentlemen of the Inns of Court likewise (being placed near Temple Bar) stood orderly within their rails. All the fronts of houses were covered with rich Arras and Tapestry, and the windows and streets replenished with all sorts of people innumerable, who with great applause, and joyful acclamations, both graced, and honoured her majesties most Royal proceeding.  
The Lord Mayor (which was Alderman Calthrope) delivered his Sword to her Majesty at Temple Bar, who receiving it, gave him a Mace or Sceptre to bear, and delivered the Sword to the L. marquess of Winchester, who bore it before her Highness all that day.  

¶ Here followeth the List or Roll of all Estates that were in this Princely proceeding, according as they were then marshaled.  
Messengers of the Chamber.  
Gentlemen Harbingers.  
Servants to Ambassadors.  
Gentlemen, Her Maiestics servants. Esquires,   

Trumpets.  
Sewers of the Chamber.  
Gentlemen Ushers.  
The six Clerks of the Chancery.  
Clerks of Star chamber.  
Clerks of the Signet.  
Clerks of the Privy Seal.  
Clerks of the Council.  
Chaplains having dignities, as Deans, etc.  
Masters of the Chancery.  
Aldermen of London.  
Knight's Bachelors.  
Knight's Officers of the Admiralty.  
The judge of the Admiralty.  
The Dean of the Arches.  
The Solicitor and Attorney General.  
sergeant at the Law.  
The Queen's sergeant.  
Barons of the Exchequer. 
A Pursuy. of Arms.   
judges of the Common Pleas. 
A Pursuy. of Arms.   
judges of the Kings Bench.  
The L. chief Baron, & the L. chief justice of the Common pleas.  
The Master of the Rolls, and the L. chief justice of the K. Bench.  
The Queen's Doctors of Physic.  
The Master of the Tents, and the Master of the Revels.  
The Lieutenant of the Ordinance.  
The Lieutenant of the Tower.  
The Master of the armory.  
Knights that had been Ambassadors.  
Knights that had been Deputies of Ireland.  
The Master of the great Wardrobe. 
A Pursuy. of Arms.   
The Master of the lewel house. 
A Pursuy. of Arms.   
Esquires for the Body, and Gentlemen of the Privy chamber.   

Trumpets.  
The Queen's Cloak & Hat borne by a Knight or an Esquire.  
Baron's younger sons.  
Knights of the Bath.  
Knight's Bannerets. 
Lancaster.   
viscounts younger sons. 
York.   
Baron's eldest sons.  
Earl's younger sons.  
viscounts eldest sons.  
Secretaries of her Majesty.  
Knights of the Privy Council. 
Somerset  
Richmond.   
Knights of the Garter.  
Principal Secretary.  
Vicechamberlaine.  
controller and Treasurer of the household.  
Barons of the Parliament. 
Chester.   
Bishops. 
〈◊〉   
The Lord Chamberlain of the house, being Barons.  
The Lord Admiral of England,  
Marquesses younger sons.  
Earl's eldest sons.  
viscounts.  
Duke's younger sons.  
Marquis' eldest sons.   

Norroy King of Arms.  
Earls.  
Duke's eldest sons.  
Marquesses.  
Dukes.   

Clarencieux King of Arms.  
The Almoner. The Master of Requests.  
The Lord high Treasurer of England.  
The Archbishop of York.  
The Lord chancellor of England.  
The Archbishop of Canterbury.  
The French Ambassador.  
Garter King of Arms.  
The Mayor of London.  
A Gent. Usher of the Privy Chamber.   

The Queen's Majesty in her Chariot.  
Her highness train borne by the marchioness of Winchester.  
The Palfrey of Honour led by the Master of the Horse.  
The chief Lady of Honour.  
All other Ladies of Honour,  
The Captain of the Guard.  
Yeomen of the Guard.    

CHAP. 26.  
Of Precedency, among persons of mean and private condition.  
BArtholus, in his discourse de re Militari & Duello, divideth men into three degrees: viz. great personages advanced to dignity, men of reputation without dignity, and common or ignoble persons. Of whom jac. Faber in his discourse upon Aristotle's politics, maketh nine sorts.  
The first are husbandmen, whose endeavour is employed, about the fruits of the earth.  
Secondly, artificers occupied Arts either necessary, honest or pleasing.  
Thirdly, victuallers, retailers of wares, and chapmen.  
Fourthly, Mariners and sea soldiers.  
Fiftly, Fishermen.  
Sixtly, Watermen and Ferrymen.  
Seventhly, Masons, and labourers in stone.  
Eightly, workmen of little substance, and Labourers.  
Lastly, Bondmen and slaves.  
Among common persons in every Province or Town, the Governor or Captain is of most reputation, notwithstanding he be of a common birth, yet in some Cities, the Mayor or chief judge hath that chief honour, and is superior to the military Officer, but generally men in Office, are of more reputation than others without office, and Officers for life are preferred before Officers annual or time certain: Data paritate in alijs. Raynutius.  
Note also that every man during the time he beareth office is to be respected and honoured, as Purpuratus writeth: And to say summarily, all wisemen having place of rule in any Province, City, or Town, must be preferred before others, albeit they are advanced above the measure of their virtue. For no man is so evil, but sometimes he doth well, Laudabilia multa etiam mali faciunt. Pli.  
Men married are ever to precede men unmarried, in pari dignitate. And he who hath most children, or lost the greater number in the war of his Country, is to be most honoured, Lex Iuli●. The like order ought be observed among women married, in pari dignitate: and in Rome maidens did anciently go before widows, and wives also: and sons before their Fathers.  
Men having land of inheritance are to precede other having none: and Citizens that are householders, must be preferred before others having no habitation, chief in such Cities and Towns where their Ancestors and families have been of continuance in reputation of merchandise, or other possessions. For next after Gentlemen and Magistrates they are to take place, in pari dignitate. Yet here is to be noted, that if any Burgess, Merchant, or other man of wealth do happen to purchase a Barony, yet ought he not be a Baron, nor have place among Barons, jac. Rabuff.  
A father whose son beareth any Office, shall give place to his son in all public meetings and services: but in private affairs, the order of nature ought be observed: and in domestical conversation, the father shall go and sit before the son. Likewise a Bishop must do reverence unto his father at home, but being in the Church the father shall follow him. So for divers respects the one and the other is honoured.  
Between two equals, he that is in his own jurisdiction shall precede: as if an Archbishop or Cardinal do come into the Diocese of a Bishop, notwithstanding they be persons of more dignity, yet ought they give honour unto the Bishop, because their presence doth not cancel his authority.  
A Citizen or dweller of any chief City, shall take place of other Inhabitants of meaner towns or cities, when soever they meet in any place indifferent: yet he who findeth himself within his own Liberty or jurisdiction, shallbe preferred: which moved Caesar to wish himself to be rather the chief man of a little village among the Alps, than the second person in Rome.  
Among common persons also (chief where no dignity is) fathers are to precede their sons: Honora patrem tuum, & gemitum matris tuae ne obliviscaris, Eccles 3. Likewise among equals, age is to be preferred in respect of wisdom and experience. Many privileges and immunities are also due to old age, and they in counsel ought to speak first: Loquere maior natu, decet enim te, Ecclesiast. 2.  
In the number of men mean borne, they that be learned deserve most reputation, chief when both for Arms and Civil government they deserve praise, because such men be meet, as well for peace as war. Also among learned men the first place is due to Divines, the next to Civilians, and the third to Physicians. But Arnoldus de Villa Nova, saith, Primus locus in mensasolet servari Sacerdoti, & Medico, in domo infirmi.  
After men learned, judges of inferior Courts, Notaries, and Clerks do seem worthy of respect and preferrment: for more credit is to be given unto a Notary or Scribe then to other men: Super faciem Scribae imponet honorem, Eccles.  
Also among popular persons, they that be virtuous ought be most esteemed: because it were injury to take reward from men of good desert. Honour est praemium virtutis, Arist. 8. Ethic.  
Men of good and charitable mind, are also worthy honour: for actions of justice and piety, are universally praised: and the more, because men endued with virtues intellective, are not many, Perdifficile est bonum esse, Pittacus.  
In this number of Plebeians, to be naturally borne of the country or town where a man dwelleth, is also reason he should be esteemed: for Cicero saith, Potiores sunt Cives quam peregrini.  
They are likewise worthy of respect, that are persons of good fame and name: Bona fama impinguat ossa, Eccle.  
Among strangers, they ought be preferred that are borne in civil and noble Nations: for by observation we see the people of some countries are prone to infamous conditions, and others inclined to honest endeavour. Apuleius calleth the Egyptians learned, the jews superstitious, the Scythians poor of corn, the Arabians rich in sweet odours: and Livy noteth the Carthaginians for their perfidy, and Cicero taxeth the Spaniards for their craft, but praiseth the Grecians for skill in Artes. Horace saith the Brytons are stout men, and frank housekeepers, and the Persians promise breakers, etc. Howsoever it be, experience proveth that all countries are inhabited, and every man preferreth the place of his birth: Dulcis amor patriae,—  
Among Citizens and inferior persons, they are not to be neglected that descend of honest parents: for a●be it every man's mind be his own, yet the temperature of the parents complexion giveth a certain aptness to virtue or vice, whereof we presume the child good or evil. And verily albeit one man begetteth another, yet rarely one mind bringeth forth another of like capacity and quality. Non mens, ut corpus, patrio de semine manat. Pall.  
Also rich men are to be preferred, because the more a man possesseth in the State, the more careful he will be to conserve it: but poor men desiring to better their fortune, are apt to innovation.  
After rich men, persons honest and industrious ought be esteemed: for idle and unprofitable members in every Commonweal deserve rather to be punished then esteemed. Omnis arbor quae non facit fructum bonum excidetur, & in ignem mittetur: Mat 3.  
Among these sorts of men, beauty and seemly proportion of body do promise much good, and are to be preferred: of which opinion Plato seemed to be, saying, Optimumest been valere. Secundo loco formosum esse. Tertio habere divitias bono modo partas. And ovid. Gratior est pulchro veniens de corpore Virtus.  
Likewise of these men some deserve preferment for excellency in the Art they profess, and some because they are employed in Arts more necessary and commendable, as Architectors, and such Artificers as are entertained by Princes, for they are dignified by their place, according as the Prince affecteth their faculty, which moved Martial speaking of Cooks serving Princes, to say, 
Non satis est ars sola coquo servire palato,  
Namque coquus domini debet habere gulam.    

CHAP. 27.  
Of Funerals.  
AS man (above other creatures) is honoured in life, so ought his burial be decent and honourable: Wherein we are to follow the example of our Saviour Christ being both God and man. For albeit he subjecteth himself to worldly contumelies, and death ignominious, yet was his Funeral notable and glorious, according to the prophesy of Esay, saying, Eterit sepulchrum eius gloriosum pro ut sepulchra Adae; Abrahae, Isaac & jacob, & eorum uxorum, & aliorum plurium patriarcharum fuerit gloriosa Cap. 11.  
It seemeth also (of all ancienty) that burying of the dead hath been much commended: For we find in Eccles. Mortuo non negabis gratiam, id est, sepulturam. We read likewise that Tob. did bestow sepulture upon men dead and slain.  
The Romans likewise used many ceremonies in burying of the dead, anointing their bodies, and in burning them caused many sweet spices to be cast into the fire. For so was the corpse of Sylla buried. This custom was also observed among the Egyptians, as appeareth in the last of Gene. where joseph commanded his Physicians, that they should embalm the body of his father jacob. In performing of which Ceremony they spent forty days, and thirty in mourning. In like manner, the people of Israel mourned for Moses thirty days. Deut. 34. And Valerius tit de Seruata relig. Maketh mention that after the battle and slaughter at Canna, the Senate of Rome commanded that e●ery Matron of Rome should mourn thirty days, and not longer. Other customs among other Nations have been used: for some were enjoined to end their mourning within forty days: some others within three, and some in seven. But in France and England the use of mourning hath ever been thirty days, chief among persons of honour, as may be conceived of a sentence given in Burgundy by an Official there, who having cited before him a Lady called jaquelina de la Trimoille daughter to the King's Lieutenant general in Burgundy, upon certain promises matrimonial, she answered by Proctor, her appearance ought be excused, in respect the thirty days of her father's death were not expired: During which time she might not go out of her house, which Plea was allowed.  
By that which hath been formerly said of the last of Gen. we may observe three particular honours appertaining unto a funeral, viz. the embalming of the body: the solemn mourning, and the concourse of friends when the corpse is carried to interment. For joseph assembled all his chief kinsfolk and friends of the house of Pharaoh to accompany his father unto the grave: which custom is still continued specially among persons of State and reputation. And indeed no Nation is so uncivil or savage, as utterly to contemn the honest burial of men's bodies. Yet do we read that the Lotophagi do cast their dead bodies into the Sea, affirming it maketh no matter whether they consume by earth or water. Which custom the excellent Doctor Modestinus reproveth in these words: Laudandus est magis quàm accusandus haeres, qui reliquias testatoris non in mare secundum ipsius voluntatem abiecerit, sed in memoriam humanae conditionis sepulturae tradidit. Neither do I like the conceit of Solon, who dying in Cyprus commanded his heirs, that the bones of his body should be burned, and the ashes dispersed throughout the Country.  
In old time, the Albanoys thought it no point of piety to take care of the dead: which Christians may not allow, as hath been formerly said: Noli mortuo denegare gratiam, Eccl. 2.  
The Scythians were wont to eat the flesh of dead bodies at their feasts, as a dish of great delicacy and honour: and the Hircani kept dogs purposely to devour dead men's carcases. Likewise the Parthians seeing any dead body, of man, beast, or bird, did forthwith tear off the flesh and then buried the bones.  
The Massagetae used to beat old men's bodies to death with a cudgel, and then gave them to be eaten by shepherds dogs, and such as died of sickness were devoured by wild beasts. All which customs do deserve to be abhorred.  
But the Athenians were so careful of Funeral duty, as if any man did neglect to bury a Captain slain, he was capitally punished. And the Egyptians in building of their houses, did never forget to make their Tombs with pyramids and other ornaments of excessive cost: and they dying, their bodies were embalmed and kept therein: as Cicero in his first book of Tusculane questions seemeth to affirm.  
The first great Prince that begun to bury bodies of men slain in the war, was Hercules: and such men are much commended by the Prophet. Vos benedicti a Domino, qui fecistis misericordiam hanc cum Domino vestro Saul, & sepelistis eum. Also Maccabaus, commanded his enemies slain, to be buried as appeareth, 2. Maccob. cap. 10. 12.  
Darius' being slain, and his body brought to Alexander, was sent unto his mother Tumbrudina: and Hannibal caused the carcase of Paulus Emilius to be buried. In like manner Gracchus and Marcellus were buried by their own enemies. Valerius lib. 5. de humanitate. And Baldus saith: Expedit reipub, non minus mortuos humari quàm viventes conseruari.  
It is also extant, how Cyrus, by his testament, commanded his own body should be buried in the earth: and so did the Emperors Caesar and Alexander; as Leonardus Aretinus hath written Epist. 94.  
But omitting these Rites and Customs of time ancient, and people to us unknown: we see that at the burial of our Princes and persons of honour all their friends and domestical servants do assemble, and carry in their hands the Arms, Pennons and other Hatchments appertaining unto the defunct. Which ceremony (for the most part) is performed the 40. day after the decease of the defunct according to the example of ceremonies used at the burial of jacob, as in the 50. of Genesis at large appeareth.  
By consideration of which Chapter, it may be conceived, how pompous the Funerals were in the old Testament, and how magnificent houses and Tombs for that use were allowed, as appeareth, 1. Macchab. 13 cap. Et ●dificauit Simon super sepulchrum patris su●, & fratrum suorum ●dificium altum visu, lapide polito, retro & antè, & statuit septem pyramids, unam contra unam, patri & matri, & quatuor fratribus: & his circum posuit columnas magnas, & super columnas arma, ad memoriam aternam: & juxta arma naves sculptas, quae viderentur ab hominibus nauig antibus mare.  
It appeareth also in holy Scripture, that the body of Christ was buried with a great ceremony; and how joseph and Nicod●mus carried him honourably. john 19 Venit ergo joseph, & tulit corpus jesu. Venit autem & Nicodemus quivenerat ad jesum nocte primum, ferens mixturam myrrhae & aloes, quasi libras centum. Acceperunt autem corpus jesu, & ligaverunt cum linteis, cum Aromatibus, sicut mos est judaeorum sepelire etc.  
We read likewise in Tob. 12. Sepelire mortuos est opus pium. By which examples it seemeth that pompous and honourable Funerals are not displeasing to God, but allowed in all civil nations; with this caution, that no man should be so superstitious as to believe these external compliments to be propitiatory unto the soul. For S. Augustine in his book de civitat Dei saith, Sepulchrorum memoria sumptum funeris magis vivorum est consolatio, quàm defunctorum utilitas. And S. Ambrose in his sermons saith thus. Quid proficit sepulchrorum superbia? damna sunt potius viventium, quàm subsidia mortuorum.  
Thus much touching honourable burials: whereunto we will add, That forso much as divers degrees of men do usually and casually meet at our funerals in England, it seemeth necessary that in accompanying of every corpse, heed should be taken that no indignity be offered unto any Mourner, but each man to march in such place, as is meet for his estate.  
The Heralds therefore by their skill and care, are to take a List or roll of all Mourners, then to marshal them into several classes, by their divers titles, as Gentlemen, Esquires, Knights, Barons, viscounts, Earls, etc. ever preferring her majesties Officers and servants before all others, in pari dignitate. And if none of her majesties servants be there present, than every one to proceed according to his antienty in pari dignitate.  
In this point also it behoveth the Herald to be heedful and provide that no man exceed in expenses or charges superfluous, but every one to confine his cost within the bounds of his ability: for otherwise doing, the executors or heirs of the defunct, shall hereby receive prejudice. For some times we have seen the burial of an Esquire more costly than was fit for a Knight, and a Knight's funeral such as might become a Lord. To avoid which excess I could wish, that excepting the number of poor who are commonly so many as the defunct was years old, her Majesty or Lord Martial would be pleased to prescribe a certain number of Mourners to every degree, and that no man of greater title than the defunct should be permitted to mourn, so as the chief mourner may ever be in pari dignitate with the defunct, and all the rest of meaner quality. As at the burial of an Esquire, only Esquires, Gentlemen, and other inferior persons to mourn. At the funeral of a Knight, only Knights, Esquires, Gentlemen and their inferiors. The like order to be taken at all burials of higher estates. Provided nevertheless, that if the defunct be a Knight of the Garter, a Knight of the Privy counsel, or a Lord by office, than it may be permitted Noblemen to mourn, because they are reputed persons honourable and in pari dignitate: for as hath been formerly said, Dignitas & Nobilitas idem sunt Barthol de dig.  
Nota, That an Officer of Arms weareth the King's coat at th'enterrements of Noblemen, and others of dignity and Worship, not only for the ordering of the funerals, and marshalling of the degrees, as aforesaid, but to the intent that the defunct may be known to all men to have died honourably in the King's allegiance, without spot of infamy, or other disworship to his Name, Blood, & Family: And that his heir, if he have any, or next of whole blood, or some one for him (which commonly is the chief mourner) may publicly receive in the presence of all the mourners, the Coat armour, Helm, Crest, and other Achievements of honour belonging to the defunct: whereof the King of Arms of the Province is to make record, with the defuncts march, issue and decease for the benefit of posterity.   

CHAP. 28.  
Of Monuments, and Epitaphs.  
NOw to close up these discourses of Honour and human glory, it shall not be impertinent, to wish that among other things, whereby the memory of Noble Princes, and other great personages is preserved, that some care were also had to save their Tombs, and places of burial from ruin and violation A matter of more consequence, than every one marketh, yet necessary to be looked unto, both for public, and private respects.  
Marcus Tullius in his Oration against Varro telleth how Scipio did think portraitures, Pictures, and other Monuments were devised to ornifie Temples, Cities, and Princes palaces. In an other place also he saith, they were made to retain in memory, the excellent Actions of such men, as had lived honourably, and died virtuously.  
Another respect public, to continue Monuments in reputation, is that thereby divers Arts of good quality (as Graving, Carving, Masonry, Painting, Embossing, and other commendable knowledges, be exercised. For by such industry, many princely buildings be beautified, and many Artificers do aspire to great fame and riches: as Teledius and Theodorus his brother: Lysias and Mentor, who framed the portraitures of jupiter Capitolinus, and Diana Ephesia, for which labour, the Poet Juvenal vouchsafed him this commendation: Multus ubique labour, rarae sine Mentore mensae.  
But that which persuadeth me most to allow and commend the Sciences of sculpture and work graven, is this: We find in holy Scripture, how Besaleel the son of Vri, and Ooleab the son of Achimesech received from God the Spirit of knowledge, how to make all manner of graven works in gold, silver, and other metals, as appeareth in Exod cap. 35.  
Seeing then that these Arts of portraying, painting, and sculpture, are by so great authority approved, in vain it seemeth to remember the praises which profane Histories have given to Phidias for making the portraiture of jupitre Olympius, or Archesilaus that graved the Image of Diana: works of more excellency than can be expressed. The like praise is written of Lysippus, whose hand only was permitted to make the portraiture of Alexander the Great: as Horace seemeth to affirm.  
Edicto vetuit, ne quis se praeter Apellem  
P●ngeret, autalius Lysippo duceret aera  
Fortis Alexandri vultum simulantia.  
The Laws Civil having regard to the preservation of monuments, did provide, that if any bondman or other servant do break or deface any Tomb, or other funeral monument, he shallbe condemned to the galley or forced to grind in a mill (the fact being done by his own election:) But if he were thereunto commanded, than he shallbe banished only. And who so doth convey or take away a part or piece of any tomb or grave, the same shallbe confiscate unto the Prince, 2. of Cod.  
If a judge or other Magistrate be informed of any such fact, and doth not punish the offender, he shall forfeit twenty pound in gold: and every person having committed such a crime, shall pay ten pound in gold, and endure such punishments as the laws have prescribed. Cod. 3.  
Note also that every offence of this quality is reputed equal to perjury: and whoso purloyneth any thing appertaining to a grave or place ● sepulture, shallbe deemed guilty both of theft and sacrilege.  
So doth it appear, that the violation of Monuments funeral, hath eu● been reputed a crime infamous: and every generous mind desiring▪ eternize the memory of his own virtue, or the honour of his noble Acestors, cannot endure so great indignity: for as infamous persons endeavour to bury their vices in oblivion, so excellent spirits do care that ●e fame of virtue may continue ever: saying with the Christian Poet: 
Tradite me famae, ne prorsus inutilis olim  
Vixisse videar, pereamque in funere totus.   
The Kings of Turkey, notwithstanding their misbelief and barb●● me, have by law commanded, that no man upon pain of death shall bre● the tomb of any Turk, Moor, jew, Arabian, Persian, Gentile, or Cl●tian, and that law is most strictly observed: for when Soliman Emperor●●urks marched with his Army into Egypt, passing through judaea, 〈◊〉 of his Soldiers (near unto the city of Gaza) did break open the ●aue of a certain Physician, supposing to find treasure: for which fact, ●the Emperor's commandment they were apprehended and fourte● of them hanged, and three others pierced through their bodies with 〈◊〉, as persons that had committed sacrilege.  
The same Emperor also coming into a Chapel at 〈◊〉 where the monument of Godfrey of Bovillon remaineth, and thereupon this inscription, commanded that no stone thereof should be taken or touched: High jacet inclytus Dux Godfrey, Duc de Bovillon, qui totam istam terram acquisivit cultui, cuius anima regnet cum Christo, Amen.  
And sith we are here occasioned to speak of these matters, it shall not be amiss to say somewhat of Epitaphs, being indeed Monuments of no less glory and perpetuity, than the greatest Obelisks and Pyramids of the world.  
Of Epitaphs be divers kinds: some are praiseworthy, some partial, some invective, some conceited, some Poetical, and some Moral, according to the sundry humours and passions of several writers.  
The ancient Romans did make their Epitaphs brief, plain, and true, using only a few letters for words: but in these our days no words are thought praises enough, nor no praises can suffice unless they do exceed.  
Myself have seen Epitaphs, wherein an ordinary Orator hath been compared to Cicero, a mean Poet to Virgil, and an audacious captain to Caesar, Pompey, Scipio, Cyrus, and all the Worthies.  
julius Caesar had no Epitaph at all, but under his portraiture some few ●nscriptions: as this, Parenti optimè merito. And on the tomb of Pompey the Great, were these words only, Hic situs est magnus P. Of Cyrus thus, Quisquis es mortalium, & undecunque advenis (adventurum enim te scio) Cyrus ●um qui Persis imperium quaesivi. Hoc igitur humi paululum, quo meum corpus ob●egitur, mihi ne invideas: Plutarch. Also of Scipio, only these few words are ●ound: 
Devicto Hannibale, capta Carthagine, & aucto  
Imperio, hoc cineres marmore tectos habes:  
Cui non Europe, non obstitit Africa quondam,  
Respice res bominum, quàm brevis utna premit.  And of later time for Charles the fifth, it was likewise said: 
Liquisti exwias gelido sub marmore, sed non  
Quantùm Caesar eras, marmor & urna capit.  
Pro tumulo ponas orbem, pro tegmine coelum,  
Pro facibus stellas, pro imperio empyreon.   
Aepitaph (saith Garzon) should remember the name of the defunct and progeny truly, his country and quality briefly, his life and virtues ●destly, and his end Christianly, exhorting rather to example then vain 〈◊〉. And thus much concerning Epitaphs, the kinds whereof being diu●, and the examples infinite, we will therefore conclude with one general. 
Nascendo morimur, vita altera morte paratur:  
Vita haec mors, mortis funera finis erunt.  Or thus: 
●uid? Omnia. Si Nihil; cur Ominia?  
●●id Omnia? Nihil. Nihil; ut Omnia.   
FINIS.