TITLES of HONOUR By John Selden. Lucilius. Persium non curo legere: Laelium Decimum volo. LONDON, By William Stansby for john Helm, and are to be sold at his shop in S. Dunstan's Churchyard. M. DC. XIV. To my most beloved Friend and Chamberfellow, M. Edward Heyward. SIr, Had I not been such a remote stranger to Greatness, yet, beyond you, scarce should I have sought a Name to Honour this place. Being, as fortune hath placed me, I well could not, without charging my Freedom of spirit with what, as the worst in Manners, it ever hated; Flattery. But I was resolved, that, as the Architecture of old Temples, you know, was either Dorique, Jonique, or Corinthian according to the Deity's several nature, so in analogy, should Gifts of this kind be to the Receivers, & that Books should most fitly be consecrated to true lovers of Goodness and all good Learning. I would call Books only those which have in them either of the two objects of Man's best part, Verum or Bonum, and to an instructing purpose handled, not what ever only speaks in Print and hath its little worth ending in its many words. In this of Mine dealing with Verum chief, in matter of Story and philology, I give you the greatest interest, that in a thing of so Public right may be enjoyed. Your more noble Studies, Virtue, Learning, and your Love, to what ever is in those Names, made you most capable of it. And to speak here freely, the special worth of your Quality and of some more (luti melioris) compared with that world of Natures infinitely varied by baseness of Spirit, Daring ignorance, Bewitched sight, worst of inclination, expressions of scarce more that's not Bestial than what Clothes and Coffers can, and the like have made me, I confess, doubt in the Theory of Nature, whether all known by the name of MAN as the lowest Species be of one Form. So Generous, so Ingenuous, so proportioned to good, such Fosterers of Virtue, so Industrious, of such Mould are the Few: so Inhuman, so Blind, so Dissembling, so Vain, so justly Nothing, but what's Ill disposition, are the Most. Our long society of life, and the special Desert, which you know you may truly challenge of my Endeavours, entitled You to it as from Me. Never shall I not confess you to have been to me 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Some year since it was finished, wanting, only in some parts, my last hand; which was then prevented by my dangerous and tedious sickness; being thence freed (as you know too, that were a continual, most friendly, and careful witness) by the Bounteous humanity and advise of that learned Physician Doctor Robert Floyd (whom my Memory always honours) I was at length made able to perfect it. And thus I employed the breathing times, which from the so different studies of my Profession, were allowed me. Nor hath the Proverbial assertion, that the Lady Common Law mustly alone, ever wrought with me farther than like a Badge of his Family, to whom (by the testimony of the wisest man) every way seems full of Thorns, and that uses to excuse his labour with a Lion's in the way. I call you not my Patron. Truth in my References, Likelihood in my Conjectures, and the whole Composture shallbe in steed of One, and of all else which, like invocations of Titulina, might be used. It comes to you only, that, if it live, it may be an enduring testimony of our Loves and your Desert. Happiness ever second your wishes. Uive diù nostri Pignus memorabile Voti. with you, at the Inner Temple, Septemb. XXIII. M. DC. XIV. To that singular Glory of our Nation, and Light of Britain, M. Camden Clarenceulx. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 J. Selden. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 BEN: JONSON TO HIS HONOURED FRIEND Mr JOHN SELDEN HEALTH. I Know to whom I writ: Here, I am sure, Though I be short, I cannot be obscure. Less shall I for the art, or dressing care; Since, naked, best Truth, and the Graces are. Your Book, my Selden, I have read; and much Was trusted, that you thought my judgement such To ask it: though, in most of Works, it be A penance, where a man may not be free, Rather than office. When it doth, or may Chance, that the Friends affection proves allay Unto the censure. Yours all need doth fly Of this so vicious humanity: Then which, there is not unto Study ' a more Pernicious enemy. We see, before A many ' of Books, even good judgements wound Themselves, through favouring that, is there not found: But I to yours, far from this fault, shall do; Not fly the crime, but the suspicion too. Though I confess (as every Muse hath erred, And mine not least) I have too oft preferred Men past their terms; and praised some names too much: But 'twas, with purpose, to have made them such. Since, being deceived, I turn a sharper eye Upon myself; and ask, to whom, and why, And what I writ: and vex it ' many days, Before men get a verse, much less a praise. So, that my Reader is assured, I now Mean what I speak; and, still, will keep that vow. Stand forth my object, then. You, that have been Ever at home, yet have all Countries seen; And, like a Compass, keeping one foot still Upon your centre, do your circle fill Of general knowledge; watched men; manners too; Herd, what past times have said; seen, what ours do; Which Grace shall I make love to first? your skill? Or faith in things? Or, is't your wealth, and will To inform, and teach? Or, your unwearied pain Of gathering? Bounty ' in pouring out again? What Fables have you vexed! What Truth redeemed! Antiq'uities searched! Opinions disesteemed! Impostures branded, and Authorities urged! What Blots & Errors have you watched, and purged Records and Authors of! How rectified Times, Manners, Customs! Innovations spied! Sought out the Fountains, Sources, Creeks, Paths, Ways! And noted the Beginnings, and Decays! Where is that nominal Mark, or real Rite, Form, Art, or Ensign, that hath scaped your sight? How are Traditions there examined! How Conjectures retrieved! And a Story, now And then, of times (beside the bare conduct Of what it tells us) weaved in, to instruct! I wondered at the richness: but, am lost, To see the workmanship so exceed the cost. To mark the excellent seas'ning of your style, And masculine elocution; not one while With horror rough, then rioting with wit; But, to the subject, still the colours fit: In sharpness of all search, wisdom of choice, Newness of sense, antiquity of voice. I yield, I yield. The Matter of your praise Flows in upon me; and I cannot raise A bank against it: Nothing, but the round Large clasp of Nature, such a wit can bond. Monarch in Letters! Amongst thy Titles shown, Of others Honours; thus, enjoy thine own. I, first, salute thee so: and gratulate, With that thy Style, thy keeping of thy State, In offering this thy Work to no Great Name; That would perhaps have praised, & thanked the same, But nought beyond. He, thou hast given it to, Thy learned Chamber-fellow, knows to do It true respects. He will, not only, love, Embrace, and cherish; but, he can approve And estimate thy pains: as having wrought In the rich mines of knowledge, and thence brought Humanity enough, to be a Friend, And strength, to be a Champion, and defend Thy gift'gainst Envy. O, how I do count Amongst my come in (and see it mount) The gain of two such Friendships; Heyward, and Sela●n, two Names, that so much understand: On whom, I could take up (and near abuse The credit) what would furnish a tenth Muse. But here's nor time, nor place, my wealth to tell; You both are modest: so am I Farewell. THE PREFACE. Contents of it. Gentry or Civil Nobility. Children like their Parents. Degenerating Issues. Some have respected only one Sex in the Descent. Paradogium. Temple of Honour and Virtue. Images, wherein the old Nobility of Rome consisted. Carrying those Images in Funerals. Images annexed (as we say) to the Frehold. Ennobling by the Emperors. Nobility of the Grecians. Their regard to the Name. Names of the Romans, and the Imposition of Names. The Gothique Hanses. The Prerogative of the old Suevians to be in the Vanguard; as also of our Kentishmen, and those of Wiltshire, with Cornwall and Devonshire, to be in the Rear. Coat Armours. When they began to be born hereditarily. The Patent of Rich. TWO: to john of Kingston, giving him a Coat, and making him Esquire. Certain Notes of Generous Families 'mongst the Romans and other ancients. The Autor's bearing himself in this Work. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Interpretation of one of Pythagoras his Symbols. Of the Sophi. Ius Capillitij of the old French Kings. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The Epigram to our William the first, Caesariem, Caesar, etc. explained. Bearing of Fi●e before some Princes anciently. Some old but obsolet Ensigns of the Empire. Sealing in white Wax. First beginning of the profession of the Roman Civil Laws in the Western parts about C D L. years since; In Bologna. Not lawful to read them as a Professor elsewhere then in Rome, Constantinople, or Berytus, by justinian's constitution. The first volume of the Canon Law, when made. The answer of Robert Grossetest to Henry III questioning him how he could so well instruct young Courtiers. Bless me Mercury from thy old Enemy, the Daring Ignorant! I know his hate to thee. And when he would seem to love, as sometimes he would, yet is he as unhappy in performing what's due to thee, as if he should sacrifice with a coal black beast, in the darkest night, the throat priest downward, to thy brother Apollo; or then for safety of his sheep or gain, with blood to thee, when thou a Antipater Epig. α. cap. 48. art — * Best pleased with Milk and honey. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Thou know'st the unfitness of Both, and Him. I could not but wrong thy honour, should I, so near mention of thy Name, speak to him. Thy worth, from him, protect me! To all thy ingenuous favourites, in thy presence, as thou directest me, thus. Out of the Title, Table, and Contents of the Chapters (you have them presently after this Preface) the Sum and Method discover themselves. The Purpose extended from the Highest title to Gentry, exclusively. That of Gentry, or the same in another word, Civil Nobility, is, by which, as the first degree above the Multitude, an honouring distinction is made, either by acquisition from the Prince (every Prince or State, having general Power to make Laws in their Territory, may ennoble) or by Descent from Noble Ancestors. Or indeed you may not amiss comprehend hereditary Nobility in that first kind, because a Gentleman, by birth, is not only so in regard of his Ancestors, Sed quia, ob eam Originem, Princeps illum suis legibus nobilitat, as b In C. tit. de Incolis l. 9 Mulieres. Bartol will have it. The Prince, as it were, supposing that if the Father be Noble, the issue will resemble him. Which the Persians were confident on, where the Queen was never so much as suspected c Plato in Alcibiade α. of incontinence, because the King was always esteemed of so truly royal parts, that the Nature of her issue by another, would discover if she had changed the Father; as, on the other side, the Spartan Ephori most jealously guarded their Queens, lest any but of Hercules posterity should govern: both States concluding Nobility from their Ancestors worth, which hath its ground in the natural supposition of likeness twixt Children and those which get them. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (s●ith d De Generate. Animal. 4. cap. 3. Aristotle) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉. For, one not like his Parents is, in some sort, a Monster, that is, not like him that got him, nor any other of the ascending or transuerse line; because its thought, that, in the Seed are always potentially several individuating e De hac re● inprimis consulendus Andreas Laurentius Anatomic. lib. 2: quaest. 30. Qualities derived from divers of the near Ancestors, which by the formative power of the Parents may be expressed in the Children, with respective habitude to either Sex; although the later Grecians foolishly inquired only in geneseos f Luitprand. lib. 5. cap. 5. Nobilitate, non quae Mater, sed quis Pater (following the old g Diodor. Sicul. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 2. De Lycijs vero Herodot. lib. 1. et Plutarch. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, apud quos in Materna Origine constitit Nobilitas, necnon adi Vlpianum, l. 1. ff. ad Municipalem; septem Familias Lovanij queis de I●psius L●●●n. 1. cap. 12. & Tiraquell. de Nobilitate, cap. 18. §. 20. & seq. Egyptian Custom) and thought a King's issue by any Concubine, as good as one by the Noblest Queen. But, indeed, both are even equally to be regarded. The Consequent of this was long since disputed in that of the Minds inclination follows the Body's Temperature; whereof Galen hath a special Treatise. But because this likeness is oft times to a remote Ancestor, as well as the Father, therefore, it seems, is the special regard to be had to the number of Descents in Gentry. He that is so both 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. both descended from truly Noble Parentage, and withal following their steps, or adding to their Name, is the Gentleman that may lawfully, glory in his Pitle. Nobility in him being rightly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Virtue of his Fathers, from whom he derived what he means to propagat. So, the fairer is his worth, because 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as one h Maxim. Tyr. Dialex. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. says, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. it flowing, from Virtue, as from a pure Spring, continues genuine, and like the first head. But, the Ancestors Nobility in a degenerating issue, gives no more true Glory, than Phoebus his name did to RP. Sixtus Quintus, who was wont to jest on himself, that he was i Cicarella in Uit. Pontific. domo natus illustri, because, being of very mean Parentage, he was born in so tottered a house, that the roof every where admitted the Sun beams. Cur k Juvenal. satire. 8. Allobrogicis, & magna gaudeat ara Natus in Herculeo Fabius lare, si cupidus, si Vanus & Euganea quantumuis mollior agna? And — Perit l Lucanus in Panegyrico. omnis in illo Nobilitas, cuius laus est in Origine sola. So that, Merit by Quality, both in the first acquiring the Prince's favour, and in his issue, are the true causes of Nobility, as if the original collation of the Dignity were so made, that the first deserving, and his begotten heirs, such only as were deserving, should enjoy it: and then is the Civilians definition of it enough comprehensive, that it is qualitas illata per Principatum tenentem, qua quis ultra plebeios honestos acceptus ostenditur, which many Canonists also follow; and so will it include as well that which the barbarous Civilians call Paradogium (by mis-reading for m Constit. Feud. tit. Quis dicatur Dux, Marchio. Alias Nobilitandi causas vide apud Luc. de Penna in C. tit. de Dig. L. Mulieres. Paragium, as most learned Cuiacius persuades me, that is, Feudall Nobility, grounded on possessing a Noble Fief, whence the tenant is one of the Pares Curtis) as Personal honour. Virtue plainly ennobleth not civilly, but is a deserving cause of it only, whereof the Prince must judge. If Honour and deserving Virtue accompany not each other, it's his Fault or Error. They should always so. And they were Temple-fellowes in old Rome. Benè (says n Symmach. lib. 1. Epist. 21. one) ac sapientèr Maiores nostri, ut sunt alia aetatis illius, Aedes Honori atque Virtuti gemella fancy iunctim locarunt; commenti, ibi esse praemia Honoris ubi sunt Merita Virtutis. But in ancient Rome their Nobiles (a thing not unworthy to be here noted) were only those which could show the Images of such their Ancestors, as had born a State Office (the Aedilitas Curulis, or any above it) which were of Wax o Polyb. Hist. 6. Plin. lib. 35. cap. 2. expressing the Face and Body only to the shoulders, kept every one in several cases of Wood or Closets, and subscribed with the name of the Dead (they called it Titulus or Index) and additions of his Place or particular Worth, as p Tacitus Annal. 16. G. Cassius his, which one of the Family kept under Nero, had DUCI PARTIUM; or DUX, as out of a Ms. Tacitus, Lipsius' notes. And these were carried at the Funeral of him that had them as his Ensigns of Nobility. The Relation of Drusus his Funeral gives a most special form of it. Funus Imaginum pompa (saith Tacitus) maximè inlustre fuit, cum Origo juliae Gentis, Aeneas, omnesque Albanorum Reges & Conditor Vrbis Romulus, pòst Sabina Nobilitas, Appius (or q Lips. ad Ann. 12. not. 58. Atta) Clausus, caeteraeque Claudiorum effigies longo ordine spectarentur. There were also other Images of Noble Parentage set with affixed spoils of the enemy for Trophies of Virtue about the Entries and base Courts, which were so annexed to the Freehold (as our phrase is) that they passed always in conveyance of the House, neither was it lawful for the Buyer to deface them: Eratque haec stimulatio (are Pliny's words) summa et ingens, exprobrantibus tectis, quotidiè imbellem Dominum intrare in alienum triumphum. And as Reversing of Coats, or the like, hath been in later Times, so with them the Images, of men condemued capitally for matter against the State, or censured in such a Degree, were broken, or, at least, omitted in their pompous Funerals. Therefore in the last Rites performed to junia, wife to C. Cassius, and sister to M. Brutus, 'mongst the Images of twenty several Noble Families, Cassius and Brutus were not born, yet praefulgebant, as he says of them, eo ipso quòd effigies eorum non visebantur. One of these Images gave Nobility. Ancum Sabina Matre ortum (so Livy) Nobilèmque unâ Imagine Numae. The rest which were first in those Magistracies were homines Novi, and this distinction was both in the Patricij and Plebeij. But, under the Caesarean Empire, the bestowing of Consular Ornaments, and the like, supplied in divers, the Magistracy itself, and the Emperors so did ennoble by Rescript or Patent, as it seems by that of Celsus a Professor of the Arts in Rome, whom Theodosius the first was r Symmach. lib. 10. Epist. 25. requested adiudicare Nobilibus, Pignore Dignitatis, cum praerogativa scilicet Consulari. And the like, by several s C. tit. de Profess. et passim, l. 12. Constitutions, was given to many, whose issues only, by the ancienter form, were Noble, themselves only Novi. As in Rome the Imagines, or ius Imaginum, were the only Ensigns of hereditary Nobility, so in Greece the descent, from Noble Ancestors, preserved; whence their Gentlemen were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. descended from worthy Parentage, which was noted in the particular names of their Noble Tribes, as, in Athens, in the Pandionidae, Acamantidae, Hippothoontidae, Heraclidae, and others; to the making up of Noblesse, t Demosth. in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Epitaphio, et Plato in Alcib. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. in whose posterity, was a Concurrence of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. Birth, Education, and continual affectation of good Studies. But how much honour consisted 'mongst them, specially in the Name, appears also in that of Pixodorus a poor shepherd, one of whose Rams, in fight, missing his adversary, struck on a stone, and, breaking of a piece, discovered it most white and fit for building of Diana's Temple, about which, and of what kind of stone to make it, the Ephesian State, at that instant, sat in Council; whereupon he presently came into their Court, and showed the piece. They, to honour him with public rewards, changed his name u Vitruu. lib. 10. cap. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. Qui fausta nuntiat. De nominibus vide nonnulla, part. 1. pag. 67. into Euangelus, to whom, after his death, a yearly sacrifice was made in the place. You may remember the jest upon wealthy Simon by Lucian's Cock, in that he thought himself, because he was grown very rich, worthy now 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. to have a name of four syllables in steed of one of two syllables, that is, I think, Simonides, because it was both a name of honourable note, and as a Patronymique expressing some Noble descent. There are which make the Tria nomina in Rome a note of their Nobility. To that purpose doth Calderin interpret iwenal's— Tanquam habeas tria Nomina— which is rather indeed to be expressed in, as if you were an Ingenuus or Libertus, or as if you were a free Man: which fits well the place, as the learned Politian will. For the having of three Names was not common either to all Times, or all Persons, of the Free or Noble Romans, but some had Two only, as Numa, Hostius Hostilius, in ancienter time, others One, as Romulus, Remus, Hersilia, Tatius, and, afterward the mixture of the Sabins and Romans gave the double Names; and, by retaining x De Nominibus Romanorum Titus Probus (siue is sit julius Paris, qui designati libri autor est) consulendus, alij. Atqui, ante alios, jul. Scaliger in lib. 4. de cause. Ling. Lat. cap. 92. quem tamen septimum diem Nominibus imponendis destinatum tradidisse valde miror, cum et Festus in Lustrico, et Macrobius 1. Sat. cap. 16. uno ferè ore refragentur. Rectè autem Titum Probum reprehendit de Togae Virilis tempestate. the name of the Family, giving the Forename (which was imposed the eighth day on Females, and the ninth on Males; as among the Grecians on the tenth y Suidas in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. & in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, et Scholiast. in Aristoph. Aves. day from the birth, and fift from the Amphidromia) and adding the surname, which sometimes was from the Ancestors also, they had usually three Names, two of which every Bondman manumitted commonly had given him from his Lord or Patron. So is the Testimony of Tertullian z Quod vide pag. 326. transcriptum, et consulas jos. Scalig. ad Fest. in Curiales. ; so that Dream of the Bondman which thought he had had Tria Pudenda, and was soon after set free, because (as * Artemidor. Onirocritic. 1. cap. 47. it was interpreted) his freedom gave him two Names, which made three (signified in the dream) with his own, that was, as to other of his kind, most usually one. So that Ingenuity, not Nobility, was designed by the three Names. In most other Nations (I think) until particular ennobling, by the Prince's authority, came in use, was a kind of distinction of Nobility, and most near to that in Greece. None so barbarous, but had the like; witness the Gothique Anses; a Name interpreting Half-Gods a jornandes de Reb. Getic. cap. 13. & Abb. Vrspergensis. , or men above common human fortune, and applied by them to their Chieftains valorously bearing themselves in the Wars, and their posterity. Whence good conceit, of many, derives that Name of the Hanfiatique Society, beginning b Chytraeus Chronic. Sax. et Vic. aliq. Gent. lib. 23. about M. CC. of Christ some while before Frederique the second. But, it seems, they had no more or other known Ensigns of Nobility, then as the Suevians, who had anciently Prerogative in Omni c Lamb. Schoffnaburgensis. expeditione Regis Teutonici, exercitum praecedere, & primi committere, in like sort as 'mongst our old English the Kentish men d Io. Sarisburiens. de Nug. Curial. lib. 6. c. 18. had the honour due to them always of being in the Vanguard, and those of Wiltshire, with Cornwall and Devonshire, in the Rear, which they all might challenge by the continual worth of their performance. That was their Badge, therein their Glory. But, after that Arms grew hereditary in Europe 'mongst Christians (for Turks paint them not, e Septemcastrens. cap. 10. saith my Author) by a general consent (which is, upon good ground, thought to have had its beginning from the Holy Wars, the Posterity thinking it a special Glory to bear the same Coat which the Ancestor had displayed or showed in his Shield in defence of the Christian Name; and so with us f Clarent. in Reliq. pag. 180. about Henry III. they became more hereditarily established) when the Prince ennobled any, he usually gave him the particular of his Bearing in Blazon. An example thereof in England, it being also, to another purpose, worth observation, I here insert. Richard II. gave one john of Kingston a Coat, and made him an Esquire, so to ennable him to perform some feats of Arms with a French Knight. The Copy of the g Part. 1. Pat. 13. Rich. 2. Memb. 37. Consimile Bernardo Angennine Consiliario Regis in Ducatu Aquitaniae, Rot. Vascon. 23. Hen 6. Memb. 7. Record is thus literally. Le Roy a tous ceux as queux cestes letters viendront, salute. Saches, que come un Chivaler Franceys à ceo que nous sumus enformes ad challenge un nostre liege john de Kingston a fair certains faits & points d'Armes, ovesque le dit Chivaler, Nous a fyn que le dit nostre liege soit le meulz honorablement resceuz & fair puisse & perfourmir les dits faits & points d'Armes, luy auons resceuz en l'estate de Gentile home & luy fait Esquire, & volons que que il soit conus per Arms & port desorenavant, cestassavoir, D'Argent one un Chaperon d'Azure ovesque un Plume d'Ostriche de Geules. Et ceo a touts yceux, as queux y appertient, nous notisons per ycelles. En testmoynance de quelle chose, nous auons fait fair cestes nos Lettres Patents, dones souz nostre Grant Seal a nostre Paleys de Westminster, le primer iour de evil. Per Brief de Privy Seal. Neither was, in ancient Rome, wanting a kind of hereditary Ensigns peculiar to Families, as the Torquis or Collar to the Torquati, the Hair, or a kind of Ius Capillitij (it seems) to the Cincinnati, the surname of Great to the Pompey's, which is plain by that relation of h Sueton. lib. 4. cap. 35. Caligula: Vetera Familiarum Insignia Nobilissimo cuique ademit, Torquato Torquem, Cincinnato Crinem, Cncio Pompeio Stirpis antiquae Magni Cognomen. So, all of the Draconteum i Hygin. Fabul. 72. genus about Thebes were known by a special note on their bodies, and Seleucus k justin. Hist. 15. his posterity by the form of an Anchor on the thigh. filii, Nepotèsque eius Ancoram in femore (saith justin) veluti notam Generis naturalem habuere. Neither was any one admitted to pretend himself of the Pelopidae, if he had m julian. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. that token for an Ensign of his Family, that is, the ivory shoulder, or one as white. But these were the Notes only of their Family, not of Nobility, consisting in Rome only in the Images, as, that of our times, in Coat-Armors, which, as Images, express the worth of such as have born them, it being supposed (in warlike Nations especially after those Martial successes against the professed enemies of Christianity, about CD. and D. years since) that the Wars was n Synes. Epist. 104. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. as if you should say, an exact trial of a Brave spirit. And hence, of later time, both Men of the Sword and Gown, Gens de Rob court, & Rob longue, as well Togati as Armati have this Note of Arms given them for their Ensign of Nobility; although clearly a Prince may ennoble without that (it being the sign, not substance, or cause) as you may see in that Ordinance, to this purpose, of o Ordonnances du France, Tom. 3. tiltre 5. Henry III. of France in M. D. LXVI. The Disputation of Civil Nobility, with the particular appendents thereon, commonly discussed, would take up more room than this Volume. It's, at large, enough in Andrè Tiraquel specially. Here only are those titles which have precedence of this of lowest Gentry. In delivery of them, I have used authorities of best choice, without the vain ambition of citing more than I needed. The Best or First I took always for Instar Omnium; and, when common course of Times would tell an understanding Reader where I had my Relation, I discharged myself of reference to the Reporter. Taking liberty also of being jealous, where ever my inquisition might aid, I vent to you nothing quoted at second hand, but ever loved the Fountain, and, when I could come at it, used that Medium only, which would not at all, or least, deceive by Refraction. Multùm, crede Mihi, refert, à font bibatur Qui fluit, an pigro quae stupet unda Lacu. But where ever I was driven to take up on other men's credits, I acknowledge it. Nor if, that Aristophanes which was the only sufficient p Uitruu. inpraesat. ad lib. 7. judge at the Trials, of worth in Learning, instituted by Ptolemie Philadelphus, were present at my recitals, should he once find me play the base Plagiary. There are, which have in part handled some of my Titles, and as their Purpose. I abstain from comparison. Those which have done well, justify themselves; and them my Page or Margin often thanks. divers, I know, have adventured on pieces of the Subject, and come off with small merit in the state of Literature. In regard of comprehension, I dare challenge precedence and primacy. Both the Mahumedan States and the European Christendom, their titulary Honours and the appendent Ensigns are what with curious Examination I have delivered. Nor doubt I, but that to Stories also of the Middle and Ancient times, both Greek and Latin, hence may be some good Light had, and that not unworthy their eyes which merit their Place in the learned Rank. Why not? How ere my sufficiency be, some of them know, that the understanding of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. Tata, in holy q jes. cap. 14. come. 23. Writ is referred by the r Kimchi in Rad. apud Reuchlin. in vers. R. Nathanis Mordechai. Rabbins to a Chambermaid that asked her Mistress for a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to sweep the house withal, whence one of them hearing her, before not knowing what it was, collected it was a Broom, and that the Verb was to sweep. As in her question, so in my Discourses may occur what many a knowing man, if ingenuous, will thank me for. Alius s Auson. in Epist. ad Symmach. in Eidyll. II. enim alio plura invenire potest, Nemo omnia. To Others, which are but lovers of this kind of learning, I dare promise much of what they never before met with, not without reformation of divers errors, possessing them with the vulgar: Perhaps with the Learned. As in divers like that of Crowns and Diadems, which all have hitherto taught to have been 'mongst Royal Notes most anciently in Europe. I presume I have sufficiently manifested the contrary, and answered their urged authorities, producing also one out of Euripides his Orestes, seeming stranger against my part then any other: which, when I was to use, and having not at hand the Scholiast (out of whom I hoped some aid) I went, for this purpose, to see it in the well-furnished Library of my beloved friend that singular Poet M. Ben: jonson, whose special Worth in Literature, accurate judgement, and Performance, known only to that Few which are truly able to know him, hath had from me, ever since I began to learn, an increasing admiration. Having examined it with him, I resolved upon my first Opinion, and found, as I guess, a New but more proper Interpretation of the Place, wherein I was confirmed afterward also by the judicious approbation of a man very learned (but especially in the Greek) and of most ready memory, M. Arthur Best, to whose continual Kindness and Instruction too, I shall always acknowledge myself much bound. And hence may you be confident, that the interpretation of Pythagoras his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, is not to be referred to Royal Diadems, or Kings, as some will, unless he meant it to those of Asia, with whom indeed he had spent some time. Either he wished in it that you should not take from another his Crown, Reward, or Palm, or that you should not wrong or corrupt the Laws, as S. Hierom t In Respons. advers. Ruffin. Epist. 41. expressly interprets it, by Leges Vrbium conseruandas; which is well justified by a Pythagorean, concurring therein, and giving u Malchus in vita Pithagorae. the reason, because 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. The Laws are the Crowns or Enclosures of the Commonwealth. In promising more such, I will perform my word. If I leave untouched something, which may be looked for, of the Mahumedan States, refer it rather to my wants of Instruction than Negligence. As they are far from us, so Relations of them are oft uncertain, and of a cozening Credit, especially those of the Middle times, when Ignorance road in Triumph. And, until that most learned Leunclaw and Busbeque, what of them was well known? Little, especially to our purpose. Nay, even in this European Light of understanding, how currant went that idle Deduction of the Persian Sophi from woollen Tulipants? It having Origination in the Sophilar, Sophi, or Suffi (lar is but the Turkish termination plural) that were both of a reformed or separated Religion, as also a special Sect in Philosophy, Quorum scientia est per infusionem ab Intelligentijs, non per acquisitionem Doctrinae, as x In Auicenn. de Anima Aphorism. 9 & de ijs plura in eiusdem lib. de definite. et quaesitis. V pag. 107. infra. Andrew Alpag, well skilled in their Tongue and Learning, according to their own conceits, saith of them. How the Ethiopian Emperor (whom we corruptly call Prester john; and Elias y Masoreth Hammasoreth praefat. 3. Vide part 1. pag. 88 Levita writs him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Priti joan) hath been ignorantly wronged by such as so missed both his Name and Territory, is seen in too much Testimony. But of these, and the like, in due place. In our Europe, as Writers afforded occasion, I have been large: omitting, I think, no obsolet Title, the knowledge whereof may help to the understanding of those in present use. The like I say of Ensigns. But such as were merely proper to their times, and have not so much as their shadow left, I have willingly forborn. Among these, is the ancient Ius Capillitij in France, whence you must interpret the Story of Q. Crothild, that, when her sons, on whom she purposed to have settled the Crown against Hlothar and Hildebert, were brought to her from them with a pair of Scissors and a Sword, by Arcadius offering her the choice, whether she would have them shaven or put to death, answered z Greg. Turonens. Hist. 3. cap. 18. Aimon. de Gest. Franc. 2. cap. 12. Satius mihi est, si ad Regnum non eriguntur, mortuos eos videre, quam tonsos. For the shaving or cutting their Hair was a putting them into the condition of subjects. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (saith Agathias) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. It was not lawful for the French Kings to cut their hair, but from their Infancy it was continually permitted to grow, which they ware hanging down their backs, curiously combed, and done with divers * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. such things as were fit for keeping it in neatest fashion: and this was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a special Ensign and honour of the Royal Line, which no subject, in whom the hope of Succession was not, might wear; and hence took the vain Grecians occasion of that fabulous assertion, wherein they supposed those of the French Line to be bristled on the back like Hogs, and called them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. as if you should say, Bristle-backt. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (are the words of George Cedrens) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. those of the Royal Line were called Cristati, quod interpretatur (so are the words of an a Landulph. Saga● Miscell. 22. ex Theophane forsan, unde & Cedrenus fortè. old Historian exactly interpreting this out of a Grecian) Trichorachati. Pilos enim habebant in spina veluti Porci: which the rather I cite, to show that Hotoman's conjecture upon that place of Cedrens, thinking it to be corrupt, is idle. Neither need it move, that they so ill interpreted Cristati. What's more common 'mongst them then mistaking of like kind? This Custom of wearing long hair continued in the French Kings, till about Lewes the younger, when b Circ. A. M. c. I. X. Author Reliquiarum. Peter Lombard, Bishop of Paris, dissuaded them from it. It was in fashion also to be worn long amongst our Sovereigns till Henry v. as is collected by their Seals. And by that of France, may be interpreted the c Henr. Huntingdon. hist. 6. Distich to William the first, Caesariem, Caesar, tibi si Natura negavit, Hanc Willielme tibi stella comata dedit Made upon the Comet appearing in Easter week before Harold's overthrow, expressing, as if the Author had first played on Caesar's baldness, and then by Apostrophe told the Conqueror, that the Comet or Faxed Star (as the old English and most significant word is) portended him Caesariem or Capillitium, alluding to the Ius Capillitij of France, as it was a note Royal. For, common opinion than supposed the Comet a token of his future Conquest. Of this nature is that of the old Emperors d Herodian. lib. 〈◊〉. Xenoph. Cyropaed. 8. et v. Lips. ad 1. Tacit. Annal. num. 42. having Fire in a Lamp carried before them, which the Persian Kings also had. And likewise those the Spear, Crown of Thorns, Nails of the Cross, Sword, Robes, and Diadem of Charles le Maign, all which e Annal. Boior. 5. Auentin thus remembers: Germani Imperatores apud Proavos nostros, Hastam, Coronam spineam, Clavos (quibus Christum seruatorem nostrum excruciatum constat) insuper Ensem, Purpuram, Diadema Caroli Magni progerere secum solebant. But he says, that Sigismond the Emperor laid them A. M. CDX. to be kept, as precious Relics, at Norimberg, where they are to be seen, having been all before usually carried with the Emperors, ut peculiaria sacrosancti Imperij Penetralia, Caesareaeque Maiestatis Auspicia. These, the strewing of the Emperor's way with Gold-Dust and the like, as obsolet I am silent of, as also such as are so particular (rather of Custom, than Greatness) that this place not so well fitted them. As that of Sealing in white Wax appropriated by the French to their King. I'll n'y a autre Prince Chrestien (says one f Du Haillan liure 3. of them) que seel in Cire blanch que luy, les autres seelent en cire rouge ou verde (he might have added ou iaune) & touts les autres potentates sont armez en leurs seels, & nos Roys seuls aux leurs, sont vestus d'habits Royaux, & en Roys iusticier non armez. This sealing in White Wax was permitted to Renè King of Sicily by Lewes XI. in M. CD. LXVIII. But matters of this nature are scarce more belonging to our Chapter of Royal Ensigns (for thither, if any whither, they should be referred) then that of the roasting the whole Ox at Francfort, at the Emperor's inauguration, or such like. In most of what I have done, Testimonies of Times past are my Warrants. Securus licet Aeneam, Rutulúmque ferocem Committas: nulli gravis est percussus Achilles. For more safety, I observed that admonition. This jealous Age would make a man do it where he needed not. But my Reader shall miss nothing the more of what may, to the proposed end, furnish him. If where I dispute of Dukes, Marquesses, Counts, and such, you find not so much out of old Civilians (I mean the elder Doctors and Commentators) as might be heaped up from them to that purpose, blame me not. I profess not the reading them, yet could have used them, but was not willing to load my Margin with their names. Where they talk of Meum and Tuum, when their Authority is requisite, they deserve to be heard. In things, of this nature, to be extracted out of Story and philology, they cease to be Doctors, nay, are scarce Alphabetarians, even the whole Rank of them; until you come to the most learned Budè, Alciat, Hotoman, Cuias, Wesenbeck, Brisson, the Gentiles, and some few more of this Age, before whom the Body of that Profession was not amiss compared to a fair rob, of Cloth of Gold, or of Richest Stuff and Fashion, g Rabelais l●ure 2. chap. 5. Qui fust (saving all mannerly respect to you, Reader) brodee de Merde. The reason of the Similitude is known to any that sees such impudent barbarism in the Glosses on so neat a text, which from justinian (he died DLXU.) until Lothar II. (he was Emperor M. C. XXV.) lay hidden and out of use in the Western Empire, nor did any there, all that time, profess or read it. But when Lothar took Amalfi, he there found an old Copy of the Pandects or Digests, which he gave as a precious Monument to the Pisans (hence it was called h U. Ang. Politian, lib. 10. Epist. Marquard. Breisacio. Litera Pisana) from whom it hath been since (in M. CD. XC. VI) translated to Florence, where, in the Duke's Palace, it is, almost with Religion, preserved, and never brought forth but with Torches, Light, and other Reverence. Under this Emperor Lothar, began the Law to be professed at Bologna, where i Odofredus apud Sigonium de Regno Italiae, lib. 11. et 7. Irner or Werner (as Conrade à Lichtenaw calls him) first made Glosses on it about the beginning of Fr. Barbarossa, in M. C. L. and by the favour of this Lothar, was Bologna, upon the advise of Irner, it seems, constituted to be k Verba Lotharij ap. P. Merul. Cosmog. part. 2. lib. 4. cap. 33. Legum & juris Schola una & sola. And here was the first Time and Place of that Profession in the Western Empire. But justinian expressly ordained, that none should teach the Civil Laws, except l Constit. de juris docendi rat. §. Haec autem. only in Constantinople, Rome, and Berytus: which, although Bartol interprets (as of necessity he was driven, to maintain his Profession) with Nisi tempore ius Academiae sit quaesitum, yet why then was Bologna no place for the Laws under. justinian? for, they pretend there, to have been as an University from the Grant of Theodosius the younger in CD. XXIII. Plainly under justinian, who ever had taught out of one of those three Cities, was Denarum librarum * About thirty pounds of our money. auri poena plectendus, and to be banished out of the City where he durst so profess. Neither would the matter of being a University have helped it. But before Lothar, the Government was by the Salic, m Sigon. de Reg. Ital. 4. et 8. sub A. 1007. Lombardian, and Roman Laws (the Roman being some piece of what had been used in Rome) every one living according to either of them as he would make choice. About the same time also the two Bastard brothers (by whose worth, and of the third, Peter Comestor, their Mother thought she should be saved, neither would repent, but trusted to her merit in bearing three so famous) Gratian a Monk in Bologna, and Peter Lombard at Paris, one made the Decree, the first Volume authorised for Can on Law by Pope Eugenius III, and the other the Sentences. Such as since have written on the Digests 〈◊〉 Code, until the clearer light of Learning began 'mongst our Father's talk for the most part like. Rabelais his Bridoye. Some, most honoured of later time, that understood their Text, and studied the Laws, as well because they would curiously know, as be merely * Continual Practisers. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 have, with judgement, instructed in part of this Purpose. The Margin confesses, without blushing, their and all other men's helps. If either Envy or Ignorance question how I, bred from the bottom of Obscurity, and so far from Court-Custome, should dare at these Honours, let it know, I learned long since from a Great Clerk (that Robert Bishop of Lincoln under Henry III) That there was, in Libraries, greater aid to the true understanding of Honour, and Nobility, then 'mongst Gold and Purple outsides. He being demanded by the King, Vbi n Io. de Aton in Constit. Othoboni tit. de Bonis Intestat. verb. Baronum. Moraturam didicit, quâ Filios Nobilium Procerum Regni, quos secum habuerat Domicellos, instruxerat, cum non de Nobili prosapia, sed de simplicibus, traxisset originem, fertur intrepidè respondisse, that he was taught it in the Courts of greater Princes than the K. of England, meaning of those Ancients, whose Courts were represented in his Volumes of Story. In Conjectures I durst not be too bold. Where but mere fancy can direct, it were ridiculous to regard them; but when they seem to offer themselves, they deserve the choice of judgement. That Religious abstinence of the old jews, who referred all such Dignos vindice Nodos, as were too difficult for their humanity, to Elias his resolution, were good to be proportionably more observed in all Learning, especially by those which are (and too many are) so unfortunate in their guesses, that on the apparently worst of divers they often insist. Malicious Censure I regard not, Ingenuous I honour. Reader, Farewell. The sum and first Pages of the Chapters. (The chief Matter only of them; the particulars being in the Contents before every Chapter) Of the first Part. CHAP. I. THe beginning of a Monarchy, the first King. pag. 1 CHAP. II. Difference of King and Emperor, and much of them. the great Duke or Emperor of Muscovy or Russia. pag. 18. CHAP. III. Lord. Lord of Ireland. Shah, and the like. pag. 46. CHAP. IU. Caesar Augustus. Pharaoh. Most Christian King. Catholic King. Defender of the Faith, and such like. pag. 68 CHAP. V Prester john. Cham or Chan. Chaliph. Amir Almumenin. Of the Alcoran. Persian Sophi. Schach, Xa, Saa, and the like. pa. 85. CHAP. VI Particular forms of Speaking to or by great Persons. Majesty. Speaking in the Abstract or Concrete. Worship, and 〈◊〉. pag. 114 CHAP. VII. Anointing of Kings. Crowns. A disputation against received opinion of Crowns. Tulipant. Crowns of several Princer. Sceptres. Globe and Crosse. Croissant of the Mahumedans. pag. 128. Of the second Part. CHAP. 1. PRinces apparent successors. Caesar. Rex Romanorum. Despot. Dauphin. Monsieur. Etheling; Clyto. Prince of Wales. Pr. of Scotland. Infanta. Prince of Astura. pag. 168. CHAP. II. Dukes. Of them, Counts, and Marquesses, as the names were anciently confounded. Archduke. Conjecture whence the several forms of Crowns for subject Princes came into these Western parts. Dukes in several Nations. pag. 182. CHAP. III. Marquesses, in several States. pag. 209. CHAP. IV. Counts and Earls. graffs. pag. 219. CHAP. V Counts Palatin, the special beginnings of every of ours in England. pag. 241. CHAP. VI Viscounts, and Vidames. pag. 250 CHAP. VII. Barons, the Notation of the word, and its several Notions. Thanes. Vavasours, and divers like. p. 258 CHAP. VIII. The beginning of Feuds. Of the old Saxon Tenors somewhat. pag. 293. CHAP. IX. Knights, and ancient and later forms of Knighting. A Knight's Fee, and Furniture. Ius sigilli. Aureorum Annulorum. seals. Aides. Miles. Degrading a Knight. pag. 305. CHAP. X. esquire. Armiger. Peers. pag. 340. CHAP. XI. Bannerets. Baronet's. Knights of the Bath. Of the Collar, or the particular Orders of Knighthood, with their beginnings and chief particulars. pag. 352. CHAP. XII. Turkish Dignities. some of Tartary. Clarissimus, Spectabilis, Illustris, Superillustris. Patricij. pa. 376. Reader, At the end are some Additions which I would have you read with the context. The Pages there noted and the Lines will direct you. pag. 387. Then follow I. The Faults of the Print corrected, and by them mend your Copy; and where Points, Accents, Letters inverted, or otherwise, and the like are amiss (as sometimes they are, neither could I prevent it) let your humanity excuse both Mc and the Workmen. In page 13. of the Preface li. 22. read stronger. And pa. 19 l. vlt. Torchlight. And also read wit for We in page 389. pag. 391. II. A collection into a Table of all the more special authors, whose Testimony we have used, with direction to those places where we have either transcribed old Mss. Records, Charters, or the like, as also, where any ancient Writer is, not vulgarly, explained, or amended. III. The words of the Eastern Tongues more specially herein interpreted. iv Such of the Greek words (most of them being Barbarous and unusual) as have herein their explanation. V A direction to the places where any thing, more particularly pertaining to our Common Laws, occurs. VI A general Table for the more ready finding out of the Contents by the Pages. TITLES OF HONOUR. FIRST PART. Out of Nature and a Democracie, a Monarchy derived. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The first King or Monarch, whereof any good testimony is. Shinaghr and Babel. The variableness of the Europeans from the Asians in Asiatic names. Nimrod was not Ninus, but Belus. Continuance of the Babylonian Monarchy. The time of Nimrods' Kingdom, against common opinion. Peleg. Nimrod and Abraham, lived not together. Semiramis built not Babylon. Nimrod (not Ninus or Ashur) built Nineneh. Why he is called Belus. How sacred statues came first to be worshipped, and the true beginning of Idolatry. Bel or Baal the same with Apollo, Pan, and the like, and was the Sun. Belenus or Abellio, among the Gauls and Britons, was Apollo. How the jews worshipped the Sun. The Persian Salchodai and Mithra, what they are. The Gods of those Eastern parts adored in our Western. jupiters' Tomb and Epitaph in Crete, and why the Cretans are called, always Liars. Some make Nimrod to be honoured in Orion's name among the Constellations. How they agree in name and actions. Orion and Cynosura the two Princes of the Heavens in old Astronomy. Homer's Astronomy explained. The supposition of the golden world, idle. As idle that observation, that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. i. a prescribed law, is not in Homer. Use of singing Laws. The Fables of the Chaldeans and Grecians, with the Annian impostures, rejected. CHAP. I. Community of life, and Civil Society, beginning first in particular Families, under Oeconomique rule (representing what is now a commonwealth) had, in its state, the Husband, Father and Master, as King. Hence many Colonies; which, whithersoever deduced, were Cities, Towns, Villages, or such like. In them, deserved Honour added to the eminency of some fit man's Virtue, made him by public consent, or some by his own ambition violently got to be what every of them were in proportion to their own Families; that is, over the common state, and as for the common good, King. Thus came first Cities to be governed by Kings, as now whole Nations are. And in the Heroic times (before the Olympiads, when most of the Grecian fables are supposed) such, as showed themselves first public benefactors to the Multitude, either by invention of Arts, Martial prowess, increasing of Traffic, bettering or enlarging the Country, or such like, were (saith Aristotle) by several Nations, constituted Kings over them, and, by general consent, left lines of hereditary succession. So that naturally, all men, in Oeconomique rule, being equally free and equally possessed of superiority, in those Ancient propagations of mankind, even out of nature itself, and that inbred sociableness, which every man hath as his character of Civility, a Popular state first raised itself, which, by its own judgement, afterward was converted into a Monarchy; both by imitation of as well the subordinat as Supreme Rule, whereunder the whole system of the world is governed, as taking also example from unreasonable creatures; in whom, because the liberty of discourse was wanting, Nature itself had placed that instinct of choosing always One for their Prince or Leader. Hardly was any so Idolatrous that could not upon mature consideration (as a Theophil. Antioch. ad Autolyc. lib. 3. Orpheus did in his last Will and Testament) confess a unity of Nature in that multiplicity of Names, which fabulously they applied to the Deity, and acknowledge that b Apuleius de Mundo. & idipsum autor libri qui eo nomine Aristotelis falsò nuncupatur. quod est in trir●mi gubernator, in curru rector, preceptor in choris, lex in urbe, dux in exercitu, Hoc est in mundo Deus, which was long since affirmed, by such, as knew not how to worship the true God, yet were resolved of his unity. Hereto are according divers and frequent testimonies, of the ancient Gentiles, dispersed both in c Macrob. Saturn. 1. justin. Martyr. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Lactantius de fals. relig. cap. 5. alij. profane and holy Writers. Hence they could not but think, that the imperfections of the giddy-headed multitudes government would be much repaired, if they subjecteth themselves to some eminent One, as they saw themselves, and what else was to be in regard of the unseen Creator. In a d Trism●gist. in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Idem ferè apud E●phant. Pythagoric. Stob. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 48. Tract attributed to Hermes (whom some dare affirm ancienter than Moses; and the Egyptians accounted as a God) Isis is personated thus instructing Horus: Whereas, my son, there are four places in the Universe subject to an immutable law and command; that is, the supreme Heaven, the * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Orbs, the Air, and the whole Earth. Above, my son, in the supreme heavens the Gods (understand Angels and ministering spirits) have their habitation; who, as all things else, are ruled by the Maker of all things. In the Orbs, the Stars are; governed by their great enlightner the Sun. In the Air are souls, over whom the Moon hath command. In the Earth are Men and other living creatures, whose Governor is He that for the time is King. The very pattern of a royal State, you see, derived out of the world's fabric and its particular subjections; although I importune you not to credit the supposed antiquity of the author, nor his whole assertion, being, in part, impious. And confirmation of the fitness of this unity in government, they had from e Senec. Ep. 91. irrational creatures: 'mongst whom that one Kind specially, which is commended, in both profane and holy authority, to man, for its exemplary qualities, hath herein pre-eminence. That of Bees. All honour, assist, and obey One: Ille f Georgic. 4. operum custos: illum admirantur & omnes Circumstant fremitu denso, stipantque frequentes. Et saepè attollunt humeris, & corpora bello Obiectant, pulchrámque petunt per vulnera mortem, as the divine Virgil of them. And the Grecians have a proper word for the King of Bees, whom they call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; and, by translation, Callimachus calls jupiter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Neither is in a human Monarchy what hath not in their Commonwealth some most remarkable proportion, if that curious searcher of Nature, our g Arist. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. lib. 9 cap. 40. Philosopher deceive not. Hence, as h Cyprian. tract. 4. de Idol. van. some, 'mongst other arguments prove this aeternal unity in the true Deity, so those, who first tried the inconveniencies of popular rule, saw that in their government likewise should be some One selected Monarch; under whose arbitrary rule their happy quiet might be preserved. I know the usual assertion, that makes the first of those three kinds of States a Monarchy. Great Philosophers dare affirm so, and Principio rerum (saith justin) gentium nationumque imperium pènes Reges erat: quos, ad fastigium huius maiestatis, non ambitio popularis, sed spectata inter bonos moderatio provehebat. But that cannot, in my understanding, be conceived as truth, otherwise then with a presupposition of a Democracie, out of which, as is related, a Monarchy might have original: no more than can be imagined how an Aristocracy should be before the Multitude; out of which, such, as make in their less number the optimacy, must be chosen. Aristotle's Commenters, Bodin, Machiavelli on Livy, divers others disput 〈…〉 this point: But, out of Machiavelli, satisfaction may be easily received, as is here delivered. And so must that be understood of h In Boeoticerun initio. Pausanias: * All Greece was anciently under Kings, and no Democracies. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Not that the States were first Kingdoms, but anciently so, and not under popular government, as in later time they were. Well I allow, that a Family, being in nature before a public society or commonwealth, was as an exemplary Monarchy, and, in that regard, a Monarchy is ancienter than any State: but as it is applied to a common society of many families and to what we we now call a Kingdom, it cannot but presuppose a popular State or Democracie. The first Monarch of a Nation, we read of, is that Nimrod (nephew to Cham) the mighty hunter before the Lord. His Kingdom was in Babylon, Erec, Accad, and Calna in the land of Sinaghr, which is called usually Senaar; by which name also the Babylonian Monarchy was known. For, where i Gen. 14. come. 1 Moses speaks of Amraphel K. of Sinaghr, the Paraphrase of Onkelos hath expressly K. of Babel. His time was about M. DCC. XX. from the Creation. josephus calls him Nabrodes, and makes him first author of the building of that Tower of confusion of Tongues. In profane story you find not his name, unless, with common error, you make him Ninus, in whom Trogus, Ctesias and from him Diodore with other begin the Assyrian or Babylonian (for to this purpose I admit them as the same and one) Monarchy. If likelihood would well endure it in Story, it might not be hard to make Nimrod and Ninus one name. Greater changes are in words of Oriental language expressed in European characters. Their jehezkel is Ezechiel, Reuben Rubel, Mosche Moses, Nun Nave, Esarhaddon A●bazarith, and in Arabic propagated from Hebrew, our Hispalis is Seville in Spain. To show also how differently they express our Names, in the lives of the four Evangelists, published by P. Kirstenius in Arabic, Uespasian, and Domitian are called Asubasianuusu, and Damthianuusu, and Nerua is Neirune Alshaghir, that is, according to them, little Nero. Such like more occur in ancient and later Story very frequent, in so much that scarce any community oftimes appears; as in Cyaxares and Assuerus or Achaswerush; which name is Xerxes also, and Oxyares. But the first Babylonian Monarch is not called Ninus, but Belus. And his son is, by consent of best authorities, Ninus. It follows then that Nimrod was father to Ninus. justin indeed delivers, Primus omnium Ninux Rex Assyriorum veterem & quasi avitum gentibus morem nouâ Imperij eupiditate mutavit. But regard the testimony of those which out of the more ancient authors have transcribed their Chronologies, as julius African, Cedrens, and others, and Ninus will appear clearly the son of Nimrod, that is, of Belus, the first of that State. And although erroneously in Historians for the most part Ninus be the root of Chronologique calculation, whereupon justin expressly affirms that this first Monarchy remained in the same blood k Constantinus Manasses hallucinatus hunc numerum à Belo auspicatur. M. CCC. years, and then ended in Sardanapalus (otherwise called Tonosconcoleros or Conosconcoleros) and was by Arbaces then transferred to the Medes, so that if you reckon back from the beginning of Arbaces (Arbactus and Pharnaces he is also written) that number of years, you shall fall near exactly upon the beginning of Ninus according to some, and that most curious, Chronologie: yet withal, take the years of Belus his reign being, as some will, LV. but as l August. de Ciu. Dei. lib. 16. cap. 17. & 56. anni ad hanc rem sunt apud Glycam ex alijs antiquioribus. Annal. part. 2. others LXV. (which seems jest distant from truth) and add them to the M. CCC. and then take the whole number out of the year of the world, which was at Sardanapalus his death, the residue will fall near the first year of the Chaldaean Epecha (placed in the beginning of that Empire) than which, what can more properly design out Nimrods' beginning, being about LXV. before Ninus? which is well enough confirmed also by that number of M. CCC. LX. delivered by m Diodor. Sicul. Bibliothec. 3. unde pro 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lege apud Agathiem. hist. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ubi is de hac re. Ctesias for the continuance of this Monarchy, as also by n De Ciu. Dei lib. 12. cap. 10. S. Augustine. Regnum (saith he) Assyriorum in Epistola Alexandri (he means an o Cyprian. de Idol. van. & ipse Aug de Ciu. Dei 8. cap. 5. huius memirunt. Epistle of Alexander to his mother Olympias) quinque millia excedit annorum. In Graeca vero historia mill fermè & trecentos habent ab ipsius Beli principatu: quem regem & ille Aegyptius (that was one, from whom Alexander had his instruction) in eiusdem regni ponit exordio. By this supputation, Nimrods' Kingdom began some LXII. years after the Flood, that is, M. DCC. XVIII. from the Creation. Howsoever (if Belus were he, as is most probable, and that Belus reigned LXV. years only, which is the greatest account) the common error of those which place Nimrod and Abraham together seems intolerable. Witness holy Writ, which affirms that in Pelegs days the earth was divided, by dispersion of the people. That division was immediately after Babel built, and by most likely conjecture the same year that Peleg was borne; for Moses relating his name to be Peleg, adds for in his days the earth was divided; as if, according to the jewish custom, he had had his name imposed presently upon his Peleg 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 est diuidi●. Gen. 10. 25. birth, by reason of that Division. And how could his name be by reason of the Division, before it? And, it is questionless, that Peleg was borne CI. years after the Flood, which falls (by this calculation) into the XXXIX. of Nimrod. But Abraham plainly was borne CXCI years after Peleg; how then could Nimrod and Abraham be coetaneall? I know, the accounts of divers ancient writers are in this point of the continuance of this Empire (out of which as à posteriori, the beginning is found) much differing both among themselves, and from what is before delivered, as those which occur in p V Lips. ad 1. Vell. Paterculi & (si placet) Thalum ap. Lactant. Instit. 1. cap. 23. Paterculus, Eusebius, Orosius and others; and some Grecians have made Nimrods' beginning to be q Cedrenus, Glycas, alij. DC. XXX. years from the Flood, others more, against apparent truth of Scripture: others of later times placing him diversly. But I see none so near most probable conjecture as the learned Christopher Heluicus, whose laboriously composed and most useful Historical Theatre, in this and other of this nature, affords instructing helps. And, whereas the fabulous traditions of some Europeans make Semiramis the author of Babylon; it was delivered, for most false, long since by r Ioseph. 1. ad Appionem. Berosus (he was Belus his Priest in Babylon) and some s Q. Curt. lib. 5. ancients of this part of the world also, have justly followed him, attributing it to Belus, which even holy writ proves to be the work of Nimrod. So some will have Ninus the builder of Nineveh (which profane Story also calls Ninus) whereas upon good reason out of greatest authority Nimrod was he that built it. In Genes. x. He went out of the land (he means Shinaghr) into Assyria and built Nineveh. But I know the usual translation hath it otherwise, that, out of the land went Assur and built Nineveh. But, Assur is not, before that time, as a proper name of a man, spoken of in holy Writ, neither in that passage is there a declaring of Sems' posterity (in which Assur was) but of Cham's only. And the holy tongue endures either of the interpretations, as hath been by the learned heretofore observed. It may possibly be, that its name was from Ninus successor and son to Nimrod. For in that Nation the first City built was titled according to the name of the bvilder's son, as appears in the Story of Came and Enoch. The Hebrew orthography of it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 composed, as it were, of Nin and Neveh, which may well signify the Habitation or City of Nin, being easily (according to the European course) turned to Ninus. And josephus t Archoeolog. judaic. 9 in hist. jonae. expressly calls it, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which words without difficulty give the same sense with the Hebrew. All this is in a manner confirmed by an ancient and most learned u D Hieronym. Tradit. Ebraicis. Father, delivering that the Assyrians, ex nomine Nini Beli filii Ninum condiderunt, urbem magnam, quam Ebraei appellant Niniven. Which is as if he had said Nimrod had done it. For what were the Assyrians but his subjects? The first Empire than began in Asia under Nimrod (the same with Belus, called also Arbelus or Arbylus) King over the Babylonian and Assyrian territories chief, having in them his two Cities royal, but extending his power over the greatest part of the inhabited & neighbouring country. Why he was called Belus, is no wonder. Take it not as a name proper to him while he lived. But refer it to an effect of Idolatrous application after his death. For, whether adoration of Statues began in Sherugs days (as is usually delivered out of x Euseb. in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Epiph. in prolegomcnis. ancient authority) or whensoever; it is certain by all probability, that sacred Statues were first such as had been made in memory of some best beloved and most honoured great men or of their fathers, ancestors, children, wives, or dearest friends being y Hinc idolum dictum est (si Diophanti fides apud Fulgent. Mythologic. 1.) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, quasi, species doloris. Quod sane linguae sanct● optimé conucnit, in quâ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. i. Dolores simulachia dicuntur. Psal. 106. 38. & 39 & alibi. Originatio autem idololatriae ad hunc modum docetur. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. cap. 14 ab Epiphanio in prol●gom. & jul. Firmico de errore Profan. Religionum, alijs v. si placet, & Ciceronem de consolation. dead. To these were, at length, by flattery of servants and sycophants of such as had erected the Statues, given divine worship and ceremonies with suffumigations, crowns of flowers, and other rites which to the dead, of later time, by the Gentiles have been used: being at first invented by them for such as they styled Gods. And, as the ceremonies due to their Deities, so, as a consequent, grew the names of them also at last to be applied to those whom the Statues had first honoured. Now, it is not unknown to any that the Babylonians held their greatest God to be Bel, which is the same with the Phoenician and Punic Baal (the difference proceeds only out of the Hebrew and z 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Chaldaeis; Ebraicè au●em i Punicè 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dictus est. Elementum n. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Chaldaeis saepiùs excidit, & à Grammaticis obseruatur. D●minum vero interpretatur. Chaldean dialects) and was first understood for the Sun, whom they called a Sanchoniathon apud Euseb. Parasc. Euangelic. 〈◊〉. Baal-samaim, that is, the Lord of Heaven (and in substance, even by Idolatrous origination, was the same with jupiter Olympius, Pan, Apollo and the rest of their greater Gods, differing in name only, as Baal-pheor, Baalzebub, Molo●h and the rest did in Palestine) whence, it seems, the Lacedæmonians had their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for the Sun, as Hesychius is author, and perhaps the Phrygians and Thurians b Scholiast. ad Aeschyli Persas & Hesych. in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. their words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for a King, and the Western parts their Belenus, Belinus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as Herodian calls him, or c Scalig. Auson. lect. 1. cap. 9 Abellio, as an old inscription found in Guienne. For all these names that Apollo hath, which the Gauls and Britons worshipped, and to whom the Druids sacrificed at the cutting down of their Mistletoe, expressing him, in their language, d Plin. hist. Nat. 16. cap. 44. Omnia sanans, which every. Schoolboy knows also to be proper to Paean the same with Phoebus. And, that Belin is no other than Apollo, is both proved out of an old e Ausonius' in profess. Burdegal. Poet of Gaul, calling his Priest Phoebitius; Necreticebo senem, Nomine Phoebitium, Qui, Beleni aedituus, Nilopis inde tulit. as also from a f Append. Dioscorid. cap. 652. testimony, delivering that the herb called Apollinaris (some take it for Henbane) is the same which the Gauls named Bilinumtia, being at this day g Vulcan. ad Glossar. Latino Graec. in Spain titled Velenno, as from one original; both having the steps of Belin; which also in British (as our most learned Antiquary, and light of Britain, Camden Clarenceulx observes) with Melin and Felin (the difference of orthography proceeding from the tongues idiotism) signifies yellow, a colour, as all men know, even proper in attribute to Apollo. And most likely it is that the Topique God of the Northern parts of this Kingdom, called in ancient h Camden in Cumbria. monuments Belatucadre, had hence part of his name. Neither is the most superstitious regard which those Eastern people had to the Sun in particular, unknown to any, which hath observed the i R. Levi Bengersom. & RR. Cimchi & Irachi, Equis & Quadrigis, dum solem Orientem adorabant, ab introitu Templi usque ad cameram Nathanmalech, solenni pompâ vectos fuisse Adnotant. Verum & videses Sext. Pompeium Verb. October de Rhodijs. nec Rabbinis hic adsentior. Horses and Chariots dedicated to his Deity by the Idolatrous jews, and mentioned in II. Reg. XXIII. or those Sunne-images (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 k De ijs optimè (ut de omnibus) jos. Scalig. ad Catull. Epig. 91. sed Rabbi Solomon, figuras ad Solis imaginem fictas fuisse, est malè Commentus ad loc. designatum. ) in II. Paralipom. XXXIV. 4. or the adoration of the Morning in Ezech. VIII. 16. or such like, derived from the Babylonians, Persians, and others; whence the Persian period of CXX. Solar years, and the product of that multiplied by XII, that is, CI●. CCCC. XL. their great period used before their jezdigerd, as also the suns revolution in Astrological directions, are, and have been of ancient time by them called Sal chodai, i. the year of God (as the most noble Scaliger teaches me) as if the Sun were the chiefest Deity; whom they styled also Mithra from their word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 l jos. Scalig de Emendat. lib. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which interprets the same with Baal or Beli. a Lord or Governor; their significant name for the Sun being both m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Coreshed (whereupon Ctesias, and some following him, delivered that Cyrus in Persian was the Sun) and n quod & in vetust. Glossis Arabicis. Aphethaab. Neither was it strange that they, being ignorant of the true God, so worshipped the Sun, when as even the greatest o Aristot. de Sap. secund. Egypt. lib. II. c. 4. Masters of Philosophy had not a better means to design out their first Mover and Maker, or the Son of what is Good (as divine p De Repub. lib. 6. Plato expressly) then by the name of Light, or the Sun. Nor is it hard to believe that the chief Deity of the Gauls and our Britons should have its origination from the so far distant Eastern nations. For beside the reasons of conjecture, there hath been found in q Apud Conseranos in Novempopuloniâ extat. Gaul a stone thus consecrated; MINERVAE BELISAMAE SACRUM Q. VALERIUS MONUM ..... Where questionless is the very name (differing in termination only) of the Goddess Astarte or Ashtaroth, whom they called r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dicta Philoni Bibliensi juxta Phaenicum idiotismum. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 verò Megastheni, secundum Chaldaeorum formam. Belihsamaim, that is, the Lady of Heaven, the Moon. The same is confirmed also out of divers inscriptions conceived DEAE SYRIAE, & DIS SYRIS both in Italy and this Island anciently found. But (to return to the reason of that name in Nimrod) when court flattery amongst them grew so servile, that nothing, but the most obsequious respect that possibly might be, and the highest honour that imagination could invent, was thought worthy of the first author and progenitor of their royal line, which their obsequious baseness would not any longer endure to be accounted mortal, they gave the title of their God to his statue, & their sacrifices, & ceremonies; they made his sepulchral monument his Temple; and at length so confounded their God Bel & first King Bel into one, that they admitted no difference. Thus came also the Phoenician Belus; thus the Cretan jupiter (whom the r Stephan. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 veró ridiculum illud etymon apud eum. Sanè nun Marnas 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 loquitur? i. Dominus, ut cum Belo quadret. Grecians make the same with Marnas the God of the Gazaeans in Palestine) to be both a God and a dead man, in ridiculous confusion. For they gloried always of his burial and Epitaph on his Tomb, which they showed for his and their antiquity, thus; ...... 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Indeed it may be Englished, jupiters' Tomb; but the worn out place should have * Scholiast. ad Callimach. hymn. 1. been supplied thus: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. that is, the Tomb of Minos the King; for so I rather English it, than Minos jupiters' son. Although, I know, his Epitaph there, is delivered very differently by s Lactant. de fals. relig. cap. TWO (de cuius ms. consulas. I. Obsopaeum in Sibyllin. orac. 8.) & Porphyr. up, Cyrill. adverse. julian. l. 10 others, yet it is certain that the Cretans are most fit examples herein to show what the Babylonians did. Where, by the way, note that this false tradition among them, was the ground of that true imputation wherewith Epimenides, an ancient Poet and Priest (cited by S. Paul to Titus) brands them, and, after him, Callimachus. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— i. The Cretans always are liars; and, to that Acrostich somewhat altered, t Getullic. Epig. 3. cap. 22. aliam de hoc Cretensium opprobrio historiam habes ap. Ptolem. Hephaestionem. one expressly, long since, joined that misunderstood Epitaph: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But, this turning of Kings into Gods, receive elegantly delivered by u Tractat. 4. S. Cyprian. Reges (saith he) olim fuerunt, qui ob regalem memoriam coli apudsuos postmodum etiam in morte coeperunt: inde illis instituta Templa; inde ad defunctorum vultus per imaginem detinendos expressa simulachra. Name & immolabant hostias, & dies festos, dando honores, celebrabant. Ind posteris facta sunt sacra, quae primitùs fuerunt assumpta solatia. And even in this sort, came the ancient Martyrs of the Christian Church to be accounted by some even as Gods; the error proceeding x D. Hieronym. Epist. adu. Vigilantium: & ad Riparium. D. August. lib. 8. de Ciu. Dei. cap. 27. from the solemnities used at their Shrines to the true God, in honour only of their constant profession. And, you see it grew usual in later times among other nations, to make every Emperor almost, a God after his death, and some in their lives; with application to them, of names known proper to ancient Deities. Some also have given the name of Saturn to this Nimrod; and who knows not how usually Belus is titled by interpretation Saturn, as others call him jupiter? For those names, as they signified Gods, are with the rest of that nature in an inextricable confusion. The Assyrians (saith Cedren, out of some ancient author) made him a God, and placed him among the Stars; calling him Orion. Indeed Orion's quality well agrees with Nimrods' attribute, of being a y 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. mighty hunter. The fabulous traditions of the Grecians suppose Orion a hunter, both living and dead; and Ulysses z Odyss. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. in his return from hell reports as much. Which is as plainly justified by the Astronomical description of him. For he is not without his Dog there by him (which they call protion, and the Arabians Celebalatzaijr i. the lesser dog, known also by the name of Algomeiza, and among the a Damosc. in vita Isidori ap. Phot. in Myriobib. Cod. 242. Egyptians, was this referred also to Orion) neither is the dog without his game, having a hare before him. And, among other names, in Arabic he is called Algebar i, mighty or strong, the word coming from the Hebrew root used by Moses in describing Nimrod. Beside these, the old Astronomy supposed him also the chief Leader of all the Southern constellations. And as, in their Northern descriptions, they began at the lesser Bear or Cynosura (whose position and motion the Phaenicians observed for their Sea-direction, as the Greeks did Helice or the greater Bear) so, of their Southern Images, Orion was always first. Hoc duce per totum decurrunt sydera mundum. saith Manilius, following this course I speak of, as Aratus had directly before him; both being b Theon. in Scholar ad Aratum. justified by an allusion in c Odyss. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Homer, speaking of the Bear: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. as if he had said, that she had, as the Princess of the North, observed and looked at Orion Prince of the South: without which interpretation, how will you understand Homer? Arctos & Orion adversis frontibus ibant. saith d Manil. Astron. 1. another by imitation. There being also twixt those two Constellations such an agreement in Longitude, that one great circle, drawn through the Poles, cuts them both, to make, as it were, a lineal and direct regard twixt them. They are both (if you respect Cynosura's stars next the Pole) between L. and LX. degrees. But doubtless this application of Nimrod to Orion proceeded rather from Grecian vanity. And those Eastern people had another name for Orion, if Interpreters deceive not, which in e Amos. 5. 8. job 10. 9 & 38. 31. perquàm variae autem sunt de 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 opiniones, & apud judaeos. uti videre est in Baal Aruch. praeter R R. adi si vis Hug. Grotium ad Imagines Arati. Holy Writ, turn 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Orion; and in such things the Assyrians and jews had most community. But, of our first Monarch, thus much. Yet it is not to be doubted but that before him and the Flood there were, among his ancestors, some Monarchique States, but not of any large extension perhaps. To what other end was Cain's building of Enosha (the first City in the world) but for his own supremacy among the Citizens? But the large and supreme Government of a Nation, is that which must give the honour of a King, as we now take it. The supposition of that age of Kings in the Heroic times, or golden world is most idle, as it is delivered especially in Fables and Philosophy. What Hesiod, Ovid, Virgil, and other have of that kind, children know. Et Officium erat (saith f Senec. Ep. 91. a Philosopher) imperare, non regnum. Nec erat cuiquam aut animus in iniuriam aut causa: cum benè imperanti benè pareretur, nihilque Rexmaius minari malè parentibus posset, quàm ut abirent è regno. And, the like, or rather what was nearer to perfection is largely and in example delivered by g In Uiro Civil, & in Minoe. Plato, who (had he read Moses, as some think he had; for long before his time was the h Aristobul. (ap. Euseb. de Prepar. Euangelic. 13.) in Epist. ad Ptol. Philadelphum. Pentateuch turned into Greek) would not, I think, have given that indulgence to fabulous relations. Nothing is more ridiculous to truth then those Golden ages, when also Populus nullis legibus (as justins' words are) tenebatur; but arbitria Principum pro legibus erant. Can we beleeu that in Humanive this could at all continue? Inbred corruption never endured it. The absolute power of the one, and the unlimited liberty of the other, were even incompatible, unless they be referred to some short time in the beginning of States, when, by necessity, no laws were but only the Arbitrement of Princes, as i ff. de Orig. jur. l. 1. §. 2. Pomponius speaks of Rome. Yet, I know, it is observed that Homer, writing of the Heroic times, hath not k joseph. adu. Appion. 2. & de hac re Plutarch. lib. de Homcro. the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. a prescribed law, but only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. an arbitrary rule. And I wonder, how learned men durst make such use of that Observation. Read Plato's Minos, and there you shall have Talus his laws in Crete written in Brass. And Talus is made coetaneall with Rhadamant son to jupiter, whose time although uncertain, yet must be far ancienter than any Greek testimony. Nay, and Homer himself hath l Odyss. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and m In Hymn. ad Apollinem. eius ●n. authorem sunt qui faciunt Cynaethum. Scholiast. ad Pindar. Nem. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. the law of Music, which Singers and Players were strictly bound to; and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 absolutely are songs so called, n Aristot. Problem. sect. 19 §. 28. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. because they used to sing their laws before invention of Letters, lest they should forget them, as, in Aristotle's time, the Agathyrsians did. And, were not Letters in use in the Heroic times? If no other authority were, yet Proetus his privy o Iliad. 〈◊〉. letters, to the King of Lycia, for Bellerophon's death, would justify it. It's well known also, that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is no stranger in Hesiod, being both p Suidas in Hesiod. v. Lips. ad Paterculi hist. 1. Kinsman and nearly coetaneall with Homer; nay, as some think, before him. Which were it true, how vain were that Observation of Homer's not having it? The Greeks also have (some q Apollon. Argonautic. 3. of them) left written, that Prometheus' King of Thessaly (Deucalion's son) was the man 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that first built Cities and Temples, and was the first King on Earth. Others of them tell of Lycosura r Pausan. lib. 8. in Arcady to be the first City erected under heaven. Nay, some of later s Constant Manasses in Annalibus. times, and Christians, have translated the title of the first Monarchy into Egypt, as if they had not read holy Writ, but rather followed t Trogus hist. 1. them, which tell us that Uexoris King of Egypt, and Tanaus King of Scythia, preceded the Assyrian Monarchy. Indeed the story of Abraham justifies great Antiquity in the Egyptian Pharaoh's; and in Europe, that Aegialeus K. of the Sicyonians rightly challengeth perhaps as much. But, we can rely for truth herein only upon Moses; and must slight both those fabulous reports of Grecians and others, as also what occurs in the fragments of the true Berosus, Hestiaeus, Alex. Polyhistor, Adiaben, julius African and the like, touching who reigned before Nimrod and the Flood. For, the Chaldeans (from whom some of these had their original relations) pretended that they had a true story remaining in Babylon of u 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Alex. Polyhist. ap. Euseb. in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. CL. M. years (Diodore and Cicero speak of a far greater number, but this is enough) in which they reckoned descents of Kings, part whereof yet remain's incapable of likelihood in some of those authors. As them, for this point, so much more have we here neglected those Annians and counterfeits, Archilochus, Xenophon, Berosus, — & autres, quimenteurs Abusent du loisir & bonté des lecteurs as, the noble Du Bartas of them. King and Emperor. Whence, and what was Emperor. How the Roman Emperors reckoned their Years. The Hate in Rome to the name of Rex. How their Emperors abstained from it. Who of them first ware a Diadem. At length, others called them Kings, but they wrote themselves always Emperors. The two Titles, as indifferent. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a usual word for Emperor. The Coat of Constantinople, and its signification. Differences twixt the Emperors of the East and West, about the titles of Basileus, and Rex, and Emperor, and letters twixt them about it. The King of Bulgaries' prerogative. To the Prince of Sicily, anciently, Rex hereditary. Emperor used by other Princes; By the Kings of England (Their Supremacy, from Papal power, free, anciently.) By the K. of Spain. The Flattering Rules of Civilians touching their Emperor. Notaries in Scotland; which with other Kingdoms hath as suprem power, respectively, as the Empire, in making them. The Duke, King, or Emperor of Russia or Moscovy. Czar. To whom he used not in his title, King or Emperor. Subiect-Kings. Bohemia made a Kingdom. A Sword usually given in making a Subiect-King. Danemark. Letters of Ph. de Valois touching Ed. III. his not styling him King. To whom the title of King is truly due. The English Heptarchy, always under One supreme. England how and when named. The King of man.. Of the Wight. Of Ireland subiect-Kings. Henry III. his Letters to the K. of man.. King of Kings, by whom used. The story of judith unknown, but from Europe, to the jews. The Great King. Custom of giving Earth and Water in acknowledgement of subjection. Herbam dare. Livery and seisin of England to the Norman. Rex Regum used by the Kings of England. Edgar and Athelstan their greatness. Particular right of the title of Emperor anciently in the Kings of this I'll. Constantine the Great was born in Britain, with more special authority for it, than any hath used. Honour to the Emperors, in Kissing their Feet, Hands, Knees. Kisses of salutation among the Persians. Adoration what it is properly. Kisses of Civil Duty, in most Nations. Osculum Pacis, and after Prayers. In Homages. An act that none should Kiss the King in Homage. The Notation of our words King and Queen. The British Cuno. Words in divers languages for King. CHAP. II. BY King and Emperor, have been, and still are most supreme Princes titled. Yet so, that, for continued Majesty, and note of powerful Rule, in both those affections of State, Peace, and War, the first was, of ancient time, the greater; and that of Emperor (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. Imperator, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. the General of an Army) was for any which had to him committed supremacy in Martial dscipline, although but for some particular host. In the Roman story, occurs frequent testimony of it. And thence came it that julius Caesar, being Dictator, and a General, after he had gotten even the Monarchy of Rome, wrote himself in his Edicts and Coins AΥTOKPATΩP, & DICTATOR PERPETVO & IMPERATOR, the first and last of which titles, continued in his successors. But it is observable to this purpose, that by neither of those were the years of their Empire reckoned, but a long time by their Tribunitian Power (beginning in Octavian) whence they were as sacred against all violence and wrongs. Amongst many, one Coin thus inscribed shows it. IMP. CAESAR AUGUST. PON. MAX. TR. POT. XVI. COS. XI. IMP. XIIII. which was made in the XVI. year from the States giving him that inviolable title. The number added to IMP. being only so often increased in his and others Coins, as they had by themselves or their Generals performed some a Dio Cassius hist. 53. great matter in the Wars. In the infancy of their Empire they abstained purposely from the name of Rex or King, being a word grown odious to Roman liberty after Brutus his plucking it out of Tarquin's hands. In solemn memory whereof they yearly celebrated on the VII. kl. of March (the XXIII. of our February) their feast Regifugium. As also they provided that no concourse for Merchandise in the City should ever happen upon the Nones of any month (Servius Tullius his birth day, they knew was in thè Nones, but not of what month, and therefore they provided it) b Macrob. Saturnal. 1. cap. 13 Veriti ne quid Nundinis collecta Vniversitas, ob regis desiderium, novaret. And to palliate some part of his ambitions I. Caesar himself being saluted King by the multitude, but, withal perceiving it very distasteful to the State, by the Tribun's pulling off the white fillet from his Laurel, answered, Caesarem se non Regem esse; refusing utterly also, and consecrating the Diadem, which Antony would have often put on his head, to jupiter. For the same reason, did Octavian abstain from the name of Romulus which yet he much affected. Alike was the dissimulation of the next Tiberius, under whom were eadem magistratuum vocabula (as Tacitus his words are) which were before, but the sum and sway of things was engrossed and cunningly kept under One, differing in name rather than nature, from a King, as he well observed that subscribed julius his statue with Brutus quia Reges elecit, Consul primò factus est. Hic, quia Consules eiecit, Rex postremò factus est. The more proper name of them and their Greatness, was Princeps and Principatus; and, one of their own c Tranquill. in Calig. cap. 22. Writers, of Caligula thus. Nec multum abfuit quin statim Diadema sumeret speciémque Principatus in Regni formam converteret. For these royal habiliments; they were at length used by d In Epitome: sed videses cap. vlt. huius libri plura de hac re. Aurelian (about CC LXX. after Christ) Iste (saith Victor of him) primus, apud Romanos, Diadema capiti innexuit: gemmisque, & auratâ omni vest, quod adhuc ferè incognitum Romanis moribus videbatur, usus est. Yet nor he, nor others long after him, used the title of King in their Letters, Commissions, Embassages, nor otherwise but always e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Imperator. Emperor. Which expressly is delivered by f Synes. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. one living under Arcadius, in CCCC. of Christ, showing also that it was then usual in others writings and speeches of them, to have them styled Kings. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (saith he to the Emperor) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. i. We think you worthy of the Name, and so call you f V Lamprid. in vita Alexand. Severi & versus ibidem de lepore. Kings, and write you so. But you, whether you know so much or not, yet agreeing to custom, have seemed to dislike so swelling a Title. And indeed, the authors of the Augustan Story, before that time, have Regnum, for the State of Rome; The dislike of Rex growing out of fashion, as specially appears in the choosing of Regillianus General in Illyricum to be Emperor, as it were on a sudden jest, when one had derived his name in declining Rex, Regis, Regi, Regillianus, the acclamations presently g Treble. Poll. in 30. Tyrannis. following Ergo potest nos regere; Ergo potest Rex esse. This was about Gallien's time, some CCLX. after our Saviour. Ulpian (a great Lawyer under Alexander Severus) calls it h D. de Const. Princip. l. 1. Lex Regia, which transferred the people's power to the Emperor. And the Grecians called them i Athenagor. in inscript. Apolog. & alij passim. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i Kings, as, by their own men, they have been in middle times often titled; and by the Ebrews. The learned Druse k Praeteritor. lib. 9 notes that he had a book, inscribed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. the Roman Kings, being the lives of the Emperors. And in Luke III. where the original is in the XV. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. of the Empire of Tiberius, the Syriaque turns it, of the l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Reign or Kingdom. Paul's appeal, according to the m Act. Apost. ex Arabic. per Fr. junium c. 45 Arabic, is Regem Caesarem ego appello, agreeable to the Emperor's n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 titles, in the lives of the four Evangelists, in that language, Nor could the Constantinopolitan Emperors find greater titles for themselves or fit, then King. If you regard how others under them applied the name, examples are familiar in the o Concil. Ephesin. & ibi Cyrillus. He si●●ius (qui sub Anastasio floruit) in Constantinopoleos descript. Procopius, alij. Acts of their councils, Histories, and such like. If how they themselves, read the titles of justinian's Novels (which they call authentics) and in them it will appear, that the names of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were indifferent, although the Latin Translation hath him always by name of Imperator. The same is justified by Theophilus his Greek translation of the Institutions. And that great Volume of Laws, published by their Emperor Leo (about DCCCC.) comprehending a collection out of the Digests, Code Novels, and other imperials, was titled p Harmenopul. in praefat. ad 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. & Cuiac. observat. 6. cap. 9 de ijs plura. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as if you should say, the King's Laws, where 〈…〉 an Epitome is now q Synopsis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, à Leunclavio edita. only left; and, in that, the Laitne r Lib. 2. tit. 6. ubi. l. 31. ff. de leg. & Sen. & alibi. Princeps or Imperator is often turned into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Which, their supposed Coat also, of later time, being four Betaes', justifies. The Betaes' are s Bodin. de Rep. 1. cap. 9 interpreted as the sigles of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. the King of Kings reigning over Kings. So that at length the name of Emperor and King grew to be as one, although the Romans so much (for remembrance of their liberty) at first distinguished them. But in the divided Empires, upon new occasions, came much affected differences of these names. The Western Emperors, in regard that the States of the Goths, Lombard's, and Franks which had overrun and possessed much part of the Empire, were called Kingdoms, and their Heads, Kings, rather desired the name of Emperor, as a note, in account, of greater majesty. After the translation of the Empire from Constantinople to the French, the Eastern Princes continuing still their name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which they supposed the greater title, and were, at first not much against the allowing of it to the Western Emperors, as appears in the Ambassadors, of Michael Curopalata to Charles the great, who for confirmation of a league, came to him at Aix & scriptum pacti (as my t Auonym. in Annal Franc. ann. 812. & Vit. Caroli Magni. Author says) ab eo in Ecclesia suscipientes more suo, id est, Graecâ linguá laudes ei dixerunt, Imperatorem & Basileum appellantes. Which was a name afterward (although mere Greek) bestowed on Charles his successors by their Monks, preferring it far before the Latin Rex. One u Abbo Floriac. de Obsid. Lutet. 1. of them thus, of Charles surnamed Crassus; Vrbs mandata fuit Karolo nobis Basiléo, Imperio cuius regitur totus propè Cosmus. Which is an essay also of that ages unhappy affectation of Greek patches, frequent in many of that kind. But, when Basilius Macedo a Constantinopolitan Emperor A. DCCC. LXXI, had received Letters from Pope Hadrian the II. wherein Lewes the 11. then Emperor of the West, was called Basileus, or Imperator; he caused that Honorary title to be x Ms. hist. Longobard. ap. Baron. Tom. 10. A. 871. & Goldast. in Constit. Imperial. tom. 1. scratched out of the letters, and, concerning his challenge to it as his own solely, dispatched an Embassage to Lewes. This, Lewes answers by one Autprand Rempert, and, out of his Letters the effect of both may be discovered. He first tells Basilius that he knows no reason of his dislikes towards him Nisi fortè super Imperatoris nomine velit haec cuncta sentiri. Verum apud nos (saith the Western Emperor) multa lecta sunt, multa quidem indefessè leguntur; nunquam tamen invenimus terminos positos, aut, formas, aut praecepta prolata, neminem appellandum BASLEA nisi eum quem in urbe Constantinopoli Imperij tenere gubernacula contigisset, cum, gentium singularum monimentis interim postpositis, sacrae nobis affluentèr historiae monstrent, plurimos fuisse Basileos'.— Et noli vel nobis quòd dicimur invidere, vel tibi singularitèr usurpare, quod non solum nobiscum sed & cum pluribus Praepositis aliarum Gentium possides.— Sed nec hoc admiratione caret quod asseris Arabum Principem y Apomazar (potius Achmet) Onirocritic. cap. 18. & historici Orientales. verum Protosymboli Vezirazes sive Vezirum primos magis denotant. consulas licet Leun●lau. Pandect. Turcic. cap. 14. & nos de hoc vocabulo mox plura. Protosymbolum dici, cum in voluminibus nostris nihil tale reperiatur, & vestri Codices modo z Lego Archicon. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Architon, modo Regem vel also quolibet vocabulo nuncupent. Verum nos omnibus literis sacras S. preferimus, quae, David, non Protosymbolos, sed Reges Arabium & Sabae perspicue confitentur. Cbaganum verò, non Praelatum Auarum, non Cazarorum aut Northmannorum nuncupari reperimus, neque Principem Bulgarûm, sed Regem vel Dominum Bulgarûm. Verum iccircò ab ijs & ab omnibus Basilei debitum vocabulum adimis, ut hoc tibi soli non tam Propriè quam violenter inflectas. Then he proceeds (for, of those other titles more anon) with the Translation of the Empire from Constantinople to the Fra●ks, ob ignominiam Graecorum, who were not able any longer to defend the Church: and, whereas Basilius would have him titled only Rex (or Riga, as the Grecians had barbarously made that word in their fourth case) he adds further, that the true interpretation, of their Basileus, was in that word Riga; as indeed, children know it is. Neither was it given or taken as any dishonour when Baldwin Earl of Flanders, Lewes Earl of Blois a Arnold. Alb. Lubecens. Slavorum hist. 6. c. 19 and divers other wrote to Otho iv Emperor, with this inscription; Excellentissimo Domino Othoni Dei gratia Romanorum Regi & semper Augusto. Upon b Gloss. Grae●obarbar. I. Meursij. less ground than those Imperial Letters, it hath been observed that the Eastern Emperors did, in contempt, style the Western Reges only; allowing their Basileus to none, but themselves and the King of Bulgarie, who had also c I. Curopalat. in Tzimisce apud Meurs. his Crown of Gold, his Tiar of Silk, and Red Shoes, for his royal, being also imperial, habiliments. And so Georgius Logotheta, published last Spring Mart by Theodore Douz, always names the King of Bulgarie 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but the King of Hungary and Sicily 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and the Prince of Achaia only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. But, under favour, I think it proceeded not so much from contempt, as use, bred amongst them, to call, foreign dignities, by the names of the Prince's Country, to which they were applied: as appears in Sultan, Ameras, Amermumnes, and Mumnes, Chagan (the same with Chan) and the like copiously mentioned by Simocatta, Anna Comnena, Codin, Apomazar (or Achmet) Cantaeuzen, and the more obvious Oriental authors. And, they never agreeing willingly to that Translation from them, but supposing themselves as Emperors of new Rome (for so Constantinople was called) to be as the legitimat successors of that majestic Title d Lord of the World. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (wherewith Antoninus long before blazoned e Volus. Maetian. ff. ad leg. Rhod. l. 9 himself to Eudaemon) could hardly but endeavour such distinction of names, that, One might be peculiar to their own Greatness. Which, how could they better do, then by keeping their own to themselves (that is, Basileus) and giving other Princes the language of every one's own Territory? And the Princes of Sicily received of Constantine the Great (take it on my f Niceph. Gregoras hist. 7. authors credit) Rex for an hereditary Title. Indeed, that Basilius had more reason to take hereof greater care, being the first of them, after the Translation to Charles the Great, that was likely to have regained his Predecessors glory. And therefore his Bishops in that VIII. General Council at Constantinople did also nomen imperiale (as one g Anastas. de vit. Pontific. in Hadr. 2. says of the Western part) nostro Caesari penitùs invidere; to which affected Greatness an old h Annal. incert. auct.. sub anno 876. Edit. à Pitbaeo. eadé autem Sigebertus. author alludes, speaking of Charles the Bald King of France; that Omnem consuetudinem Regum Francorum contemnens Graecas Glorias optimas arbitrabatur. Et ut maiorem mentis suae elationem ostenderet, ablato Regis nomine, se Imperatorem & Augustum omnium Regum, Cis mare consistentium, appellari praecepit. But in later times, the difference was less respected; which is plainly seen in those Letters of i Otho frisingen's. de gest. Frederic. lib. 1. cap. 24. Calo-loannes to Conrade III. thus inscribed: Toannes in Christo Deo Fidelis Rex, Porphyrogenitus, sublimis, Fortis, Augustus, Comnenos, & Imperator Romanorum ad Nobiliss. Fratrem & Amicum Imperij mei. And answered by Conrade, calling himself Romanorum Imperator Augustus, and Calo-Ioannes, illustris & Gloriosus, Rex Graecorum. Whence also it is evident, that, Rex was not a name of contempt at Constantinople. For than would not Conrade have called john by that name. Neither, for that point, is advantage to be taken of the word Rex in the Eastern Emperor's style. For, it is most likely that his Greek (out of which I suppose, my author had it translated) was their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Some of the Germane k Epistolae Henrici iv Emperors also (as it seems) thought not Rex alone unfit for themselves in prescribed titles of their Letters to other Princes. And on the other side, those of other. Nations have justly taken to themselves Imperator. Our ancient Edgar in his Charters, called himself Albionis & Anglorum Basileus; and, l Pat. 1. Ed. 4. part. 6. memb. 23. Et, Totius Albionis Monarcha & Basileus, saepius in Diplomatibus Monast. Crowlandensi consignatis. in one to Oswald Bishop of Worcester: Cunctarum Nationum, quae infra Britanniam includuntur, Imperator & Dominus; which one of his successors long since as rightly challenged. For, when Anselm, Archbishop of Canterbury, having incurred William the second's displeasure, durst yet adventure to ask leave of him to go to receive his Pall of P P. Urban 1 1. when Rome was even bleeding of her wounds taken in that great Schism about Wibert Archbishop of Ravenna, whom Hen. IU. taking upon him the imperial supremacy, would have invested in the Popedom; the King, at the very name of the Pope, was extremely moved; and thus was his reason. Dicebat (saith Matthew Paris) Imperator sui officij esse quem vellet Papam eligere, nec erat alterius Apostolicum etiam nominare. Rex Willielmus allegavit eandem rationem, quod nullus Archiepiscopus vel Episcopus, regni sui Curiae Romanae vel Papae subesset, praecipuè cum ipse omnes libertates haberet in Regno suo quas Imperator vendicabat in Imperio; which withal shows how false that of Bertold of m In ap. ad Herm. Contract. ann. 1084. Circ. M. C. L. Constance is, slandering William the first with slavish submission of England to the See of Rome. So when Alfonso the VII, King of Castille, had gotten most of Spain's territories under him, rediens (saith the n Roderic. Toletan. lib. cap. 7. Story) Legionem, imposuit sihi Imperij Diadema, & vocatus fuit deinceps Imperator. Which notwithstanding is against the flattering rules of the Imperial and barbarous o Bartol. ad Con. ff. §. Om●em. Civilians, who, of the Germane Emperors, have durst deliver, that Ratione Protectionis & jurisdictionis, Imperator est Dominus Mundi, quia tenetur totum mundum defendere & protegere, sed Particularium rerum non Dominus sed Princeps. As if that weaker Greatness extended in any of their times beyond Italy and Germany (For, that long since spoken of the Roman Empire, that it was p Lamprid. in Alex. Severo. Imperium quod tenet Imperium, long since also failed) And, in those countries, hath not been so gelded, that scarce any King is, but hath his power nearer to his name. The Tramontan Doctors have been of another opinion, as they had reason living in other States. They allow the q Chassan. Catal. Glor. Mundi part. 5. consid. 27 Vide, si placet, Alciat. de Sing. Certam. cap. 32. Emperor to have supremacy, but not over the King of France, nor Spain; they might well add, nor of England, Scotland, Danemark or the like, which by prescription of time, regaining of right, or Conquest are (as the other) in no kind subject or subordinat to any, but God. And therefore, by an act r P●rl. 5. jacob. 3. cap. 30. of Parliament of Scotland, it was long since ordained, Sen our sovereign Lord hes full jurisdiction and Free Empire within this Realm, that his highness may make Notares and Tabelliones, quahis instruments shall have full faith in all causes and contracts, within the Realm: And in time to come that na Notar be maid, or to be maid, be the emperors authority, have faith in contracts civil within the Realm, less than he be examined be the Ordinar and apprieved by the King's highness. Which act, it seems, had it not been for the imperials there in use, according s Baldin Feud. quis dicatur Dux. Et Wesenbech. in Paratit. ff. De fide instrument. to which, Public Notaries are to be made only by the Emperor, his Palatines, or such like, need not to have been made. For what might not a King (absolute in regard of any, superior) do, which the Emperor could? And, in England that constitution of Public Notaries t Regist. Orig. fol. 114. b. in breu. de Deceptione. was long since without scruple, or any Act for it. Therefore, as the name of Emperor was (notwithstanding some particular differences) lawfully given as well to him of the East, as of the West, and allowed so by the Western r Act. 8. Synod. Oecumenic. Dist. 63. c. Hadrianus vide verò Capitis 5. extremum; ubi Foedus, quod icerunt Rodulph. 11. & Achmetes Turcarum Imperator. part; in like form it is or may be without difficulty applied to, or used by any which is truly a King. The Dukes of Moscovy anciently had no other title than Weliki Knesi i. in Russian, Great Dukes. But Basilius that governed there about M. D. XX. (Grandfather to the last Theodor) took to himself the name of King or Emperor i. Czar, not derived from Caesar (which interpreters mistaking, wrote him Emperor; and thence is it that we now usually call him Emperor of Russia, because Caesar is grown as it were proper only to an Emperor) but a mere Russian word, they using Kessar expressly and anciently for the Emperor of Germany, different from Czar. Yet this title he used not to all Princes. In his Letters to the Emperor, the Pope, the King of Swethland and Dane, the Governors of Prussia and Livonia, and to the Great Turk, he used it, but not to the Polonian. Neuter n: (saith my x Sigismond. Com. Rer. Moscovitic. & Ga' guin. Moschou. cap. 5. Imperator totius Russiae in titulo dictus, apud I. Fabrum in Epist. ad Ferd. Archiducem. author) horum alterius literas novo titulo auctas accipere dignatur. They are neighbours, and therefore the more suspect each other. But that Basilius held himself rather the better man being compared with the Emperor, Nomen suum & titulum Imperatorio semper praeponens, sive loqueretur sive scriberet. With his precedence, I meddle not. But I see not reason why he might not use either the name of King or Emperor out of his own authority, as well as the Emperor. Neither needed he have written to the Pope for the name of King, as some affirm he did; But Sigismond beleeus it not, because he was ever an enemy to the Pope, and the best title he could find for him was never above Doctor. For that of King in Letters to the Polack, this Basilus his son (saith Gaguin) used it to him, that is, john Basilivitz, said a Polono nunquam (saith he) nisi MAGNI DUCIS titulo honoratur. Other y Lit Reg. Elizab. ap. Hakluit. part. 1. pag. 339. Princes give him sometimes the title of Emperor, sometimes Great Duke and King. But you shall very often meet with the name of King given to those which were in Clientela Imperatoris, as, of old, the Princes constituted by the Romans, in Parthia, Armenia, Arabia, Persia, jury, and other parts of the world. For they had (as Tacitus a In vit. Agricolae. says) instrumenta servitutis & Reges. And in later times the Emperor created Kings, as other titles. Frederique Barbarossa in M. CLVIII. made b Radevic. lib. 1 cap. 13. verum titulo Regio à Philippo Anti-Caesare donatus est Primislaus M. C. XCIX. Arnoldus Lubecensis Slavor lib. 6. cap. 2. Ladislaus, Duke of Bohemia, King of the same Territory. For, that which Otto de S. Blasio hath of it, under M. C. LXXXVI. is to be referred to that time. And other such examples are. These may be and are called Kings, and had in them (potestatem gladij) power of life and death as, in the ceremony of their investiture, is expressed, which was by delivering a sword. Est n. consuetudo Curiae (writes an c Otto frisingen's de Frederic. 1. lib. 2. cap. 5 ubi librarioum fortean Typographi incuriâ Suews & Guuto perperàm leguntur. ancient Bishop) ut regna per Gladium, Provinciae per Vexillum à Principe tradantur vel recipiantur. Petrus verò, accepto ab ipsius manu regno, fidelitate & hominio ei obligabatur. Ita coronâ Regni per manum Principis sibi impositâ, in die sancto Pentecostes, ipse coronatus gladium Regis sub corona incedentis portau●t. He means, by this Peter, Sueno iv King of Danemark (for he was known by both those names) twixt whom and his cousin Cnuto was great controversy, for the Kingdom, determined thus by the Emperor at Martinesburg in Saxony. The mention of the like made in Otto de S. Blasio, must be understood of Waldemar I. who received both this and Swethland of the Emperor at Bisonçe. And King Harold, before that, when d Helmold. bist. Slavor. 1. cap. 9 the Danish Nation was first Christened, received it of Otho the great. Now it acknowledges no superior. But so many as have, or do, as feudatories to other Princes, are excluded out of their rank which before are indifferently titled Kings or Emperors. The K. of Bohemia (when it was in another hand, from the Empire) although he were crowned and anointed, yet, being in a manner the Emperor's e Aur. Bull. Caroli 4. cap. 8. Subject, wanted perfect Supremacy for it; as also, they of Sicily when they had investiture from the Pope, they of Cyprus being anciently as Tenants (yet crowned) to f Arnold. Lubecens. Chron. Slau. lib. 5. cap. 2 both Empires, and such like; even as much almost as that Perseus, who, when L. Aemilius Paulus had spoiled him of his Kingdom of Macedon, and compelled to flight, yet was so ambitious of his former title, that he made the inscription of his letters to Aemilius thus: g Liu. Decad. 5. lib. 5. Rex Perseus, Consuli Paulo S. it being, at that time, under Aemilius and the State of Rome's arbitrement, whether ever he should be King again or no. Wherefore Aemilius would not so much as give answer to his Messengers, until they had brought him letters inscribed with a meaner title. As, on the other side, when Edward III. besieged Tourney, and sent letters of challenge to a single combat, to the then pretended French K. he would not call him King, but only, Philip of Valois, whereupon he had this answer: h Ex ms. vet. sed Latinè literas habet Th. Walsing. sub ann. 1340. Philip per la grace de Dieu Roy de France, a Edward Roy D'Engleterre. Nous auons vous letres apportes a nostre Court enuoyetz de par vous au Philip de Valois, en quells letter's estoient contenuz ascun requests que vous fezistes au dit Philip de Valois. Et pur ceo que les dits letters ne veignant pas a nous, & que les dits requests ne est●yent pas faits a nous, come appiert clerement per le tenure des letters, nous ne vous en fesons nul response. You know that i Martial. Epig. 18. lib. 2. upon Maximus Esse sat est servum: iam nolo Vicarius esse Qui Rex est, Regem, Maxim, non habeat. Therefore did Francis the first of France much dislike, that, Charles the v. should k Bodin. de Repub. 1. cap. 9 call himself King of Naples and Sicily, enjoying them as the Pope's Vassal, or Tenant. And, when PP. Pius iv would have made Cosmo de Medici Duke of Florence, of the same State King, the neighbour Princes endured it not, and the Emperor Maximilian II. answered directly to the French Kings Ambassador about it, Non habet Italia Regem nisi Caesarem. And in that Heptarchy of our Saxons, usually six of the Kings were but as subjects to the supreme, whom they called Anglorum l Ethelwerd. l. 3 c. 2. Beda hist. eccles. 2. cap. 5. Circa DCCC. XX Rex Primus, or such like, which was as well given to others (the first, that had it, being Aella King of Sussex) as to that Egbert, whose glory and greatness consisted rather in the swallowing up of the other subject Kingdoms into his own Rule, and in the new naming of the Heptarchy England in one word (for he in Parliamento, saith my m Ex Instrum. lib. Hospital. S. Leonardi Eborms. Idem ferè in Alred. Rhtuallensis Vitâ S Edwardi. Verùm ab Anglorum adventu ita dictam scribit 10. S●risburiensis Policratic. 6. cap. 16. alij ab Hengisto, ut Hector Boet. Scot hist. 7. & 10. Gower Epig. in Confess. Amantis, & Harding●s. author, apud Wintoniam mutavit nomen Regni, de consensu populi sui, & jussit illud de caetero vocari Angliam.) then in being of larger Dominion than any was before him. Those inferior Kings are like in some proportion to those of Man, who have had it always by a tenure from their sovereigns, the Kings of England, especially ever since Henry iv, possessing it by the forfeiture of the Lord Scrop, invested Henry Percy Earl of Northumberland in it, in fee simple, to hold it per seruitium portandi diebus Coronationis nostrae (as the Patent n Pat. 1. Hen. 4. Rot. 2. & Th. Walsingbam. speaks) & haeredum nostrorum ad sinistrum humerum nostrum & sinistros humeros haeredum nostrorum per seipsum aut sufficientem & honorificum deputatum suum, illum Gladium nudum, quo cincti eramus quando in part de holderness applicuinus, vocatum I ancaster Sword. It hath been since, by Escheat, in the Crown, and was bestowed on the noble Family of the Stanley's, by the same K. Henry, and in their o Camdenus. Posterity, being Earls of Derby, it continueth. So was Henry of Beuchamp Earl of Warwick, by Henry VI crowned K. of the Isle of Wight; and in him also that title ended. But all these are little otherwise Kings, than Dukes or Earls are. They bear the name, but not the true marks of Royal majesty; rather to be styled Reguli then Reges, being subjects in respect of those whose Majesties they were bound to observe, and obey. For me thinks it looks like false Latin, where our Henry II. grants Roderigo p Transactio inter Hen. 1●. & Roderic. apud Roger. de Hoveden. ligio homini suo, Regi Conactae (in Ireland) that he shall have his territory paying a certain tribute, & quamdiù ei fideliter seruiet, ut sit Rex sub eo Paratus ad seruitium suum sicut homo suus. Yet in grants q Claus. R. joh. 6. memb. 18. 17. joh. Chart. memb. 3. 6. Hen. 3. Chart. memb. 2. in Arce Londinens. made by K. john and Henry III. to the Kings of Conaght, and Tesmond, the like title of Rex is; which is observed also by the learned Sr john davis Knight his majesties Attorney General for Ireland; as also that in the Pipe Rolls of Hen. III. his time, yet remaining in Bremighams' Tower in the Castle of Dublin, sometime Oneale Rex (upon accounts) sometime Oneale Regulus occurs. And when Reginald K. of Man had done his homage as a tenant to r Chronic. Mannae. K. john, and likewise to Henry III. yet thus Henry III. speaks in his s Pat. 3. Hen. 3. memb. 1. Letters of him. Sciatis quod dilectus & fidelis noster Reginaldus Rex de Man venit ad fidem & seruitium nostrum, & nobis homagium fecit. Et ideo vobis mandamus, quod in terram ipsius Reginaldi Regis de Man, saluo & secure veniatis, & negotia ibidem expectatis, quamdiu fuerit ad fidem & seruitium nostrum. T. Domino P. Wintoniensi Episcopo, apud Nowm Templum Londini XXIII. die septemb. anno etc. III. These kind of titles misgiven or mistaken was the cause of that great Attribute, of King of Kings, used by some supreme Monarches. It first was in the first of the four Empires. Nabuchodonosor t Daniel cap. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ebraicè 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quo nomine Romanum Imperatorem vetustiss. Rabbinis dictum notat. CL. V & literarum (dum vixit) praeses IS. Casaubonus ad Trebel. Pollionis Valerianos. is so styled in holy Writ, being then King of Babylon. And, it seems, in Moses, as much is signified; whence he, reciting the wars of divers petit Kings, begins, u Genes. 14. And it came to pass in the days of Amraphel K. of Shinaghr (i. of Babylon) that the other Kings did thus and thus. Keeping his note of time, under his name, which was King of those Kings. And after the translation of the Empire to the Persians, Artaxerxes Mnemon in his commission to Ezra, for restitution of jerusalem and the Temple, thus x Ezra cap. 7. salutes him. Artaxerxes (or Arthahastha, as in the Original) King of Kings to Ezra the Priest. And on the great Cyrus his Tomb was for an Epitaph written in Persian characters, if you beleeu y Eustath. ad Dionys. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. & Strab. Geograph. 15. the authors, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 z Rex Regum. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. which title also that conquering a Diodor. Biblioth. α. Sesoosis K. of Egypt (the same with Sesostris in Herodotus) attributed to himself in his erected columns of Victory. The like had Artaxerxes Longimanus of Persia in b Hippocrat. in Epistolis. letters to and from him, who is in them also styled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. the great King. This of Great King was used in the first Empire, as you read it in the story of judith cap. III. Thus saith the Great King, Lord of all the earth. But that whole relation seems rather a holy Poem than a Story, as, by comparing of Times, in it and authentic writ, appears. Neither is any such matter known among the hebrews but from Europe: although they have her name in h Brought. in Consent. another report of some CL. before Christ, which hath scarce any community in matter with this. For better authority, take this of the a Esa. cap. 36. 4 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Prophet: So saith the Great King, the King of Assur. The same, applied to the Persian, hath Herodotus, Xenophon, josephus, the Apocrypha of Esther, and Aeschylus. And the bare b Scholiast. Aristophan. in A 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. The King, without addition, is specially used for the Persian, whence the nation is c Dionys. Afer. in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. styled also— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. So that both those titles were common to both those Emperors (of the two first Empires) but not that ceremony of Supremacy (which by the way I note; because it falls 'mongst things here treated of in story) of demanding a portion of Earth and Water, by their Heralds, of such Princes or People as should acknowledge themselves under their subjection. That is often spoken of as done by the Persian, and a special example of it is in Darius' d Herodot in Melpom. Letters to Indathyrsus King of the Scythians, where he first invites him to the fiield, but, if he would not, then, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 THAN 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. bringing to your sovereign as gifts, Water and Earth, come to a parley; and, one of Xerxes his Ambassadors, that came to demand e Polyb. hist. 〈◊〉. in orat. Lucisci. & de hoc more, Plutarch. in Themistocle. Earth and Water of the state of Lacedaemon, to satisfy him, was thrust into a Well, & Earth cast in upon him. But referred to the Assyrians I find it not, except only in judith cap. II. where the King commands Olophernes that he should bid all the Western Nations 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i prepare me Earth and Water. But I guess, the composer of the story, in a later age, was bold hither to transfer it, as a fit form of command for his supposed Nabuchodonosor: Although I know, a most f Drus. observat. 12. cap. 20. learned man of this time, makes it indifferent to both Empires, grounding himself on that of judith, which indeed, without special regard to profane story, cannot be understood. Nor is this custom altogether a stranger doubtless to that which g Hist. Nat. 22. cap. 4. Pliny speaks of; Summum (saith he) apud antiquos signum Victoriae erat, Herbam porrigere Victos, hoc est, terrâ & altrice ipsâ humo, & humatione etiam cedere: quem morem etiam nnnc durare apud Germanos scio. Whence came the phrase Herbam dare, or porrigere for yielding, applied h Nonius & Festus. most of all to such as lost in Games of running, leaping, wrestling, and such like. In Agonibus (saith i In Antiquitatib. apud Seruium in Aeneid. 8. Varro) herbam in modum palmae dat aliquis ei cum quo contendere non cupit, & fatetur esse meliorem. And the taking up of fish amongst water out of a Well was interpreted as a promise of the Dominion k Semus ap. Athen. Dipnosoph. 8. of the Sea, to the Athenians in their sacrifices in Delos; as also, when William the Norman first landing at Hastings in Sussex, fell down, stumbling as he came out of his Ship: Tenes l Malmesbur. de gest. Reg. 3. Angliam Comes (said one of his Knights) Rex futurus; and, espying that m Hist. Normanic. ap. Camd. in Reliquijs. he had brought up Sand and Earth in his hand, added; Yea and you have taken Livery and Seisin of the Country. But, this somewhat out of the way. That of King of Kings hath been used by other States beside any of those Empires. After the Persians, their neighbours the Parthians had it. Regem etiam Regum & exercitatione venandi & convictu Megistanûm abstinuisse, quod apud Parthos iustitij instar est, Is the report of n In Caligul. cap. 5. Vid. Treb. Poll. in Valeriano. & ibi Casaubon. Sueton upon the death of Tiberius. whence, it seems, it was left long after to o Const. Porphyrogenit. de administr. Rom. Imp. cap. 44. the Prince of Armenia, styled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. p Trebellius Poll. in Valerian. Princeps Principum. the Prince of Princes, as the elder Valerian was expressly titled in letters of an Eastern King. Of the Egyptian Sesostris, before. How the Western Emperors affected it, I remember not: only, as you know, the jest, of Maximilian, was, that whereas others were Reges Hominum, he was Rex Regum, because his subjects would do what they list. It's found among the titles of our Sovereigns Ancestors, when under them they had Kings for subjects. In a Charter made to the Abbey of Malmesbury, in DCCCC. LXXIV. you may read: Ego Edgarus totius Albionis Basileus, necnon maritimorum seu Insulanorum Regum circumhabitantium. And in o Pat. 1. Ed. 4. part. 6. memb. 23 Pro Pr. & Conuentu Wigorn. another DCCCC. LXIV. the subscription is: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ego Edgar Basileus Anglorum & Imperator Regum Gentium. Note the Majesty of his title, well justified by his own conquests. Ille cum ingenti Class (saith Florence of Worcester) septentrionali Britanniâ circumnavigatâ, ad Legionum Vrbem (understand Chester; not Leicester, as some idly) appulit. Cui Subreguli eius octo Kinathus scilicet Rex Scotorum, Malcolmus Rex Cumbriae, Maccus plurimarum Rex Insularum (this Maccus is, in Malmesbury, called Maccusius Archipirata; I suppose him then a King of Ireland, Man, or some adjacent Isles) & alij quinque Dufnallus, Siffrethus, Hudwallus, Inchillus, (all Kings of Wales) ut mandarat, occurrerunt, & quod sibi fideles, terra & mari, cooperatores esse vellent, iuraverunt. Cum quibus die quadam scapham ascendit, illisque ad remos locatis, ipse clawm gubernaculi arripiens, per cursum fluminis Deae, peritè gubernavit, glorying afterward to his Nobility, tunc demùm quémque suorum successorum se gloriari posse Regem Anglorum fore, cum tot Regibus sibi obsequentibus potiretur pompâ talium p Non Bonorun: ut in vulgat. Cod. Florent. Wigorn. pag. 359 honorum. The like almost being before in his uncle Athelstan, who (as Malmesburies' words are) Ludwalum Regem Omnium Wallensium (I read Occidentalium Wallensiam, as Florence of Worcester and Roger of Hoveden persuade; and that Ludwal was Howel Dha.) & Constantinum Regem Scotorum cedere Regnis compulit. Quos in. non multò post miseratione infractus in antiquum statum sub se regnaturos constituit, gloriosius esse pronuncians Regem facere quam Regem esse; not much differing from that Martel of France, on whose Tomb was q Hierom. Bignon, De l'excell. des Roys. liure 3. written; Non vult Regnare sed Regibus imperat ipse: imitated in more true verse thus: C'est ce Martel le Prince de François Non Roy de nom, mais le master des Roys. For that of Athelstan, because some slight the report and endure r V Buchanan. Rer. Scotic. 6. Reg. 75. not usual authorities hereof, you may see the consent of Ethelwerd, Hoveden, Florence of Worcester, Marian the Scot (which for good part, is very Florence of Worcester; his common Chronicle, published, being but a Defloration composed by Robert of Lorraine Bishop of Hereford under Hen. 〈◊〉.) Huntingdon and other ancients. But those commanding honours in Edgar, added enough also to the allowance of the title of Emperor, which, you see, he used. Others by making our Sovereigns as successors (in this part) to Constantine the great, confirm it. It's the more to be regarded coming from a great Lawyer and a Palatine s Basin stoch. hist. 2. not. 20. Doctor, who commenting upon a piece of that fabulous Oracle of Diana given to Brute, Hic de prole tua Reges nascentur: & ipsis Totius terrae subditus Orbis erit makes it fulfilled in Constantine, and cities S. Gregory writing to K. Ethelbert of Kent, & eum quasi Constantini Magni successorem alioquentem. I confess, his Genius must have better understanding of S. Gregory then mine, or else there is no such matter to be collected in him. You may see his t Gregor. lib. 9 Epist. 59 & 60. Epistles. But he may not be blamed for insisting upon Constantine's birth here. It's most likely that, in Britain, he was born. Liberavit ille (saith u Panegyric. dixerint licet & v. Panegyric. Facerem. one to him, speaking of his father Constantius) Britannias' servitute, tu etiam nobiles, illîc Oriendo, fecisti: which Testimony I prefer before Nicephorus Callistus, affirming his birth at Drepanum in Bythinia; or x Mathes. lib. 1. julius Firmicus, that says, at Tarsus; or Cedrens, that writes, in Dacia. I doubt not, but the Panegyrist could as well know, as any of them, and better, save only Firmicus, whose passage thereof may well be thought corrupted. The other two being of much later time. Lipsius here y De Magnit. Rom. 4. cap. 11. erroneously follows Callistus, and one Levinaeus, a new Scholiast upon the Panegyriques, after him. His mother was z De hâc Heroinâ, post alios innumeros, consulas Luitprand. Ticinen. hist. 1. cap. 8. ubi legendum, Britannica matter, non Ritannica, ut in procusorum nonnullis. Helen (she is honoured in the Church to this day, in the Feast of Her Invention of the Cross) a British woman, and, as is supposed, daughter to King Coil. But for his birth in this Isle you shall have imperial authority of which, as used to this purpose, I dare challenge the maidenhead. Constantine Porphyrogennetes (he was Emperor of Constantinople about DCCC. XX.) advising his son Romanus that he should by no means marry a stranger, because all Nation's dissonant from the government and manners of the Empire, by a law, of Constantine the Great, established in S. Sophy's Church, were prohibited the height of that Honour, excepted only the Franks, adds reason of the excption 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (i. Constantine the Great) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because Constantine was born amongst them: which could aim at no other country but Britain. For where, in Europe, hath any man supposed him born, but here, or in Dacia? And the barbarousness of Dacia in those times could not admit the exception, by all likelihood. And who knows not that familiar use of Franks for Western Europeans, among the Constantinopolitans of later times? The tradition then acknowledged by his successors, preserved 'mongst us, and appearing in such monuments of ancient times cannot easily be impugned. And, for men of this age, Our light of Britain, most learned Camden Clarenceulx, and that great Chronologer Cardinal Baronius are confident on this part. Hereto take an antic a Robert. Glocestrens. ms. hist. metricâ. rhyme spoken as to King Arthur: Now it worth iended that Sibile the sage sed bivore, That there ssold of Brutaine three men be ybore, That ssold win the Aumpire of Rome; of tweyydo it is As of b Belinus. Belly & Constantin, & thou art the thread iwis. But none of these so really justify the supreme title of Emperor in our Sovereigns, as their own immemorially possessed Right. Remember what I have before of William II. and observe that unreasonable and most unjust request of the Emperor Lewes of Baviere to our Edward III. in their mutual salutations of State at Cologne. The Emperor thought much quod Rex Angliae (saith Walsingham) non se submisit ad oscula pedum suorum. Cui responsum fuit quod Rex Angliae Rex erat inunctus, & habet vitam & membrum in Potestate sua, & idcircò non debet se submittere tantum sicut Rex alius. Which I the rather cite in regard of that use among some of the Roman Emperors to be honoured by a Kiss to their Feet. For, whereas it was usual either to kiss c Cicer. in Verr. act. 5. de Herculis statue. & Lucret. lib. 1. saepè salutantum etc. the Images of their false Gods, or adoring to stand somewhat off before them, solemnly moving their right hands to their lips, kissing the d Apuleius Miles. 4. & Plin. hist. 28. cap. 2. alij. & videses 1. Reg cap. 19 18. & job. 31. come. 26. & 27. forefinger joined with the thumb, and turning about their bodies on the fame hand (of which form, a good relic is in the Court-salutations used in most places at this day, as learned e P. Pithaeus Adverse. 1. cap. 7. & Lips. Elect. 2. cap. 6. men have observed) it grew also, by custom, that Princes being next to Deities, and, by some accounted as Deities, had the like done to them, in acknowledgement of Greatness. Nay, it was not wanting to some of the Roman Generals, before the Empire began, as the Story of Cato Minor proves, whose Hands the Army, in special honour of him at his departure, kissed, being a favour which few f Plutarch. in Cat. Min. de hac re vide eum in Bruto, ubi de coniuratis in Caesarem. of his place in those days received among the Romans. But, for kissing the mouth (to omit that of Samuel to Saul in his anointing) its apparent that in the julian Empire it was very usual at first. Oscula cottidiana (saith Sueton, of Tiberius) prohibuit edicto. Yet his Edict against them, so took not the use away, but that it was frequent, after him, in their salutations. The reading of Martial alone tells every man enough of that. But, when some of his successors could not content themselves with the name of Man, but would be called jupiter, be supposed carnally to lie with Venus and the Moon, and with infinite such like fanatic conceits seemed to themselves Divine, they were not satisfied with that usual custom, but thought him much to wrong their majesty which in kissing presumed above their Feet, although some permitted their Hands, and Knees to the better rank. Examples of the Feet and Hands are in g Dio Cass. hist. 59 Caligula (and in him first) and of the Knees, Feet, and Hands in the younger Maximin; yet his father, the elder Maximin although a tyrannical and most wicked Prince, would h Capitolin. in Maximino juniore. suffer none to his Feet; Dij prohibeant (were his words) ut quisquam ingenuorum pedibus meis osculum figat. But Diocletian (as Pomponius Laetus writes) constituted by Edict, uti omnes, sine generis discrimine, prostrati pedes exoscularentur: quibus etiam venerationem quandam adhibuit exornans calciamenta auro, gemmis, & margaritis. As the Bishop of Rome doth for those which kiss his Foot; being in a crimson i Basingst●ch. hist. Brit. 6. not. 9 velvet shoe with a golden cross on it. A ceremony anciently used to other k Casaubon. Exercit. 14. §. 4. in Baronium. Bishops and great Prelates as well as the Pope. But, of this custom to the Emperors, Et Tenu êre (saith Lipsius') superbum, ne dicam impium hunc morem (quid n. homo, infra hominem, hominem abijcis?) Principes aliquot secuti, sed non è bonis. And of one of their best Princes, Alexander Severus, is delivered, l Lampridius in eius vita. that Salutabatur nomine, hoc est, ave Alexander. Siquis caput flexisset, aut blandius aliquid dixisset uti adulator, vel abijciebatur, si loci eius qualitas pateretur, vel ridebatur ingenti cachinno, si eius dignitas graviori subiacere non posset iniuriae. That, to the Knee, was of later time in the m Helmold. hist. Sclavor. 2. cap. 15. edit. Reineccij. v. Cantacuzen. hist. 1. c. 16. Eastern Empire, which Conrade III. extremely disliked at his interview with Emanuel Comnenus, neither would he, for honour to the Person he did bear (being Emperor of the West) so much as permit the Emperor Emanuel to sit and receive a kiss of salutation from him standing. Whereupon the matter was composed by their Counsellors on both sides, so, that in Equis se viderent, & ita ex parilitate Conuenientes sedendo se & osculando salutarent. Neither would Muleasses, King of Tunis, kiss Pope Paul III. his Foot, but Knee only. Kissing the Hand is yet usual by Inferiors, or by those which give token of their serviceable love to Great Persons; as it was anciently n Arrian. in Epictet. 1. cap. 19 Senec. Ep. 119. alibi. also. And some reason for it may be collected out of that in Pliny. Inest (saith o Hist. 11. c. 45. he) in alijs partibus quaedam religio, sicut Dextra Osculis aversa appetitur, fide porrigitur. It hath been, it seems, derived out of Asia into Europe. When the old Persians meet (saith mine p Herodot. in Clio. author) you may know whether they he Equal or not. For in Salutation they kiss each other, but if one be somewhat inferior they kiss only the cheeks: but if the one be far more ignoble (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 q Hâc fere phrasi utitur D. Matth. cap. 4. come 9 atque idem est quod Curtio lib. 8. procumbere. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) he falls down and adores the other. Where, note by the way, the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. adoro. And as Adoro hath its derivation from putting the hand to the mouth, quòd ad ora sive ad os manum (or rather digitum r Vide verò Hesychium in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. salutarem, whence the forefinger had that name à salutando) admovemus, which, against other idle Etymons, will be justified, so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is truly interpreted in Adosculor (if the composition be lawful) or Adoro; both signifying to honour by kissing the hand. Qui n. adorant (saith S. s Defence. contra Ruffin. lib. 1. Hierom) solent deosculari manum & capita submittere— & Hebraei, juxta linguae suae proprietatem, deosculationem pro veneratione ponunt; whereupon he turns 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Psalm. 11. Adorate filium, which others make Osculamim filium. And, that in this sense, Adorare is alone taken, this passage in t Historiar. 1. verum etiam adorare & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nonnunquam pro corpus humi prosternere antiquitus accipitur, ut videre est in Esth. Apoc cap. 13. come. 20. Aemilio Probo in Conone, alibi. Tacitus will enough explain. Nec deerat Otho protendens manus adorare vulgum, iacere oscula, & omnia seruilitèr pro Dominatione. But, the Falling down, added to the Adoration, was the greatest and the Persian honour used towards their potentates & Kings. Thence have you adorari more Persarum & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Which is expressed by Euripides thus personating Phrygius, to Orestes, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— And Ipse (saith Lampridius of Alexand. Sevorus) adorari se vetuit (that is with the Divine respect of kissing the hand) quum iam caepisset Heliogabalus adorari, Regum more Persarum. Another of u Trebellius Pollio in 30. Tyrannis videses Theophil Ad Autolic. lib. 1. de adorando Caesare. Zenobia: Adorata est more Regum Persarun. Whence, Seneca x De Beneficijs 2. cap. 12. speaking of Caligula's offering his foot to kiss, says, he was homo natus in hoc, ut mores liberae Civitatis Persicâ servitute mutaret. But, in Alexander's turning the Grecian liberty into this servitude, Q. Curtius expresses it by venerari procumbre, & humi corpus prosternere. And thereof saith justin, Retentus est à Macedonibus mos salutandi Regis, explosa adoratione. Whereas plainly Adoration, & Salutation with a kiss of the hand, is all one in the right sense of the word. How much the greatest kind of adoration is used to the Great Duke of Moscovy, the King of calicut, the great Chan, the Turk, and such more you may easily see in Relations of their States. How the jewish Nation avoided it, the story of Haman & Mordechai discovers. And you may remember y Pet. Vict. Hist. septenary liure. 1. Philip II. of Spain his answer to the Ambassadors of Germany, reproving him because he would have every man speak to him kneeling. He excused it, only lest, he being so short, his taller subjects should be above him. But among the Persians z Xenoph. Cyropaed. 1. & 5. & in Agesilao. also it was in use to Kiss at their Farewells, as likewise among the a Gen. 31. 28. jews. And some think that it was, as an honour, in the Roman state, to their women whom their b Plutarch. problem. Rom. 6. v. cum de virt. Mulier. Plin. lib. 14. cap. 12. alios. kinsmen only (not others indifferently as the use was betwixt Men) kissed at their salutations, although divers other reasons are delivered for that matter. And when Eumaeus, in the fields, first saw his young master Telemachus, newly come home, — c Odyss. 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— he met him, he kissed his head, his eyes and both his hands. And when the Argonautiques came to Chirons' Den to see Achilles, Chiron entertained them, and — d Orpheus in Argonautic. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. kissed every one of them. Where, and in other examples, it appears that a kiss given and taken, was accounted as a speaking and mutual sign of obsequious e v. si vis, C. de Domestic. l. 1. & ibid. DD. ubi ad osculum admitti, honos maximus. or peaceful love, according to the quality of the Persons receiving and giving. And in Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is both to love and to kiss, as it is also to this purpose observed, I remember, somewhere in Xenophon. So I understand Laban's kissing of jacob, and Esan's also, although a jewish f Rabbi janna ap. Buxtorf. Thesaur. Gram. 1. cap. 5. fable supposes, that he fell on jacob to bite him, and that jacobs' neck presently became as hard as marble, and so resisted his teeth. In like manner understand that of the g D. Luc. 7. come. 45. Evangelist, Thou gavest me no kiss, but she from the time I came to her, ceased not from kissing my feet; and sufficient analogy is twixt this kind, and the Holy Kiss, or Kiss of Charity, in the Primitive Church which is spoken of in the holy Epistles, and, with which Christians after * Tertullian. lib. de Orat. & Origen. lib. 10. in Epist. ad Rom. c. 16. their solemn prayers, used to salute each other. In the story also of Thomas of Canterbury under our Henry I 〈◊〉 soft (as elsewhere) occurs, the receiving him in Osculo Pacis. It hath been used to the Feet in Homages done upon investitures, as you may h Ms. vet. apud. Camd. & vide G. Gemiticens'. lib. 2. cap. 17. De fide data, osculo libato, & porrectâ dextrâ vide Suid. in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. see in that of Rollo or Robert, first Duke of Normandy, receiving the Duchy from Charles the simple, and such more. Hence at this day it so far continues, that when the Tenant doth Homage to his Lord or King, he is, among other ceremonies, to kiss him, whereupon in time of Henry VI a great plague i Rot. Parl. 18. Hen. 6. artic. 5●. being about London, a petition was put up in Parliament, desiring the King for his own preservation To ordain and grant (so are the words of the Roll) by the authority of this present Parliament, that every of your said liege's, in the doing of their said Homage, may omit the said Kissing of you, and be excused thereof, at your will (the Homage being of the same force as though they kissed you) and have their letters of doing of their Homage, the kissing of you omitted notwithstanding; and the subscription is Le Roy le voet, as the usual words of his consent are. And for the subjects to kiss their King; I read, k R. Abenezra ap. Drus. Obseru. 2. cap. 16. it was usual in India, whereas on the other side those of Numidia, more gentis suae, nulli mortalium osculum ferebant. Which my l Ualer. Max. l b. 2. cap. 6. author commends in them, and gives this his reason, Quicquid n. in excelso fastigio positum est, humili & trita consuetudine, quo sit venerabilius, vacuum esse convenit. But, of Kissing, too much. It must be then concluded, that to such Princes as have their own right next under God (as our Sovereigns, and divers other) may well be challenged, with respect to what they Rule, any Title, that the Emperors have had to express them as Monarches or great potentates; those other Kings having their Monarchies (regarding the particular liberty of every one's Country as in supreme and sure right 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 m Aristot. Politic. 3. cap. 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. by reason of their lawful succession, as any Emperor possibly could have. The Latin, Greek, and the chief Eastern tongues for KING are before mentioned. In the Provincial languages or Romances (as the French and Spanish are called) I'll Re, Roy, & Re are plainly from Rex. But the Dutch, Danish, and English word Coning, Konig, or King (which is but a contraction of the first) is of a particular notation, and by original of its own. It signifies Mighty or Potent: not so much Wise or Valiant as some will. Who sees it not in our common word, Can, for Posse? So that Coning or King is literally Dynastes. Hence some will have our word Queen (for the King's wife) as contracted of Konigin or Cunigine, which would be strange in her, if it be interpreted Stout or Valiant words rarely applied to that Sex. I rather guess it from Quen, which by pronunciation became Queen. Quen interprets a Companion, and is the same with Comes. Take for it, this testimony out of an old n Siperis de Vineaux chez, Claud. Fauchet en l'orig. dez Dign. 2. c. 5. Romaunt: Le Conte de Lancastre, qui et a nom Henri, Met a counsel le Conte qu' on dit de Warwic Sire Quens, dites moi, per Dieu ie vos en pri etc. And, who knows not, that, in our French statutes our Queens are ordinarily called Le compagnon nostre seignior le Roy, or Company as it is in Britton, and sometimes in Latin Censors nostra? And, in the Civil law, the Empresses are Consortes Augusti. Agreeing with this exactly is the old Dutch, wherein o Vulcan. in specim. ling. septent. pag. 65. & 66. Gomman and Quena are Man and Wife. A word somewhat near, among our ancient Britons, signified King or some such like; I mean Cuno, being so often in their and the Gaulish King's names, as, in Cunobelin, Cuneglas, Cyngetorix, Cunedage, Congolitan, which occur in Caesar, Tacitus, Dio, Polybius, and others; and Cynoc in British (so, most learned Camden teaches me) is Chief or Principal. But their special word for King is Brennin or Uhrennin. In old Indian 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was a King, if you beleeu some p Io. Tzetz. in Chiliad. & Mes. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Grammarians thence deriving Dionysius (that is Bacchus) from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. But, I remember, the Phoenix q Scalig. animaduers. in Eu-Euseb. pag. 41. of learned men slights it as a toy of Daring grammaticasters, as questionless he might well. In the jonique, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; whence Lycophron calls jupiter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; and r Is. Tzetz. ad Lycropron. Hipponax, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The Lybians, if you credit s Scholiast. Pindar. Pythionic. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & Herodot. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. authority, used for him the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. In the holy tongue of the Egyptians 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 expressed this Title, as t Manetho apud joseph. adu. App. 1. some say. In Ethiopian, Negush; In Turkish and Persian, Padescha. In Slavonique ⁿ Cral, and, the Queen, Cralna, which the Polonians call Crol, and Crolna. Whence the later Greeks have x Georg. Acropolit. Chron. Constant. & ad illum Theodorus Douza. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for the King of Servia and Hungary, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for Queen. Title of Dominus or Lord prohibited by some Emperors. Dominus and Rex used in ordinary salutations. First Emperor that permitted himself to be called Dominus. First that writ himself so in his Coins. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Amera. Maranatha. A jewish sect allowing Dominus to none but the Almighty. A conjectural reason of their error. Adonai. The Tetragrammaton name of God, when and how it was spoken amongst the jews. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 absolutely. signor, and Senior for Dominus, or a superior governor. Alsheich, and Sheich among the Arabians. The Persian Schach, and Saa. Dominus. Spanish Don. Punic in Plautus amended. The Phoenician, Syrian, and Grecian Salutations or Farewells. Women called Dominae after XIV. How Female-heirs were wont to be in Ward in England. Lord of Ireland; how it began in our sovereigns Ancestors. Pope Hadrians' letter to Hen. II. about Ireland. Constantins Donation to the See of Rome. A Ring se●● to Hen. II. as token of investiture in Ireland. The Petit Kings of Ireland, anciently. A Crown of Peacock's feathers to Prince john being Lord of Ireland. The Dominion of Ireland anciently Royal. The Act which altered the title of Lord into King. Lord, whence its original. Lar and Lartes. Laverd. Loverd. An essay of a very ancient rhythmical translation of the Psalms. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and Truchtin. Milordi. The name of Gods to Princes. Antiochus his spoiling the jews Bible's which Baconbroth. The name of God impiously given to, and taken by Princes. Swearing by Princes, and by their Genius, and by their Majesty; and that among Christians. Punishments of Perjury committed on the King's name. Names of Idols in Princes and Great men's names. Nergal. Siris, Nilus. Cosmas a Patriarch swearing by his own name. Names of great men not communicated to the base multitude. Alexander's name by his request imposed on all the Priests children for one year. CHAP. III. For increase of Titulary Majesty, other attributes were anciently given to Supreme Princes, which you may call Essential names, as the other before spoken of. These were chief Domini and Dij, Lords and Gods: which, by participation, were communicated also to their Magistrates, and, private men's Greatness. That Sesosis King a Diodor. Sicul. Piblioth. a. of Egypt, on his columns, inscribed, with King of Kings, Lord of Lords, to himself. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; a title too high for humanity, and proper b D. Paul. ad Tit. c. 6. come. 25. indeed to the Great and Almighty King of Heaven. The Roman Octavian utterly refused the name of Dominus, or Lord. Domini Appellationem (saith Sueton) ut maledictum & opprobrium semper exhorruit. Cum spectant eo ludos, pronunciatum esset in Mimo O DOMINUM AEQWMET BONUM: & universi quasi de ipso dictum exultantes comprobassent: & Statim manu vultúque indecoras adulationes repressit, & insequenti die, gravissme corripuit edicto, DOMINUM QVE se posthac appellari, ne à liberis quidem aut nepotibus suis, vel serio vel ioco passus est: atque haiusmodi blanditias etiam inter ipsos prohibuit. For it was usual (especially somewhat after Augustus) to salute ordinarily each other with the flattering language of Lord and King, as divers places of Martial make apparent. Take this one c Martial. Epig. 68 lib. 2. idem. l. 1. Epig. 113. l. 4. Epig. 84. etc. to Olus; Quòd te nomine iam tuo saluto, Quem Regem & Dominum prius vocabam, Ne me dixeris esse contumacem. Tiberius would not endure this Title neither, not so much as in common salutation. Whereupon that Noble d Tacit. Annal. Historian and Statesman observes, unde Augusta & lubrica oratio, sub Principe, qui libertatem metuebat, adulationem oderat. And, of Domitian, sings one e Papinius Syluar. I. in K. Decemb. of his time. Tollunt innumer as, ad astra, voces Saturnalia Principis sonantes, Et dulci DOMINUM favore clamant; Hoc solum vetuit licere Caesar. which yet must be either referred to mere flattery or dissimulation; or else to the infancy of his Empire. For, by his express command the Titles of his Letters and such like were f Sipeton. in Domitia. cap. 13. Dominus & Deus noster sic fieri jubet. After this Domitian, the first that enduid the Title was Diocletian. He se primus omnium Caligulam post (saith Aurelius Victor) Domitianúmque, Dominum palam dici passus, & adorari se, apellarique uti Deum. That Apostata julian after his counterfeited fashion g In Misopogone. prohibited it also. But howsoever in public salutations it might be so much avoided by both good and bad Princes before Diocletian, it is certain, the attribute was to divers before him. Festus Lieutenant of jury in the point of S. Paul's h Act. Apost. 25. come. 26. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. appeal, calls Claudius absolutely Lord. Eudamon in his petition to Antonuius i Moetian. ff. ad leg. Rhod. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. &, Rogo Domine Imperator, eidem. ff. de his quae in testam. delentur. l. 3. calls him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. Lord Emperor, and the Emperor in his answer styles himself Lord of the World; as is before observed. And, in a golden k Adolph. Occo pag. 537. Coin, of the Great and Religious Constantine, stamped with his picture sitting, and his Cour-tgard about him, this inscription is FELICITAS PERPETVA AUGEAT REM DOMIN. NOSTR. Whereby, and the like our most judicious l Camden. Brit. Antiqnary observed, that he first in Monies and Public Titles was inscribed Dominus Noster. In the X. of Coecilius his Epistles, trajan is for the most part called Domine: although his Panegyrique, to him, hath Principis sedem obtines, ne sit Domino locus. And Rerum Domini they were after called: — Mea Gallia Rerum Ignoratur adhuc Dominis— saith one m Sidon. Apollinar. Panegyric. ad Maioran. living when the Western Empire was even at the last gasp. Neither these only but Herus also was given them, as the most learned Casaubori observes on Sueton's Octavius. For later times, frequent testimony occurs in the Imperial story. And the Greek Constitutions and other Monuments of the Constantinopolitan Emperors, commonly give them the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i Lords, for which in their later corrupted idiom you shall oft have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, sometimes n Quomodo, ex isthoc corrupto vocabubulo, errores, apud Latinorum quosdam aevi Barbari, irrepserunt, videses in Notis Theodori Douzae ad Georg. Logothetae Chronic. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The like is and hath been in every Kingdom of our Europe, as also in the Mahumedan state, where they have the name of Ameras, Amir, or Amera (applied to their great Sultan) which truly (as that of Sultan doth) may express Dominus or Lord, derived perhaps into their Arabic from the Chaldee 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. a Lord, whom that kind of excommunication o 1. ad Corinth. 16. 22. Maranatha i. the Lord cometh (otherwise to the same purpose called Semtha or Sematha, as it were p Aliter alij, & Elias Thisb. in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. v. Drus. Praeterit. 4 ad D. Ich. cap. 9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) hath its origination. But, of Amers, and Sultan's more in their place. As some of the Emperors refused this name, either because it seemed a relative to servus i. a bond slave, or in respect that it supposed (if ill interpreted) the subject and his substance in the property of the Emperor (for, in a q Ulpian. ff. de S. C. Silaniane l. 1. §. 1. Lawyer of the Empire, we read, Domini appellatione continetur qui habet Preprietatem etsi usus fructus alienus fit; & Augustus, that so much refused it, could yet be very well contented to be made a God while he yet lived.) So an old jewish sect, moved in point of conscience with error, would by no mean's acknowledge it to any Earthly Prince, affirming, it was only proper to the Monarch of Heaven; God himself. The author of this sect was r joseph. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 18. cap. 2. judas of Galilee under Tiberius. He and his followers so perversely stood for this nominal part of liberty (being, in other points, mere Pharisees) that no Torments could extort their confession of this Honorary title to to the Emperor. This judas is mentioned in the s Act. Apost. cap. 5. come. 37. New Testament. Their Heresy thus generally is spoken of by divers receiving it from josephus. But I t Consulas de hoc juda Cardinal. Baronium Annal. Tom. 1. & Casauben. Exercit. 2. §. 19 cannot be easily persuaded that they merely stood on the word Lord, Dominus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. Rab or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. Adonis, which signify to this purpose near alike. For what is more common in their and our text of the old Testament, than the name of Adonis or Lord, given to far meaner men than Princes? Thus shall you say (the words of ᵘ jacob) to my Lord [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] Esau. And in their salutations and addressed speeches, by both Testaments it appears, that, Master, Lord, or Sir (expressed in the words which we have remembered) are familiar. I guess, they superstitiously did it rather out of that dreadful respect, which the jews always had to the Tetragrammaton name of the Almighty, that is, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (now commonly expressed jehovah) which none ever durst openly, nor any x Rabbi Moses in More Nebuch. part. 1. cap. 60. verum expendas Numer. 6. come. 23. & seq. might but the high Priest sometimes pronounce, and that only in the feast of Reconciliations celebrated on the tenth of their month Tisri (as it was instituted Levitic. XXIII. come. 27. and only in the Sanctuary in his Benediction. And always when it occurred in reading, they spoke Adonai i. Lord, for it, unless Adonai went before or followed it in the text, and then they read it Elohim i. God, and upon this difference pointed it (when they had their Points) either with the Points of Adonai or Elohim. It will so appear in infinite examples, where our idiom hath the Lord God, the Latin Dominus Deus, and the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Whereupon with a respect only to the translations, a most learned and ancient * Tertullian adverse. Hermogen. qui sanè & Dominum appellari noluit Imperatorem, nisi (ut inquit ille) more communi. Apologetic. cap. 34. Father observes: Deus quidem quod erat semper Statim nominat; In principio fecit Deus coelum & terram. Ac deinceps quandiu faciebat quorum Dominus futurus erat, Deus solummodò ponit. Et dixit Deus, & fecit Deus, & vidit Deus, & nusquam adhuc Dominus. At ubi universa perfecit, ipsúmque vel maximè Hominem, qui propriè Dominum intellecturus erat, Dominus cognominatur. For indeed it is true that until Genes. 11. come 4. after the Creation perfect, the Tetragrammaton is not added to Elohim, but there first occurs 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which they read Adonai Elohim i. The Lord God. As also from the Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the b Psal. 20 Arabic. Arabic uses for it, Alrabbu i. Lord or Prince. Considering then their jewish superstitions, and how curious in ceremonies, syllables, titles, words defective either in point or letter, they were, you may with probability conjecture that here was the ground of that Galilaean sect: thinking it not fit, perhaps, to style any Mortal by that Honorary title, by any other then which the greatest, Dreadful, and c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & ineffabile passim dictum. v. Apocalyps. 19 come. 12. unspeakable name of the CREATOR was never openly expressed. Manifestè dixerunt sapientes (saith d More Nebuch. part 1. cap. 60. Rambam) quod istud nomen separatum (that is Semhammephoras i nomen explicatum aut separatum, as they usually call the Tetragrammaton) quod est quatuor literarum ipsum solummodo est significatiwm substantiae Creatoris, sine participatione cuiuslibet alterius rei. And 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (saith a later e Cantacuzen. Apolog. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. adverse. Mahomet. Grecian) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. indefinitely or absolutely the name of Lord is only due to God, but Man hath it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. With some particular addition of Person or place, In regard of which he is so Titled. But now, and from ancient time, without scruple, not Kings only, but their Nobles & subjects are usually saluted and written with the attribute of Lord or Dominus. Yet not so much as it is a relative to interest of Property (much less to servitude) but in a notion whereby it interprets a Superior, Ruler, or Governor. For we see that in Italian, French, and Spanish it is turned signor, Signior, & Sennor, which are words in Dominij ac principatus significatione usurpato, & nimirum (as one a Marian. hist. Hisp. 5. cap. 11. & in Constit. Feud. 1. Tit. 27. Seniores pro Dominis; uti & iure nostro. says) seniores imperare equum est, unde consequenti tempore tum in monimentis Hespaniae tum in Conciliorum acts, praesertim quae Caroli Magni aetate in Gallia habita sunt, Domini ac Principes Seniores nuncupari caeperunt. So the jewish Sanedrim were called b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Seniores, or Elders, and Abraham's chief servant, c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Gen. 24. come. 2. the elder of his house. And the Arabians d Mahumed Ben-david in Alagsarumit. & ibid. P. Kirsten. have their title of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Alsheich, Shah or Shach, i. Senior or Elder for men, it seems, of the better Condition: and the Epistles of S. john, published by that learned linguist, Mr. Bedwell, out of an ancient Arabic copy, have that word for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. The Elder. It is attributed to their Princes and great Lords: Schachi apellatio (saith f Pandect. Turcic. cap. 81. Leunclavius) vel Regum vel magnorum est Principum, praesertim apud Persas: sicut apud Hispanos Doni vocabulum in usu est. The present Sophi is called Schah Abas i Lord or signor Abas. So Thamas and others before him have been titled. It is the same with Saa (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) occurring in some Greek g Agathias hist. 4. cui Vararanes Rex 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Persicè dictus i. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. passages of the Persian State, and hath like signification with them (so the incomparable joseph Scaliger h Canon. Isagog. lib. 3. instructs) as Monsieur or Signior are with Europaeans, or Domnus 'mongst Writers of middle times, which is used often in Cassiodore and such more, corrupted from Dominus, and is in different copies frequently so written. Of Pipin K. of France, saith k Landulph. Sagax. Miscell. hist. 22. one of them, Primus erat in omnium dispositione rerum gentis Francorum, quibus videlicet olim moris erat Domnum i Regem secundum genus principari. And the Empress by Oppian in his Cynegeticon to Antoninus, is, in like form, corruptly styled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 CEB. is often in Coins of Severus, which remains almost yet in the Italian Donna i. Lady or Mistress. But whether the Spanish Don have hence its original, or from Adonai perhaps derived through the Maurish Arabic into Spain, I doubt. The community of the ancient African with Hebrew or Phoenician is known to the learned, as also that, the Provincial Spanish is exceedingly mixed with that African Arabic which the Maures' use; and I have read the censure of a most judicious linguist, that the fourth part, at least, of it, is Maurish Arabic, which hath its chief root in Punic or Hebrew. Now, the Punic or Phoenician Salutation was with the word Donni (doubtless from Adonis or Adoni) as appears, if no more authority were, in Plautus his Poenulus; AG. Saluta hunc rursus Punicè, verbis meis. Mi. Ano Donni, hic mihi, tibi, inquit verbis suis. Where note by the way, you must read Auo or Havo Donni i. Vive, or Salue Domine from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which is Vive, and remains almost in the Latin Have used in salutarion; and by corruption its likely they pronounced it Haudoni (as in some copies it is) whence that m Antholog. lib. 3. cap. 25. Epigram upon Meleager, expressing the several forms of Salutations or Farewells of the Syrians or hebrews, Phoenicians and Greeks, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. Pax tibi, Ebraeis usitatissimum. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. is corrected by the divine o In not add Beros. & alior. fragmenta. Scaliger, reading, for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, made of Audoni or Havo donni. Observe withal the agreement of the Phoenician and Punic salutations with the Roman and later Grecian. Of the Romans somewhat, in that kind, is before. And, I remember, Seneca somewhere notes that such, whose names occurd not, were usually called Domini; for the later Grecians, the Epigram of Pallada p Antholog. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. cap. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. shall serve, where he says that, if his friend receive any thing of him, he presently styles him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Domine frater, but if nothing, then frater only, but saith he — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. i. I will none of the DOMINE, for I have nothing to bestow. The conceit failing, if you strip it out of its own tongue. As men Domini, so were women after XIV. years of q Epictet. Enchirid. cap. 62. age called Dominae, Ladies or Dames; and in the Civil Law, r ff. de leg. & fideic. 3. l. 41. Peto a●te Domina uxor, and s ff. de annuis leg. l. Titia 19 §. 1. Domina sanctissima are words used by Husbands, in their last Wills and Testaments to their wives; and in one place is found julia. t ff. de legate. 3. l. Pater. 19 §. 4. Domina without respect to Husband or other, whereupon a great Lawyer u Cuiac. observat. 3 cap. 18. & videses Authentic. 74. cap. 4. notes Matronae dicuntur etiam Dominae, non respectu maritorum duntaxat, quo modo ipsi quoque mariti ab uxoribus Domini appellantur, sed etiam per se. So is that noble Lady, to whom the II. Epistle of S. k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. john is directed. And the Constantinopolitan Empress Irene, wife to Alexius Comnenus, is, in their * Anna Comnen. Alexiados 3. story, called, simply 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And john Bishop of Euchaita hath an Epigram 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; the like occurring often in later Writers of those parts. With us anciently, marriageable women were called Dominae. One of the iniquities y ●ract. lib. de Corona cap. 1. & in Rot. placit. Hen. 3. de Itinere, saepius. & Roger. de Houed n in Rich. 1. sol. 445. in Eire was, De Dominabus quae sunt & esse debent de Donatione Domini Regis, sive sint maritatae sive non. There being another article, de valectis & puellis qui sunt & esse debent in custodia Dominij Regis, which was touching women within the age of XXI. years. For the Law seems, that their z Idem lib. de acq. rer. dom. 2. cap. 37. §. 3. Wardships so long then continued; and that was their plenaria aetas. But those Dominae were chief such, as were out of Ward for their lands, yet in the Kings bestowing. For the ancient law, here, was, that although after XXI. years, the Lord had not to do with the marriage of his male Ward, yet, for female heirs the Lords were to provide marriages at any age, and as often as they were to marry; and, although the ancestors were yet living, yet must their consents have been had; the reason being given, in respect that the services must be done by the husband, a Glanuil. lib. 7 cap. 12. ne de inimico suo vel alio modo minùs idonea persona Homagium de feodo suo cogatur Dominus recipere. But this law was altered into what it now is, for common persons, by the Statut of b Westm. 1. cap. 22. vide, si de hijs velis, joan. Briton. lib. 3. cap. 67. III. Ed. I. And, for the King, by XXXIX. Hen. VI And in our old English Poets, Dames (i. Dominae) is often for Women in general, as a special honour for that Sex; being not out of use with us at this day, nor with the French; as also among the Italians, Donne for them, is familiar. How Dominus was usually wont to be the title of every Curate, added to his Christian name, and is now familiar for Sir to every Bachelor of Art in the Schools, all men know, and may therein observe the most different notions and uses made of it. Civilians will have it so proper to their profession, that all their Doctors must be styled by it. Nec debent ab alijs (saith Lucas de c Ad Cod. tit. de Professor ib. L. unica. Penna) quantumcunque Maximis, in eornm literis appellari Fratres sed Domini. Contrarium facientes puniendi sunt. You cannot but here look for somewhat concerning Our sovereigns ancestors their Title of Dominus, signor, or Lord of Ireland, which continued until Hen. VIII. For this, you must know that their title to Ireland is derived from Henry II. although long before, I mean in K. Edgar's time, good part of it was under the English Crown. Edgar's own words, in a Charter dated the VI of his reign, and DCCCC. LXIV of Christ, are d Inspeximus Pat. 1. Ed. 4. part. 6. memb. 23 Mihi concessit Propitia Divinitas cum Anglorum imperio omnia regna Insularum Oceani cum suis ferocissimis Regibus, usque Norwegiam, maximámque partem Hiberniae, cum sua nobilissima Civitate Dublinâ, Anglorum regno subiugare; quos etiam omnes meis imperijs colla subdare, Dei favente gratia, coegi. But this continued not in his successors. Afterward the Isles grew too full of Petit Kings, some of them converting their Government into intolerable Tyranny, which, others not enduring, made such a divided State in it, that occasion, to invade them, might thence soon be taken by their neighbours. Hereon a desire, of the whole dominion of the Isle, possessed our Henry II. for which (so were the times and servile opinions, then) he sent Ambassadors to Pope Adrian the iv (this Adrian was his natural subject, born at Langley in Hertfordshire, and had to name e Camden. in Cattieuchlan. before he was Pope, Nicholas Breakspeare) entreating ut sibi liceret (as the words of Matthew Paris are) Hiberniae Insulam hostilitèr intrare, & terram subiugare atque homines illos Bestiales ad Fidem & viam deducere veritatis, extirpatis ibi plantarijs vitiorum; and it was granted by a Bull, among other things, thus speaking, & illius Terrae Populus Te recipiat & sicut DOMINUM veneretur, iure ecclesiarum illibato & integro permanente, & saluâ B. Petro de singulis Domibus annuâ unius Denarij pensione. Sanè omnes Insulas, quibus Sol justitiae Christus illuxit & quae documenta Fidei Christianae susceperunt, ad ius S. Petri & Sacrosanctae R. Ecclesiae (quod tua etiam Nobilitas Recognoscit) non ost dubium pertinere; Which notwithstanding, he and all his Cardinals would never have been able to prove. john of Sarisburie (cited ordinarily, as he was, john Bishop of Chartres) had chief place in this Embassage, being a man most dearly respected by the Bishop of Rome. His f Metalogic. 4. cap. 42. report, of this matter, is: Ad preces me's, Illustri Regi Anglorum Henrico secundo concessit (speaking of the Pope) & dedit Hyberniam iure hereditario possidendam; sicut literae ipsius Testantur in hodiernum diem. Nam omnes Insulae de iure antiquo ex Donatione Constantini, qui eam fundavit & Dotavit, dicuntur ad Romanam Ecclesiam pertinere. By the way, for that of Constantin's Donation (a vexed question) if you read Vlrich Hutten, Valla, the Cardinal of Cusa, Hierom Catthalan, and others of that kind against this Donation, but especially that g Bodin. de Repub. 1. cap. 9 Consulas Diphona Othonis Imp. editam inter Epistolas PP. sylvest 2. pag. 73. note out of the Vatican, where it, being written in golden letters by one joannes Cognomento Digitorum, is subscribed with this Quam Fabulam longi Temporis mendacia finxit. you will scarce beleeu it for a truth, no more than Eugubin's translation of it into Greek (for it was extant only in Latin till that imposture) to be legitimat. But john of Sarisbury goes on. Annulum quoque per me transmisit aureum, smaragdo optimo decoratum quo fieret investitura juris ingerenda h Locus depravatus forte l. ingrediendae Hberniae. Hibernia. Idémque adhuc Annulus in i l. Curiali. curali archio publico custodiri missus est. All this was about II. Hen. II. But nothing was executed. Some years after, Dermut Mac Morrogh K. of Lemster, being distressed by the K. of Connacht and Orereck M. C. LV. K. of Meth (whose wife he had, but not against her will, dishonoured) requested aid of the English, and had it; and was chief restored by the valour of R. Strongbow Earl of Penbroke. The Earl's Greatness in little time, within the Isle, grew suspicious to K. Henry. To avoid that, he acknowledged the Dominion of his Conquest in the King, who some XVII. years, after the Pope's Bull, entered the Isle with an army, subdued good part of it, and had homage of those petit Princes, which retained, as afore, so after this acknowledgement, the name of Kings. Yet they were not Ordinati. solennitate alicuius Ordinis (as the k Apud D. Io. Davies, Regium, apud Hibernos, Procuratorem. Black book of Christ-Church in Dublin speaks) nec Vnctionis sacramento, nec jure haereditario, vel aliquâ proprietatis successione, sed vi & armis quilibet regnum suum obtinuit. This K. Henry, it seems, following the syllables of the Bull, and his successors hence titled themselves Lords of Ireland, in their style putting it before Duke of Guienne. And, in the Annals of Ireland, you read: joannes filius Regis Dominus Hiberniae de Dono patris, venit in Hiberniam anno aetatis suae duodecimo (which was the XIII. year from the first entrance of Hen. II.) and in l Ex Synod. 1. & 2. Cassiliens. & Armach. ap. Camd. De Pavonum pennis in texendis Coronis Consulas Paschal. de Coron. lib. 10. c. 13. confirmation of his title Pope Vrban III. sent him a crown of Peacock's feathers: As likewise Hen. III. made Prince m Pat. 52. Hen. 3. memb. 9 Edward (afterward Ed. I. Lord of Ireland. How King john had obedience of most of the Princes there, and established English Laws, Officers, and such more notes of supreme Majesty, Matthew Paris may best instruct you. Plainly, although some succeeding Princes wrote themselves but only Lords of Ireland, yet their Dominion was merely Royal. They had their justices, or Custodes, or Lord Lieutenants or Deputies (as at this day they are called) of Ireland, which were, as Viceroy's, by Patent, with most large Power delegat in the very rights royal: than whom, no Lieutenants in Christendom (as our most judicious Antiquary observes) comes nearer Kinglike State. And. Richard II. being himself but in Title Dominus, yet created n Pat. 9 Rich. 2 Robert of Vere (being then Earl of Oxford) Duke of Ireland, with Commission to execnte most inseparable prerogatives royal. Which had been ridiculous if in substance he had not been as a most perfect King of it. But, in later time, under Henry VIII. in a o Stat. Hibern. 33. Hen. 8. cap. 1 Parliament held at Dublin (Sir Anthony Senitleger then Lord Deputy) Forasmuch as the King our most gracious dread Sovereign Lord, and his Graces most noble progenitors Kings of England, have been Lords of this land of Ireland, having all manner Kingly jurisdiction, Power, pre-eminences, and authority Royal, belonging or appertaining to the Royal estate of majesty of a King, By the name of LORD OF IRELAND; where the King's majesty and his most noble Progenitors justly and rightfully were, and of right oft to be Kings of Ireland, and so to be reputed, taken, named & called (it being further added, that through want of use of the just title and name, divers attempts of disobedience had been in the Irishry) it was enacted, that the King's Highness, his heirs und successors, have the name, style, title, and honour of King of this land of Ireland, with all manner honours, pre-eminences prerogatives, dignities and other things whatsoever they be, to the Majesty and State of a King imperial appertaining or belonging. And that his Majesty be from henceforth, his heirs and successors, named, called, accepted, reputed, and taken to be Kings of this land of Ireland, to have, hold and enjoy the said style, title, majesty and honours of K. of Ireland, with all manner pre-eminences, prerogative, dignities, and all the premises unto the King's highness his heirs and successors for ever, as united and knit to the Imperial Crown of the Realm of England. Thus much Pope Paul IU. afterward confirmed to K. Philip and Mary with de Potestatis plenitudine, Apostolica autoritate, Regnum Hiberniae perpetuò erigimus. And in the style of their Parliaments it was henceforth called Regnum or Realm, being before only Terra Hiherniae: Of which, enough. In origination of our English name Lord, whereby we and the Scots style all such as are of the Greater Nobility i Barons, as also Bishops, it's not easy to satisfy you. In our ancient Saxon it was written hlaforde, and was a relative to þeow and ðeow man i. a Servant or Bondslave and Tenant, not any Title or Dignity. To talk of Allodium or Allodius, to this purpose, as some do, is more than idle. It would be nearer our present pronunciation if you drew it from Lar or Lartes (for so also is the first case used by p Lartes Tolumnius Philippic. 9 Cicero) an old Tuscan word signifying Prince, or such like, as a q jos. Scalig. ad Propert. 4. great man delivers by conjecture, whence you have Lartem Porsenam and Lartem Tolumnium in Livy, Plutarch, and Halicarnasseus; and Aremoricus Lar, in Ausonius. But Lar Lartis (saith an old r Tit. Prob. Epit. de Nom. Rat. Roman) praenomen est sumptum à Laribus; Tuscum autem creditum est praenomen esse. It were not much stranger, at first sight, to suppose this Lar or Lartes to be hither transferred, then that Lar should yet remain (as I have seen somewhere noted) a word, for a chief house, about Bayeux in France. And many worse etymolegies make their authors proud of them. But I know you cannot but laugh at this, and I will so, with you; touching it only as there is such community of name twixt it and our present idiom, or rater twixt the Scottish Lairds, a degree next beneath Knights among them. It was afterward pronounced. Laverd and Loverd, as you shall see among other testimonies, in this, being a metrical translation of the first Psalm, transcribd out of the whole Psalter so turned and fairly written (about Edward II. his time, as the Character persuades) which I have. Some wicked hand, by cutting the first Capital, left it thus In Bibliothecâ Bodleianâ Oxonij exemplar Psalmorum huic nostro per simile & coaetaneum, nec tamen mancum (ni fallat memoria) extat. imperfect. I a Hely ely beerne that nought is 'gan ... In the red of wicked man, And in street of Sinful nought he stood ......... of Scorn ungode TWO Bot in the lagh of Loverd his will be ai And his lagh think he night and day. III And all his life swa shall it be, As it fares be a tree, That stream of water sentt is near, That gifes his fruit in time of year, And leaf of him to dreve nought shall, What swa he does shall soundfull al. IV nought swa wicked men nought swa. Botals' dust that wind the earth tas fra. V And therefore wick in doom nought rise, Ne sinful in rede of rightwise. VI For Loverd of rightwise wots the way And gate of wick forworth shall ay. Gloria Patri. Bliss to father and to the Sun, And to the holy Gast with them one Als first was, is, and ay shall be, In world of werldes unto the three. and in the xv. Psalm, I Loverd who in thy b Tilt for Tent. Teld who shall won In thy heli hill or who rest mun? TWO He that incomes c Spotless. wemles, And ever wirkes rightwiseness. The more willingly I inserted them also, that by this occasion you might taste an essay of our Ancestors neatness in their holy metres, which, howsoever abounding with liberty and the character of their times, yet have, I confess, my admiration. Laverd and Loverd indifferently occur in old Robert of Gloucester. But note, in the more ancient English, Saxon, or Dutch, not hlaforde is used for Dominus, where Dominus is attributed to the Almighty, But usually Drihten or Truchtin, being the same words varied, as d Legib. Aluredi. Drihten waes spraeen ðaes words to Moyse i. The Lord spoke these words to Moses. And e Vulcan. in Specim. Ling. Giwihit si Truchtin Got Israelo i. Blessed be the Lord God of Israel; and, in our Ladies Magnificat Mikkilso min Sela truchtin. i. My soul doth magnify the Lord. Now sith this Truchtin seems to have somewhat of Truth or Faith in it, and that Loof or Loef, in old Saxon or Dutch, signifies Faith also, as one of that Country, f I. Goropius Hieroglyphic. 8. phantastiquely ravished with the word to other purposes, tells me, could I assume liberty, as he doth in derivation, I might with casting about, frame the nature of Feuds, or Patronage, which consist in mutual faith twixt the tenant or client, and Lord or Patron, out of the word. But I will not, nor dare I One g Verstegan. cap. 10. derives it from hlafe-afford, as if it were essential to the name, that he which bears it should be a lafe, loaf, or Breadgiver, and so Lady from hlafe-die i. a Bread server or divider, referring his conceit to ancient (now worn out) hospitality. That satisfies me not; if it do you, then will you less impute to my ignorance, that I have not here furnished myself with any probable origination. In these and the like, where I see no better ground, for certainty of conjecture, I abstain from further inquiry. By reason of this word Lord, which particularly applied we make My Lord, divers outlandish writers call our Noblemen Milords and Milortes; the ridiculous use proceeding from their ignorance of our language. It's no where so frequent as in the Epistles of that Spaniard Anthony Perez to the late Earl of Essex. Touching the name of Dominus, Lord and signor, hitherto. That of Dij or Gods plurally, attributed to Great Princes, none that hath read the old Testament can not but know. Yet good h Cyrill. advers. julian. lib. 8. authority makes in most of those passages, to be rather noted the general dignity of Mankind, then titular supremacy of Princes. It were hard to endure such impious flattery, as to give them the name as it is truly significant; as the dissembling and unconstant Samaritans did to Antiochus Epiphanes, joseph. Archaeolog. 12. cap. 7. & lib. 19 cap. 7. de Herode. styling him, in their Epistles, God, who pad indeed to his utmost, profaned the holy Temple of the true God, most cruelly handled the jews, and in k Diodor. Sicul. in excerpt. apud Photium. contempt of their law and Divinity, compelled them eat Hog's flesh against their institution, and with the liquor strained, wherein it was boiled, daubed and abused as many of their Bibles, as his wickedness could light on. So the baseminded jews, with acclamations, affirmed Herod Agrippa no longer Man but a Deity; a touch whereof S. l Act. Apost. 12. come. 22. Luke hath. The Persian King's title challenged as much to him in m Amm. Marcellin. hist. 17. that: Rex Regum Sapor, Particeps syderum, Frater Solis & Lunae, Constantio Caesari Fratri meo salutem plurimam dico. And that Rutilian Mezentius commanded n Cato in Orig. ap. Macrob. Sat. 3. cap. 5. his subjects to offer to him all such sacrifices as they had destinat to the Gods, thinking indeed that no Deity was above himself, whence he is titled Contemptor Diuûm in Virgil. To these, like may be added of the Roman Emperors, made or accounted Gods in their life time (for of their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 after their death, nothing belongs here to us) as Augustus, and divers worse after him; and that of Belus Is. Tzetz. ad Lycophron. & Io. Tzetz. Chiliad. 139. remembered in the first chapter; with much such more among the Grecians, where 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signified both Gods and Kings. And Alexander, you know, would needs be jupiter Hamon's son, and so had his picture made with Rams horns like jupiter Hamon's Statue; as scorning mortal progenitors. But, for all these and the like, a most learned and ancient p Tertullian. Apologetic. c. 33. Father thus; Non Deum Imperatorem dicam, vel quia mentiri nescio, vel quia illum deri 〈…〉 ere non audeo, vel quia nec ipse se Deum volet dici, si homo sit. Interest Homini Deo cedere. Satis habeat appellari Imperator. Grande & hoc nomen est, quod à Deo Traditur. Negat illum Imperatorem qui Deum dicit. Nisi homo sit, non est Imperator. And in their Trium 〈…〉 his, a solemn admonition always was to the Emperor, Memento te Hominem esse, which great q Aelian. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 9 c. 15. Philip of Macedon had every morning remembered to him before he admitted any, but him only whose office this was, to his presence. And Tertullian speaking of those passages where mortals are styled Gods, adds r Adverse. Martion. lib. 1. that also ipsa idola Gentium Dei vulgò; sed Deus nemo ea re, qua Deus, dicitur. But, as the supremacy of Princes and their Government is delegat from the Highest, their judgements being also called His, so in a general name are they titled Gods even by God himself, because here on earth they should (for their power) be his i Sthenid. Pythagoric. apud Stobaeum Serm. 48 de ea re plura. Imitators. And in s Artemidor. Onirocritic. 4. cap. 71. Onirocriticisme, dreams of superior Deities were referred to such as had rule and command. It being at this day among the Moschovitique Christians, in use to account their Great Duke rather a God than a man.. This respect, added to an obsequious impiety, caused, as well in the Christian as Heathenish times and States, the subject, to continue that ill custom of Swearing by their u Harmenopul. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. l. 1. tit. 7. Princes. And if by them, they did forswear in a suit (For if out of a sudden heat, they were pardoned) the punishment, for perjury was inflicted, that was Fustigatio i. (as if you should say) bastinadoing (the Greek Lawyers called it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) and whilst the officers beat him, they used this formal admonition; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 x ff. de jureiur. L. si duo §. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. Take heed how you swear. But if the perjury were committed 'gainst God and his name, no punishment followed by their customs, because they supposed God would sufficiently revenge the y Ita Veteres existimâsse ultionémque, dum in vivis existerent periuri, expectasse Confirmat illud Horatij Carm. 2. Od. 8. abuse of his Deity, expressing it thus: I 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (saith Constantine Harmenopulus) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; although it were certain by their Canon Law that Church penances, but no other infliction was z Can. 64. Basil. Harmenopul. Epit. sect. 5. tit. 3. provided for the perjured: as also, if, in any suit, the party had forsworn upon the holy Evangelists, his tongue was cut out. This Harmenopulus whom I cite was a judge in Thessalonica (now called Saloniche) under Emanuel Comnenus, about M. CXLIII. after Christ, as is a Marquhard. Freher. Chronolog. ad Ius Graeco Romanum. conjectured. But all this (touching swearing by the Prince or Emperor, and his Genius) had its original out of Paganism. For, that punishment of Fustigation was, it seems, b Ulpian. ff. de jureiur. l. 13. §. 6 instituted by Antoninus and Commodus, when it was usual to swear per Genium Principis, and per Principis c Const. Alex. Severi C. de reb. credit. l. 2. videses Cuiac. Obseru. 2. cap. 19 Venerationem, as it is in a rescript of Alexander Severus, under whom the learned d Apologetic, cap. 28. Tertullian upbraids the Romans with; Citius denique apud Vos per omnes Deos, quàm per unum Genium Caesaris peieratur. And Athalarique the Goth, in a profession of future good government, to the Romans: e Cassiodor. Variar. hist. 8. Epist. 3. Ecce Traiani vestri clarum seculis reparatum exemplum. jurat vobis, per quem iuratis nec potest ab illo quisquam falli, quo invocato non licet impunè mentiri. Take, withal, that of f Epist. 2. lib. 1. Horace speaking to Augustus: jurandásque tuum per nomen ponimus arras. which well fits with the name of those Majestic Pavilions, under which the Emperors sat usually. They called g Vt notavit Casaubon. ad Suetonij Neronem. cap. 12. them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as if you should say, Little heavens. And for the Christian times, agreeing, with what is already show'd, was that form of their Militiae sacramentum, the soldiers oath; jurant autem (saith my author, living about CCC. LXX. from our Saviour) Per Deum & Christum & S. Sanctum & per Maiestatem Imperatoris, g Vegetius de Re. Militar. 2. cap. 5. sub Valentiniano & Gratiano. quae, secundum Deum, generi humano diligenda est & colenda. Nam Imperatori, cum Augusti nomen accepit, tanquam presenti & corporali Deo, fidelis est prestanda devotio, & impendendus peruigil famulatus. Deo enim vel privatus, vel militans seruit, cum fideliter eum diligit, qui Deo regnat autore. This use was anciently, among the Egyptians as is apparent by joseph's swearing, by the life of Pharaoh. And, in later days, a Rabbin, that lived h Abr. Aben Ezra in Decalog. about M. C. LXX. affirms, that if a man had sworn in his time in Egypt (it was then governed by Caliph's) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. by the King's head, and had forsworn, he was subject to capital punishment, neither could he redeem the guilt for his weight in Gold. And when Shach Ishmael, the first Sophi, got the Persian Empire, no oath q Leuncls. Musulmanic. hist. lib. 16. amongst them was so great, as to swear by his head. Thus it appears, how, both 'mongst Christians, Mahumedans and Heathen, a certain Sanctitas Regum (as r Sueton. in julio cap. 6. julius Caesar calls it) was specially regarded. Whence, it seems, the frequency of having a Deity's name in the Kings, was so familiar amongst the ancients. The Tyrian or Phoenician Princes had usually the names of Beleastartus, Abdastartus, Ithobaal, and many such like ocurring in the fragments of Menander, and other annals of those parts; from their Deity Baal and Astaroth, which Holy writ speaks of. Nebo s Isai. cap. 46. come. 1. ubi Lxx. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. a Babylonian Idol was a part of Nebuchadonezar, Nabopollassar, Nabonitus, their Kings. In Neriglosser, is Nergal the Deity of the Cuthaeans, which the t R. Solomon jarchi ad. 2. Reg. 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. n. interpretari potes, fontem, tumulum, fort & Sphaeram Ignis. & cum Magorum (unde Cuthaej) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 conferas. jews idly say was a Cock, but, without any great scruple, will be proved to be the Sun, or some perpetual fire, honoured with respect to the sun, and in the names of the jewish Kings is usually one of the names of the true God, as you see in Ahaziahu, Amaziah, Azariah, and divers such more. Among the Egyptians, Busiris, Petosiris, Osiris, Kings, all of them having the greatest Deity of that people in their names. That is Siris or Seiris, which was the same with Nilus: For in a Isai. cap. 23. come. 3. ●irem. ca 2. come. 18. Holy writ it is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (which by the Ethiopian Idiom, is pronounced Sihri, saith the noble Scaliger) signifying black, according as the Greeks styled it b Odyss. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and, with them, the Latins Melas c Festus in eo vocab. alij. of the same interpretation; and, from that Eastern word, questionless came the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for it, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— saith Dionysius Afer. Where, his Commenter Eustathius hath other, but frivolous, Etymologies of it. The fashion in Britain anciently, is touched where we speak of Belin in the first Chapter. But indeed the composition out of these names of Deities were not only proper to Kings. Their Great men and more honourable subjects, had oft times the like; as you see in * jerem. cap. 39 vers. 3. & cap. 52. 30. Neregal, Samgarnebo, and Nabuzardan, with such more, & in Daniel, whom the Babylonian King named Beltishatzar d Daniel cap. 4. come. 7. according to the name of his God. Neither was that swearing by their names proper only to them. I remember Cosmas Patriarch of Constantinople, in the controversy twixt him and Eustratius, about the Coronation of Irene Empress and wife to Alexius Comnen, e Anna Comnena Alexiad. 3. swears by himself 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. By Cosmas. But, that of Divine names among them, as it was communicated to Nobility, so very likely was not extended to the Vulgar, or ignoble. For we see often a special regard had among the ancients, that Princely names should not be borne by base Persons. One cause, why Domitian put to death Metius Pomposianus, was for that he had given his slaves the names of Mago and Hannibal; that of Hannibal having plainly in its composition (as Asdrubal, Adherbal, and the like) the Phoenician or Punic God Baal. In the Scripture you have the very name, but inverted; Baal-Hanan in Gen. cap. XXXVI. As on the other side one of Alexander's chief requests to the high Priest of the jews, they say, was, that he a Abrah. Ben-david in Cabald might so much be honoured, as to have his name imposed on every of the Priests children that year born. Although it be certain that slaves sometimes had the names of greatest Kings. And in Athens b Agell. lib. 9 cap. 2. the names of Harmodius and Aristogiton were not suffered to be given to any bondman. The Turks c Georgievitz de Cerem. Turcar. have their several names usually proper for their Sultan's, Beglars and slaves, if my author deceive not. But for that of giving a King the title of GOD (without respect only to his delegat power and substitution) you may note Anaxarchus his jest upon Alexander pretending himself a God, and lying dangerously sick: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (said d Aelian. Var. hist. 9 cap. 37. Anaxarchus) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; i. the hope of our God lies now in a spoonful of Potion. And when Hermodotus in his Poems e Plutarch. lib. de Isid. & Osiride. styled Antigonus the son of Phoebus, and a God, the King well answered his flattery: But (saith he) the Groom of my close stool denies me to be so. Astrologers approper certain stars to Kings only, and great men, in their significations, and some of them place those Regiae Stellae, f Firmicus Mathes. 6. cap. 1 as they call them, in the dodecatemories only of Taurus, Leo, Scorpio, and Aquarius; others otherwise. They have delivered also, that every King g Apud Cantacuzen. Apolog. advers. Mahomet. α. hath a singular star for the Ruler of his Royal life, common persons having only the mixtures of several influences, according to their Genethliaque figures. I note it here as it touches their accession of special and a kind of holy honour to Princes. Regard it at your pleasure; if you will, but as I, then read it for a Relation, but also laugh at it. Caesar. Whence derived into the Roman Emperors title. It signified an Elephant in Punic. The Maures, a Colony out of Chanaan in time of joshuah. An inscription of a Column erected in those times in the now Barbary. Children cut out of their mothers, sacred to Apollo. Augustus. When, and upon what occasion it began in them. Other Kings titled by it. Denomination, to the Roman Emperors, from Provinces, which they either conquered or settled. Their abstaining from names, of that kind, which were ridiculous. Pharaoh among the Egyptians. In josephus an error. The Queen of Saba. The Egyptian Kings afterward called all Ptolemies, and whence. Time of Ptolemy the Mathematician. Patronymiques of divers Royal lines. Agag, and Amalek. A passage in the Apocrypha of Esther. The Western part of Asia, called Greece. A place in S. Mark explained. The Parthian, Indian, Bithynian, Hagaren, & Lombardian Princes. Cleta. The great honour to the name of Constantine in the Western Empire. Teggiurlar. How the Romans affected the name Antonin in their Emperors. Lazars, Bulcoglar, Bulcovitz, Cratevitz, and such like. Most Christian King. When first in the French. First Christian King in Europe. Filz aisnè de l'esglise. Defender of the faith. When and how first in Our Sovereigns. Catholic how and when first in the Spanish. Porphyrogenetus often in the Constantinopolitan Emperor's title. Camaterus his Astrology Ms. The true reason of that name of Porphyrogenetus. Emperor's children received in Purple at the Birth. Purple, when first made proper to Kings. CHAP: IU. HItherto of such Titles as are Essential to Majesty. There are also, which are particular for several States, and merely Accidental. Of them, in the first rank, stand those which proceeded from the first authors of Empires or Monarchies. To none, is unknown the continuance of Caesar in the Germane Emperor's Title, derived through the Franks and Romans from their C. julius Caesar first Emperor. But not first which bore that name, as some a Glycas, Etymologic. mag. Cedrenus, alij Graecorum. Necnon Ebraei ut videre est in Eliâ Thisbit. in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ignorantly have delivered. Nor had he it, because he was cut out of his Mother's belly. It may be true which Pliny b Hist. nat. 7. cap. 9 says, that primus Caesar à caso matris utero dictus, qua de causa & Caesones appellati. But others were so called before him; and, from the Punic or Maurish word Caesar, interpreting an Elephant, most * Ap. Ael. Spartian. in Ael. Vero Seru Honorat. ad 1. Aeneidos. Const. Manass. in Annalit us. learned men have anciently derived it quoth aws eius in Africa, manu propriâ, occidit Elephantem. Others at Rome deducing it from Caesaries, quod cum magnis crinibus (as Spartians words are) sit utero parentis effusus; others quòd oculis caesijs & ultra humanum morem viguerit. Understand them, of him which first bore the name. I like that from the Elephant. Analogy will hardly endure any of the rest. And in an old Coin stamped on the one side with DIWS JULIUS, the other hath S. P. Q. R. and an Elephant: which although some refer to the Plays and fights of Elephants, c Plin. hist. 8. cap. 7. showed by the favour and cost of julius, yet perhaps it hath allusion to that African original. But, how it could be Punic is not so well justified: The Punic being but a slip or branch propagated from the Hebrew, wherein (as that admired, and great Precedent of the Muses the most learned Casaubon hath also noted) not Caesar, but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies an Elephant (as also in Arabic) which, by transposition of letters, is even the same with the Greek and Latin Elephas. He therefore thinks the word was Maurish, as Spartian affirms it was. But, under favour, was not the old Maurish the same with Punic or Hebrew? Good authority d Procopius de Bell. Vandalic. 2. tells us that in the Tingitana Mauritania (where the now Barbary is) at Tingis, were two white columns of Stone erected anciently with an inscription in Phoenician letters (they were, some say, very near the jonique or Greek, and e Terpsichore. & de hijs videas jos. Scalig. ad Eusebium pag. 102. Herodotus expressly affirms so, which had seen both kinds) to this effect: We are fled from the presence of josuah Bennun the spoiler. Then which, what can more apparently show the Maures at first to have had their immediate original out of Canaan where Hebrew was the language? And take then this annotation of the noble Casaubon in another f Animaduers. in Tranquill. 1. place. In Targum jonathanis (saith he) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 extat, notione affine, pro Scuto vel clypeo. Et fortasse inde est quod, Punicâ linguà, Elephas Caesar dicebatur quasi Tutamen & praesidium Legionum. But also special reason is given for the derivation, from being cut out of his mother. Read this of Servius g Ad Aeneidos 10. Honoratus; Omnes qui secto matris ventre procreantur, ideo Apollini consecrati sunt, quia Deus Medicinae est per quam, lucem sortiuntur. unde Aesculapius eius fictus est filius. Ita n. eum esse procreatum supradiximus. Caesarum etiam familia ideo Apollinis sacra retinebat, quia, qui primus de eorum familia fuit, exsecto matris ventre natus est. A too daring conceit, and tasting ill of Grammatical arrogance! But, whencesoever the name is, it's taken as the most honourable in the Imperial Title; and justinian expressly of it, in his Letters h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. to one john, his Lieutenant of the East, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. We are graced with this note of Imperial Majesty, more than with any other. And the Germans at this day use the word Keyser (from Caesar) for the Emperor generally. From julius, his Nephew Octavius had this name left to him by Testament: In ima cera (saith Sueton) Caium Octavium in familiam noménque adoptavit. Afterward this Octavius in the Senate was honoured with the Title of Augustus' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; as Dio's words are, i. as if he had been somewhat more than human. And non tantum novo (so Sueton speaks) sed etiam ampliore cognomine: quòd loca quoque religiosa, &, in quibus auguratò quid consecratur, Augusta dicantur, ab auctu vel ab avium gestu gustwe; and, for the word, cities that of Ennius Augusto augurio postquam inclyta condita Roma'st. Some xv. years, after julius slain, on i Censorin. de Die Natali cap. 21. Se VII. & Vipsan. Agripp III. Coss. the XVI. Kl. of February, that is the XVII. day of january, upon motion of L. Munacius Plancus, this Title was given him, and thence is the Epocha of the Anni Augustorum (as they call it) to be accounted. The Greeks turn Augustus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. Venerable. Certainly it came from Augeo, being a word proper in Sacrifice; as Augere Hostias, which the learned Casaubon remembers. I add also that in just like form the Greeks had their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. k Isthmiac. Od. 4 Pindar hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: as if he had said Augemus hostias, or inferias. And, in Sextus Pompeius, Augustus is interpreted Sanctus. For, things sacrificed have venerable respect towards them, and divers Inscriptions to Gods and Goddesses are extant with Augusto or Augustae. The name hath been applied to others then only the Roman Emperors: some Testimony l Guilielmus Nothus Augustus dictus. 10. Bodin. de Rep. 2. cap. 2. hath given it to our William the first. And the French had their Philippus Augustus; in the description of whose life, an m Rigord. in prooem. ad Vit. Philippi Aug. Ancient thus salutes his Reader. Miramini, quod, in prima fronte huius operis, voco Regem AUGUSTUM. Augustos n. vocare consueverunt scriptores Caesares, qui Remp, augmentabant, ab augeo auges dictos. unde iste meritó dictus est Augustus ab auctâ Republica. Adiecit enim Regno suo totam Viromandiam (i. the territory, about S. Quintin's) quam praedecessores sui multo tempore amiserant, & multas alias terras; redditus etiam regni plurimùm augmentavit. This Philip reigned about M. CIXXX. Frederique Barbarossa then Emperor. And long before this Philip, their first Christian King had it. Ludovicus Rex (saith Sigebert; so he calls K. Chlovis) ab anastasy Imperatore Codicillos de Consulatu & Coronam auream eum Gemmis & Tunicam blatteam accepit, & ex ea die Consul & AUGUSTUS dictus est. These two of Caesar and Augustus continued in their successors, and do at this day. The Romans had another kind of multiplying surnames to their Emperors, by denominating them so often from Countries or Provinces, as they had done some brave Imperial act in composing, ordering, or vanquishing any of them. Examples of it are every where. Thence hath justinian such a Title with Alemanicus, Gotticus, Francicus, Germanicus, Anticus, Alanicus, Vandalicus, Africanus. Question not, but they had of these, oftimes by their Country's flattery more than desert. Appellatus est Commodus (they are Lampridius words) etiam BRITANNICUS ab adulatoribus, quum Britanni etiam Imperatorem contra eum deligere volverunt. If the denomination were subject to a ridiculous interpretation, some of them abstained from it. As when Aurelian had the day of the Carpi (a people upon the River Donaw in the now Hungary) and heard that the Senate would needs name him Carpicus, he presently writes to n Flau. Vopiscus. them Superest P. C. ut me etiam Carpisculum vocetis. For indeed, Carpisculus interpreted a kind of shoe, which made him dislike the Equivoque. Although on the other side the wicked Caracalla was proud of his title Germanicus, o AEl. Spartianus. not only as it respected his Germane victories, but withal as it alluded to the murdering of his brother, signified by Germanus: affirming, that if he had conquered the Lucani he would have been called Lucanicus; as ridiculous a denomination, as Lucanica, signifying a kind of Hogs-pudding, whence the Romans called such as were great eaters p Amm. Marcellin. hist. 28. Lucanicus cum Pordaca etc. Lucanici. The Egyptian Kings in holy writ until salomon's time are all called Pharaoh's. It was no proper name, but only a title which every one of them had. For, in profane story, you have other particular names for them. Him under whom joseph was prisoner, some make Themosis; others, in errors of Chronologie, supposing Themosis to be the Pharaoh drowned in the red Sea, and that, his father's name q Manethon. apud joseph. adu. App. 〈◊〉. was Alisfragmuthosis. But later and more curious computation places the Israelites coming out of Egypt under Armais Pharaoh; and Cedrens under Petisson. He which took Sara is called r joseph. Haloseos 6. cap. 11. Nechias; and, in the Egyptian Annals of Manethon partly preserved in josephus and julius African, enough such more occur. After Salomons time they are remembered with the like in holy Writ; as in Pharaoh s 2. Reg. cap. 23. Necho, Pharaoh t jerem. cap. 44. Chophra (the same perhaps which Herodotus calls Apries) and u 2. Paralip. c. 11 Shisac the same with Sesostris, Sesoosis, or Sesonchosis. But the reason of that difference, upon another's credit (I will not warrant it) thus take. Hence is it (I interpret to you josephus x Archaelog. lib. 8. cap. 2. his words) that Herodotus Halicarnasseus, when he tells of CCCXXX. Egyptian Kings succeeding after Menis that built Memphis, speaks not of their names, because they were all called Pharaohs. For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. when after them a Woman had the Crown, he names her Nicaulé, because that of Pharaoh was only for Masles, not for feminin capacity; wherefore it was requisite to give her a special name. And I have found in the stories of my own Country (remember he was a jew) that after Pharaoh, Solomon's Father y 1. Reg. cap. 3. come. 1. in law, none of the Egyptian Kings were called any more by this name (understand, by Pharaoh, without addition) and that, after him, that Woman came to Solomon, she then being Queen of Egypt and Ethiop. For her being Queen of Ethiop and Egypt, it will perhaps be more hardly justifiable, than the supposition of that Queen whom Herodotus remembers to be coetaneall with Solomon. The Queen of Saba, me thinks, might best be referred to the Sabaeans in Arabia Foelix. But, for that point, see specially Luis de Vretta his Ethiopique history, in Spanish, lately published; and our next chapter. Neither is Herodotus his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 habet Herodotus Sesostreos successorem in quo sanè 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vestigia. Queen named Nicaulé, but Nitocris. And, I am much deeciud, if that Moeris, which he remembers there in his Euterpe, be not one of those CCC. XXX. whose names he rather omits, because of their want of memorable acts, then for josephus his reason, as the story easily persuades. The Ebrews writ the name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; and derivations are of it, but none worth trusting to. Some think it signified a King in the Egyptian idiom. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, saith josephus, i. Pharaoh among the Egyptians signifies a King. So affirms African, others. And in Apomazars' (rather Achmets') Onirocritiques, out of Egyptian monuments, that name often occurs, signifying plainly a King generally. After the Grecian Monarchy divided among Alexander's great Courtiers, Ptolemy the son of Lagus took Egypt and afric, and, from him, his successors were all called Ptolemies with some other addition; as Ptolemy Philadelphus, Euergetes, Philopator, and such like: which gave occasion of a foolish error in some, supposing, through community of name, that Ptolemy, the author of the Quadripartit, was one of the Egyptian Kings, and Philadelphus; which Haly Aben Rodoan confutes against Albumazar and others. Indeed, he was an Egyptian of Pelusium, but lived under the Roman Emperors, which Haly thence proves because his hypotheses of the stars places in his Almagest, are of that time. It's certain, he was under the first Antonin, and a private man; but, as foolishly, called Pheludianus in the translation of Haly, in steed of Pelusiacus. According to this continuance of a name in succession, are in a manner those Patronymiques of Achemenidae in the Persian Kings, Alevadae in the Thessalian, Cecropidae in the Athenian, from Achemenes, Alevas, Cecrops. So were the Danish Kings anciently titled Skioldungs from their great King Skiold. The French had their Meroving, the old Kentish Kingdom here its Oiscing, from Merovee and Oisca. But as to the Egyptians, Ptolemy, so among the Amalekits, Agag was a name for every z Moses Gerundensis ap. Munster. ad Num. cap. 24. v. 1. Sam. cap. 15. 8. of their Kings, derived into them from Agag the son of Amalek. For where in holy Writ, is found Haman the son of Hammadetha the Agagite, josephus calls him the Amalekite, and the a Targ. 2. Esth. cap. 3. 1. Chaldé Targum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. of the Posterity of Agag son of Amalec, which withal convinces a piece of Apocrypha, where Haman is called a Macedonian, in the letters of b Apoc. Esth. cap. 16. come. 8. Artaxerxes. Unless you take it that Artaxerxes (Ahasuerush) living Eastward in Susa of Persia might call the more Western, but far distant, parts of Asia, by the name of Macedon, as the Grecians did the Western Europaeans, Celts, and as the Constantinopolitans now do, Franks or Latins, whereas those names in truth are of much narrower comprehension. If Artaxerxes letters had been written after Alexander's conquests, that interpretation might have been permitted the better. For since his time it's well known that the Western Asia and Greece or Macedon are names confounded. The author of the first of the Macchabees cap. 1. says that Alexander overcame Darius' King of the Medes & Persians, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. and reigned first in his steed in Greece. All men know, Darius reigned not in any European Greece, therefore Asia may be understood. For after Alexander's Dominion there, being a Greek, and his leaving it to Grecians or Macedonians (to this purpose, twixt them, is no difference) it became denominated from the Ruler's Country. And hence may that in S. Mark cap. VIII. be best understood: where a woman is affirmed to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. a Grecian a Syrophoenician; as if the Evangelist had said, of the Western part of Asia, a Syrophoenician. And in the c I. Drus. ad Hasmon. cap. 1. & Praeterit. 2. Hebrew story of later times 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. Greece is often used for Syria. Yet how this later use can salve that of esther's Apocrypha I conceive not, unless it be supposed that it being written in a newer age, the words of the time were inserted. The place rather may be thought corrupted: But this, out of the way. The Parthian Princes were from Arsaces, their first great Monarch, titled by his name with some other proper to every particular. Cuius memoriae (saith d Historiar. lib. 41. justin) hunc honorem Parthi tribuerunt ut omnes exinde Reges suos Arsacis nomine nuncupent. The Alban Kings in Italy had every of them the addition of Sylulus, as you see in the Roman story. And the old Indian Kings e Strabo Geograph. 15. & 12. had to their proper name always added Palibothra, which was their chief City. Most of the Bithynian Kings were called Nicomedes. And, in steed of Caesar, it was purposed by Ataulph King of the f Alexand. ab Alex. Genial. Dier. 1. cap. 2. Westgothes in Italy, that, posterity should call the Roman Emperors, by his name, Ataulphs; and after their King Flavius Antharis, all the succeeding Kings had that g Paul. Warnfred. de gest. Longobard. 3. cap. 16 Fore-name. Upon that of Lycophron, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Isaac Tzetzes notes that from this Cleta (an Amazon) all the Queens which reigned there afterward bare her name. He means the City Cleta in the inferior Calabria. And the Princes of the Hagaren h jos. Scalig. Emendat. Temp. lib. 2. vide 2. Machab. cap. 5. Com. 8. Arabians had the common name of Areta. Of this kind, more may in ancientest story, be observed. In later times the Constantinopolitan Emperors much affected to give their children and themselves the great name of Constantine, not as imposed, but as an addition to the proper. Of a Constitution i Circa Ann. DCXX. of Heraclius, thus gins the Preface. In the name of the Lord jesus Christ, our God. Heraclius and Heraclius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Heraclius the Son is styled New Constantine, being taken in as a partner of the Empire by his Father. And in the Monastery of Suluna at Constantinople, is painted Michael Palaeologus and his Empress Theodora, with three inscriptions, the one being (as Leunclaw j Pandect. Turcic. cap. 51. remembers it, in Latin) thus conceived: MICHAEL IN CHRISTO DEO FIDELIS REX ET IMPERATOR DUCAS ANGELUS COMNENUS ET NOWS CONSTANTINUS. And the Turks use to call all those Constantinopolitan Emperors Constantins, as their name; but also Teggiurlar in derision (Teggiur signifying a Lord of some small territory) not thinking them in their later times worthy the name of Emperor. But this of Constantin was no otherwise then the Romans used the name of Antonin. Ita n. nomen Antoninorum (saith k Caracallâ. Spartian) inoleverat ut velli ex animis hominum non posset: quòd omnium pectora velut Augusti nomen obsederat. And l Diadumeno, & Capitolin. in Opilio Macrino de hoc nomine. Lampridius to the same purpose: Fuit tam amabile illis temporibus nomen Antoninorum, ut, qui eo nomine non niteretur, mereri non videatur imperium. Whereupon, it seems, was Severus his purpose m Spartian. in Geta. grounded, that all his successors should have been called Antonins as they were Augusti. And when Alexander Severus was by those turbulent acclamations urged to the name of Antonin, he earnestly and often refused it, lest the very name might breed in them expectation of what he should not in his Empire perform. It was a surname of the Arrian Family, and first in Pius when his grandfather (T. Arrius Antoninus) on his mother's side adopted him. But, when they had given him the surname of Pius, it grew to be his name thus: T. Antoninus Pins. Others in continued succession after bare it, and with affectation, either in Forename, Name, or Surname, until the Maximins, and, as some of the old Writers would, till the Gordians; all deriving the honour of it from Pius and Marcus. The Princes or Despots of Servia, the Turks call Lazars, from Lazar or Eleazar Bulk (these two being both one name) which first got that territory upon Donaw from n Calchondyl. de reb. Turcic. lib. 6. & Leunclau. Pandect. Turcic. cap. 46. & 54 Lazarus ille vixit, A. M. CCC. XC. Stephen King of Bulgarie. As also sometimes Bulcoglar, i. the sons or posterity of Bulk, which the Seruians express, according to their Slavonique, Bulcovitz. So from Crates, the Bulgarian Princes were Cratevitz, as in like analogy, the Dalmatian Cernonitz; the Albanian, Karolovitz, deriving their title out of the French Carolin stock. But most of these proceed from the authors of the family or predecessors, and are rather Honourable from that private beginning, than notes of public Majesty. Therefore have I briefly run them over, and come to such attributes which expressly interpret in particular Princes highest Honour or Greatness. The French Kings have anciently, as still, been known by that addition of Most Christian. When it began in them is uncertain. Some fetch it from Rome to Charlemagne. But so it should rather have remained in the Empire. Some referrè it to the Council of Orleans, held, under K. Lewes or Clovis their first Christian King, about the year D. But there are no other words, to that purpose, then Domino o Tom. 2. Concil. Aurel. 1. cap. 2. Suo, Catholico Ecclesiae Filio, Clodoveo gloriosissimo Regi, Omnes Sacerdotes quos ad Concilium venire iussistis. In-Indeed in S. Remigius or Remy's p Flodoard. hist. Remens'. 1. c. 18. Papam, hunc titulum, in Ferdinandum v. Castellae Regem, transfer, in animohabuisse memorat, ex Comi●aeo, Mariana hist. Hispanic. lib. 26. cap. 12. Testament (he was first Archbishop of Rheims) that Clovis is called Christianissimus Ludovicus, and was the first Christian K. of Great note and Empire, although this corner of the world, our Britain, above CCC. years before him had K. Lucius which was in Europe absolutely the first Christian K. that story makes mention of, unless, you think, Tiberius was so, because he somewhat inclined to Christianity, and perhaps had embraced it, had the Senate well liked it. Of him, see Tertullian and others since. To the French, divers bulls of the Pope have been anciently sent, styling him with that title. And for the credit of that Nation in this kind, one that lived q Agathias Histor. 〈◊〉. above M. years since, affirms of them then that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. they are all Christians and most Orthodoxal. He is also called the Eldest son of the Church, Filz aisné de l'esglise, which came to him, it seems, from that his predecessors were Emperors. For the Emperor r Camden. in Reliq. was accounted Maior Filius Ecclesiae, the K. of France, Filius Minor, and of England, Filius Tertius and Adoptiws. Of these and particular messages to him, in proof hereof, and such like, his own subjects Du Haillan, Hierom Bignon, Claudé Fauchet, Du Tillet and others have more. But it is also certain that in letters from Rome our Sovereigns have been titled with Christianissimus, which, it seems, was before custom had established it as proper to the French. The English Monarches have had, ever since Henry VIII. the title of Defender of the Faith. He in those awaking times twixt Romanists and Lutherans, wrote a volume against Luther in defence of Pardons, the Papacy and the supposed VII. Sacraments. Of this work the Original is yet s Francisc. Swear't. in Delicijs Orb. Christ. remaining in the Vatican at Rome, and, with his own hand, thus inscribd. ANGLORUM REX HENRICUS, LEONI X. MITTIT HOC OPUS ET FIDEI TESTEM ET AMICITIAE. whereupon saith Sleidan, Pontifex honorificum regi cognomen tribuit, Defensorem appellans Ecclesiae, which is the same with Defender of the Faith: And one, in his t Io. Faber. Orat habit. Londini ad Reg. & Proceres. speech to Henry VIII. about holy Wars to be undertaken against Mahumedans, hath in, non frustra, divino inspirant spiritu, hunc & talem titulum quem Rex nullus habet, adeptus es, ut Christianae Fideae Defensor scribaris, tenearis, & sis. It was given him about the XII. year of his reign. Catholic is as a Surname to the Spanish King; which Pope Alexander VI. gave as an inheritance to Ferdinand V King of Castille and Arragon. Observe the jesuit Mariana's relation. Ab Alexandro Pontifice, saith he, Ferdinandus puellae pater (he was father to joan wife of Philip Archduke of Austira) CATHOLICI Cognomentum accepti in posteros cum regno trànsfusum stabili possessione. Honorum titulos Principibus dividere Pontificibus Romanis datur. Erat in more ut in literis Apostolicis adscriberetur, REX CASTELLAe ILLUSTRI; Ergo deinde nouâ indulgentia adscribi placuit, REGI HISPANIARUM CATHOLICO, non sine Obtrectatione & invidia Regis Lusitani, quando Ferdinandus imperio universam Hispaniam non obtineret; eius tum non exiguâ part penes Reges alios. Here then according to him was the beginning of it, as a title properly denominating and hereditary, although Alfonso (son in law to Pelagius by marriage of his daughter Ormisinda) and Recared or Richard, Kings of West-gothique blood, there long before enjoyed it: the first, as a surname for his religion, and Martial performance against the Maures, the other by acclamation in the III. Council of Toledo. And in the old Roman Provincial, a Catalogue of Kings, is, expressing Rex Castellae, Rex Legionis, Rex Portugalensis, Rex Aragoniae, with divers others of other Territories, and then REX CATHOLICUS by that general name. The Provincial was written (I am sure my Copy was) before Alexander VI yet I cannot understand who is there meant by Catholicus, except their King of Astures, whose dynasty was joined about M. XX. with Castille. For Castille, Leon, Portugal, and Arragon are reckoned beside, and that Alfonso about DCCXXX: had the Asturian Kingdom, and to him, most refer the original of Catholicus. divers of the Constantinopolitan Emperors were wont to have, as part of their title Porphyrogenetes or Porphyrogenetus; for although there be one of them known by the special name of Constantine Porphyrogenetus: that is, he which held part of his Empire with Alexander, about DCCCC. X. and was son to Leo VI and whose admonitions of State, Constitutions, and Themata are yet extant and published; yet plainly that was no name proper to him in particular. For he himself calls other u De administrando Rom. Imp. cap. 45. Filium item Romanum in libri titulo hoc nomine compellat. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And Basilius his Novels are yet extant, being before them the same name. So Emanuel Comnenus in his inscription, to the Western Emperor Conrade III. uses it. And, in the Bodleian Library at Oxford, is a Ms. written some L. years since by a Cretan Scribe in Paris, a work of one john Camaterus about judiciary Astrology, with this insciption; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 x Quid sit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 haùt inter doctos satis constat. Maximae sanè dignitatis Officium fuisse liquet, & à Magno Contostaulo secundum: tametsi le cum eius ignotum tradit Georg. Codinus; ad quem consulas Fr. junius. Sed Gregentij verba, Meursio citata, perpendas, & Cancellarium fuisse fortè non iniuriâ dixeris. Si de Loco testimonium quaeris, adi juris Grae●o-Romani lib. 2. p. 184. v. Radevic. de gest. Frederic. 1. lib. 1. cap. 47. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Who this Camaterus was, or to what Emperor he wrote I confess I cannot tell: but it appears he took this title so fit that, using only but the name of Emperor beside, he thought it Tittle sufficient for his dedication. Yet you must not take it as solely proper to the Emperors. To divers of the nearer blood imperial its found attributed. john Palaeologus, nephew to Andronicus, first Emperor of that both name and family, is called y Curopalat. de Offic. Constant. the son of Porphyrogenetes. So Constantius, son to Constantine Ducas hath it in the Lady Anna Comnena her Alexias. This Lady Anne was daughter to Alexius Comnenus the Emperor, and wrote her father's acts and affairs of War and State, in the later and corrupted idiom of the Greeks. Her copies being very corrupt and maimed. She is also in the title of her book styled Anna Porphyrogennetes. Thomas, brother to their last Emperor Constantin surnamd Dragasis, in a confirmation z Turco-Graec. lib. 4. Ep. 50. of a sale of lands, subscribes himself with it. More examples occur in George Phranzes, and others. The reason of the name, learned men have mist. But it is plain, in truth, that it comes from a Palace, built (as a Luitprand. Hist. 1. cap. 2. some say, by Constantine the Great) chief to this end, that there the Empresses should be delivered and keep the solemnities of Childbirth. The Lady Anne whom I remembered shall justify it. She speaking of Robert Guiscards death (he is always called, in her story, Rompert) and her father's Triumph, wherein he returned to Constantinople: says that there he found Irene the Empress, her mother, in travel in a house anciently appointed for the Empresses childbirth. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (saith b Alexiados l. 6. she) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. They call that house, from ancient time, Porphyra whence the name of the Porphyrogeniti * Latinè in Porphyra geniti. came into the world. With her herein, expressly agree Constantin Manasses, and Luitprand; and a place in Anastasius touching Constantin VII. deprived of his eyes by his ambitious mother Irene. Incluserunt cum (are the words) in domo Pupureâ, in qua & natus est. Hereto I doubt not but special allusion is in that of a Greek c Io. Euchaitens. in Hypomneum. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Poet, although a Bishop, yet writing in a courtly form of Flattery, to Zoe, Empress and wife to Coustantin Monomachus about M. L. of Christ: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. and so, Anna Comnena calls herself 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for she was born in that Palace. Briefly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in Purpura natus, i. born in the place so called are all one, and assumed by such as were there born. Neither is any question to be made of this reason of the name, although Pontanus (who for the Oriental story hath well deserved) still leaves it as a doubt; not understanding Nicetas d Hist. 5. Tmemat. 6. Pontanus verò ad Phranz. l. 1. c. 6. de hac re dubitat, & Uulcanius ad Themata Constantini quod miror. Diù verò est cum doctissimus Cuiacius rem doctè tetigerit Obseru. 6. cap. 9 Choniates, where he speaks of the Empresses being near her time of delivery, and adds that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉. the Palace Porphyra was prepared to receive the Birth. But Pontanus turns Porphyra by purpura, as if it were for Purple cloth, in such a sense e Claudian de Nupt. Honorij & Mariae. as in that — sic natus in Ostro parvus Honoriades genibus considat avitis. which I the rather cite because out of it, the reason perhaps of the imposition of that name on the Palace, may be had. If the Emperor's issues at the birth were received in Purple cloth (as it seems they were; others f Ceion. Posthum in Epistola apud jul. Capitolin. in Clod. Albino Filius mihi natus est, ita Candidus statim toto corpore, ut linteamen, quo exceptus est, vinceret. children in other colours) what could be more proper in translation, then to give the name of that special kind, wherein at the first instance of their infancy, they were received, to the place appointed only for that receipt? And however it be supposed that the Phoenician Hercules first finding out the pleasing colour of Purple by the die of his Dog's mouth, that had bitten the fish whence it is, gratified his Sweetheart with it; yet a tradition is 'mongst the Grecians, that he presented it to the King of Phoenicia, who by edict prohibited all but h Mich. Glycas Annal. par. 2. cap. de Turris extructione. himself to wear the colour, whence the beginning of it as proper to Greatness (our Scarlet g jul. Pollux. Onomastic. 1. c. 3 being now its successor) is derived. In the Preface to Camaterus his Astrology; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Where in like sense as in the other testimonies, a compound is made of Porphyra. The Princes, Dukes, or Kings of Moscovy were called, they say, anciently white Kings, or white Princes. Credo autem (saith Sigismond) ut Persam nunc propter rubea tegumenta capitis Kissilpassa, id est rubeum caput vocant: ita illos propter alba tegumenta, Albos appellari. But I remember Muscovy is called Russia Alba, and Poland Russia Nigra; there may be the names original. But Gaguin gives the reason, quod incolae omnium Regionum ipsius imperio subiectarum, vestibus albis & pileis plerunque utantur. Prester-Iohn. By error so called. His true name, whence that is corrupted. The Abassens whence. Their vulgar, and Chaldè language. Belul Gian. Beldigian. jochabelul. How the names of Prestigian in the East Asia, turned into Prester-Iohn, was applied to the Ethiopian Emperor. Prestigiani. The Hebrew Epistle of Preti jan to the Pope. The Ethiopique Emperor's title. Cham or Chan. Why the Eastern Emperors of Asia are so titled, the Turk, and others. Always Victorious. Carachan and Gylas, two dignities. Car in Scythian, and Carpaluc. Carderigan a Persian dignity, whence. Chanaranges. Chaianus, Chaganus, Capcanus, whence. A conjecture upon Fr. W. de Rubruquis. Vlu Can very ancient in the Tartarian or Sarmatique Empire. Canis in the Scaligeran family. The Great Chans' Seal and title of later time. The Mahumedan Caliphs'. Bagded, not Babylon. The division of the Chaliphat and end. The signification of Chaliph and Naib. To whom Chaliph applied. To the Grand signor in our days, and why. A piece of an old French Letter from an Othomanique Chaliph. Seriph, jariffe. Sultan. The Turkish Salutations. Aphentis, and the Turks title. Amir. Amir Elmumenin. Amermumnes, Miramolinus and such like corrupted in Story. The Turks allow the Pentateuch, and the Evangelists; but say that we have seratcht Mahumeds' name out of them. Their letters dated with their Hegira, and the year of Christ. The Azoars of the Alcoran. The solemn beginning of every Azoat, used by them most superstitiously. An error of Georgevitz. Our K. john would have been a Mahumedan, and sent for the Alcoran. Padischach. mussulman. Caesar, Augustus, Caesarea maiestas attributed to the Grand signor. Hunggiar. Ishmael Sophi. The hate and difference twixt the Turkish and Persian Religion, whence. Imamia and Leshari. The beginning and cause of the Persian title Sophi. Kissilbassilar. Enissarlar. Persian Magi. The Magis, not Kings in Persia (Nor those, in S. Matthew, Kings) but in contempt till Artaxerxes. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Elam. Elamits. How the Persians might well be Magis, by the interpretation of their first author's name. What Magus is. Ignorant Franciscans nailed Friar Bacon's books to the desks. Shach, Schach, Shah, Sa, Xa, Shaugh, Cheque (all one) a special attribute to Persian Greatness. What it is. An error in Bodin about the title of Dominus under the Chaliphs'. Gelal Eddin. Aladin. The large title of Chosroes. The league twixt the last Rodulph and Achmet the present Sultan, touching their Titles. CHAP. V. Out of Europe we come into afric and Asia where also, the Grand signor, notwithstanding his Court and residence at Constantinople is fittest to be placed. But first, of that Ethiopian Emperor or Prince of the Abyssins, which is commonly titled Prester John, and, in Latin, Presbyter joannes, as if it were Priest john. But, by testimony of Zaga Zabo an Ethiopian Ambassador to the last Emanuel K. of Portugal, the name is corrupted from Precious Gian. For his Ethiopique thus expresses it. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. Gian Belul, quod sonat (saith the translation published by Damian à Goes) joannes Belul, hoc est joannes preciosus, sive altus; Et in Chaldaica lingua, joannes Encoe: id, si interpreteris, etiam joannis Preciosi sive alti significatum habet, so that Gian Belul is of their true Ethiopian tongue, which they use in common speech, not that which is spoken and written in their Liturgies and holy exercises, and known, 'mongst them, by the name of Chaldè; but, more specially, styled * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Giaein i. Liberty, quod nimirùm (as the noble Scaliger yields the reason) eâ solâ uterentur Arabes illi victores, qui Aethiopiam insiderunt. For he most learnedly (as in all things else) derives them thither from the Abasens in Arabia, whence Sept. Severus had his denomination of Arabicus, as in one of his i Hub. Goltz. Thes. pag. 129. Coins appears, inscribd with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, of whom mention is made by k Ap. Stephan. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Vranius, an old author of Arabic affairs, placing them in Arabia foelix, which happily salves their deriving themselves from Melech son to Solomon (as they fable) by l Zaga Zabo ap. Damian. à Goes. Maqueda the Queen of the South. For, where * v. Psal. 72. Com. 10. Saba is, were those Abassenes, whence the Latins have their Sabaei and Tura Sabaea. Thus, me thinks, those things concur as it were to make up on both sides that truth, at which learned men have been very purblind. And, by likelihood how should they fit have a special tongue for their writings and holy ceremonies utterly differing from their vulgar, then by being transplanted out of some other Nation, and bringing it thither with them? there being in it also a mixture of Hebrew, Chaldê, & Arabic; but it is, by them, called Chaldè, whereupon Zaga Zabo saith that Helen one of their Empresses wrote two books of Divinity in Chaldé, and tells us furthermore that their Prince is not properly styled Emperor of the Abassins but of the Ethiopians. The Arabians call them m Terra Hhabas, Ethiopia. Ben 〈…〉 min. Tudelens', Itinerar. pag. 101. Elhabasen from the same reason, as we Abassins; but they are known to themselves only by the name of Ithiopiawians. Of this Belul Gian, is made that Beldigian, by which, Luis de Vretta a Spanish Friar says, they call their Emperor. But Bodin notes in his margin to his 1. de Rep. cap. IX. that his name is jochabellul i. gemma pretiosa, as he says. I cannot but prefer the testimony of Zaga Zabo an Ethiopian Priest, which in this could not deceive. But plainly as the name of Presbyter joannes is idly applied to him, so it had its cause upon another mistaking. For, in the travails of such as first discovered to any purpose those Eastern States (as they were of later time) is mention n Pol. Venet, l. 1. cap. 51. & seq. joh. de Plano Carpini. c. 5. & Will, de Rubruquis. Itinerar. made of one Vncham or Vnchan a great Monarch in those parts where now the Great Cham or Chan of Cathay hath his Dominion; and him, they call Presbyter joannes; and writ that one Cinchis, whom they feigned to have been begotten on a poor widow by the Sun beams, as chosen King among the Tartars rebelling against this Vncham, overcame him; and, from this Cinchis the Tartarian Monarchy hath its original. And some more particulars of it you have in the life of S. Lewes of France, written by De jonuille, a noble Baron of France, that was with him in the holy wars. He calls him in his French Prebstre jehan. This relation is of about M. C. XC. and hath made the readers confound the corrupted names of both Princes, twixt whom, too great distance was to have the one derived from the other. And some o Aloys. Cadamust. Navigat. cap. 60. & Lud. Vartomann. Navigat. 2. cap. 15. vide, si placet, Gerardi Mercatoris Geographiam. travelers into those parts, have expressly delivered them both as one. But the Divine Scaliger teaches, that, the Asiatic Vncham and his predecessors were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Prestigiani, that is, in Persian, Apostolic, and so had the name of Padescha Prestigiani, i Apostolic King, because of his Religion (being a Kind of Christian, as Beldigian is also) which, in Ethiopique-Chaldé must be expressed by Negush Chawariawi. Doubtless the community of sound twixt Prestigiani, Presbyter, and Precious Gian was a great cause of this error, which, until the portugals further acquaintance with the Ethiopians, always possessed Europe. But I wonder how the learned Munster was so much in this matter deceived, that he supposes the Hebrew Epistle printed in his cosmography, beginning 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. Ego Pristijuan, to be as sent from the Ethiopian Emperor; especially sith he took notice of both the Asiatic and African Prince abused in the name of Presbyter joannes. The Prestigians affirming in it, that Thomas the Apostle was buried in his country, makes plain enough that it came from the Eastern parts, if not counterfeited. The title likewise is much differing from what the Beldigian uses I will only add one example out of Beldigian David his Letters to p Damian. à Goes. Pope Clement VII. in Latin thus: In Nomine Dei etc. Has literas is ego Rex mitto, cuius nomen Leones Venerantur & Dei gratia vocor Athani Tinghil (that is, the Frankincense of the Virgin) Filius Regis David, filius Solemonis, filius de manu Mariae, Filius Nau per carnem, filius Sanctorum Petri & Pauli per gratiam, Pax sit tibi just Domine, etc. The like is in divers Letters thence to the Kings of Portugal. But, for that name of Cham in the Tartarian Empire, it signifies Lord or Prince, and that Cinchis, or Cangius, Cingis, or Tzingis (for by these names he is known) was called Cinchis Cham his son and successor Hoccota Cham, or rather Chahan or Chan; although a q Matth. à Michow de Sarmat. Asian. lib. 1. c. 8. Polonian, which seemed to have much knowledge in that his neighbouring country, long since delivered thus: Imperator eorum (Tartarorum) It Tli Ki lingua ipsorum, hoc est, liber homo dicitur. Dicitur & Vlu Cham quod sonat Magnus Dominus, sive Magnus Imperator. Vlu n. magnus, Cham vero Dominus & Imperator est. Eundem aliqui magnum r Dog. Imperator Canis dictus est, ubique Odorico in Itinerario, & I. de Plano Carpini. Canem dixerunt, & male interpretati sunt, quia Vlu Cham non significat magnum Canem: Cham etenim cum aspiratione Dominum & Imperatorem: Et Cam, sine aspiratione, cruorem & nunquam canem sermone Tartarorum designat. For the translation of s Haithon Ar●● floruit Monachus sub A. 1290. C●r●h●nus item dictus, & Antonius. Haithon the Armenian out of French into Latin by Salconi, A. M. CCC. VII. hath usually Can not Cham. And the Turkish, which is but Tartarian, interprets Prince by Chan, not Cham; and Chanoglan, with them, is the Son of the Prince or Lord. Yet in Chambalu i. the Court of the Tartar, the m is well permitted, because of pronunciation. The Turks also call this Emperor Vlu Chan in the same signification as à Michow hath written, neither do their Grand Signiors abstain from this title of Chan. Amurad or Morad the III. used it ordinarily thus: Sultan Murad Chan been Sultan Selim Chan elmuzaferu daima i. Lord Murath Prince, son to Lord Selim Prince, always Victorious. Where note, with t Pandect. Turcic. cap. 3. & hist. Musulmanic. 2. Leunclaw, the agreement of their Always victorious with semper Augustus, semper innictus. In their Ottomanique line is one Carachan (Kara Han in R. Zaccuth) son of Cutlugeck, which had hence, that last part of his name. And in those great * Epist. Petr. Arch. Russiae ap. Matth. Paris pag. 875. eruptions of the Tartars, about the beginning of the Othomanique Empire, occur the names of Great Princes, Tartar Chan, Thesyr Chan, Chuis Chan, and such more. But amongst them divers are m●●printed with Than for Chan, and one is called Chiarthan, which I doubt not but should be Chiar or Car Chan. So in Friossart, you have Lamorabaquin, plainly for Almurath Chan, and, in De jonuille, Barbaquan * Verùm & Aggeres Militares, idiomate illo Opientali, Barbicanae dictae (unde forsan illud nomen.) Albert Aquens. hist. Hicrosolym. 6. cap. 10. Emperor of Persia, whose last termination is perhaps this Chan. Constantin u De administ. Rom. Imper. cap. 40. Porphyrogenetus speaking of some Turks which anciently planted themselves in the Eastern part of Europe, ●●ies, that over them as judges were two Princes called Gylas and Carchan. But, saith he, Gylas and Carchan are not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. not proper names, but Dignities. What Gylas is, I confess, I have not yet learned, but my author affirms that it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i greater than Carchan. Unless perhaps in bold derivation it might be fetched from the Turkish word x Giul est Rosa Turcicè. Megiser. Lexic. Turcico-Latin. Guzel i. Fair. For why might not one guess, that Gylas may come from some such an etymon seeing that Carchan is Carachan i Black Prince or Lord in that language, as all agree. Fair, as well as Black might denominat. Yet, of it, I dare put no assertion. There was a large Territory whence those Turks came, called y Will. de Rubruq. in Itinerario. Cara-Cathay i Black Cathay. But I cannot, out of that, see reason for the name of Cara-Chan. Why might not it interpret praefectus Vrbis? a place of high note in the old Roman State. For in that Sarmatian or Scythian (mixed with Turkish) language which held largest Territories in Asia, Car, or Carm (as, in our British, Caer, and in Hebrew Kiriath) signified a City, if you beleeu the testimony of a later z Io. Tzetzes Chiliad 8. cap. 224. floruit sub Eman. Comneno circa 1170. Grecian, telling us that Maeotis (the now Mar delle Zabache) is called in Scythian, Carpaluc i. the City of Fishes, and thus expressing it in his Politic verse: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. Karm, in Scythian, is a City, and Palue, Fishes. Indeed the Turks at this day call a City Scheher, which is near Car. But, this conceit hardly holds. You know Pliny a Hist. Nat. 6. cap. 7. teaches that the Scythians called it, Temerinda, quod significat (saith he) matrem Maris; and at this day the Turks name the Mare Maggiore (the old Pontus Euxinus) next to the Mare delle Zabache, Caradinizi i. the black Sea, which perhaps, being so in Tzetzes his time, may help justify the name of Carpaluc, in or near Delle Zabach. But in these and the like, till I can truly instruct myself, I remain a Sceptic. Howsoever, that name of Carchan was of great dignity also, but not supreme among the Persians. For I imagine their title of Carderiga corrupted (as it falls out) in our Western idioms, to be the same. Cardarigas (saith an b Landulph. Sagax Hist. 17. ancient) non est nomen Proprium, sed Dignitas maxima apud Persas, speaking of the self same, which Theophilact Simocatta (he lived under Heraclius A. DC. XXX.) names 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cardarigan. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (saith c Maurician. hist. 〈◊〉. cap. 〈◊〉. he) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. i. This is a dignity of the Parthians (you may with him here confound Parthians and Persians.) And the Persians love to be called by their Dignities, in some sort disdaining those names imposed on them at their Births. He uses Cardarigan in the first case, which is near Charchan, and perhaps ill turned into Chardarigas by the jesuit Pontan. I guess the self same to be that Official Dignity of Chanaranges, remembered in d De bello Persic. 〈◊〉. Procopius; and the Armenian that was in the Roman Camp under Narses, justinian's Lieutenant, called e Agathias hist. Tom. 〈◊〉. & 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Chanaranges, may well be supposed to have had that name only according to Simocatta's relation of the Persian custom: And what is (Zamergan 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) that greatest Prince of the Hunns in justinian's time but Zamer or Zaber Chan? Plainly Chaganus or Chaianus occurring in Simocatta, Landulphus Sagax, Cedrens, Callistus, and others, is nothing but Chan. So is that Princeps Hunnorum Capcanus in the life of f Monach. Engolism. vit. Carol. Magni. Charlemagne. But I wonder at that in Friar William de Rubruiquis, where he saith, Can nomen dignitatis, quod idem est qui Divinator. Omnes Divinatores vocant Can. unde Principes dicuntur Can quia penes eos spectat regimen populi per Divinationem. Unless you read Dominatores & Dominationem, I understand not why he says so. He was in those parts A. Chr. M. CC, LIII. But questionless, Cedrens well knew the signification of Chan in writing, that the Emperor Theophilus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 g Georg. Cedrens. pag 433. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 1. received an Embassage from the Chagan or Chan of Chazaria: as if he had said the King or Prince of Chazaria. This Chazaria or Gazaria, is that which the ancients call Taurica Chersonesus, almost inisled by the Seas Delle Zabache and Maggiore. For the Asiatic Sarmatians or Scythians which i Simocat. Mauric. hist. 7. cap. 8. & Agathias. lib. 5. anciently under justinian planted themselves about the River Donaw, and in this Chersonesse, called their Prince, as in their own country language, a King or Lord was styled. And Chersonesus Taurica hodiéque (saith Leunclaw) habet suos Chahanes. The word is rather Tartarian, than Slavonique, although, I see, great men say it is Windish, that is, Slavonique. But those tongues are much mixed, doubtless with each other. Those ancient Tartars, and the Northern Scythians by them, in that large Tract from the East of Asia even to the River Don (anciently called Tanais) had long before the Tartarian Empire of Tzingis, their Emperors honoured with that title of Vlu Chan, which perhaps is but corrupted in him they call Vmchan. For above M. years since, one of most large territory in those parts, thus inscribes his letters to Maurice the Roman Emperor. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. i. To the Emperor of the Romans the Vlu Chan (or Great Chan) Lord of seven Nations and Ruler of the seven Climates of the World. So my author i Theophil. Simocat. hist. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. expresses it in Greek, but by all likelihood the original called him, as they do now the Emperor there, Vlu Chan. In the Scaligeran family or De la Scala, derived from the house of Verona (being by original Gotthique) one of the line is called Canis, which, they say, had from k jos. Scalig. de vita julij, in Epist. ad jan. Douzam. this word used in Slavonique its beginning. In the Great Chans' Seal (as Friar john de Plano Carpini, that was sent Ambassador into those parts by P P. Innocent IU. in M. CC. XLVI. affirms) was written this interpreted. Deus in Caelo & Cuine Cham super Terram; Dei Fortitudo. Omnium Hominum Imperatoris sigillum. And his l Ap. Vincent. in Epecul. lib. 32. cap. 28. title was usually Dei Fortitudo, omnium hominum Imperator. And Simocatta remembers more anciently a Prince of those parts which they v said to call m Et Nicephor. Callist. hist. Ecclesiast. lib. 18. cap. 30. Taisan, that is (take it upon his credit) the son of God. In Turkish or Tartarian, I think Tangeroglan is the same. But of Cham, Chan, or Chahan thus much. divers of the titles used in the Northern afric, and under the Grand signor, are the same; the Princes there being either out of one root and nation, or, at least deriving themselves so. In the beginning of the Mahumedan Empire in Bagded and Damascus, Mahumed's successors were called Chaliphs'. This Bagded is not Babylon (as many erroniosly think) but the old n Geograph. Arabs ap. Scalig. Can Isagog. lib. 3. & Plin. lib. 5. cap. 26. Seleucia seated near the confluence of Euphrates and Tigris, new built by Abugepher Almantzor Chaliph there, about DCC. LX. after our saviours birth; and, by the Doctrine of Triangles, if Ptolemy deliver their Longituds and Latituds right, making Babylon Longitud LXXIX. Latitud XXXV. and Seleucia Long. LXXIX, Scrup. XX. Lat. XXXV. Scrup. XL. then is the old Babylon and this Bagded distant about XLIV. English miles; if you put nee●e LX. of our miles to every Degree of Latitude. But Benjamin Ben-Iona, who saw and observed them both, says they are distant but XXX. miles. Whilst the Chaliphat remained undivided, this was the suprem and sole title of him which as successor to Mahumed, had Dominion over Syria, Assyria, Arabia, Egypt, afric and Persia; Afterward about the year of Christ DCCC. LXVIII. Syria and Egypt was taken from the Chaliph of Bagded, by a Abrah. Zaccuth in Chronic. Caeterùm de primo Apud Aegyptios Chalipha Consulendus Will. Arch. Tyrius Hist. Ecctes. 19 cap. 19 & 20. & jacob. de Vitriaco lib. 1. cap. 8. Achmad Ben-Tolon, assuming to himself the dignity of Caliph of Egypt, The chief Caliph's Amirs also and Lieutenants, constituted in Africa, revolting took the Name: and those which in Spain about justinian. Rhinotmetus' his time, planted themselves, as it seems, likewise. Between M. CC. XL. and IX. The Caliphat in Bagded and Egypt ended. That of Bagded ended in Musthaitzem, when those numerous Theophan. ap. Constant. Porphyrog. cap. 21. armies of Tartars (out of whom the Turks are) overran most part of Asia. And the Mamaluches (that is, a kind of Equestris Ordo, or Military Tenants or servants of State; as the janissaries in Turkey or the Timariot.) got the supremacy in Egypt. An old Monk speaking of the Tartars c Matth. Paris pag. 1278. victories over the Saracens, Arabians, and the rest of Asia under the Caliphat, says factique sunt eisdem Tartaris multitudo Gentium in Tributum, Soldani videlicet, Admirabiles, & Principes, etiam Caliphi. Where he comprehends three of their special titles (although somewhat mistaking in one) and therefore the rather I added his words. But the meaning of this of Caliph is, out of its interpretation, Successor or Vicar, although Megiser in his Turcico-Latin Dictionary, turns it Princeps. Chalipha (saith the d Canon. Isagg. lib. 3. great Scaliger) est Vicarius, & ita vocari Vicarios Praefecti Praetorij nihil impediret, si quidem Arabicè appellandi essent. Sed quum Naib idem sit quod Chalipha tamen Pontifices soli dicti sunt Chaliphae, Legati autem & vice Principum Provincias regentes vocantur Naibin, ut Naib Essam, Legatus Syriae. And, hoc nomine (saith Benjamin Ben-Iona, who, during the Chaliphat at Bagded, was there) Caeteris omnibus Ismaelitis Regibus (so Arias translates him) suspiciendus venerabilisque habetur: Praeest n. omnibus illis ut summus quidam omninum Pontifex. The name then as it signified successor, in supremacy was proper to the Sultan or chief Emperor, and as it respected Mahumed; withal it was communicated, it seems, to subjects, that were Mahumeds' Priests. For in Cantacuzen's orations against the Alcoran, he speaks of one of their Doctors, which being dead was found with a Crucifix about him, by reason whereof the Mahumedans would not bury him where they used to lay 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. their Chaliphs', and said that the Doctor was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. a Caliph by dignity, which I interpret a Priest or Vicar among them. But perhaps Cantacuzen means the Caliph of the Egyptian State, under the Mameluches (for that was in his time) which indeed should by right have had the Sultan's place, but at the inauguration of a new Sultan the Chaliphs' 'mongst them used for fashion's sake to make a solemn and imaginary sale or resignation of the Chaliphat (that is the true right of being Emperor) to that Sultan, who of the Mameluches, or by their authority was to succeed. By a Legat. Babylonicae lib. 3. Peter Martyr it's thus expressed: A summo eorum Pontifice Mammetes confirmatur. Habent n. & ipsi snmmum Pontificem, ad quem huius imperij machina, si Aegyptij homines essent, pertineret, (for the Mameluches were originally Christians Apostates; first taken up as the janissaries) Ius suum, ut caeteri consuevere, Mammeti Cairi Regiam tenenti, x M. Pounds in our money. trium millium auri drachmarum pretio Pontifex vendidit. Is CALIFFAS' dicitur. E tribunali, Soldano stanti pedibus, vitae necisque liberam potestatem praestat. Ipse descendit seipsum spoliat, Soldanum Imperaturum induit: abit privatus, permanet in imperio Mammetes. He speaks of the inauguration of one of their Sultan's, Mahomet or Mahumed whom he calls Mammetes. Yet the Chaliph there retained his name still, and continued afterward as high Priest to the Sultan. For Martin à Baumgarten speaking of the presence of their Sultan, and stately attendance of XX. M. Mameluches, says that not far from the Sultan or Sultan, sedebat loco depressiore Papa eius, quem ipsi CALIPHA Nominant. And 'mongst the Persians at this day some inferior b Cartwright. Peregrinat. Priests are called Caliphs', subject to their great Mustadeini. And to one of them the inauguration of the Sophi (heretofore in Cafe, now in Casbin or Hispaan) belongs, as 'mongst the Mameluches it did to the Egyptian Sultan. And a like form of an imaginary Caliphat at Bagded since the Tartarian state began, as that of Egypt or Cair was, is reported by Writers c Pandect. Turcic. cap. 237. of those parts. Yet both in regard of the Spiritual succession (if that word may be allowed 'mongst those wicked impostures) as well as of the Temporal, the supreme Sultan's bare it, whereupon b Roderic. Toletan. lib 7. cap. 10. Matth. Paris pag. 170. Robert. Monachus. Hist. Hierosolym. 6. alij. old Writers interpret Chalipha by Papa expressly, knowing they had both challenged the title of Supreme Vicar. And the Persian Sophi also hath as Vicar or successor to Ali the disposition of all his Churchmen, as if he himself were ecclesiastical. And anciently the Caliph of Bagded is c Seig. de jonuille Chroniq. de S. Joys, chapit. 74. styled L'Apostole des Sarrazins. And, although the Othomanique be not of Mahumed but mere Turkish, yet the Sultan's of it have used the title of Caliph; so expressly affirms Leunclaw of Amurad III. whose Letters to Rodulph 11. he had seen contain it, and Osmanicis (saith he, using that word for the Othomaniques) persuasum est principem suum esse Caliphen huius seculi. It was discontinued in the two Selguccian d Hist. Musuluanic. 1. Families, but by the Oguzian, whence the present Othomanique is, renewed; and used, and in the very infancy of their rule was affected by them. It's justified by this imperfect title of Orchan Giazi (son to the first Ottoman) his Letters to the States of the e Adam Myrimuth. Chronic. Angl. Ms. Saracens in afric and Spain, for their innasion of the Christian Spain, written about M. CCC. XL. and translated by a Captive Saracen into Latin, and thence into Spanish, and afterward into French, & sent in certain Letters of State intelligence to our K. Edward III. I will not alter a letter otherwise then my Ms. author directs me. De moy GOLDIFA, un ley EXERIF, SAUDAN, signior sages fort & puissant Signior de la mesen de Mek du saint hautesse & en la sue saint vertu pheasant justices hauts & basses, constreignant sur toux constreignants, signior du Railm di Turkey & the percy, retenour des terres de Hermenye, signior de la * 〈◊〉 Double & de les dobbles de la mere meruailouse, per ceinor de les febles ore awtz en laseint ley Mahomet, seignior de la fort espee de Elias & de David que tua— my book instructs me no further, but is here torn. But without doubt, that Goldifa is but Chalipha. How easily the difference comes, any man may see. I have faithfully transcribd it, but confess, I understand not all the words in it. The matter is apparent. The word Chaliph is derived into Arabic from the Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which, with difference of dialect is the same in Syriaque, and properly signifies vice or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. For, where in S. Matthew cap. 11. it is remembered that Archelaus reigned 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. in stead of Herod, the Syriaque hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Chealaph Herodes. In Arabisme it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Chaliph i. (saith Raphalengius) Successor, Vicarius. Imperator. And the Persian Sophi hath used this title. The first, Schach Ishmael, on one side of his Coins had stamped Ishmael Caliph Millah i. Ishmael the successor or Vicar of God. Why in those letters, he is called Un ley exarif, I wholly conceive not. But plainly that of Exarif is the title of Xeriph or Sheriph, which is sometimes put in their styles. Notum (saith the painful and learned a Pandect. cap. 3. Leunclaw) quanto sint apud Mahumetanoes in honore qui recta linea tam a Propheta Mahumete, quod ab Ali Mahumetis genero, descendunt, aut se fingunt descendere. Hi Turcis Tartarisque SEITHI vulgo dicuntur, Arabibus autem SERIPHAE: quos maximâ sane veneratione atque obseruantia quum prosequantur, etiam ipsi Sultani SERIPHARUM b Idem est quod jariffe in Litt. Imperatoris Maroci, Hispanicè editis ab Hackluito Tom. 2. part. 2. pag. 118. & 119. adpellatione velut Augustiores se reddere volunt. The word interprets High or Noble. The late published Lexicon thus: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sheriphun. Celsus, llustris, inclytus, nobilis, Augustus. But, to make Seriph equivalent in analogy with Syncellus, which was the next degree in Constantinople to the Patriarch, and to have like regard to Chaliph (as some have done) is but, I think a piece of Grecian vanity. The name Saudan is there, what elsewhere is often Sultan, but should be prorounced Sultan. And the Grand signor is sometimes styled Sultan Olem i. Lord of the World. But Sultan is usually in his style, and signifies only Dominus most properly. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Eccles. cap. 8. come. 4 est potentia, sive Dominium â 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. Dominari. & Com. 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Potens, sive Dominus. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sultan i. Rector or Dominus. And, as in Rome, the Salutations were by Domine, so in Turkey they say Sellam aleich Sultanu i. Peace be to you Sir, as Georgivitz delivers. The word occurs in Writers both Greek and Latin of later times, very often. The Latins have it Saladinus sometimes. In Letters from Selim the II. to the state of Venice, sent about M. D. LXX. of Christ, and written in most barbarous a Crus. Turco-Graec. lib. 4. Epist. 60. Greek, thus is he styled: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with a large reckoning up of Provinces and Dominions, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. i. Sultan Selim Prince of Constantinople, New Rome etc. Lord and King of what is comprehended in our sight under the Sun. That Aphentes is but a corrupted word from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which the later Grecians call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. a Lord or such like; their custom being usual in proper names and divers other words, to make the termination in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. In Letters lately sent from Achmet the now Grand signor, to the States of the Low Countries, he is only styled Sultan Achmet Cham; as the English Copy speaks, and in their Coins the attribute of Honour is Sultan only. But most commonly their Titles were wont to be exceeding copious of attributes, with which or the like they now use to over-load those Princes to whom they writ; whereof in the end of this Chapter, more. To Selim the first his statue, in his son Soliman's Bedchamber was added b Lonicer. Chronic. Tom. 1. lib. 1. an inscription, thus expressed in Latin, Soldanus Selimus Ottomanus, Rex Regum, Dominus Omnium Dominorum, Princeps omnium Principum, Filius & Nepos Dei. But Sultan is not proper solely to the Grand signor. As most of the other names, and the like in other States, it is communicated. He styles himself sometime Amir also, i. a Lord or Prince. In Arabisme 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. I know this is oft given most anciently to Chaliphs' and Lieutenants, and such like, and is at this day to others. Of c Vide supra pag. 49. Et cap. vlt. lib. secundi. Amirs more anon. But it being put with the majestic addition of Great, only signifies the Grand signor. A Persian and a Mahumedan, d Sampsat. Sphach. mussulman. Epist. ad Melet. Monachum. living near the beginning of the Ottomanique Empire, calls all Turkey * i. The Country of the Great Amir. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 alone is found in the Lady Anne her Alexias, Phranzes and such more; and Cedrens, speaking of Abubachar the first successor of Mahumed, says that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. He was Amir 11. years and a half, and then died. At this name, Matthew Paris guest in his Admirabiles, other in their Admiralli, Ammiralli, and the like, which the authors of the holy wars are full of, & Admiraulx, as De jonuille always calls them. But the most ancient and proper title they used is with addition thus: Amir-elmumunin i. Rex Orthodoxorum, or Fidelium, which the Arabic thus expresses: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in the same sound and sense. And Mahumed in the Alcoran is often called the chief of the Believers. And where Benjamin Ben-Iona speaks of the Chaliph of Bagded, whom he calls Amir Almumanin Alghabassi, it must be understood that none of all that was his proper name. And that of Alghabassi (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) is only one of the Abassilar Family, which is famous among the Chaliphs'. Therefore, under favour, Arias his interpretation of Alghabassi was little to the purpose, or rather against the authors purpose. An old Writer e Rigord. in vit. Philipp. Augusti. idem jacobus de Vitriaco lib. 1. cap. 9 & Marin. Sanut Tors. lib. 3. part. 3. cap. 5. qui tamen utrique hoc Chaliphis Africanis maximè Tribuunt. of France long since well interpreted it. Hemiromomelin (saith he) i. Rex Credentium. But the same author not long after in the self same Treatise is much to blame, when he writes, Rex quidam Saracenus, qui dicebatur Mumilinus, quod, lingua eorum, sonat Rex Regum. For plainly Mumilinus was but corrupted from this we speak of, as also Amiromomenius which often occurs in Roderique of Toledo his Spanish story, and the like other ancients of the Holy War. This the middle Grecians call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (for so is it nearest the right) although sometimes its in the self same author, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Lately (saith b Ap. Constant. Porphyrog. de adm. Rom. imp. cap. 25. Theophanes a Chronologer of middle times in Greece) the Amir of Persia or Chorasan became an absolute Prince, by reason of the declining state of the Amermumnes of Bagded (whose Lieutenant he had been) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. i. and called himself Amermoumnes, and wore the Alcoran about his neck with little plates (so I interpret it) like a chain, and supposed himself descended from ALEM. Where note that all the Mahumedan Princes' revolting from the See of the first and chief Chaliphat which was at Bagded, refer themselves to Alem or Ali Mahumeds' son in law. So did those in Egypt, and afric: where, they were called Phatemits from Phateme, Mahumeds' daughter married to Alem. And this hanging the Alcoran about his neck, was a very Emblem of his assumed name; the Orthodoxal religion of them (if among them any religion may be said to be) having its chief root in the Alcoran, although beside they respect the Peutateuch, which they call * The writings of Moses. Vide jac. de Vitriaco li. 1. cap. 6. & Oliver. Scholastic. de Captione Damiatae. Mussalkittabi, (out of which divers relations, but most absurdly connexed, are inserted in their Alcoran) and the new Testament also; affirming that our Saviour was a great Prophet, and that he promised in it to send his Prophet Mahumed (O blasphemy!) but the Christians (the Gaurlar in their language) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as my author a Cantacuzen. Apolog. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 4. Sampsat. Pers. in Epist. Meletio. & Alcoran. Azoar. 71. says, i. in spite have taken that out of the Gospel, wherein they, say b Doctr. Machumet. Mahumeds' name was once written, as likewise on the right hand of the Throne of the Almighty. But there, they say he is called Achmet, and in Paradise Abualtrazim, and on earth only Mahumed. And in their Dates, sometimes they use the year of jesus, as they call it, as well as of their * Hegir est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, sive persecutio, atque in hac re dictum, quasi religionis gratiâ fugisset Mahumed. Hegira i. Mahumed's flight out of Mecha in DCXXII. of our Saviour. So I have seen letters to the late Queen Elizabeth of most happy memory, dated DCCCC. XCVIII, of Mahumed, and M. D. X C. of jesus. And in a letter in Italian from the Sultan Anurad's chief wife to Q. Elizabeth, the c Ap. Hackluit. part. 2. pag. 311. year of M. 11. Del Propheta i. of Mahumed, and di jesus M. D. XCIV. So in the d Waser. de Antiq. Nummis. lib. 2. League twixt Rodulph II. and Amurad III. Remember, they use Lunar years, as the old Arabians did, and that their Epocha is in july, otherwise you may doubt of the concurrence of those numbers. And the Almumen, that is true Mahumedans are (beside their general profession) so superstitiously addicted to that foppish volume (the Alcoran) that in every action almost they undertake of great or slight nature, they use the formal beginning of the Suareths or Azoars i. the chapters of it. Of those Azoars, are in their books CXIV. only; the translations amongst us, being divided into CXXIV. but, after the VI (which is in the Latin the XVI.) agreeing in that point, with the Original. Every of those Azoars begin with Besemi Allahi alrrhehmeni alrrhehimi i. In nomine * Arab. vero qui Christo nomen dederunt, libros suos à Nomine Dei Patris, filii & S. S. semper auspicantur. Vti Manuscrip ti codices veterum Monachorum, Assit Principio Sancta Maria meo, plerumque fronte gerunt. Dei Misericordis Miserantis, which they solemnly speak. And the King of Morrocco puts it in the beginning of his letters most commonly, as those examples which I have seen, justify. In omni operis principio (saith Georgivitz in the person of a Turkish Mahumedan) ubique utimur nos Musulmani istis a By sem n. in numero omittitur, ut quod ad contextum solummodò adhibetur. tribus verbis; Cum assedimus mensae ut edamus haec praemittimus verba: cum abluimus manus, euntes ad orationem, & caetera membra corporis. Insuper peracta lotione ter repetendo haec tria verba, aquâ aspergimus capita, dicendo By sem Allahe elrahmane Elraoahim. Georgevitz so expresses it, and makes the last word signify spiritus eorum, wherein he was much deceived, although indeed Raohaim might in our characters and pronunciation be understood so, and the Arabic in this passage might endure to have it so by us written. But in the Original, its apparent, no such construction can be. For the titles of the Azoars, which I saw first in a most neat and anciently written Alcoran, remaining in that famous Bodleian Library in Oxford, are thus in Arabisme 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 where any man which hath tasted these kind of Letters, may see that the last word hath a Radical (Mim) which is not in Ruach, signifying a Spirit. The three words have over the Aliphs' their point Vashlu, which some Arabians superstitiously observe, as a token denoting that so many words concurring as have that point, are to be pronounced with one breath, which, they say, must be done although a man stifle himself about it. But this, by the way. This Amerelmumenin is plainly interpreted in that of the Tartar Haoloh (so some call him) to the last Chaliph in Bagded, remembered by Haithon the Armenian. Tunc dixit Haolonus Calipho: Tu diceris Doctor Omnium Credentium, in falsa secta Mahumeti. One of our a Matth. Paris in pag. 324. A. M. cc. XIII. Reg. joh. XVI. Monks calls the King of Morocco, and those parts, Admiralius Murmelius, stumbling at his name. It may be not unpleasing to read the whole place where it is. Misit ergo nuncios (he means our K. john) secretissimos cum festinatione summa, videlicet Thomam Herdintonum, & Radulphum filium Nicolai milites, & Robertum de Londino Clericum ad Admira ium Murmelium, Regem magnum Africa, Marrochiae, & Hispaniae quem vulgus Miramomelinum vocat (it was the better word of the two) significans eidem quod se & regnum suum libentèr redderet eidem & dederet, & deditum tencret ab ipso si placeret ei, sub tributo. Necnon & legem Christianam quam vanam censuit, relinquens, legi Mahometi fidelitèr adhaereret. A strange design! but the Amir there told the Ambassadors, that he lately had been reading S. Paul's Epistles, where he found many things which liked him; only this, he much disliked S. Paul, for that he followed not that Religion under which he was born. And of that also in K. john's request, he took a very ill conceit, affirming that if he had been without a religion, of all other he would soon have embraced Christianity, but that every man should live in that Law and Religion under which he was born. And so discharged them. To this day the successors of that Emperor in Fez and Morocco keep the addition of Amirelmumenin, as the Divine b Canon. Isagogic. lib. 3. Scaliger, who was wont to interpret their Letters to the United Provinces, instructs us; which is also to be seen in some of Mulai Hamets' Letters, translated into Spanish, and c Ha●kluit Tom. 2. part. 2. pag. 118. published. The Grand signor rather hath in later d Barth. Georgovitz. cap. 3. times used the title of Padischah Musulmin i Great King of the Musulmans. Padischah is, in Turkish and Persian, great King; and they call the Germane Emperor Urum Padischah, the French King Frank Padischah. Quare (saith my author) non attribuitur inferioris conditionis Magnatibus nisi Imperatoribus & Regibus. A professor of Turkish, turns mussulman by circumcisus. But the word is plainly Arabic 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Musulmin, plurally, i. (as Mumenin) Orthodoxi, Fideles, or qui sincerè credunt, as the learned Raphalengius interprets it. Hence is it made singular in Musulmanus and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: often occurring, specially in Sphachanes the Persian, and the Emperor Cantacuzen's works; whence they have their Verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. to turn Turk or profess that Religion. The Amurad so titled himself in Letters to the King of Poland, & so have I seen him written in Letters to our Q. Elizabeth. But the greatest attribute which they used since the taking of Constantinople (thereby having seated themselves in an Empire of greater note then worth in the later times) is Huncher, Hunchier, or l Condichiar ap. Spanduginum. Hunggiar, as Leunclaw writes it; Id propriè (saith he) titulo nostrorum Augustorum respondere volunt, quo se imperatores Caesares appellant. And there have been letters sent from this m Lit. Elizab. Reg. Dat. 1579. apud Hackluit. part. 2. pag. 138. Et saepius Caesarea Maiestas nostra occurrit in Foedere icto inter Dn. Elizab. R. & Turcarum Imperatorem, quod videsis apud eundem pag. 141. 94. v. pag. 158. & in Literis Mustaphae Chausij, Amurades dicitur Augustiss 〈…〉 mu Caesar. pag. 171. State in Latin, calling the Grand signor (Amurad III) Augustissime & invictissime Caesar. Which his own country men by their Interpreters have also given him. And in Sinan Bassa's Letters to Q. Elizabeth of happy memory, Caesarea Celsitudo is often for Sultan Amurad. The first that used this Hunggiar was Mahumed II. which took Constantinople; and, after him, his son Bajazeth and Selim imitated him. Whereupon, saith my author, Ishmael Schah the Persian Sophi, both in dishonour of the Grand Signiors, as also to upbraid their superstitious abstinence from Swine's flesh (for that jewish ceremony was wont to be of so great moment and regard amongst them, that, when they took a solemn oath for confirmation of any league or the like; to the two execrations, first that they might be as much dishonoured as he that for his sins goes in pilgrimage to Mahumed, bareheaded, secondly as he that had cast off his wife, and taken her again, they added this third, that if they stood not to the Covenants of State, ilz fussent dishonorez & deshontez, come le Sarazin que mange le chair de Pourceau, as De jonuille that was amongst them with S. Lewes, speaks) Ishmael, saith he, for that reason was wont to keep a very fat Hog and still call him by the name of that Turk which then reigned, thus: Hunggiar Bajazeth, or Hunggiar Selim. This Ishmael was the first Persian King, that bore the now famous name of SOPHI. And its origiginall thus take. Besides the four associates of Mahumed (Abubaker, Omer, Othman, and Ali) which presently after him were the propagators of his senseless traditions, there are other ancient Doctors forsooth of that Church (they call them Imamlar) as n Cantacuzeno sunt alia nomina, corum qui Mahumedis Doctrinan dilatarunt, atque uti P●tres aut summ● Doctores praefuerunt Orat. 〈◊〉. Ebuhanifem, Imam Malichim, Imam Schoaffim, Imam Achmet, and others; all which four the Persians deadly hate, nor admit they of their doctrine. Neither will they allow of any traditions from Abubaker, Omer, or Othman; they are altogether for Ali, to whom, they say, the Angel Gabriel should have given the Alcoran, but by error, in stead of him he took it to Mahomet, and that Ali should have been the general Chaliph, but that the other three, by aid from some which ill bore themselves in that holy state, cozened him of it. A controversy worth examining! Not a book or monument of the doctrine of either of those three, but when they find it, they burn it. This Sect from Ali was deduced into Persiae by the doctrine of one Schach Sophi, who derived himself from Ali, and lived about M. CCC. LXX. But an African o Lib. Elfacni. ap. Leon. Afric. hist. 3. Atqui memineris hîc quae habet Will. Tyrius hist. Hierosol. lib. 1. cap. 4. & lib. 19 cap. 20. de Sunni & Schia (ut impressi Codices loquuntur) atque eum insuper de Ali consulas, quin & jonuillanum in Vit. S. Ludovici cap. 30. & 57 & mira sane est inter Scriptores de hoc pseudopropheta, ac de eius sequacibus discrepantia. quam hic occuratius euncleare non est operae pretium. expressly affirms that in Mahumedisme were anciently LXXII. Sects, and now but two; that is, the Persian, which he calls Imamia (named from the doctrine, it seems, delivered by Imamlar i Priests or Doctors, and Ali was specially named Imam) and Leshari which those of afric, Turkey, Egypt, Spain and Arabia follow. What his Leshari is, I know not, unless those which follow Aser Ben Cheter (of whom Cantacuzen speaks, as of one of their special ancient Doctors) be thereby understood But all of that Alien Sect are so hated by the Othomaniques, that their Turkish Muftis (that is their Patriarches or Archbishops) have delivered, that its more meritorious, in Mahumedisme, to kill one Persian than threescore and ten Christians. From that Schach Sophi through divers descents came one Haidar (Prince of Erdebill) living about M. D. of the only Saviour, and taught his ancestors new dogmaticalls, showing withal the Othomanique heresies. Upon the new doctrine (as it happens) great conflux was to the new Doctor, who grew so far into opinion, which creates greatness, that Vsun Chasan then King of Persia, gave him in marriage his daughter Martha, descended out of the Greek house of the Commnens Kings of Trapezond. By Martha, Haidar had a son named Ishmael. Vsun Chasan left his son jacupheg, or Sultan jacup (as he is called) his successor. jacup began much to suspect his brother in law Haidar's son, and his multitude of followers. To prevent further danger put him to death. His nephew Ishmael hardly escaped him, but fled with his mother to his father's friend, one Pircul a Lord of great rank about the Caspian Sea (The Turks call it Culzum Denizi i. the close or shut Sea; it's usually in our Charts Mar de Bachu) and there had his education according to his father's Religion. Sultan jacup the King was poisoned by his wife; Aluan or Almut (as some call him) succeeding. Ishmael now, pretended the challenge of his father's estate, place, and his own inheritance invaded part of Persia; had the day against Aluan; slew him; put his brother and successor Amurad Chan to flight; and upon his death got the Persian Empire to himself. To him being thus one of their Sophilar (a Sect coming from that Scach Sophi) and descended from both Ali und the Schach Sophi, first author of the Sect, ab Osmanidis (saith my p Leunclau. Pandect. Turcic. cap. 81. & 188. Circa A. D. M. D. XX. Nec tn: Pandectis acquiescas nisi optimi Viri etiam Historian Musulmannicam inspicias lib. 16. author) SOPHI cognomentum, & KISELIS BASSAE per ignominiam fuit inditum, a SOPHI Arabica voce quae Lanam signisicat. Quip cum Mahumetani & presertim Osmanici, more veteri, Tulipanto lineo subtilissimi operis caput involuant, nova isthaec Sophilariorum religio praecipit inter alia, ne caput fastu quodam lineis eiusmodi spiris ornetur: sed ut tegumenta Capitum è Lana, non magni re pretij, conficiantur. Et qnia laneum hoc tegumentum capitis, quo praeter aliorum Mahumetanorum morem, high nunc utuntur, plicas habet duodecim, & Arabica vox Enasser (I think he should rather have said Etzenaser) duodecim significat, etiam aliud nomen Enasserlariorum consecuti sunt, ac si Graeco vocabulo dicas Dodecaptychos, aut Latino Duodecimplices. Quod deinque tegmen eiusmodi rubro duntaxat colore tinctum gestare soleant, Kisselbassilarij quoque dicti sunt, veluti Capita rubra: The Persians being before called by the Turks Azemlar, and their Territory Aiem or Azeim. Thus came this Schah Ishmael and his successors to be called Sophi and Kessel bassae also. Thus he; and in the derivation from Wool divers follow him. But, says most judicious q De Emendat. Temp. lib. 5. Scaliger, Quod quidam SOPHI a flocco lanae dictum volunt, hoc levius est ipso flocco lanae. He therefore derives it from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Tzaophi i. Pure, elect, holy, one of a reformed Religion; which they profess against the Othomaniques, with like hate as the Samaritans had against the jews. I am easily persuaded to be of Scaligers mind for the reason of the name. But the whole story of Ishmael is diversly delivered. Leunclaw differing in his Musulmanique story from what he had in his Pandects delivered of it; thinking withal that the Alien or Sophilar's heresy is not from that Ali which was Mahumeds' son in law, but from Ali Abasides, whose Genealogy you may see in him. * Deijs, alij eadem affirmant. Sed an Sophilarij Mahumedem excrantur? minimè certè Ismaelis n. Nummi inscriptio erat, Mahumed Resul Allahe i. Nuntius Dei. Leuncls. Musulmanic. lib. 16. In De jonuille his life of S. Lewes Ali is called always Hely, and uncle to Mahumed; and his followers, Beduins which accounted all Mahumedans (saith he) miscreants. But the name of Sophi had its original in that Shach Sophi, who, I doubt, had some other proper name; for, Sophi by all likelihood was given him with regard to his reformed profession, as the word interprets, yet r Ishmael dicitur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Hist. Politic. Constantinop. à Zygomal. transcript. Haidar (who I guess is called Erdebil or Arduelles, as iovius or Surius writ him, but from the place Erdebil Arduille or Ardobille where he and, his ancestors were Schaches) may be affirmed the author of the Sect, as it is now Royal amongst them, because in his time began the King to oppose it, which opposition was there cause of Ismaels' following greatness. What Ramusius, Minadoi, iovius, Osorius, Tarik Mirkond, and most other have of this matter at large, you may find compendiously delivered in that Late work, composed by great industry out of infinite Reading, by my learned and kind friend Mr. Purchas. Their variable discourses of this point fit not this place. That derivation, from Tzoaphi, plainly however continues. But it's said that in Persia they call not the King the Sophi, but usually the Schach i. the Lord, or the signor. It may well be so: for indeed every man is truly there a Sophi, if not a Mahumedan herotique; that is either of Shach Sophi his Sect, as he should be, or of the Othomanique Religion. But why it should be abstained from amongst them as disgraceful (which some s Ap. Hackluit. Navig. Part. 1. fol. 397. affirm, because Sophi signifies there a Beggar) I conceive not, no more than why the King of Spain or France should dislike the title of Catholic or most Christian. It's certain (according to our pronunciation) it signifies both Wool, and also Choice, pure or reformed. But Tzodki, not Tzophi in their learned tongue, is a Beggar. And our famous Q Elizabeth wrote to t A. Chr. M. D. LXI. 3. Elizabethae. Schach Tamas their Emperor with this title, Potentissimo & invictissimo Principi Magno Sophi Persarum Medorum, Parthorum, Hircanorum etc. in Letters copied into Hebrew, and Italian, and so sent; although in some others to him, it be omitted. It's idle to fetch it from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as some have done. Yet verbally it may be deduced to us from Magus (which interprets 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) if you can beleeu that the old Persian Kings were called Magis, as a Title proper to their Majesty; which some ignorantly have thought as truth, supposing the Magis i. the wisemen of the East in S. Matthew to be u Chaldaei Reges dicti Claudiano in Epigrammatis v. Psalm. 72. Com. 10. Caeterum, quo sensu Reges dici possint, docebit V. Cl. Is. Casaubon. Exercit. 2. § 10. in Ann. Baronij. Kings, and that of old Persia. There are at this day which would prove it and labour at it. They cite Apuleius * Apolog. 1. his words: Quip inter prima Regalia docetur (Magia:) nec ulli temerè inter Persas concessum est Magum esse, haud magis quam regnare. He speaks of instructing the King's children, which was done by the x Plato in Alcibiade. nec alitèr intelligo Ciceronem lib. 1. de Divinat. Nec quisquam Rex Persarum potest esse, qui non ante Magorum disciplinam scientiámque perceperat. v. Plin. lib. 30. cap. 2. Magis, and in their profession. But, is every one with us, that a Priest reads Divinity to, a Priest therefore? Nay, it seems the Persian Kings never had that name or title after the death of Prexaspes and Smerdis (so Herodotus calls them, Ctesias and justin otherwise) which were Magi. For, in honour of those which freed the Persians from their usurped authority, an annual feast was instituted by the State called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. the slaughter of the Magis, in which, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 y Herodot. in Thalia. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. it was not lawful for any of the Magis to be seen abroad; but they all kept their houses. Can this have been, if the Kings had been then Magis? And until Artaxares got the Kingdom (about C C. XXX. after Christ under Alexander Severus) from Artabanus, the Magis continued as contemned of the Great ones, and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was still celebrated. But Artaxares (so my z Agathias histor. 6. author calls him) had before he was King, been a Magus or Priest of that kind among them. And so afterward, as it happens, till the time of Othman Ben-Ophen successor of jezdigird, the Magis were again in great honour, but by no means can they be found to have reigned about our saviours Birth. This Othman (which others call otherwise) began in the year of Salvation DC. XXXII. Indeed, for another reason, both they and their nation might have been called so, if proper names may be translated. For from A Elam (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) the son of Seth, the old a joseph. Archaeol. 〈◊〉. cap. 7. corrigendi etiam Codices illi qui 1. Maccab cap. 6. come 1. habent, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Elymais n. ipsa Regio Susianae adiacens. Lege igitur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. atque ita josephus (ni fallor) Archoeol. 12. cap. 13. emendandus. Vrbs verò illa sanè oppidum Charax, in Elymaide ab Alexandro conditum, ut videtur, de quo Plin. lib. 6. cap. 27. Vide Ptolem. Geograph. 6. cap. 3. Stephan. Bizant. in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. & Elymaeos Susianam inhabitare ait Marcian. Heracleot. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. verum & consulendus Benjamin. Tudelens'. Itinerar. pag. 78. Persians were, and thence are the Aelamits; Aelam is Doctus, Sagax, Magus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as every man may know from S. Luke. But Elymas (saith the Text) the Sorcerer (for so is his name by interpretation) withstood them. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; and thence, says Glycas, as his translation is, Persas Magos appellari lingua ipis Vernacula constat. But Magus or Aelam is not so much a Sorcerer as a Natural Philosopher, or a searcher into curiosities; not of necessity implying in it any unlawful Art, although ignorant ages have used to take all for Devilish invention and practice with Spirits, which they understood not, as the example was in our Friar Roger Bacon: whose works of abstruse learning, lying in the Franciscans Library at Oxford, were by lubberly Friars and Scholars there (under the misty time of our great Grandfathers) utterly despairing that ever their laziness could understand them, very learnedly, to the perpetual security of their wits quiet, fastened with long nails to the deskboards; where, being consecrat to the use of Worms and Moths, they were consumed. I know the Hebrew of S. Matthew (but not authentic) hath, for the Magis, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: which is taken for Sorcerers (as we now use that word) Witches, and such like. I rather understand them Astrologers (Astrology in itself, not abused: being a most honourable art) to whom it pleased the Lord to permit such knowledge of that Means of Salvation, to Mankind, signified, for this purpose (as some will) in Balaam's prophesy a Numer. cap. 24. Comm. 17. of the Star arising out of jacob. But, that Ishmael is usually called Ishmael Schah, Shah or Shach, by the Grecians b Hist. Politic. à Th. Zygomal. ad Crus. missa. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Schah is nothing but an addition of greatness to the name, as Lord or Don or Monsieur (whereof, somewhat is c Pag. 51. & 52. before) and truly interprets signor; it is written (with the particle Al) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * Verùm Abrahae Zaccuth Scribitur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Scheich i. Senex, which might easily be confounded in our Characters with Leunclaw's word Sheiches for a Priest; but that is (as I guess) in all different characters, to be written Keshish rather, which in reading of his excellent works of the Musulmanique Empire, must be specially observed. Keshish x Raphaleng in Lexic. Arabic. signifies an old Priest, which, I confess, Sheich may do also; but then I conceive not his difference in the writing of it. You may see his Onomasticon * Et Pandect. Turc. cap. 34. at the end of the Musulmanique story. This Schah or Shah, is often used as an addition to Persian greatness. Cossorassath, in Haithon the Armenian, is thought to be corrupted from Cosroes Shach. And an Egyptian Sultan is remembered in old De jonuille by the name of Scecedun, filz du Seic qui vault a tant adire en leur language come filz de Vieil, where note he makes Shach to signify Old (as it doth) not only Lord. And that Solimanus filius Solimani Veteris, or Senioris g Baldric. Hist. Hierosylom. lib. 2 Robert. Monach. lib. 3. alij eiusdem farinae. in some authors of the Holy Wars, I doubt not but might well be turned Soliman the Son of Soliman Shach. But it is not proper to suprem Princes (but by special excellency) no more than our word, Lord; as the noble Monsieur de Thou well takes it, affirming c Thuan. Hi. stor. lib. 18. that it is alone applied often to such as have small Dominions, and are as Reguli, or the like. Some interpret it d Linschot. lib. 1 cap 27. out of the application, King, but the nearest to exact truth is that which we have before out of Scaliger, with whom Theodore Spandugn e Apud Crusium in Hist. Constantin. pag. 66. agrees expressly. And in the title of Muhamed Ben-Dauid's Alagsarumith, he is called * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. sive senex. Alsheich (being this very word 〈◊〉 Sa, Saa, Schah or Schach) as by an attribute of dignity. It is written often Shaugh, Xa, and also Cheque. Out of Achmet's Onirocritiques, the great Scaliger f Canon. Isagog. 3. cities 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. Saa Nisan King of the Persians. And here, saith he, est aliud nomen multis Principibus Persarum commune, NISA. id eorum lingua est HASTA. And Senigar Saa filius Saa Regum omnium Persarum Imperator, is in Benjamin Ben-Iona, and Vararanes a Persian King, is called g Agathias. hist. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from his being before Lord or Governor of Cerma. About M. LXX. after Christ the Persian King is in Abraham Zaccuth named Sultan Melich Sa (the same which a Greek calls h Chrysococces ap. Scaliger. ubi supra. Idem est, nifallor, Malicsach apud Leon. African. hist. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) after whose death, he says, the Chaliph of Bagded, Mutkadi Ben Kain, at this Sultan's wives request, permitted his son Mahumed to reign, which I the rather also note, because Bodin i De Repub. 1. cap. 9 affirms that the Chaliphs' permitted not the name of Dominus to any, but themselves having, at first, supremacy over all those parts, and speaks of a Text in the Alcoran against it, which I could never meet with. There may be some such thing perhaps in some other of those Zunas i Counsels or Laws, which were after Mahumed, composed by the Chaliphs' commandment at Damascus. But doubtless no better word for Dominus can be then Sultan, by which here this Prince of Persia, under the Chaliphat is styled. This Sultan is called c Ignat. Patriarch. Antioch. ad Scalig. quem Consulas de hoc Imperatore lib. 4. de Emend. Sultan Gelal eddin Melic Sa (but his proper name was Albu Ersalan) from whom the Persians have their annual account, whose root is A. Chr. M. LXXIX. in the XIIII. of our March, and is called the * Ver. Nows dies: si verbum interpreteris. Neuruz of Gelal Sultan Melic (saith Scaliger) est Rex, Sa vel Scha Persis est nomen attributum Regibus. Gelal is Majesty in Arabic, and so he turns Melic Sa Gelal eddin, into Melic Sa Maiestas Religionis. From this word Edin, is the name Aladin in the Oath 〈…〉 anique race, which as Leunclaw says, signifieth Divine; but he allows not Reineccius conjecturing that all the Turkish Sultan's had the name of Aladin as a surname or title of honour. From Scah in the Persian title, they have money called Schahlar, as the Turks have Sultanlar, which we call Sultanins. Of Schah, is Padischa a compound, whereof, before. The Persian titles more ancient, are already elsewhere touched. As a corollary, take here another of them in the middle times; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 d Theophylact. Simocatta hist. 4. cap. 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. i. Chosroes King of Kings, Lord of Potentates, Lord of Nations, Prince of Peace, Saviour of Men, Among Gods a good and eternal Man, but, among Men, a most Famous God. Most glorious Conqueror, Rising with the Sun, Giving eyes to the Night, Noble by Birth, a King that hates war, well deserving, having the * Nonnè Ausonios 1. Italos innuit? Asonae under Pay, and keeping the Kingdom for the Persians. To Baram a General among the Persians, and our friend. Baram having before written to Chosroes in almost alike fashioned style. It was about D C. of Christ, under the Emperor Maurice. It the rather is observable, because both African and Asiatic Princes do yet, even as Chosroes, sometimes load themselves and other Princes to whom they e Ex literis Amuratis III. ad Sereniss. Elizab. Reg. A: 1579. datis constat. quae sunt apud Hackluit. Itinerar. part. 2. pag. 137. writ with strange, and doubtless by their Secretaries hardly invented attributes. But in that league of M. DC. VI twixt Rodulph II. and the present Grand signor Achmet, it was 'mongst other things concluded, That the f Mercur. Gallo-Belgic. Tom. 5. lib. 4. Emperor and the Great Sultan in all their Letters, Instruments, and Embassages should not style themselves by any other additions, but by the names of Well-beloved Father and Son, to wit, the Emperor calling the Great Sultan his son, and the Great Sultan the Emperor (in respect of his years) his father. And that in the beginning of their Letters they might both take upon them the name of Emperor respectively. Speaking in the Plural number. Why 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is for any barbarous Nation to the jews. The Rabbins reason of the Plural. Inferiors honoured, if named by Superiors. Otherwise if Superiors named by Inferiors. An example in our English law for the Plural. Dei gratia. By whom used. The Princes of the Empire their Royalties. Dei Gratia anciently used by Bishops and Abbots. Expressing of Princes by the Abstract of their quality. Tua Maxima Fatuitas, to the Pope. Majesty anciently in Rome, how afterward used. Celsitude, and Serenity, to Dukes. No proper word for Majesty in Greek. The Goddess Majesty. Crimen Maiestatis. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in later Grecians for Majesty. The Despot, Sebastocrator, and Caesar; how they were formally to be spoken to, or of. Majesty, to our Sovereigns, when first. Grace, and Excellent Grace. Worship, and Worshipful. Sovereign Lady, to a Duchess. The disserence of speaking in the Concrete or Abstract. The Spanish Pragmatica for the formality of the King's style in directions to him. CHAP. VI OTher appendents of Majesty are, which give a special form to the expressing of Titles. Speaking in the Plural Number is one observable. As, We command: in the Person of One being a Monarch. It's certain that among ancient Latins the plural Number often was for a singular Person in common language. and (against rules of Grammar) joined with a singular word. Not with Accius, Naevius, or Plautus only, but in later. Catullus hath Insperanti Nobis; and Tibullus, to his false Mistress: Perfida nec merito Nobis inimica merenti. But these, not to our purpose. You shall as often find the Persian and Greek Emperors in Esther, Ezra, the Macchabees, Hypocrates his Epistles and such more, to use the singular as Plural: Sometimes is a mixture of Both: as in that of Ptolemy Philopator to his Egyptians a Lib. 3. Macchab. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. i. I am well myself and so are Our affairs. The jews say that in their language for the plurality of Virtues and Power (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) supposed in a superior, they use the Plural number to or of one man.. Their Adoni is plural, yet often used as singular. Every tongue (saith one of b Aben-Ezra in Genes. cap 1. them) hath its property. As it is honourable in the Italian (so usually 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is interpreted; but questionless 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was indifferently, at first, used by them for any strangers or Gentiles c Elias Thisbit. in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, omnes linguas, praeter Ebraeam, ita dictas scribit. Country where their Religion was not, having its being out of the sigles for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. Cultus alienus sive extraneus, or Idolatry, which they commonly express by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in abbreviature, and sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for secundum cultum extraneum) as its honourable in the Italian for an inferior to speak to a Great man by the plural number: so in the Arabic (the Ismaelitish he calls it) it is honourable for a Great man, as a King, to speak in the plural. So likewise in the holy tongue it is honourable to speak of a Potentat Plurally, as Adonim & Baalim. For they say 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. Domini durus, and also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. Et accepit Domini eius. And upon this conceit do they interpret the plural of Elohim joined with a singular Verb, which most of our Men take for a mystical expressing the Holy Trinity. Their Grammarians make it an Enallage of Number, chief to express excellency in the Persons, to whom it's referred. With this, well agrees that which is observed upon Juno's ruminating on Aeneas his too good fortune; — Méne incepto desistere victam? Nec posse Italiâ Teucrorum avertere Regem? Rex est (saith d Ex Ms. Fuld. excerpt. & Seruio Danielis inter alia additum. Servius) & mirè Aeneam noluit nominare. Honorantur n: Minores à Maioribus si suo nomine fuerint nominati. Contrà, Contumelia est si Maiores à Minoribus suo nomine nominentur. For the speaking to them, in the singular Number, is very proportionat to their proper names. The use of this for the Plural, is known common at this day, but not propèr to supreme Princes. In our Lawannalls, a e 29. Ed. 3. fol. 44. Quare impedit being brought by the King for the Prebendary of Oxgate, in the Diocese of London, the Writ was Praecipite Michaeli de Northumbergam, against which the sergeant except, as against False Latin. But, says Thorp, False Latin it is not, for it is a word of the plural number, and therefore is of greater reverence; and this is a common Fashion for the King to send to a man by the word, VO BIS. But, says the Counsel on the other side, a man hath not seen such reverence made to a Sheriff. And afterward, the Writ was looked on by the judges, and they saw it was Praecipite, and at the end Habeatis ibi nomina Sammonitorum etc. Whereupon it was adjudged to abate. They held, it seems, the plural Number not to be formally applied to any, but, at least, of the greater Nobility. That of adding DEI GRATIA in styles, f Apud Ortelium in Theatro. is now more proper to supremacy. The Earldom of Flanders, hath divers prerogatives, among which, one is that its Prince may write himself Dei gratia Comes Flandriae, which is a part of Royalty. Et sunt alia pleráque levissima (are the words of a great g Bodin. 1. de Repub. cap. 10. Politician) quae Principum propria ducunt, vel ad Decus vel ad Dignitatem, ut Rescriptis addere DEI GRATIA; The use whereof, as he reports, Lewes XI. Prohibited Francis then Duke of Bretagne, as a form proper to a King's Title, and so a French Lawyer h Rebuff. ad Constit. Reg. Tom. 2. ut Benefic. ante vac. art. 2. expressly affirms it. Yet Ferdinand brother to Charles v. and Archduke of Austria hath it in i In Edit. Freheriana Sigismundi Baronis de Herbestein. his Letters to the Emperor. And the Duke of Saxony uses it, being a Prince of the Empire, and acknowledging to it a kind of supremacy, as Others like him. His k Andr. Knichen. in Comm. juris Saxon. Duc. Sax. cap. 1. chancellors words are these; Cum illud non fiat in despectum Domini concedentis, sed ad Amplificandam Maiestatem eius & dignitatis concessae tuitionem rectè immemoriabili interstitio Principes nostri saepè dicta locutione (he means DEI GRATIA) usi sunt & etiamnum utuntur. Neither do I conceive, why Princes that want not the substance, but as it were the name of a King only, should of necessity abstain from it. In more ancient times it is familiar in the styles of far meaner Persons than supreme Princes. Rex Venerabili in Christo Patri I. eadem Gratia Dunelmensi Episcopo; and Guilielmo eadem Gratia Archiepiscopo Cantuariensi, are amongst * Fitzh. Nat. ●r. fol. 132. & 2. E. our Writs. And, in the Epistles of john of Sarisbury, is Rogerus Dei Gratia Eboracensis Archiepiscopus & Apostolicae sedis Legatus Uenerabili Fratri H. Dei gratia Dunelmensi Episcopo. And from john of Sarisbury himself, Venerabili D. & Patri Carissimo Willielmo Dei Gratia Senonensi Archiepiscopo. The like is often in the Epistles of Fulbert Bishop of Chartres, Gilbert of Vendosme, Anselm, and such more of the old times. So B. de Blancesfort l Epist. Regum & Principum Edit. in Tom. 2. Orient. Hist. pag. 1176. Master of the Temple uses it in his Letters to S. Lewes K. of France. It's frequent in the m Chronic. Richerspergens. sub ann. M. CL. & seqq. Charters of the Archbishop of Saltzburg, and other Churchmen of meaner note in those times. And in a Leaguer book of the Abbey of Malmesbury I have seen johannes Dei Gratia Abbas Malmesburiensis & eiusdem loci conventus salutem in Domino. All these show that heretofore those curious differences of Providentia or Clementia Dei, which are now used by Bishops and inferior Princes, were not so distinguished from Dei Gratia, as later times (whose beginning I know not) have made them. To express them by ABSTRACTS from the Concrete of their quality, is Ordinary. As Majesty, Highness, Grace, etc. But the Form is not proper to them; it being usual in old authors with such Substantives to design out the subject denominated of the adjective; as Virtus n Horat. lib. 2. satire. 1. Scipiadae & Mitis Sapientia Laeli. for Scipio and Laelius, which are but as f Cicer. lib. 3. Fam. Epist. 7. Appietas and Lentulitas, For the induidualite, as it were, of Appius and Lentulus, or Patavinitas g Asinius Pollio apud Quintilian. lib. 8. cap. 1. for Livies style. In like form 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are familiar for Hercules and Telemachus. And wanton Catullus, comparing a heavy fellow, unworthily blest with a Delicacy in his marriage bed, to a log, hath this Ithyphallique: Talis iste meus Stupor nil videt, nihil audit. such more often occur, and, especially, in Epistles of later times, written with Probitas, serenitas, Sanctitas tua, and the like; where, by the way, you may remember that of Philip le Beau of France a Mart. Polon. Chronic. to Pope Boniface the VIII. Sciat tua maxima Fatuitas, Nos, in Temporalibus, Alicui non subesse. The occasion b Rolewinck in Fascicul. Temp. sub anno 1294. was from this most arrogant Pope his calling himself Dominus Totius Mundi tam in Temporalibus quam in Spiritualibus. And for Bishops, it's noted in old Annals, that Leuderique g Adam bremen's. hist. Eccles. cap. 20. Bishop of Breme (about DCCCXL.) was a proud fellow, because he would sometimes title himself Custos, sometimes Pastor Bremensis Ecclesiae. Whereupon, (says * Metropol. lib. 1. cap. 32. Crantzius) Uide Temporum simplicitatem quod non paterentur PASTORIS Vocabulum. Quid facerent, si ritum nostrae aetatis ambitiosum cernerent, ubi ex ore Episcopi insonare audirent, Nostra gratia, Nostra Pontificalis Dignitas, & reliqua his etiam gloriosiora. But in this kind some abstracts are proper notes of Sovereignty: as Majesty which is now competent to none but supreme Princes; And that, in substance, very anciently. For, in Rome, the highest power of Government being in the People (not the multitude but the whole Commonwealth) as, in an absolute Monarchy and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in the Monarch; the word Majesty was proper to them. As Authoritas in Senatu, Potestas in Plebe, Imperium in Magistratibus, So Maiestas was in Populo, which c Orat. pro. C. Rabirio. Cicero with others, will justify. And Maiestatis Crimen (saith d ff. ad leg. jul. Mayest. l. 1. §. 1. Ulpian) illud est, quod adversus Pop. Rom. vel adversus securitatem eius Commititur, which well agrees, with what was in that State before the Emperors. Intentio est (as for an example e De Inuentione lib. 2. §. 10. Et Orat. Partit. §. 50. Tully feigns) Maiestatem minuisti, quod Tribunum Plebis de Templo deduxisti. And Maiestas est Magnitudo quaedam Populi Rom. in eius potestate & iure retinendo. But when the sum of all things was transferred into the Emperors from the People, the Crimen Maiestatis became chiefly against them and their State. Lex julia Maiestatis (so f Instit. tit. de Public. judicijs. §. 3. justinian) in eos qui contra Imperatorem vel Remp. aliquid moliti sunt; suum vigorem extendit. And then, towards the declining times, they took to themselves Perennitas nostra, Eternitas g C. Theodos. tit. de Fabricens'. l. 3. Nostra, Numen Nostrum, Tranquillitas Nostra, Screnitas Nostra Maiestas h C. tit. de Silentiarijs l. 1. & de Agent. l. Nulli. Nostra, and such like often occurring in the two Codes of Theodosius, and justinian. But long before that, although not with the first person, yet it was attributed to them. Sueton reporting that Augustus after the civil wars would not himself, nor suffer his near kindred to call his soldiers Commilitones, but Milites, gives the reason; because he did think it ambitiosius, quàm aut ratio militaris, aut temporum quies, aut sua Domúsque suae Maiestas postularet. And in Claudius he speaks of levior Maiestati Principali titulus. And, one i Plin. in Panegyric. Traiano dicto. that lived in Sueton's time under trajan, to trajan. Huius (he means Crimen Maiestatis) tu metum penitùs sustulisti, contentus Magnitudine, qua nulli magis caruerunt quam qui sibi Maiestatem vindicabant. I know, Trebellius k In Gallicnis. Pollio seems to make against this. He, speaking of Gallien's brother Valerian slain about Milan, and of the doubt whether he had been a Caesar or not, adds; Constat de Genere, non satis tamen constat de Dignitate, vel, ut caeperunt alij loqui de MAIESTATE. As if Majesty had then been a word first used for Dignity. But as the most learned Casanbon observes, that must be understood of the Greater Roman Dignities beside the Empire. So that then first Court-flatterie began to style the Dignities of the Emperor's favourits and such as were of higher Note, with Majesty. For plainly to the Emperors, as you see, it was not before unusual. And, until this time of Trebellius, it may be well affirmed proper only to supremacy amongst them. Let it not move, that Maiestas in another sense, was common to others, as Maiestas Pueritiae, and Maiestas Matronarum observed in Livy and Pliny. That was in a regard of their private Quality, not public Dignity; and in a sense of that nature hath Valerius Maximus the last chapter of his 11. book titled de Maiestate. Est quasi (saith he) privata censura Maiestas Clarorum Virorum, sine Tribunalium fastigio, sine Apparitorum ministerio, potens in sua amplitudine obtinenda— quam rectè quis dixerit longum & beatum honorem esse sine honore. But, this Majesty, publicly applied, was an expressing of Power and high place, not admiration only of quality. So it may be well seen in that of a noble Grecian, delivering l Polyb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. in Foedere Aetolorum. the Majesty of the Pope of Rome by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. the Empire and Power of the People of Rome. And this Public Majesty was after the dimminution of the People's liberty, conveyed solely to the Emperor; and (howsoever that new application in Pollio's time, was) the Civilians since have referred the proper Crimen Maiestatis only to the m Wesenbech. in Paratit. & ff. ad leg. jul. Maiestatis vide & Gothofred. ad dict. tit. & add C. eodem, l. 5. Emperor. So, at this day, they do by the imperials alone, as in France and with us, in respect of our Sovereigns only. But, by their leave, it's not easily conceived how Crimen Maiestatis must not be referred to Princes acknowledging indeed the Emperor's supremacy, But withal having all Regal and Imperial right in their Dominions; as divers of the Germane Princes have: although they abstain from this abstract in their titles, as, of the Dukes of Saxony, Bavier, Savoy, Lorraine, Ferrara, Florence, Mantova, and such accounting themselves as absolute as any that have but the Name of Duke, Bodin n De Repub. 1. cap. 10. affirms; and that they are Celsitudinis verbo contenti, aut Serenitatis, quam sibi Dux Venetorum tribuit. But this title of Serenitas, Excellentia, Sublimitas, and the g De his consulas licet G. Panciroll. ad Notit. Dignitat. cap. 3. v●iid genus pluria. like many are anciently given by Emperors to their Lieutenants and others indistinctly, as you may see in the Codes, Novels, and Epistles of Cassiodore. It's among the Greeks 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 o Harmenopul. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 5. cap. 9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. Nostra Serenitas. So p Scholar ad Constantin. Tom. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i Serenissima Maiestas Sacratorum Imperatt. Nostrorum. If, at least, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be Maiestas. It's hard to find a better word interpreting it. But indeed, as Casaubon observes, Greek hath not an express word for Majesty. Some have q Glossar. Vet. Graecolat. v. 2. Petri cap. 1. come. 16. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. turned 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Maiestas and Magnitudo, but it properly signifies the last, not so well the first, which comes plainly from a Comparative. Maiestas itaque (are casaubon's words) si verbi proprietatem spectamus, Numinis est solius: quod omnibus ijs, quae magna dici possunt, est maius. Usurpatio est cum Principibus maiestas tribuitur. But observe their tradition of the Goddess Majesty. They feigned that at first there was no distinction of Place or Precedence among the Gods, but that the meanest would sometimes sit in Satur's own Throne. And this, they say, r ovid. Faster. 5. continued Donec Honor placidoque decens Reverentia vultu Corpora legitimis imposuere toris. Hinc sata Maiestas, quae mundum temperat omnem, Quáque die partu est edita, Magna fuit. Nec mora consedit medio sublimis Olympo, Aurea purpureo conspicienda sinu. As Majesty was there bred of Honour and Renuerence, so proportionatly 'mongst men, and thence the word applied to the supreme of Men. But also they used Numen Imperatoris, and Oracula Augusti, for Edicta, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as if you should say divinitùs sancimus for statuimus. And before this great communicating of Majesty, the Emperors s Paul. ff. de legate. 2. l. 87. §. Lucius & Scoevola ff. lib. 40. tit. ●1. l. 3. had the attribute of Sanctissimus, and such like. These beginning under Heathenism, continued after Christianity. Whence, when they speak of the Crimen Maiestatis, they t Athaliat. tit. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 66. & Glossar. Vet. & Sanctitas Regum ap. jul. cas. in Tranq. use 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which may be interpreted, a judgement or accusation touching what is committed against a thing sanctified or sacred. But I think 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 will be most proper, in substance, for Majesty; although George Codin translated hath always Regnum for his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: Under favour, not without error. They had also their u Codin. & Meurs. Gloss. Graeco. Barb. in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. sacred Majesty: which was proper only to the Emperor, and that when others spoke to him; he himself in modesty omitting Sacred, and speaking only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. But Majesty expressed in this word was communicated also to the Despote, Sebastocrator, and Caesar. The Despot was the heir or successor apparent of the Constantinopolitan Empire (understand, of the times since Alexius Comnenus, though before him it were a general name, as My Lord) the Sebastocrator the second from him in dignity, and next the Caesar, Protosebastus and so forth. But, to our purpose, receive this out of their c Curopalat. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. quem tamen, absque Junii Restitutione locorum, ne legas. traditions. Before the Emperor they called the Despote, My Lord (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) and Majesty was applied to him: the Sebastocrator, My Lord (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) Sebastocrator: the Caesar, my Lord Caesar, in those words as the other; and to both these also was Majesty (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) applied. But if any other Great men about the Court (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) had occasion to use the Despot's name to the Emperor, they thus; My Lord (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) Your son the Despote. If they speaking among themselves mentioned him then: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. Our Lord the Despote. For in later Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is Our, either corruptep from their ancient own, or induced by Tartarian or Turkish, wherein Babamus is our Father. If a great man spoke to the Despote, he might either call him My Lord the Despote (with the word last remembered) or, for greater honour, Our Lord the Despote. If any of the Despot's servants or followers, used his master's name to the Emperor, he might not call him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (which I interpret to be in fashion the same with Our, My Lord, when we speak indifferently of any Nobleman) but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. My Lord and Master, your son the Despote. For so I think, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is best here translated. If a man spoke to any of their other Great men (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) he never used 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. On the other side 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was never used to the Despote, but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Neither could they render reason for all those, but because use and custom had brought them to it. Neither hath the Grammatical difference of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: any thing to do here. For our Kingdom; Majesty (saith the learned Author of the Remains) came hither in time of Henry the Eight, as Sacred Majesty lately in our memory. Understand him, as it was commonly in use, and properly to the King applied. For in the Epistles of john of Sarisbury, is Maiestas tua, divers times to Henry Fitz-lempresse, under whom he lived, and the same is there used also to Pope Adrian. Grace 'mongst us began in time of Henry IU. and Excellent grace, as you read in the Remains, under Henry the Sixt. High and mighty Prince under Edward the fourth. But, about those times it was not solely proper to the King, as it seems by the Concord (touching the title of the Crown) twixt Henry the sixth, and Richard Duke of York, made in XXXIX. Henry VI in Parliament at Westminster, with this title, Betwixt the most High and most mighty Prince, Henry the fixed, King of England and of France, and Lord of Ireland, on the one party, and the right High and mighty Prince Richard Plantagenet Duke of York, on the other party; and the Duke of Gloucester under Henry the a Parl. 3. Hen. 6. art. 1. & 26. sixth, is called High and mighty Prince and the Duke of Excester, Hault and Puissant Prince. Anciently how our Sovereigns were, in this kind titled, may be observed, upon these examples. Au Tresnoble & tréshonorable Prince & son trescher Seignior si luy pleist Monsieur Edward per la grace de Dieu Roy d' Engleterre, signor D'irland, & Duc D' Aquitaine le sone Henry Percy reverence & honeurs: In a letter b Rot. 25. Ed. 1. in Arce Londini de Rebus Scotiam tangentibus memb. 4. 6. & saepius. to Edward 1. written from Dunwich; and the like, in divers other Records, is. And there the Barons of the Exchequer send to the King with Nous maund à vostre hautesse, etc. But also in times later than Edward 1. titles and notes of Greatness being not in that distinction or Curiosity as now, some such as are with us mean, were competent to highest Princes. I remember, I once saw a Petition by a Bishop to Henry v. subscribed with Your Worship's Beadsman. About the same time a treatise written of the order of the Coronation, hath thus: After this the King shall be clothed again with other clothes, and Worshipfully shall go to the Auter of saint Edward's shrine; and the King is there called Worshipful Prince. So the Monk of Bury, Dan Lidgat speaking of Henry the fifts commanding him to writ the Trojan War, saith The which emprise anon I ginn shall In his Worship, as for memorial. He usually calls him Most worthy, or worthy, or Noble Prince, and Sovereign Lord. And plainly worship is but an abstract from worthy, and signifies, as estimation, properly. to wuruld wurþscipe sy he þegen lage wyrþe i. To world's worship (i. in worldly estimation) he shall be in equal degree with a Thane, says a Canon of Canutus his laws, speaking of a Priest that lived free from incontinency: and in those so ancient times it was a general title, but according to the person qualified. In an old Saxon b Ap. Lambard. in Peramb. Kant. tradition of their Nobility; Then were the wisest of the people weorþscipeswyrða aelc be his maðe Eorl & Ceorl, ꝧegn & ꝧeoden i. worshipworthy, every one in his Dignity, the Earl and Cheorl, Thane, & Vnderthane. So in later times Dukes and Earls have had Worshipful and Right worshipful applied to them. An Epitaph c Camden. Brit. Edit. Anglic. Idiomatis. & in Reliquijs. is at Warwick in S. Mary's Church there, in part, thus. Pray Devoutly for the Soul, whom God assoil, of one of the most Worshipful Knights, in his days, of manhood & cunning, RICHARD d Rothomagi fatis concessit A. M.CD.XXXIX. BEAUCHAMPE late Earl of Warwick, Lord Despenser of Burgaveny, and of many other great Lordships, whose Body resteth here under this Tomb. And his daughter the Countess of Shrewsbury was buried in S. Faith's under Paul's, with Here, before the Image of Ihesu, lieth the Worshipful and right Noble Lady Margaret Countess of Shrewsbury, etc. But now every Gentleman of better (rather richer) Rank is saluted Worshipful. And, on the other side, what now is one of our particular Notes of Majesty, not given to any but the supreme, I mean Sovereign Lord or Lady, hath been anciently bestowed on others. The preface and dedication of Alexander's life, written under Henry VI by a Dominican Friar thus speaks, To my sovereign Lady benign and honourable, Discrete, full of wisdom, of gloucester Duchess, I simple servant, though I be unable, With devout heart with all my business, Send joy, worschepp, wealth, pess, and stabylnesse, Betwixt you and your ever more to lest, And so be schad widde with grace that it never breast. What, that hater of Monarches, Buchanan hath in his malicious dislike of giving titles and attributes of great honour to Princes, I omit, and leave him to his error, convinced by the general consent and allowance of Antiquity. But, touching these, it hath been e Christoph. Becman. Schediasm. Philologic. questioned, which is the more both elegant and honourable to speak in the Concrete or Abstract. That is, whether to say Serenissime Princeps à te peto, or A Serenitate Vestrâ peto. And some have thought the first form the best, because in that the Accidents and Subjects are together expressed, in the other the Accidents only being the note of honour. But howsoever for elegancy, it seems the Abstract tastes as if it were more honourable. For that quality denominats, and, from it inherent in the Person, is the Honour given. Now, as it is inherent, and not predicated of the Person, its best expressed for its own Essence; Neither is it otherwise (as Logic teaches) properly in any Predicament. As Album, although in a formal signification of the thing designed, it express a Certain Ens per se, yet as the formal and material or connotative signification, of it, is, it's f Aristot. Metaphys. 7. cap. 6. text. 21. Ens per accidens, id est, aggregatum quid ex ijs quae diversis Praedicamentis ponuntur. And Albedo is the Ens per se. Then, where the quality is, nearest to its own single essence, expressed, that is in the Abstract, it seems, the Person is with somewhat more honour saluted, then if it were only connotatiuè as they call it. For, Vir excellentissime doth but connotatiuè, or by way of consequent speak excellentia; as indeed in every Concrete, but in like form and by an accidental consequence, is both the ●●cident and the substance. But this is a most frivolous disquisition, which I had not spoken to, if I had not seen it questioned. I add out of the Spanish Pragmatica, published under Philip II. against the multiplicity of Titles given both to the King and other great Men, in the year 〈◊〉. D. LXXXVI. the VIII. of October, at S. Laurence; that the King there would have no other title in the beginning of any Letter to him, but Senor; in the subscription only his name that wrote it; in the end of the Letter, only God preserve your Catholic Majesty; and the superscription, To the King our Lord. The petitions to the Counsels, Chanceries, and Tribunals, might be titled with Most mighty Lord, but no more. The signing of Letters, schedules, and such like should be only with By the King our Lord. divers other particulars are in it, touching these kind of Titles to Other Great men, which in their more due place shall succeed. Anointing of Kings. How Unction in Heathenism was used, to sanctify. The Old Roman Provincial expressing what Kings were to be anointed, anciently. The use of Unction in the Eastern Empire; In France; Their Oil from Heaven; in Britain; the first King there anointed by the Pope; but a conjecture against the consent of old Monks. The Tale of a box of Oil given by our Lady for Unction of the English Kings, to Thomas Becket. Crowns, and their beginning. First used only to Gods. Whence Corona. An examination whether Crowns (except only the Cloth Diadem) were in more ancient times, 'mongst the Gentiles, for Royal distinction; and a Conclusion against common opinion. A place of Euripides interpreted, against the Vulgar, and his Scholiast. Crown Radiant, and the XII. beams of the Sun supposed in Antiquity. A place in Polybius examined. Pharaoh's Diadem. A passage in Clemens Alexandrinus examined. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. When the Cloth Diadem, or Fillet came first to be a Royal Ensign in Europe. White proper to the King's Diadem. Cidaris, or Cittaris. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Tiara. Diadema. The Tulipants, or Turibants of the Princes of later time, in Asia. Error of Bodin touching them. Hasta pro Diademate. The Crown or Diadem in the Roman and Constantinopolitan states. Of the Form, and Materials of Crowns, somewhat. The Duke of Moscouy's Cap. The Radiant Crown of the Duke of Florence. The Crown of British, English, and Scotish Kings. The Sceptre. Caducéus. Birds and other things born in the Top of Sceptres. Eagles upon the Emperor's Shoes. Their Red or Purple shoes, and Boots. Gilt shoes to the Roman Consuls. Swearing by Sceptres, very ancient. The moving the Sceptre was an Oth. The beginning of that Oath, upon Servius his credit. The Globe and Crosse. Pomum Imperiale. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The first Emperor having the Globe and Crosse. When used by our Kings. The Cross, and Labarum. The punishment by the Cross, and, the picturing it on the ground, forbidden. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The Croissant or half Moon of the Mahumedans. The reason of their use of it. The great Respect and Honour given to the New Moon 'mongst Turks and jews. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Alilat and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Eilethyia. Lucina. What the Iews writ upon the walls at a Childbirth. The Croissant among the Romans. Lunata Planta. Croissant set upon Images of Gods. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Cuba. Venus. The Sun upon the Tents of the ancient Persians. CHAP. VII. OF Nominal attributes, thus much. You may call other Real Ceremonies, which consist either in Action, or Ensigns. In Action; as chief that of ANOINTING at the inauguration. For Anointing, receive this out of the ancient a Ordo Roman. de divin. Offieijs. form of doing it. Tunc Dominus Metropolitanus (suppose other concurring ceremonies, at a coronation, past) ungat de Oleo sanctificato Caput, Pectus, & scapulas, ambásque Compages Brachiorum ipsius, ita dicendo. VNGO te in Regem de Oleo sanctificato in Nomine Patris & filii & spiritus sancti. Et dicant, Amen. Pax Tibi, & cum spiritu Tuo. Deinde ungat sibi manus de Oleo sanct●ficato, ita dicendo: VNGANTUR manus istae de Oleo sanctificato, unde uncti fue●unt Reges & Prophetae, & sicut v●xit Samuel David in Regem, ut sis Benedictus, & constitutus Rex in Regno isto super populum istum. quem Dominus Deus tuus dedit tibi ad Regendum ac gubernandum. As it's here expressed, every man must needs refer the Original of Anointing to the b Decret. tit de sacra Unctione. jews; which continued (some say) 'mongst them from their first Saul until Hircanus, from whom the Kingdom was transferrd by Augustus to Herod. And by this they c Cedrens. pag. 149. v. Casaub. Exercit. 1. §. 2. & 3. Adu, Baronium. interpret that of Daniel; The Anointed shall be taken away, after the end of his weeks. But there were certain Interregna twixt Saul and Hircanus, of which, howsoever the anointing was, regard in this assertion must be taken. From this Anointing, could not but a most honouring regard come to the Prince, 'mongst those specially which by effusion of Oil made consecrations to the Almighty. jacob erected the stone he had slept on in Luz, poured d Genes cap. 28. come. 18. Oil on the top of it, and called it Beth-el i. the house of God. Whence the Gentiles, by all likelihood, had their f Damascius in vita I sidori ap. Photium. & Scalig ad Euseb. de Baetulo consulendi. Baetulus; and perhaps derived their anointing of stones, whereupon Apuleius reckons Lapis unguine delibutus among his sacred objects. And Arnobius his g Adverse. Gent. lib. 1. Lubricatum lapidem & ex olivi unguine sordidatum, wherein was comprehended both their Bounds and Marks of Territories, which unguento velaminibúsque & Coronis Coronabant (as Siculus Flaccus his words are) and also h Minut. Faelix in Octavio. Videses Pithoeun Adu. 2. cap. 14. their other sacred Trivial Statues. And Theophrastus, in his Character of Superstition, remembers for a part, the pouring of Oil upon anointed stones or statues in the high ways. Hence the old Christians also by example (saith i Quest. 83. in Genesim. Theodoret) used to anoint the Shrines of their Martyrs, and chancels. The jewish Priests k Exod. cap. 39 come. 7. consecration was with Oil. And often occurs the name of the Lords Anointed. In our Europe, how sacred a Material it was anciently accounted, appears to every one that hath but heard of Extreme Unction, and the like. But of Christian Princes, the old Provincial of Rome thus: De Regibus Catholicorum & Christianorum. Et sunt quidam Coronandi & quidam non. Tamen illi qui Coronantur debent inungi; & Tales habent privilegium ab antiquo & de Consuetudine; alio modo non debent Coronari nec inungi sine istis, & si faciunt ipsi, abutuntur indebitè. Et sic incipiunt Nomina Regum Christianorum Fidelium hoc modo. Rex Hierosolymitanus Coronatur & inungitur. Rex Francorum * Christianissimus, quod nonnullis recentioribus in hoc loco catalogi citatum habes, exemplari meo Ms. deest. Coronatur & inungitur. Rex Anglorum Coronatur & inungitur. Rex Ceciliae (Siciliae) Coronatur & inungitur. Rex Castellae Non Rex Legionis Non isti sunt coniuncti. Rex Portugalensis Non. Rex Aragoniae Non. Rex Novargiae (Noruagiae, it seems) Non. Rex Navarrae Non. Rex Danorum Non. Rex Boemiae Non. Rex Vngariae Non. Rex a Armeniae apud Rebuffum. Armaniae Non. Rex Sorbiae (perhaps Seruiae) Non. Rex Cypri Non. Rex Sardiniae Non. Rex b Vide suprâ pag. 80. Catholicus Non. Rex Comagiae (its likely, it should be c Consulas pagin. 57 Conactiae) Non. Rex Nimianiae (Momoniae, it seems) Non. Rex Vltoniae Non. Rex Collen Non. * Et sciatis quod hodiè Non sunt plures Reges Christianorum, nisi de Novo Crearentur. So are the words of my Ms. Copy, anciently written, which supposes, you see, but four Kings honoured with Unction, the Hierosolymitan, the French, English, and Sicilian, and the two Emperors of the East and West. In the Coronation of him of the d Cantacuzen. bist. 1. cap. 12. & Curopalat. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 O' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. East, the Patriarch, at the instant of making a Cross with the Oil on his head, crying aloud, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i Holy, and then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i Worthy. Which was, it seems, the reason why the Constantinopolitans cried e Gunther. bist. Constantinopolit. id est A 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. sanctus Rex Marchio. Aijos Phasileos' Marchio at the taking of the Empire by Baldwin Earl of Flanders, when they thought verily that Boniface marquess of Montferrat should have been their Emperor. The marquess being then with the Earl. There is a Provincial f Apud Rebuffum in Praxi Beneficiorum part. 3. Extat. printed, wherein others are reckoned that are not here, and some omitted that mine hath. And after Rex Bohemiae follows in that, In Ibernia. Catholicus. Rex Coloniensis. Comachiae. Rex Minaviae Menae, Cathelinae. Ibi hody non sunt Reges, sed Tota Hibernia est sub Rege Angliae. What Catholicus doth there I understand not, nor what in my Copy, unless you interpret it as I have, with doubt, coniecturd where I speak of the King of Astures. The corruption of Names is such, that you may well think, the credit of the Monument, often changed and transcribed, hath been long of the decaying hand. But time (and that long since) hath brought the ceremony to every crowned Christian King, although withal he be a kind of subject, as the King of Bohemia; who when he was a mere Prince of the Empire, was crowned and g Aurea Bull. Carol. 4. cap. 4. anointed. The French would needs challenge Propriety of Anointing to their Sovereigns before other Princes. They talk of Oil descended from heaven in a vessel kept at Rheims, wherewith their Kings have ever been anointed, and refer it to a miracle in the Baptism of King Chlovis or Lewes I. about D. of Christ. Of it, one of their Poets, when Apollo was from home, speaking of h Guil. Brito Philippeid. 1. the Coronation of Philip Augustus; — sceptrifero fulsit redimitus honore Magnanimus sacro Rex delibutus Olino, Quo Deus, Angelicis manibus virtute parato Divinâ, nostris concessit Regibus uti: Vt sacrentur eo soli specialitèr illi, Qui successiuè Francorum sceptra capessunt. Quo maior Nostri patet excellentia Regni Dignior ut verè Rex noster Rege sit omni. Quem sacrare suis Remorum Metropolites Cum Compraesulibus habet illo Crismate sacro, Hoc ad opus solum, quod caelica fudit Oliva. But no good authority will justify this. Is it likely that Gregory of Tours so much given to the Relation of Miracles, would have omitted it? One more i Du Hailan des aff. du Fr. liure 1. Idem ferè tilius. judicious, and not flattering the idle traditions of his own Nation, denies (and not alone) that there were any de la primiere lignee, oinct ny sacre à Rheims, ny ailleurs (that is, of the Merovingian line, which continued till about DCCC. of Christ. But it's expressly remembered in story that Pipin, the first of the Carolin stock was anointed) mais de la second & troisiesme la plus part ont esté sacrez & oincts en auters lieus q' à Rheims, quoy que les Archeuesques de Rheims debattent ce droit appertenir à eux & à leux esglise. By the second and third line he means the Carolin, and Capetan; the Carolin succeeded the Merovingian. And I wonder why Hierom Bignon k De l' excel. des Roys liure. 4. a French Antiquary, now living, takes it so clear, that their Royal unction began in Chlovis. We could give better authority for the Kings of this I'll, of near M. years since, and much more according to l Vixit Gildas A. Cnr. 470. Si fides habenda Autori vitae eius in Biblioth. Floriac. some. Gildas speaking of the errors in Religion, and neglect of all Goodness among the old Britons, adds, m Et Galfrid. Monumentens. lib. 9 cap. 3. ex epistola Gild. hoc memorat. Ungebantur Reges, non per Deum sed qui caeteris crudeliores extarent, & paulò post ab Vnctoribus, non pro Veri examinatione, trucidabantur, alijs electis trucioribus. But I will not be confident that it proves Unction in those times. The Phrase might be used by him, as at this day an Hereditary King after his Ancestors death, is said to be Rex or Imperator salutatus: which alludes only to the old Roman form of salutation in making their Emperor; as we say also in Imperium evectus est, derived from that Custom of taking the designed Emperors up on Shields in the Camp. The first of our Kings anointed, that best of ancient authority speaks of, is Alured. He, in the life of his father Ethelulph, being sent to Rome, was there in Confirmation made Pope Leo IU. his godson, and specially anointed as a future King. So the consent of Asserius Menevensis, Ethelwerd, Malmesbury, and the rest of our old Monks, justifies. But with what discretion or honesty should the Pope anoint a child of v. years old, as a King, in hope of succession, while his father was living, and three elder brothers also, Ethelbald, Ethelbert, and Ethelred? I rather incline to beleeu that the Chrism used in Confirmation, and only perhaps to that purpose, by the Pope, was, afterward by English Monks, not without sufficient cause admiring this brave Prince when hecame to the Crown, taken also as a designing Omen of his following greatness, and, that so they might speak the best and largest of what the Pope did, and thereby give a special honour to their King, supposed for an Unction in Regem. But howsoever, you may see what was thought of it by this old n Rob. Glocestrensis. honest rhythm. Alfred this Noblemon, as in the ver of Grace he nom, eight hundred and sixty and twelve, the Kingdom, Arst he add at Rome yhe, and vor is great wisdom The Pope Leon him blessed, though he thuder come, And the king is Crown of this land, that in this loud yut is: And o Oiled. Elede him to be King, are he were King iwis. And he was King of Engelond, of all that there come, That versed thus yeled was of the Pope of Rome, And sutthe other after him of the Erchebissop echon, So that bivore him, thur King was there non. None of this excludes Unction before, but only wills him the first anointed by the Pope. But we need not much blame the French Tradition of their Heavenly oil. Our English have as good a Tale. That Our Lady gave Thomas Becket Archb. of Canterbury, being in banishment under Hen. II. a Golden Eagle full of precious Ointment, enclosed in a stone vessel, commanding him to preserve it, and foretelling quod Reges Anglorum qui ungerentur hoc vnguento pugiles essent Ecclesiae, & Benigni & terram amissam à parentibus pacificè recuperarent, donec Aquilam cum Ampulla haberent. He committed it to safeguard in a Monastery at Poiteer, where Henry the first Duke of Lancaster, under Edward the Third in the wars of France, had it delivered to him, by a Holy man (they say) which found it by Revelation. The Duke gave it the Black Prince. He sent it to the Tower, there to be safely kept in a chest strongly hooped with Iron, where Rich: II. son to the Black Prince, in searching for his father's jewels, lighted on it, and much desired to be anointed with it. But the Archbishop answered him, sibi sufficere quòd semel per manus suas sacram suscepit in Coronatione pristina Vnctionem, quae habere non debuit iterationem. The King notwithstanding carried it with him into Ireland, purposing, perhaps, there to have been anointed with it, but, in his return, at Chester he delivered it to the Archbishop, confessing, that he did resolve it was decreed, he should not be anointed with it, and so indeed it fell out. For, after him deposed, Henry iv was honoured with this supposed divine Ointment in his Coronation. Then need not the French argue their King's Honour from the Celestial Unction, Vnguine cum Reliqui sacrentur materiali, as Brito says; here's as good and Divine an Ointment for the English. But I think, Reader, if you can judge, you believe both alike, I relate this of our Lady, as I find it; And credit it as I do the stories of Numa's being instructed by Egeria, Minos or Talus by jupiter, or indeed like the story of that Vitreus Ordinationis liber, given by an Angel to Saint Columba for the form of Adamann. Scot Vit. S. Columb. lib. 2. making Aidan King of Scots, about the year DC. and such more. Pretence of Holiness and Particulars received from Saints or Angels wrought much, 'mongst the Multitude, in establishing State Greatness. Examples are obvious. For more Particulars in Unction of Princes, I send you to the divers published Coronations. Inunguntur Reges (saith Thomas b Epist. id Hen. 2. ap. Matth. Paris. Becket of Canterbury) in Capite, etiam pectore & brachijs, quod significat Gloriam, Sanctitatem, & Fortitudinem. And it was long since said in c 33. Ed. 3. tit. Aide de Roy. 103. our Law, and applied to our Kings, that Reges, Sancto Oleo Vncti, sunt Spiritualis jurisdictionis Capaces. Neither is this anointing much disproportionat to that which d Alex. ab Alex. Genial. Dier. 1. cap. 27. is delivered of a kind of initiating the old Persian Kings, at their inauguration, with ceremonies of Religion. Of Ensigns external, the chief are, CROWN or DIADEM, SCEPTRE, GLOBE and CROSS; with other more particular to some only, which by the way we shall also enough touch. Quis omnino Regum (saith Tertullian upon Adverse. judaeos. cap. 11. that in Esay cap. 9 5.) ensign Potestatis suae humero praefert, & non aut capite Diadema, aut in manu Sceptrum, aut aliquam propriae Uestis notam? So you must read it, not aliqua proprietate usus nova, as the Published Books (before Pammelius his Edition) are in that place. I wonder how Beatus Rhenanus, and Francis de La bar could not see it. Compare it with the like words of the same Author in his III. against Martion cap. 19 and you shall see most plain reason for the correction. For CROWNS; To speak of them and all their several ancient uses, were to straggle exceedingly out of the purpose. So different are they, and far from the present matter. If you desire to know how they had place in Banquets and feasts, among Lovers, in sacrifices and solemnities of Gentilism, rewarding deeds both martial and Mercurial, with such varieties, Read the large discourses of them in Athenaeus, Pliny, Tertullian in his De Corona Militis, Clemens Alexandrinus, Agellius, especially the diligent and learned Paschalius. The ancientest mention of a Crown is in Moses, speaking of the High Priests accoultrements, with his golden Triple * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Exod. cap. 28. & 39 joseph. Archaeol. 3. cap. 8. Crown, more particularly describd by josephus. Tradition among the Gentiles makes Bacchus the first inventor of a Crown or Diadem. He, they say, first made him one of ivy (the same perhaps which he gave Ariadne) and by example of his Maenades and Mimallons wearing such in his Orgia, Other Priests and Sacrificers Crowned themselves with Herbs and Plants, dedicated to their several Deities. Antiquitùs (saith e Hist. Nat. lib. 16. cap. 4. & lib. 7. cap. 56. Pliny) nulla nisi Deo dabatur. Ob id Homerus f Coronas Gentium Dijs tributas habes apud jerem. in Epist. Baruchi. prophetiae subnexá. Caelo tantum eas, & Praelio universo tribuit. Viritim verò ne in certamine quidem ulli. Feruntque primum omnium Liberum Patrem imposuisse Capiti suo ex edera. Posteà Deorum honori sacrificantes sumpsere, victimis simul coronatis. Novissimè & in sacris certaminibus usurpatae, in quibus hodiéque non Victori daunt, sed Patriam ab eo Coronari pronuntiatur. Ind natum ut etiam Triumphaturis conferrentur in Templis dicandae, mox ut & ludis darentur. But in all these the honour was chief referred to some Deity, not to the Person crowned. And those set by Lovers on the Posts of their Mistress' door, or else where, were not so much to herself as to Cupid or her Genius. Florea serta, Meum Mel, & haec tibi Carmina dono, Carmina dono tibi, serta tuo Genio. Says Apuleius to his sweetheart. From the use of them in Sacrifices and Dances sacred to their Idols, came the name a Apion. ap. Athenaeum, Dipnosoph. 15. ex Simonide (cuius ibi citata carmina cmendatiora, vide apud Is. Casaubon. In dictum locum) & Festus. Corona, anciently written Chorona, & made Latin from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (signifying the same that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. a Crown) which they will from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. the Dancers or Singers, and number of the solemnizing Sacrificers; whereto questionless Isidor b Origin. lib. 19 cap. 30. had respect in his, Nomen Coronae haec ex causa vocatum quod initio circum aras curreretur, atque ad imaginem circuitus vel Chori est formata. Thus, by ancient authority, that which is in our Idioms Corona or Crown had its original. But how a Crown (except the Cloth Diadem, whereof presently) by that name was among the Gentiles anciently for a Royal distinction, I conceiu not. The Rewards given in the Grecian Games, Roman Wars, and elsewhere, show the contrary. Demosthenes' his Crown, about which so much Rhetoric was spent, twixt him and Aeschines, and that of Hypocrates c Dogma Athen. inter Hippocrat. Epistolas. Vide quod Thueydid. hist. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. habet de Brasida aurea Corona donato, & taenijs ornato. given him at Athens for his helping their Great Plague, and such more seem to do as much. But Hypocrates his was of Gold and in value (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) DCC. L. pounds of our Money; which plainly was not fit to be worn. But the value, being his reward had this name (as other examples are &) as that Tribute was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which was paid to the Romans and other States by such as gave 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Suidas his words are, i. not rather a Tribute to their Superiors, than a Crown to their Friends. And 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, saith he, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. they call STEPHANICON (CORONARIUM) what ever is given as a Reward or Benefit. And hence is it that in the Embassages of sorrein Nations to Rome, so often occurs for presents, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And a golden Crown was one special, among the Rewards given by the Romans; their Mural, Castrensis and Naval were d Agell. lib. 5. cap. 6. Polyb. hist. 6. alij. of Gold, and in later time the Triumphal. I know some make the golden Crown amongst them and the Grecians also, an old Ensign Royal. And Dionysius b Archaeolog. 3. Halicarnasseus expressly delivers that the Etrurians, amongst other Notes of supremacy given to Tarqvinius Priscus, furnished him with a golden Crown. So in Euander's c Aeneid. 8. & 12. speech to Aeneas. Ipse Oratores ad me Regnique Coronam Cum sceptro misit, mandatque insignia Tarchon. And that Great Poet in another place, — ingenti mole Latinus Quadrijugo vehitur curru, cui Tempora circum Aurati bis sex Radij fulgentia cingunt Solis avi specimen— Which the learned Paschalius interprets for a Crown Radiant, and as a note of supremacy. It might seem out of d In Oreste. Euripides his words, that 'mongst the Grecians it was so too. He speaking of Atreus brother to Thyestes says: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— Which is interpreted in the published books Cui dans Coronam, destinavit Dea (Fatum, sive Lachesis) Discordiam, which is well enough justified by Aresenius the Greek Scholiast on that place interpreting 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. a Crown proper to Kings. And Seneca e In Agamemnone. personates Thyestes with Hoc est Vetustum Pelopeiae limen domus, Hinc auspicari Regium Capiti Decus Mos est Pelasgis— Using in his Tragedies of those times the word Vincula for the Diadem or Crown. And, of Agathocles in Egypt under the Ptolemies, f Histor. 15. Polybius, as Perott turns him, speaking of Aristomenes the Protector, hath Vocato ad se Agathocle Coronam Auream soli ex illis qui praesentes erant imposuerat; id quod solis Regibus fieri solet. But none of these proves what some learned would collect, although the chief of these testimonies are indeed omitted by such as have laboured the question. To that of Halycarnasseus, may be answered; he, being a Gracian and knowing that in his time the Triumphal Ensigns had 'mongst them a Gold Crown, and that most of the rest were derived from the Etrurians, soon thought that thence the Golden Crown also had its original. But Festus: Triumphales Coronae sunt, quae Imperatori Victori Aureae praeferuntur, quae temporibus antiquis propter paupertatem Laureae fuerunt. If they were of bay anciently, how then were they of Gold? For here Festus must be understood of bay only in them, without mixture of Gold plates, which in later time was used; as also to have both the Laurel and Gold Crown, as Bullinger well obserus. And, than Dionysius his assertion, that the Crown and other things there mentioned, were such as the Lydian and Persian Kings used, being referred to the Crown, is false. For they used a Diadem of cloth as anon we show. But the relation is better in Florus. Duodecim (saith he of Tarq. Priscus) Tusciae Populos frequentibus armis subegit. Ind Fasces, Trabeae, Curules, Annuli, Phalerae, Paludamenta, Praetexta. Ind quod aureo curru quatuor equis triumphatur. Togae pictae, Tunicaeque palmatae, omnia denique decora & insignia quibus Imperij dignitas eminet. Where are included, it seems, the Laurel and other such, but not as special Notes of Royalty; rather of particular Triumphs, and communicated dignity. Can the Romans otherwise, so much hating the name of a King, have tolerated Laurels and such Crowns so soon after their Regifugium as they did? And for that of Tarchon, the Exposition of Servius Honoratus is directly against what others collect. He interprets Regnique Coronam, by ensign. Non revera (are his words) Coronam, quam Tusci Reges nunquam habuerunt; ergo species est pro genere. What can be more plain? For that of Latinus his Twelve golden Beams on his head, who sees not that they were as a Crest imitating the Sun, whose Nephew Latinus was by Circe? That was no more a note of Royalty in him, than the like of Aetes, King of Colchos, of whom in the Argonautiques attributed to Orpheus; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— i. his head had a Radiant helm on it; for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is, to the Ancients, an helm, as Corona also to the * servius Honorat. ad Aeneid. 5. Latins. And was not Aetes son to Phoebus, or the Sun? Both he and Latinus, in memory of their Ancestors, bare on their helms those beams, as Caesar in his coins did his Grand Dame Venus, as Parthenopaeus did his mother Atalanta, or as Alexander did the Ram's horns of jupiter, Hammon (his supposed father) whence he is called Dhilkarnijn, that is, double horned. And in Antiquity the beams of the Sun, with a reference, it seems to the XII. Signs, were of the same number, as the most learned Virgil expresses. That is justified out of the old Interpretation of Dreams. One dreamed that he was a Sun, and had eleven beams; the success was, that he became a General of an Army, but soon in this Greatness died, because (as they a Artemidor. Onirocrit. 4 c. 51 said) his dream contained not the perfect number of Beams: and the Lady b Martian. Capella de Nuptijs Philolog. lib. 2. philology, at her Marriage with Mercury, says to Phoebus; — Radijsque sacratum, Bis senis perhibent caput aurea lumina far, Quod totidem menses, totidem quod conficis horas. For that of Euripides, me thinks his Scholiast Arsenius talks as if he could not see wood for trees: he confesses that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signify's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. the wool that goes about the distaff, circling it as a Crown; for, as well wool as hempen staff was so spun. And what then can 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signify better than Carding. i. Carminans? and, the whole thus interpreted, Cui, lanam carminans, nevit Dea discordiam, Well justifies the Noble Poets using and continuing the known fiction of the Destinies in their spinning out of men's Fortunes. Nay, what could be more proper in the allusion, then to suppose her first card or pull the wool in pieces, and then make her web of Discord? And, for that of Seneca, who knows not the common liberty of good Poets, in not keeping themselves to the exact properties of their Tragedies or Comedies age, nor of the place of their Scene? Though it be a great fault, yet it's an ancient one. And worthy Seneca (living in a later time, when it was known that a Diadem was a Note Royal) hath not this example alone of that kind. What ever Perot hath, Polybius himself proves no such thing: His words are these, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. i. he invited him to a feast, and, 'mongst all then present, gave him only a golden Crown, which by custom was allowed only to Kings. Because he had a crown of gold as proper to a King at the feast, it follows not, that therefore it was an ornament Royal, as it was a Crown, but as it was gold. For children in philology know that, at feasts always, they all sat Crowned. This passage discovers that the King had his Crown of gold, and therein c Adi, si vis, Lips. ad 1. Annal. Tacit. Num. 129. & justin. lib. 18. de legatis Romanis in Aegyptum missis. differed from the ordinary Guests. The old Egyptian Kings honoured their heads with images of chosen d Diodor. Sic. Biblioth. C. beasts, not gold Crowns. And if the story of Moses his letting fall Pharaohs Diadem e joseph. Antiq. jud. 1. cap. 5. be true, it may be well conjectured that it was a fillet, such as the Asiatic Kings had, for otherwise had it been gold, Pharaohs discretion would have been much desired, for putting it on a sucking child's head, the weight would hardly have fitted the infant. And if Agathocles would have been like the Macedonian Kings (which the story persuades enough that he would) he must have had the cloth Diadem. Briefly, had the Ancient Heroes used any Crowns, as Royal Notes, Homer would not have been silent of it. In his time, saith a learned f Clem. Alex. Paedagog. 2. ca 8. Father, the Grecians had not use of Crowns. For neither the wooers nor the delicious Phaeaces used them. And in Games, at first, the Reward was of such things as were proposed (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 g Ita, hunc locum optimè (ut omnia) emendavit. U. Cl. Is. Casaubonus in Suetonijs Neronem. ) then came in use (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. i.) a gathering from the spectators, thirdly, followed the casting of Flowers on them (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) and at last (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) the Crown. Yet I beleeu not this whole Assertion. For plainly Homer hath the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but to other purposes; and therefore, as the learned have h Casaubon. Animad. in Athen. 1. cap. 16. observed, knew what a Crown (as it was used) was. For a word in its proper sense always is in being, before it can be made a metaphor. And in the Heroic times, good authority expressly tells us of Crowns in their kind. Hesiod says that the Horae- 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. i. Crowned with Spring-flowers Pandora. And Hesiod is thought, by some, ancienter than Homer. But what is more obvious than the Olive brought out of Northern Scythia by Hercules, and planted in the Pantheion at Elis, whereof, the institution was that, all Crowns should be made for Victors in the i Pindar. Olymp. 3. Pausanias' Etaac. ae. & v. Scholiast. ad Eurip. Hecubam. Olympians? This they specially called k Scholiast. Aristoph. ad Plutum. locus vero ille Aristotelis, Scholiasti citatus, est in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. unde & legendum, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, non 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (quod depravatum apud Scholiastem) uti & Suidas in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 scripsit. Nec, utrum è Pantheo an ex Hyperboreis, planta fuerit translata, hîc disputandum est. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, whose leaves and twigs were fit to make a fair Crown. The fabulous referring of the Original of Crowns to Bacchus, or Promotheus show how ancient their use was. Nonnulli (saith Hygenus, in his Poetical Astronomy, of Prometheus) Coronam habuisse dixerunt, ut se victorem impunè peccasse diceret. Itaque homines in maxima laetitia doloreque Coronas habere constituerunt. Id in exercitationibus & Conuivijs perspicere licebit. But to conclude the purposed point, Remember the relation of Diogenes Epicuretus. He requested Alexander to a Athenaeus Dipros. lib. 5. give him the honour of wearing a golden crown with virtues picture on it, whose Priest he professed himself; Alexander did so, and Diogenes presently gave it to his sweetheart Lysiodos, and she without exception ware it. The golden crown (especially in some part of Asia, as Causabon observes) was an ensign of Priesthood, and in that regard desired by Diogenes professing to be Priest to Virtue. What thought was of it amongst them as it respected Royalty? These testimonies as well proou that Crowns in both the Roman and Grecian state were not anciently notes of a King, as also give light to answer other like occurring arguments against it. For many are, but all I think of such kind, as those before remembered. It's to be enquired how in other states. If you take a Crown and Diadem as One (which may well be in respect they are both but Vincula Capitis, and differ originally because only the Diadem was of cloth properly, or a fillet of such stuff, and the Crown was of Gold, bay, Olive, Oak, grass, Parsley, ivy, and infinite more the like) then may you affirm that first in Alexander's time the Crown or Diadem Royal was used in Europe. He, after his Persian victory, habitum Regum Persarum (saith justin) & Diadema insolitum antea Regibus Macedonicis, velut in leges eorum quos vicerat transiret, assumit. And Q. b Lib. 6. & 3. Curtius: Purpureum Diadema distinctum albo quale Darius habuerat capiti circumdedit. But whereas here Curtius says the Diadem was Purple distinguished with white, in another place he writs Cydarim Persae Regium capitis vocabat ensign: hoc, Caerulea fascia Albo distincta circuibat. So that the fillet which was wreathd might have in it any fair good colour (for so doth Purpureus signify, as Purpurea Nix in Pedio Albinovanus his Elegy to Livia, and purpurei Rami, for Oaken boughs, in Catullus) but for the King, of necessity it must have been distinguished with white, which was a colour in this more proper to Majesty, it seems, than the right Purple in Robes; although he a Longinus apud Eunapium in vit. Philosophorum. Vid. pag. 83. which named Porphiry in Greek Porphyrius, that is Purpureus, because in Tyrian (Porphyrius was a Tyrian) his name was Melic, i. a King, did as if Rex and b Agathias, hist. 3. Purpureus had been convertible. But the Kings of the Lazi (a Scythian people) might wear no purple but only white Robes. The Cidaris or Cittaris was the same with what others call c Suidas in verb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. the Tiara, that is a kind of folded Cap, ending in a Cone, near like the Eastern Turbans (or Tulipants) and is the same by translation with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. a Cock's comb. Thus is one anciently d Aristoph. in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fab. personated, speaking of the Cock, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. i. therefore to this day (the fiction supposed anciently in the first of time, that Birds were Kings over men.) The Cock only as the Great King (that is, the Persian) goes attired on his head with a Right Tiar or Cyrbasia. Where note also another difference, that as the white fillet, so the standing up right of the Tiar was proper only to the King, which the Scholiast upon that place out of Clitarchus delivers. For it was common to the Persians to wear e Eustathi. ad Dionys Perieges. Tiaras exuere, ait Persis fuisse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. a Tiar, which in salutation they used (as we our hats) to pull off, but all others were it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. folded and inclining forward, as the Scholiast speaks, which agrees with the report of Demaratus his request to Xerxes, ut Sardis f Seneca de Benefic. 6. cap. 31. Tantundem, Arrian. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 3. maximam Asiae civitatem curru vectus intraret, rect●m capite Tiaram gerens: id solis datum Regibus. But the white Diadem was proper only to him (except g Xenophon Cyrop. ed. 8. some of the nearest blood Royal) and was not any part of the Tiar, as in what before cited, appears, as also in that of Darius his fastening his Sceptre into the ground, putting on it his Martial rob and Tiar, and h Polyaenus Stratagem. 7. cap. 8. & Videses Sueton. lib. 6. cap. 13. de Teridatis diademate. binding them about with his Diadem, when he prayed to Apollo for success. In Plutarch's Lucullns, one hangs herself with a Diadem, which shows of what nature it was. Therefore, whereas justin, Curtius, and Diodore say that Alexander used the Persian Diadem, I wonder why i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Arrian (he wrote about Adrians' time) affirms that he took the Cidaris, from which, being the same with the Tiara, it seems by k Plutarch. in Alexan. others, he generally abstained, and ware the white Diadem upon his Causia: so was the name of the Macedonian l Suidas in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Cap or Helmet. Perhaps Arrian took Cidaris for the Diadem, as Agathias doth, it seems, where he reports that after the death of Uararanes, his wife being with child of a son (which the Magis had foretold, and therefore no question was made of it) the Cidaris was put on the womb, as a ceremony of inaugurating an unborn King, who afterward was Sapores or Sabores; the words of Agathias are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Neither only the Persian, But most of the Asiatic Princes had this kind of fillet or cloth Diadem, as of Mithridates of m Plutarch. in Lucullo. Pontus, Tigranes of Armenia, Attalus n Idem in Apophth. Regum, ubi de Eumene. of Lydia, and others, is reported. Yet an old coin of one of Attalus his successors, is yet o Scalig. Animad. ad Eusebium, pag. 321 extant with the head circled with a chaplet of some kind of leaus, and circumscribed thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. which I rather refer to the honouring of some Deity, to whom those leaves were sacred, than any way take it for part of a Royal habit. The Princes of Asia in later times (I mean chief the Chaliphs') have neither had the Diadem or Crown, as Royal. Yet not for the reason which Bodin p De Repub. 1. cap. 9 gives, making such difference twixt the later Sultan's there and the old Chaliphs': whereas indeed the present Grand signor reckons himself for a true Chaliph, as is before shown; and as other suprem Princes in Mahumedisme, challenges at his pleasure all rights of the old Chaliphs'. But it seems the Tartars (whence, the Turks) used, all of them, Tulipants before their Kingdom established at Bagded, and therefore their Princes also having not before in that kind any distinction, unless in price and greatness, continued to this day, their first form. But the Saracen Caliphs', before their Othomanique Empire, had (as its probable) the old Tiar or Cidaris richly set with stones, and in it the Diadem. I affirm not absolutely so. But refer you to conjecture from what was in those parts anciently so usual; and withal take this report of one of those old Chaliphs' (called by my q Benjamin Tudelens'. (Vt ab Aria Montano versus) in Itinerario. scripsit circa, 1180. author Alghabasi Ilhaphtzi, which I think to be Mustezi of the Abasin family:) Vehitur ille mulâ, Regijs vestimentis ex auro & argento contextis indutus, caput Cydari ornatus incomparabilis pretij lapidibus splendenti. Super Cydarim verò nigrum sudarium gestat, quo gestamine saeculi huius verecundiam profitetur. Whether this Cidaris had a Diadem or no, he expresses not. Of the Othomaniques, it's reported, that their first Author Ottoman lies buried at Prusa (chief City in Bythinia) having upon his Tomb, extrinsecus superimpositum r Leunclau. Ind. Libitinario. Tulipantum, vetus, non admodum magnum, quodque spiras subtiliùs & maiori artificio circumvolutas habet, quam in ijs Tulipantis videamus, quae Turci suis nunc gestare capitibus solent. And this kind of Tulipant, they dare say, joseph the Patriarch first invented and used. The Great Sophi hath at his inauguration a kind of mitre horned s Cartwright in Peregrinat. vid. & Leunclau. Musulmanic. 1. put on by his chief Chaliph, at his inthronization which was wont to be at Caphe near Babylon, but since the Turkish Emperor won Assyria from him, at Casbin sometime, and sometime at Hispaan it is performed. And it's reported that the Egyptian t P. Martyr. Legat. Babylon. l. 3. Sultan's (after the Mameluches had there ended the first Chaliphat) used to wear a ridiculous Tulipant made of some Lx. or more yards of thin stuff diversly folded, and so, that VI Horns stood out of it, whereof four were about a span length, and twixt them, the other two of a cubit long, like Snails horns. But the like also did all their great men of the chiefest Rank wear. Neque enim (saith my Author) postquam supremum gradum ascendit (Sultanus) dissonum ab optimatum ornatu, de quorum ordine creatus est, habitum sumit. Neither might any use this horned Tulipant but the Sultan, the u Mart. à Baumgarten Pereg. 1. cap. 17. Chaliph (or chief Priest) and those Princes which were of highest note. It was negligently done therefore of Bodin to infer their not wearing of Crowns, out of a supposed Canon made by the Caliphs', as if the later Princes had not in account been true Chaliphs'. Neither doth he better in speaking to this purpose of the Israelitique Kings. It's true they had Crowns and of gold, and were anointed. They had those two, as the Priests. But, what other Asiatic Kings used the like? As they were a peculiar people to God, so were their Institutions, for the most part in every thing different from their Neighbours. They had Gold, others Cloth. 〈◊〉 Nobilem x Valer. Maxim. lib. 7. cap. 2. §. 5. magis quam foelicem pannum: An ancient King said of the Diadem delivered to him; and many other testimonies make it a white cloth fillet.— Cinguntur tempora Vitta Albente— saith Silius y De Bell. Punic. 6. Italicus of Massanissa, because he knew it was proper to a King. That alone then being traduced out of Persia by Alexander, gave the times after him, the name of Diadema, for the most special Note of Royalty. Hence is Interpreted that in the Roman story, where a Laurel was set upon Caesar's statue wreathed with a white fillet, or band, and the two Tribunes Marullus and Flavius commanded the fillet to be plukt off, and him, that put it on, to prison, for such wrong to Roman liberty in giving his statue a Diadem. Antony's z Pag. 19 offer is before remembered. And Pompey was suspected as one affecting a Kingdom, for binding himself about the thigh with a white fillet, or Diadem (they used then no breeches; but to cover a scar he had there received, he ware the fillet, as others in a Case 〈…〉 on. in Sueton. lib. 2. other times did in steed of Breeches) & thereof, it's related; Ei candida b Valer. Maxim. 6. cap. 2. §. 7. fascia crus alligatum habenti, Favonius, Non refert, inquit, qua in part corporis sit Diadema. Exigui Panni cavillatione regias eius vires exprobrans. For as the Name of King, after their Regifugium, so that sole Ornament Royal was extremely hated by them, as these and enough other examples testify; although the Athenian Democraty perhaps c jul. Pollux. Onomastic. lib. 8. cap. 12. not so much fearing it allowed to their chiefest Magistrates the Nomophylaces this white fillet, for the Ornament of their Dignity. But the Roman Emperors, a long time daring not adventure upon so an apparent diminution of the people's liberty, used only Laurel or Gold Crowns which were never thought of or suspected for, nor were Royal. Liberty of bearing a Laurel continually, was first granted to julius Caesar, by reason of his baldness. After Augustus, at every Imperial Triumph, the Laurel was taken only e Xiphilin. in Nerone. Plin. lib. 15. cap. 30. Sueton. in Galba from the Plant of that kind which Livia Drusilla took from the white Hen brought into her lap by the Eagle, and set at Ad Gallinas, and which was noted to whither away at the end of the julian family in Nero, as the progeny of the Hen did likewise. But the succeeding Emperors used not always to bear it. Tiberium Principem (saith Pliny) tonante coelo coronari eâ solitum ferunt, contra fulminum metus. Then always he ware it not. Remember here that Antiquity held the Laurel to be exempt from all danger of Ioues Thunderbolts. Plutarch and Dionysius, say, that Romulus was Crowned with Laurel as in triumph after his victories. If he were, it was not as he was King, but as he triumphed. But if all their Triumphal Ornaments came from the Tuscans, to Tarq. Priscus, how then had Romulus any of them? The truth of those times, I think, as uncertain, as any story whatsoever. But most probable and according to what is already delivered, saith justin y Historiar. 43. of those Kings, Per ea adhuc Tempora Reges Hastas pro Diademate habebant; quas Graeci Sceptra dixere. Name & ab origine Rerum pro dijs immortalibus, veteres Hastas coluere, ob cuius religionis memoriam adhuc deorum simulachris Hastae adduntur. Which well agrees with their Name Quirinus, and Quirites, fetched from Curis in the Sabin Tongue, signifying Hasta, or a Sceptre. Curis Sabinè Hasta (saith Festus) undè Remulus Quirinus qui eam ferebat, est dictus. But the first of their Emperors which ware a true Royal Diadem, was Aurelian, z Victoris, de hac re, verba superius habes, cap. 2. about CCLXX. after our Saviour: yet saith Paul Warnfed of Diocletian: that he Ornatum gemmarum vestibus calciamentisque indidit. Nam prius Imperij ensign in chlamyde purpurea tantum erat, reliquaque communia. But trajan, Gordian and others before him, were stamped in their coins with Laurels and Radiant Crowns of Gold. But of Constantine the Great, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (saith Cedren) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. i. They say that he first of all the Emperors used a Diadem. Yet justinian speaks of his Imperial Crown by the name of Infulae, which is the same as Fascia or Diadema * servius ad Aeneid. 10. in the proper and first fence. His words a C. de quadrienn. prescript. l. 3. benè. to Florus are these. Quae ergo pro Augusto honore & cautela res accipientium, nostra statuit aeternitas, haec tam sublimitas Tua, quaem caeteri omnes judices nostri observare festinent, ex eo tempore valitur, quo nutu divino Imperiales suscepimus Infulas. But the Infulae were, it seems, those strings or bands, whereby their Crowns made of precious stones, and gold, in divers fashions were tied on. For (as the b Lips. de Cruc. 3. cap. 16. verum & qui Numismata ediderunt haec copiolè oftendunt. pictures of Zeno, justinian, Valentinian, Anastasius, Phocas, Constantin, and divers others, which we have out of their Coins, discover) their Crowns, and Diadems were very different in form, but all of them tied behind with fillets, as it seems, going round the head as the Crown or Diadem; as it is in that of Heraclius more specially; which, being of gold, and raised with variety of conique plates, and the outmost circle not much differing from our Duke's Crowns, but closed on the top more like what we call Imperial, is tied together with a kind of Ribbon behind. Hence is it that George Curapalates said, that what they of late called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, was wont to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. Vinculum, which word they left off, when the fashion of tying it with ribbons ended. Their pictures will better instruct you in the several forms, than my expressing can. But as the Asiatiques anciently, and Macedondan Kings had their cloth fillets, as the Turkish and Mahometan Princes at this day their rich Mitre or Tulipant: so from the beginning of Christianity in European Supreme Kings and Emperors, the Gold Crowns in those various shapes with which they are described, have been in use. And their differences now are of Close, and Arched, and Open, and the like. But what is before transcribed out of the Roman Provincial, is here to be Remembered; and, that the Pope in giving the Kingdoms of Sardegna c Act. Vatican. ap. Bodin. de Rep. 1. cap. 9 and Corsica to the King of Arragon, used the words of Per Capam Auream realiter investimus. But all Supreme Monarches, in later times, of right, use arched Crowns, and as truly Imperial as the Emperors, but differing in composture. For, the Emperors is thus described by d Marcell. Corcyrens. lib. 1. Ceremon. Sect. 5. & de Imperiali Corona. Pasch. lib. 9 cap. 8. one who saw it. Differt forma Coronae Imperialis ab alijs: nam ea sub se Tiaram quandam habet in modum ferè Episcopalis mitrae, humiliorem tamen magis apertam & minùs acutam: estque eius apertura à front, non ab aure, & semicirculum habet per ipsam aperturam aureum, in cuius summitate crux paruula eminet. Eam Tiaram aliae Coronae non habent. And the bearing, or the top of the Arch, in the Emperors, and in our Sovereigns, is a Mound and a Cross, in that of the French King, a Fleur de lis, on the Popes a Crosse. For he as a Temporal Prince also bears his Crown upon grant pretended from Constantine * Uidè verò Platinam in sylvest 1. the Great. The words of the Donation, as it is offered to the world's sight, are these: In praesentiarum tradimus primum quidem Lateranense nostri Regni palatium, quod omnibus in Orb Terrarnm Palatijs praefertur & eminet: Deinceps Diadema id est Coronam capitis Nostri. But the credit of this Donation is before e Pag. 56. touched. And the Monks have affirmed that f Sigebert. Gemblac. sub anno 510. the Pope's Crown, called Regnum, was that which the Emperor Anastasius sent for a present to Chlovis the first Christian King of France, and that Chlovis then bestowed it on the Pope. The general consent 'mongst Christian Princes in wearing them of gold, proceeded from the Kings of God's chosen people, who using Crowns of gold and precious stones 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (saith an ancient g Clem. Alex Paedagog 2. ca 8. Father) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. i. Being anointed, bare Christ symbolically on their, head. He alludes to the Ointment poured on our Saviour, and the gold offered to him as a King. How well then this must fit a Christian Prince, appears plainly. Yet upon occasion other Crowns have so metimes by them been worn; and that, Chaplets of leaves, which you see in the example of Frederique Barbarossa, whose Chaplet or Crown of rue remains yet borne bendwise upon the Baries of the Dukedom of Saxony. For, when Bernard son of Albert Urso, marquess of Brandeburg, and brother to Otho, the then marquess, and to Sifrid Archbishop of Breme, was made Duke of Saxony by the Emperor, he desired the Emperor to have some difference added to his Arms, that so his might be distinguished from his brothers, Tunc imperator (saith h Saxon. lib. 4. cap. 37. & lib. 9 cap. 19 Krantzius) ut erat Coronatus per aestum, Ruteam Coronam iniecit ex obliquo supplicantis Clypeo, which afterward (saith he) was born so on their Coat, being before barry Sable and Or. The Moscovite or Russian Emperor being Christian, and of the Greek Church, and titling himself a King, as is already showed, wears no Crown of gold or other metal, but only a Rich Cap of i Paul. Oderborn. vit. Theodori. 1. Furple, if my Author deceive not; and for his Ornaments, you shall hear an k Sigismond. Liber in reb. Moscovitic. Ambassador from the Archduke to Basilius then Emperor there, thus describing his presence of State. Princeps in loco eminentiore ac illustri, pariete imagine Divi cuiusdam splendente, aperto capite sedebat, habebát que à Dextra in Scamno pileum (Kopack) sinistra verò baculum cum Cruse (Posoch) atque peluim cum duobus gutturnijs, adiuncto impositoque mantili. Aiunt Principem cum Oratori Romanae fidei manum porrigat, credere homini se immundo & impuro porrigere, atque ideò co dimisso manus lavare, which, for that special custom, the rather I cited. But out of what is here delivered, may well be collected that Victor, or Warnfreds' Assertions of Diocletian and Aurelian (which others follow also) may stand with that of Cedrens touching Constantine, if you so interpret Constantins Diadem, that he was the first that in imitation of the jewish Kings, took a Crown of their kind of l Vide si placet, Card. Baronium, tom. 3. qui & coniecturae huic nostrae, adamussim, antiquorum numismatum fide nixus astipulatur. Materials, for a Royal Diadem, before whom the Cloth or Fillet was used 'mongst his near Predecessors. For it might well be so in him that was so much an Author and Propagator of Christianity in his Empire: And his Nation have a tradition of a Crown and other habiliments sent him m Constant. Porphyrog. cap. 12. from heaven, the relation whereof I willingly abstain from, but for this matter, add that I guess, the jewish Kings had theirs Radiant, upon that of our saviours of Thorns. For, since they purposed in their mockeries to imitate in their marks of Royalty, the Crown, Sceptre, and rob of a true King, what in a Crown of Thorns was better resembled then a Crown Radiant? Near what the Duke n Paschal. de Coronis. l. 9 c. 13. of Florence his is by gift from Pope Pius Quintus. More of their forms will appear in fit place, when we speak of them as they are the ornament Of other, but Inferior Dignities. Some o Galfred. Monum. lib. 1. & 9 authority is that Dunuallo Molmutius, wore a gold Diadem 'mongst our old Britons, and that Athelstan, the first of Saxon Kings, I am too suspicious of my Author, to make you beleeu it as a truth and; Ethelwerd that lived in DCCCCL. of Christ, speaking of Edward, successor to Alured, and predecessor to Athelstan, expressly says that he was Coronatus stemmate Regali, which was but XL. or L. years before Ethelwerds' time, who being a Great man, and of the blood Royal, might easily in that know what he said. The traditions of Scotland are, that until King Achaius, the royal Crown, from their first Ferguse, was of Gold, Militaris valli p Hector. Boet. Hist. 2. & 10. Circa An. 800. forma, or plain; But that he added to the plain Circular Crown, quatuor lilia aurea, quatuor cum salutiferae Crucis aureis signis paribus interuallis discretis, lilijs paulo eminentoribus. And to this Achaius is attributed the addition of the Bordure fleury about the Scotish Lion, Significans (saith Hector) Francorum opibus, quibuscum foedus inierat, Leonem exinde muniendum. Of the Westgoths in Spain, it's expressly delivered that the first q Roderic. Tolet. lib. 2. cap. 14. & Marian. lib. 5. cap. 13. which Regia 〈…〉 signia atque instrumentum principale, Trabeam, sceptrum, Diadema gestavit, was Lewigild about DLXXX. of Christ. Nam ante cum (saith Isidore) & habitus & consessus communis ut genti ita & legibus erat. I have here differed from what Alexander ab Alexandro, Paschalius, and others deliver of Crowns and Diadems. But I imagine it is easier for me much to justify my assertions, than they those of theirs, 'gainst which mine are here opposed. I appeal to my cited authors: But more proper to Royal Majesty, from all antiquity, hath the SCEPTRE been. Although Homer give his Kings no Crowns, yet he specially gives them Sceptres, and calls them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. i Kings with Sceptres. And he makes Agamemnon's only note of supremacy a Sceptre, which he says Vulcan made and gave jove, from whom Mercury received it, from him Pelops, from whom Atreus, from Atreus, Thyestes, who left it to a Iliad. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. & rectè 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 apud Apollon. Argon. 4. Agamemnon: — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 therewith to rule all Peloponnesus and many Iles. The like in proportion hath Virgil. The Argonautiques of Orphous' (as we call them, but indeed of Onomacritus) expressly adorn Aetes with a Sceptre. And the Egyptians, to b Macrob. Saturn. 1. cap. 21. paint their Osiris (the sun, and suprem King in course of created nature) drew an Eye and a sceptre. But more ancient authority than any of this, is in holy writ where you c Genes. cap. 49 have, The Sceptre shall not departed from judah nor a Lawgiver between his feet until Shilo come: which was to confirm the perpetuity of a jewish supremacy (not of one tribe it seems, as most learned men have affirmed) amongst that Nation until Christ came. Which yet was satisfied as well in the Priests, and those Aichmalotarchae (they are called Capita Captivitatis in Arias his Benjamin) as in Kings. For, almost CCC. years after the Babylonique captivity, was no King there: the first which wore d joseph. Antiq. judaic. 13. cap. 19 & Vide Hoseae cap. 3. a Diadem, after that, being Aristobolus son to Hyrcanus. And as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Greek, so as exactly agreeing in the holy tongue, a King is e Amos cap. 1. Com. 5. called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i one that hath a Sceptre. And for the old Roman state, what we have before out of justine, is sufficient. From this antic symbol of Sovereignty, is that interpretation of Mercuries bearing a Caducéus (which is a rod or little staff wreathed about with two Snakes) quòd Mercatoribus (as Fulgentius his words are) det aliquando Regnum, ut Sceptrum, & Vulnus ut Serpentium. Of the Persian King, to this purpose, the story of Esther hath enough. The ancientest Sceptre among the Grecians f Scholiast. ad Pythionic. et vide si placet, & Prophet. Baruchi cap. 6 come. 13. must forsooth be supposed to jupiter, who bore his Eagle on the top of it, as juno did a Cuckoo on hers, Minerva an Owl, Apollo a Falcon; although upon a particular reason, the statue of jupiter Labradéus in Caria held an g Plutarch. in Problem. Graec. 45. Axe not a Sceptre. But you must conceive that King of Birds assumed by him upon the good fortune of War he had against the Titans after an auspicious h Anacreon ap. Fulgent. Mythol. 1. Isidor. Origin. 18. cap. 3. flight of an Eagle towards him in the field. So they fable. In imitation of this Tradition, ensuing Princes used to have Eagles and other Birds on the top of their Sceptres, but most specially i Scholiast. ad Aristophanis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Eagles. And it's delivered that most of the old k Herodot. in Clio. Babylonians ware seal rings and bare Sceptres (or little staves) usually, but none without something on the top; either an Apple, Rose, Lilly, Eagle, or some such like. I guess the Eagle was most proper for their Kings; which amongst the Persians l Xenophon. Cyropaed. 3. also was the Ornament of their Standard. Hence came the Eagle to be borne by the Romans in the field (not upon a banner as now, but) in an image upon the top of a spear or long piece, fixed at pleasure in the earth, or borne, whereof neat Lipsius at large in his Commentary on Polybius. And it was one of the marks Consular or rather Triumphant in Rome, to have an ivory Sceptre with an Eagle on the top of it, which Juvenal means in that Da nunc & volucrem sceptro quae surgit eburno. So they bore it in their triumphs; whereof m Origin. 18. c. 2. & Appian. in Punicis. Isidore: Super Scipionem autem aquila sedebat, ob indicium quod per victoriam quasi ad supernam magnitudinem accederent: and the chief ornament of great men's tombs hath been in the image of an Eagle set on them as the n Antipater Antholog lib. 3. cap. 4. & cap. 33. Epigrams upon Aristomenes and Plato show us. From this ancient honour of the Eagle was derived it seems, the wearing of Golden Eagles painted on the Eastern Emperor's shoes: o Georg. Phranz. lib. 3. cap. 18. and it's reported that only by this note of greatness, the body of Constantine Dracosis the last Greek Emperor there, in the taking of the City by the Turks, was found out. My authors words (upon Pontanus his credit in the translation, for he is not published in his own language) are these. Abluebant capita occisorum plurima, si fortè & Imperatoris noscitarent: nec poterant, nisi quod corpus exanime invenerunt, idque ex imperatorijs calciamentis agnoverunt, in quibus (ut Imperatoribus consuetum erat) Aquilae Aureae depictae visebantur. Yet its certain, the having Eagles so painted was not solely proper to the Emperors. Both the Despote and Sebastocrator had so. George Codin is my witness. It was allowed them by the Emperors among their ensigns of Honour; as they had also other marks which in story are as appropriated to Imperial greatness. As, Heraclius was known q Anastas. Biblioth. hist. 18. ex rubris Ocreis. i. by his purple Buskins in the field twixt him and the Persian; yet it is plain, that in later times it was given as a liberty of special honour to wear Purple or r Zathi Regi Lazorum indulgetur. Agathias hist. 3. Red shoes; which Nicetas Choniates calls, as it were, the Right 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And the old Alban Kings had the like, whom, I. Caesar s Dio hist. 43. & videses V. Cl. I. Casaub. in Suetonijs lib. 1. deriving himself from them by julus, imitated. But the Roman Consuls had their gilt Shoes, if Cassiodore deceive not, whose authority, I think, is sole in this point. Consulatus te decoramus insignibus (are his t Variar. lib. 6. form. 1. words) Pinge vastos humeros vario colore palmatae, validam manum victoriali Scipione nobilita, lares proprios etiam Calceis Auratis egredere. And Lipsius thinks hereupon that they were a special Ornament Consular; but its certain that in Rome both Purple, golden, and variously coloured shoes were in a more common use, as u Enchiridij cap. 61. Epictetus his touching that Vanity discovers. But, for the Sceptre, remember that of x Politic. lib. 3. cap. 10. Aristotle, where he speaks of the Heroic Princes which governed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. i. Some vnsworn, others being sworn; but their Oath was the lifting up of the Sceptre. And thereupon, hath y In 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Suidas, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. i. the sacramental Sceptre whereby Kings did swear; which custom some old Monk had observed when he made z Ex ms. historiae de Gest. Alex. calce, haec cum alijs Epigrammatis transcripsimus. these upon Aristotle and Alexander, aided truly by a special Muse for those times: Magnus Alexander bellum mandarat Athenis: Infestus Populo totius urbis erat. Ibat Aristoteles caute temptare tyrannum, Si prece vir tantus flectere posset eum. Quem procul intuitus Sceptrum Capitisque salutem Testans; non faciam, si qua regobis, ait. Mutat Aristoteles causam subtiliter; Vrbem. Obsideas, frangas, maenia mart petas. Poenituit iurasse Ducem, Bellúmque roganti Dat Pacem, lusus calliditate Viri. You shall hardly meet with an allusion 'mongst those lazy Monks of so much antic property as this. Although notwithstanding the author mistook the story; for it should have been of a Pausanias' in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Anaximenes, and the Lampsacens, not Athenians, nor of Aristotle. And also it's expressly reported in the Greek story that he swore by the Gods of Greece. But howsoever for the truth, this conceit of the Sceptre was both learnedly and wittily used by him. For also old Homer makes Achilles b Iliad. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. et ibi Eustathius. swear 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— Truly by this Sceptre: and calls it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the great oath. Which Virgil imitates in the league twixt c Aeneid. lib. 12. Aeneas and Latinus, where the reason is given because the Sceptre is for the presence of jupiter, whose statue was wont to be touched in those solemn Oths. Servius thus: Vt autem Sceptra adhibeantur ad foedera, haec ratio est, quia Maiores semper simulacra iovis adhibebant: quod cum toediosum esset praecipuè quando fiebant cum longè positis gentibus, inventum est, ut Sceptrum tenentes, quasi imaginem simulacri redderent iovis. Sceptrum enim ipsius est Imperium. unde nunc tenet Sceptrum Latinus non quasi Rex sed quasi Pater patratus. In Christianity there is now appropriated to supreme Princes a GLOBE, and an infixed CROSS, which you see usually pictured in their hands, as also anciently and at this day in the top of our Sovereigns Crowns. The Chief Elector the Count Palatine of Rhine bears it at the right hand of the Emperor of Germany at his inauguration and such solemn Processions, as the Duke of Saxony carries the Imperial Sword before him, and the marquess of Brandeburg the Sceptre on the left. The Bull of Charles iv calls it Pomum imperiale, whereto the Greek stories agree naming it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and the bearer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as if you should say, one that bears the Apple. By that very name were a thousand known of the Persian Kings guard in ancient time, which bore golden Apples on the top of their Spears, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as d Dipnosoph. lib. 12. Athenaeus describes them. Poliaenus, Aelian and others remember them. But the Globe and Cross is first, as my observation hath instructed me, in Theodosius the first his coins thus delivered by Occo: CONCORDIA AUGG. G. B. CONOB. Statue galeata sedens; dextrâ pomum cum Cruse, sinistra rhabdum. He was Emperor CCC LXXX. after our Saviour. The later Grecians have given a reason of the bearing it. When justinian 1. had increased the glory of S. Sophy's Church, and adorned it with divers columns and Statues, he placed also there his own holding in its left hand a Globe (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) with an infixed Cross e Codin. Orig. Constantinop. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Procop. de aedificijs justiniani lib. 1. Suidas in justiniano. nec omittendus hîc Theodorus Douza in Chron. Georgij Logothetae, pag. 70. Meminit & Statuae justinianeae Globique & Crucis Guilielmus de Badensel in Hodoeporico. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. as being become Emperor of the whole world through Faith in the Crosse. For the Globe is the Earth, being of a globous figure. Faith is signified by the Cross, because Christ was nailed thereunto. It is thus expressed in the Coronation of Frederique II. of Danmark, father to the present Christiern: Tandem etiam Malum, cui Crux infixa nitebat Aurea, laeva capit Regis, present sacrorum Praeside quod faciem effigiabat totius Orbis Vt discat quae iam latissima regna capessat Esse sibi gestanda Manu quasi, Durior olim Si qua premat Miseros sors regni fortè Colonos: Imperiúmque uni, quem Crux designat, jesu Acceptum referat, solus qui temperet Orbem Arbitrio & nutu Celestem torqueat Axem. But the figure of justinian in his coins hath this Globe and Cross in the right hand, as also have divers other of the Emperors. But how conceit came afterward to make this an Apple I understand not, unless with like imagination as jupiters' statue in Constantinople with three Apples was interpreted for his supreme power over the three parts of the world. But when it became first to be an Imperial ensign given at the inauguration, as the Crown and Sceptre are, I know not, unless you refer it to Henry II. the Emperor to whom Pope Boniface VIII. gave it for an Imperial ensign, A. M. XIII. and as it seems by my author, first caused it to be used as a property of inauguration. It's Rodulphus Glaber that speaks of it, and in these words: Anno igitur Dominicae Incarnationis f Ita legit & rectè sane Illust. Cardinal. Baronius Tom. 11. depravatum illum Glabri locum. lib. 1. cap. 5. Milesimo decimo tertio licet ensign illud Imperiale diversis speciebus prius figuratum fuisset, Venerabili tamen Papae Benedicto sedis Apostolicae g Al. Visum. iussum est admodum intellectuali specie. Qui idem ensign praecepit fabricari quasi aureum pomum atque circundari per quadrum pretiossimis quibúsque gemmis ac desuper Auream Crucem inseri, and this the Pope gave him, which he bestowed on the Monks of Clugny. If the credit of the British Arthur's seal pretended anciently for a most special monument in Westminster Abbey, were sufficient, it would follow that our Kings had used it as soon as the Roman Emperors. For until justinian it seems it was not ordinary in their statues. He was Emperor in DXXX. and then was our Arthur King of Britain. Neither can any question be of his reign, although much is and justly, of his abused victories. But his form in that seal of his, is thus, by h Leland. Assert. Artburij. one which saw it, described. ‛ Purpura regaliter indutus Princeps sedet super hemicirculum, qualem videmus plwium arcum. Capite coronato fulget. In dextera consurgit Sceptrum ipso liliatum vertice. Sinistrâ verò orbem Cruce insignitum complectitur. But the Globe was, before Theodosius, usually held in the hands of Emperors, as their Coins witness. And the Cross also alone amongst those which were not Christian hath been found, by like testimony. Figura stolata cum Cruse & Victoriae super Basim, is the description of one of Gallien's Coins by Adolph Occo. But the addition of the Cross to the Globe, and religious use of it in Diadems, Statues, pictures, Banners, and such like proceeded from the Great Constantine his so much honouring that divine Symbol. For, when Maxentius usurped the Imperial name against him, he Sollicitudinibus constitutus in somnio vidit Crucis signum Coelo splendidè collocatum; mirantique visionem (the words are i Tripartit. hist. 1. cap. 4. Sozom. Cassiodor's) adstiterunt Angeli dicentes: O Constantine f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. IN HOC VINCE. Fertur autem & ipsum Christum apparuisse ei, signúmque monstrasse Crucis, ac praecepisse ut figuram similem faceret, & in praelijs auxilium hoc haberet, quo victoriae iura conquireret. Others supposing it at noonday appearing to him and his Army, not speaking of the dream. But all agree that hereupon he made his (Labarum) most conspicuous with the Crosse. This Labarum was a long Spear or great g Euseb. de Vita Constantin. 1. cap. 25. v. & Metrophanem ap. Photium Cod. 256. Pole expressing the figure of a golden Cross; on the top whereof a Crown of precious stones and gold was fixed. Under the Crown in a Banner was expressed the two letters of our saviours name Christ; the one crossing the other, that is X and P. So doubtless, as the monuments of those times persuade, must the place of Eusebius reporting this, be understood, although some by turning 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 into, in quo (whereas they should have made it juxta quod or sub quo) offer an imposture to their Readers, which places the X and P in the Crown, not in the Banner; whereas that Crown is no essential part of the Standard, but sometimes h v. Lipsium de Cruse. 3. cap. 15. & Iconas ibidem. wanting; the Banner only comprehending those two Elements of that most saving Name. Hence i Contra Symmach. lib. 1. Prudentius (who lived some LXXX. years after Constantine under Honorius) by Apostrophe to Rome: Agnoscas Regina libens mea signa necesse est, In quibus effigies Crucis, aut gemmata refulget, Aut longis solido ex auro praefertur in hastis. And, of his name signed by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mixed, Christus Purpureum gemmanti textus in Auro Signabat Labarum; Clypeorum insignia Christus Scripserat; ardebat summis Crux addita Christ's. — Tunc ille Senatus Militiae ultricis titulum, Christique verendum Nomen adoravit quod collucebat in armis. Understand the name, by ☧. For about those times Χ alone was a known k julian. in Misopagone. sigle for our Saviour, which yet they would not, it seems, without Ρ use, because of another interpretation of ill note, which the learned know, by the old Grecians was applied to it. After that in his wars against Maxentius, this great Emperor had by those holy auspexes such success, that Maximam l Cassiodor hist. Tripartit. lib. 1. cap. 9 culturam sacratissimae Crucis haebebat.— Denique supplicium Crucis, quod primitus apud Romanos erat in usu, lege prohibuit. In figurationibus autem solidorum & in imaginibus, hoc signum jussit inscribi semper & figurari. The Apostata julian took from the Labarum those notes of Christianism, but they were (as is found in m Baronius Tom. 4. fol. 146. & 334. ancient testimony) restored by Ualens and Valentinian. By Edict of n C. lib. 1. tit. 8. & de judaeis l. 11. & Synod. in Trull. can. 73. ap. Harmenop. Epit. Theodosius II. and Valentinian III signum salvatoris Christi Nemini licet vel in solo, vel in silice, vel in Marmoribus humi positis insculpere vel pingere; sed quodcúnque reperitur tolli; whereto a Publication o Landulph. Sag. Miscell. 17. of Tiberius II. agrees. Neither was any subscription or Note (without letters) among them, or of such authority as this Venerabile Signum, as p C. de jure Delib. l. 22. §. 2. 〈◊〉 vide Leonis ●mp. Novel. 73. justinian to this purpose, calls it. And, as it was in the Standard, it is usually in later Greek stories, titled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; as if you should say, the Palm of Victory. How frequent it is now and of ancient time hath been in Diadems, Coat Armours, Temples of Christians and the like, every man may see or know. But, as with us it is the common ensign of every Church, Religious house, Christian Prince, and Army of the holy wars (whereupon, in ancient time, the very erecting of a Cross gave q Stat. West. 2. cap. 37. privilege against Temporal Right) as a testimony under whose banner we fight, so with the Mahumedan Turks, the Croissant or half Moon, as a Religious symbol, is as commonly set on the top of their Meschits, Seraglias, Turrets and such like; which is not unfitly here remembered, being the chief Imperial Enfigne of those miserable Professors. Neither, I guess, can it but please, if something be added here of the reason and original of that superstition. It may be referred to this fabulous and most ridiculous relation. Mahumeds' followers, they say, looking on the Moon when she was towards r Cantacuzen. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Serm. 2. & vide Alcoran. Azoar. 64. conjunction (at what time she is as a Croissant also in form, although of a contrary posture in heaven) desired him to show them some Miracle. He with his two fingers pointed at her, whereupon she presently fell in two pieces; the one piece falling down on the hill Elcais in one part of Mecha, the other on the Red hill in the other part of Mecca: but at length both pieces came together into Mahumeds' lap, or s In Manicam Camisiae Machometi Epitome. Sacror. Bell. apud Canis. Antiq. Lect. Tom. 6. his shirt sleeve, and so he put her whole into heaven again. But this is as true, as, that * Doctrine. Machumet. ab Hermann, translata. Gabriels' wing touching the Moon was the only cause why she differs so much from the Sun in light. Laugh at these, and you shall have a better inquiry. The Ancient and present Arabian account is by Lunar years, as infants in Astronomy know. In the Root of their Hegira (which is as much as Persecution, and in the Alcoran occurs by the name of Alhegire; and supputated from the flight of Mahumed, out of Mecha, being under Heraclius A. Chr. DC. XXII. is always used for the date of the Grand Signiors letters as before is remembered) it so fell out that the New Moon of their first Month Mucharam (whence as we from March, they account; saving the unsteadfastness happening by intercalations, which Lunar years must have) reckoned by their annual course of Mean Motion, then differing, in this Hagaren year, near three days from the True Motion of the Moon, was the third day after the true Conjunction or Change: at which time commonly in our Croissant form her apparition is in any climate. Neither could the New Moon of that Hagaren year otherwise fall out, it being the XVI. of our july and Friday. unde sine dubio (saith Divine t De Emendat. Temp. lib. 2. joseph Scaliger) hody omnes Muhamedistae in fastigijs summis Turrium illarum è quibus Lunam nascentem speculantur, imponunt Lunam Corniculatam pro Insigni quemadmodum Christiani Crucem. For it could scarce be likely but that they, who so religiously had fabled of their Impostor Mahumed, and regarded his particular Actions with such superstition, must, with all Reverence, observe and honour the Moon, in that form as she appeared when their great Prophet was persecuted, when as their whole generation have with such u Scaliger. Can. Isagog. lib. 3. acclamations of joy, dancing, leaping, and hope of foreshown happiness, always entertained her first, and every monthly apparition, calling her then Nalka i. a Horse-shoe, from the likeness of figure. But that is not without example from the jews, who most anciently held their New Moons (as x Ante alia verò consulas Psalm. 81. come. 3 testimony of holy Writ frequently shows) which Horace calls their Tricesima Sabbata. And at this day (so y In Prolegomenis ad Emend. Temporum. Scaliger teaches me) as soon as they see her after Conjunction, they presently cry 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. i Good Fortune to us and to all Israel; as the old Greeks were wont to salute their Lights brought to Table with * Good Light Varro de Ling. 〈…〉 t. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, somewhat like our custom in the same matter. Idem (that is, as the jews, saith my most noble author) faciunt & Muhammedani, quamuis Neomaenias ex scripto indicere soleant. But the most ancient Arabians had their chief Goddesss Alilat (by Herodotus interpreted Urania) which by all likelihood was but the Appearing Croissant known to this day among the Mahumedans by the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. Halilat, whence Alilat is plainly made: unless rather from the spurn Lilith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mentioned in a Isa. cap. 34. La 〈…〉 a est Interpretibus, 〈…〉 x, & similia. holy Writ, which the jews say is a Spirit very Dangerous to young Children or Women in Childbirth, whereupon their custom is (especially of the Germane jews) at the b Elias in Thisbit. verb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ex Ben Sirrah. Birth-times of their Women, to chalk out on every of the walls of the Chamber in a Circle, this charm: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. Adam, Heue, Hence (or out) Lilith. And in the inner door of the chamber they writ the names of three Angels, Senoi, Sansenoi Samanegeloph (preservers of young children) which they learned once of Lilith when they would have drowned her in the Sea. A learned and discreet tradition! Whether with this Alilat, Lilith, or Halil, the name of Ilethyia, being, in Pindar somewhere 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for Lucina, among the Gentiles, had the same origination, I inquire not here. Their offices and attributes are common c Theocrit. idyll. 28.— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 enough, to offer persuasion, which may induce you to think so. Children know that Lucina and the Moon are as one: and Lilith had (I doubt not) its beginning from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. the Night, and is, if the later Iod be turned into Vaughan, the plural Number of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, whence jonathan Ben-Vziel makes it expressly in his Chaldee 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as if he should have said Nights; and that Halil in Arabisme is but Noctiluca from the same root. Whence (under great Scaligers favour) I am near persuaded that their honour to the Croissant is more ancient than the Hegira. And have we not authority beyond exception, that the Camels of Zaebah and Zalmunna d judic. cap. 8. come. 21. two Midianit (or Ismaelitique) Kings slain by Gideon, had about their necks, as acknowledging their Royal Masters by their ensigns, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which the Rabbins interpret the Images of the Moon. Crescents also were worn upon the Senators of Shoes in Rome, which is best derived from their descent out of the Arcadian Nation, which called themselves 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i Antelunares; not that they feigned themselves more ancient than the Moon (as some idly) but because they would undertake no matter of moment before the New moon, as the Lacedæmonians would not till the Full. Kind's of superstition common to the old Germans, Gauls, and others. Hence is the Lunata planta in Martial, the like in others. And e Syluar. 5. in Protreptic. ad Crispin. Statius Sic te, clare puer, genitum sibi Curia sensit, Primaque Patriciâ clausit vestigia Lunâ. How much the Crescents or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i little Moons were wont to honour statues and Images may be seen in f Aristophan. in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. & Scholiast. Greek Antiquities. Although, I know, the most noble and learned g Comme●t. ad Priapeia. vide si placet, H. Grot. ad Arati Imagines. jos. Scaliger supposes them set on rather to keep the statue from being defiled by Birds sitting on them, then for addition or note of honour; and he finds fault with Painters, which in Christianisme also set them on pictures, where that use of them cannot be. But, I am sure, in divers old coins, you shall have them on the fronts of the faces; to what purpose, I cannot judge, unless for a mark of honour. Yet some learned h Busbeq. & Lips. Epistol●c. quest. 1. Epist. 16 men have thought that it was a proper Ensign of the Constantinopolitans or Byzantins, because divers pieces have been found with a Croissant, and inscribd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And thence they imagine the Grand signor took it, ut signum victae Gentis penes quam (as Lipsius speaks) Orientis imperium esset. But I must not subscribe to them. How much, even since the blessed propagation of Christianisme the New moons have been, and superstitiously, regarded, is known out of their i Harm●nopul. Epit. Canon. sect. 3. tit. 3. ex Synodo in Trullo habita & v. Chrysostom. Homil. 203. Edit. Ducaeana. adversus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Bonfires and such jollities used at them. But for the Mahumedans, and Hagarens, questionless to their Moon, Alilat, Halil, Nalka (which are all one) you may reduce their Venus, on whose week day their law is supposed given, and to her Planet, the change or continuance * Petr. de Alliacode dist. leg. Cap. 1. of it is by Astrologers (I inquire not how well) referred as Christian profession to the Sun, the jewish to Saturn, and the like. But Historians think falsely their Venus to interpret Cuba or Cobar so famous among them. For Cuba or Cobar is nothing by interpretation but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Potens, Mighty, and so is but Halil, Lunus, or Luna, and by no means (as I guess) Venus, if you take Venus, as we do, for the first Planet, but well enough, if you consider the name, as designing only a Goddess or Star of sight generally, which Cuba will well endure. And those Eastern parts had ever anciently the Moon under both Sexes in their Devotions. Lunus k Spartian. in Caracall. ubi & consulendus V. Cl. Is. Casaubonus. and Luna. Which seems not of younger beginning than the adoration of the Sun among the Persians: which as the Crescent now to the Mahumedans, was in some sort used, and set upon their Royal pavilions. Patrio more Persarum (saith l Curt. lib. 3. & Xenophon. lib. 8. Cyropaediae. Curtius) traditum est orto sole demùm procedere: die iam illustri, signum è tabernaculo Regis buccinâ dabatur. Super tabernaculum unde ab omnibus conspici possit, image Solis crystavo inclusa fulgebat. But of their Moon thus much. And thus much of the external Ensigns of Majesty. Other particulars there are to this purpose. But either so obsolet, that our Age hath not to do with them, as the carrying of Fire before the Persian, and Roman Emperors; the Ius Capillitij of France, and the like. Or so peculiar to some only, that they are rather to be referred to the Country's custom and Ceremony, then Royal Majesty. TITLES OF HONOUR. SECOND PART. PRinceps, and Princeps Iwentutis. Caesar, when first the Title for the apparent successor. Rex Romanorum. Despote, Sebastocrator, Caesar, Panhypersebastus, in the Eastern Empire. The Despotes Crown. An Innominat Title before Despote. Dauphin. The beginning, cause, and signification of that name in the French heirs. Humbert Dauphin his Epitaph in Paris. The Salic law, and its interpretation. Goropius his coniesture why the Franks allow not women's government. Monsiver, title of the Brother and heir. The custom of the French Peers being at the Queen's Childbirth. Clyto, Clitunculus for the Saxon Princes. Etheling, or Adeling. Errors of Polydore. Duke of Normandy. Prince of Wales, when begun as proper to the Eldest son and heir of England. Duke of Cornwall. Prince of Scotland. Duke of Rothsay. Steward of Scotland. Earldom of Rosse by Act of Parliament made as Appanage to the second sons, in Scotland. Infanta of Spain. Prince of Astura. The Pragmatica of Philip II. for writing to the Infanta of Spain. CHAP. I. TO avoid the danger of an ensuing Anarchy, as well in Elective as Hereditary Monarchies, a designation hath usually been of the next APPARENT HEIR or successor: and that by some honorary name. In In the first of the Roman Empires infancy, successors were by adoption appointed, and styled Principes Iwentutis. The first example was in Octavian his adoption of Caius and Lucius, sons of his daughter julia by Agrippa. Yet (as is before touched) with them, Princeps alone was equivalent with the name of Emperor. Otho to his a Tacit. Histor. 1. & Annal. 1. Army. Nec privatum me vocari sustineo, Princeps a vobis nominatus; nec Principem, alio imperant. And, of Augustus, the same author: Lepidi atque Antonij arma in Augustum cessere. qui cuncta discordijs civilibus fessa nomine Principis sub imperium accepit. Thence came Principatus and b Tertullian. lib. adu. Hermog. Principium to be abstracts for their Power and Government. The affectation of this Title by the Emperors sprang from the usual name of Princeps Senatus, which was before the Caesars, known among them. So did they in this prevent innovation. Whereupon the dissembling Tiberius often c Dio. hist. 57 affirmed himself 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. i. Emperor of the Army, but Prince of the Rest. But those who were constituted for succession, had always the addition of Iwentutis to Princeps; which Zonaras turns 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. i. Prince of the Youth. The two, adopted by Octavian, are expressed by this name in a Coin, pictured with them, circled thus: C. L. CAESARES AUGUSTI F. COS. DESIG. PRINC. IWENT. in the hands of that noble Mark Velser of Auspourg. Others like are extant, with that Title; being, as is supposed, worn out of that Ancyran monument, where you read; EQVITES. ROMANI. universi. PRINCIPEM .......... HASTIS ARGENTEIS DONATVM APPELLAVERUNT. The defect is supplied by conjecture of two great and most learned Critics, Casaubon and Lipsius, with IW. C. for Iwentutis Caium. And as Princeps Senatus was chief in their Senatorian order in their free State, before the Caesarean Empire, was the name of Princeps Iwentutis for a chief in the Ordo Equestris. So is the son of C. Curio named by d Orat. in Vatinium vide● Lips. Elect. lib. 2. cap. 1. Cicero. From Octavian until Hadrian this Title remained for the apparent successor. Thence began Caesar, to that purpose. For, although others before which were apparent successors had that name, yet in them it was as a note of their family not of their hope to the Empire. But Hadrian by this name adopted Aelius Verus. Of him, thus Spartian. Primus tantùm Caesaris nomen accepit adoptione Adriani, familiae principum adscriptus. And, a little after. Nihil habet in vita sua memorabile, nisi quod primus tantùm e jul. Capito●inus in Clod. Albino docet & quibus insignibus uti Caesarem licuit, ex Epistolâ Commodi Aug. Ad Albinum. & v. Capitolin. in Vero Imp. Caesar est appellatus (so Casaubon reads, instructed out of a Ms. in the French Kings Library) non testamento ut antea solebat, neque eo modo quo Traianus est adoptatus; sed eo propè genere quo nostris temporibus à vestra Clementia (he writes to Diocletian) Maximinianus atque Constantius Caesares dicti sunt: quasi quidam principum filii Viri, & designati Augustae maiestatis Haeredes. Which disproves the tradition of Aur. Victor, that in the adoption of Hadrian by trajan, the name of Caesar first was the mark of succession. Abhinc divisa (saith he) nomina Caesarum atque Augusti: inductúmque in Remp. uti duo, seu plures summae potentiae, dissimiles, cognomento ac potestate dispari sint. Caesar was then what remains to this day in the Western Empire, known more usually by REX ROMANORUM. Which began with the Translation, it seems, of the Empire out of Greece into France. Of the inauguration of Charles le magne, writes Sigebert; Karolo Regi Imperatorias laudes acclamant eúmque per manum Leonis Papae Coronant, Caesarem & Augustum appellant, Pipinum verò filium eius Regem Italiae Ordinatum collaudant. But it's observed, that after Charles surnamed Crassus (all the Emperors before him being merely hereditary, & enjoying their Title not so much by Coronation or Unction, as right descendible) no other style was assumed till Consecration from the Pope, but Rex Romanorum, and that it being had, thenceforth they were all written Augusti and Imperatores; and so in their Charters was it by themselves observed with Anno Regni so much, Imperij so much: Quod omnes (saith a De Comitijs Imperatorijs. Onuphrius) posteà eius (of Charles the Gross) successores usque ad Nostra Tempora religiosè admodum obseruarunt. He, more at large, gives you a reason of it in this Charles. But he was a child of the Romish part, and so, I know, you respect him; yet was he one exceeding well deserving in our age, of the state of this kind of learning, and in this gives you the truth. And this Rex Romanorum was to be Crowned & anointed by the Archbishop of Cologne at Aix. But in the Eastern Empire, Caesar continued for the next dignity to the supreme, only till Alexius f Anna Comnena Alexiad. 3. & Zonar. Annal. Tom. 3. Quatuor Principes ratione Dignitatis Graeco vocabulo Sebaston dictos meminit Author Expedit. Asiatic. Frederic. 1. apud Canis. Tom. 5. & Theodorus Imperator 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Georg. Logothet. Chronic. Constantinopol. pag. 20. Comnenus. He when Nicephorus Melisenus had been before by him made Caesar, created his brother Isaac a new title, and called him Sebastocrator; and made him second from the Crown, and the title of Caesar, third. Afterward, the same Emperor Alexius having one only daughter Irene, whom he gave in marriage to Alexius Palaeologus, and no issue male, made the Sebastocrator to be as third from him, and the Caesar fourth (whose State & Dignity was by him equalled with the Panhypersebastus, another title of his making) and invested this Palaeologus with the special Title of g DESPOTE, which thence remained in that State for the next after the Emperor, and well may be interpreted by the French Monsieur, applied to the King's brother and apparent heir. And as he is the Monsieur for excellency in France, so the heir apparent in Constantinople was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Despote, yet not otherwise but that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was also (as Monsieur & Prince with us) communicated to the Emperor's g G. Codin. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. sons, sons in law and Brothers. When the Emperor's son was invested with this title of the Despote, he had a Crown decked with Diamonds put on his head, by the Emperors own hand. This Crown they called * Gyrata Corona. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because it had four little arches (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) before, behind, and on the sides. But if he were but son in law, than one only before. But it seems afterward a greater Dignity than Despote was invented by Michael Palaeologus, but not with any honorary title which story remembers. Only the Translation of a later i Cantacuzen. hist. 4. cap. 5. Grecian, whose text is not published, calls it Vt esset Imperatori proximus: quem honorem primus Palaeologorum Imperator Michael propter filium Constantinum Porphyrogenitum invenit; videbatúrque ea dignitas Despotarum dignitati antecellere. The son and heir apparent of the French King is known to all by the name of DAUPHIN. Good authors discord about the exact certainty of the Beginning and Cause of that title. For the cause, receive thus: Under Philip of Ualois about M. CCC. XLIX. (some will, under his son, King john) one Humbert others call him Hubert Prince of that Territory, which to this day retains the name of the Daulphinè, bordering on Savoy, Provence, & Piedmont, being possessed with excessive grief for loss of his only son in the battle of Cressy, resolved to leave all secular State, and commit his thoughts to the private quiet of a religious Cloister, purposing also to institute the See of Rome, his heir. But that design his people much disliked, beseeching him that they might rather follow the colours of a King than a Bishop, whereupon Placuit, filii Regum (they are Paulus Emilius his words) ut quisque in proximam spem regni suscepti essent, Delphini vocarentur, iuráque Delphinatibus redderent. Many follow this, and deliver that it was given to continue in the Elder sons and heirs apparent. But Du Haillan constantly denies part of it, affirming, that this Humbert being without hope of lineal posterity, gave the inheritance of the Daulphinè to ‛ Philip Duke of Orleans, second son to Philip of Valois, and for default of his issue to the sons of john Duke of Normandy, eldest son to Valois (and afterward King of France) or of their successors Kings of France, according as the same King or Duke john or their successors should ordain, a la charge que celui que serra investi du dict Daulphinè & says heirs & successors au dict pais, serroient tenus de se fair appeller DAULPHINS' DE UIENNOIS (the Metropolitique City of that Territory is Vienna upon Rhosne) & porter les armes du dict Daulphinè escartelles avec les armes de France sans powoir laisse le nom de Dauphin, ny les dits arms. & que le dict Daulphinè ne purroit estre uni au Royaume de France que l'Empire nigh fust pareillement uni. Whose syllables I the rather cite, because, against the Credit of many other their authors and the common received opinion, he justifies himself out of the Instrument of that Donation, which, by his assertion, he had made use of. So that neither john Duke of Normandy, nor his son Charles (afterward Charles V of France) were either of them constituted Dauphin (as some have delivered) but this Philip Duke of Orleans, & second son to Valois, since whom that State upon good reason hath so ordained, that it (being a neighbour territory to Savoy and Italy) should never be further from the Crowns possession then in the son and heir apparent. Although it seem true that Charles V son and successor to K. john was the first of their Kings which was Daulphinè. For the beginning of the Title: It's k Andre du Chesne Ant. q. & Recerch. lib. 4. cap. 2. & autres. affirmed that about M. LX. under Philip I. one Guy Earl or Governor of most of that Territory, named it Dauphinè, in favourable respect of a match twixt his son & the daughter of Dauphin Earl of Albon and Viennois. So to perpetuat a name which by alliance had honoured his family. And l Circe M. CC. X. Petrus de Vineis lib. 2. Epist. 49. Frederique II. writing to his Capitane of Sicily, speaks of Delphinus Comes Viennae consanguineus & amicus noster. And another French m Io. a Bosco Coelestin. in Viennae Antiq. Antiquary saith, that Dauphin was the surname of the Earls of Viennois, Albon, and Aruerne, and that they bore for their Coat the Dolphin, which afterward being controverted twixt the divided house of Viennois and Aruerne, it was ordered, that they should both bear the Dolphin, but with differences. Therefore I can hardly think that the word Dauphin was in that part of France (or Gaul) according to the idiom of the ancient Allobroges (they had their seat here and in Savoy) a special name for Prince, and Daulphinè for Principality. Notwithstanding that a most n P. Aemilius histor. 8. judicious author, of the French story, speaking of the marriage twixt one of Philip the fifts daughters to the Dauphin of Viennois, says, ita suos Principes vocitabant Allobroges. And in a Monastery of the ●acobits at Paris (I speak it upon the credit of o Cosmog. lib. 3. part. 2. cap. 40. P. Merula) the Epitaph, of Humbert is thus conceived: Cy gist le pere & tres illustre Seigneur Humbert iadis Dauphin de Viennois: puis Laissant sa principaute fuit fait frere de nostre order, & Prieur de ce covent de Paris, et en fine patriarch d'Alexandrie et perpetuel Administrateur de l' Archeuesché de Reims & Principal Bien-facteur de ce nostre Covent. Il mourut l'an du grace, mil trois cens cinquante cinq. Hence some collection may be that Dauphin or Dauphin is taken as signyficant for Prince. But not every heir apparent with them is called Dauphin. It's only the son and heir: which hath indeed its ground in the first Donation. Every other heir apparent (supposing their law Salic, which excludes Females) is called the Monsieur; as, not many years since, Francis Duke of Alencon, and brother and heir to Henry III. and in the memory of our Fathers, Francis Duke of Engoulesme, brother to Lewes II. and afterward King. For their law Salic (because few know any thing of it, though all talk of it, and it belongs to this purpose) a word or two. There are yet remaining, and in p Edit. Optima ap. Goldast. Constit Imperial. Tom. 3. Print, Leges Salicae, composed (as they say) by four Counsellors about Pharamunds' time; Wisogast, Bodogast (some call him Losogast) Salogast, and Windogast or Husogast. In them you shall read thus: De terra verò Salica nulla portio Haereditatis Mulieri veniat, sed ad Virilem sexum Tota terrae haereditas perveniat. The best interpretation of Terra salica (although some will have q Apud Hadrian jun. in Bataviae cap. 9 it Regiam Terram & Dominium Coronae & Maiestatis Regiae Francorum) is by our word Knights fee, or land held by Knight's service. Some derive it from * Goropius Francic. ib. 2. Sal, contracted from saddle or Saddle, signifying alike with us and the old Franks, which were Teutonique, and called also Salians. And not long since in an Arrest in the Parliament at Bordeaux, upon controversy r Bodin. de Repub. lib. 6. cap. 5. twixt two Gentlemen for priority of their houses, a very old Testament being produced, whereby the Testator had devised his Salic land, it was resolved in point of judgement that this name interpreted Fiefs. And, who knows not that Fiefs originally were military gifts, and as the same with our Knight's Fees? But, the Crown or any suprem Dominion cannot be called a Fief or Fee, whose essence consists in being held by some tenure. And good Lawyers have thought that the text extends no otherwise. Whereupon, I think, one, now living s Hierom. Bignon. de l'excellencie des Rois. liure 3. at Paris, speaking of their Royal succession, by them allowed only to Masles, makes it rather a perpetual custom then particular Law. Ce n'est point (saith he) un joy ecritte, mais nee avec nous, que nous n'auons point inventée, mais l'auons puisse de Nature mesme qui le nous a ainsi apris & donne cet instinct. But why then is it called Salic? and why was that law so urged against our Sovereign of famous memory Edward III. To be long and curious upon this matter, fits not this place. But Goropius undertakes a conjecture of the first cause which excluded Gynaecocratie (or female succession and government) among them, and guesses it to have proceeded from their observation of a great misfortune in War, which their neighbours the Bructerans (a people anciently about the now Ouerisel one of the XVII Provinces, from near whom, he, as many others, derives the Franks) endured in time of Vespasian under the conduct and Empire of one e v. Tacit. Histor. 4. Velleda, a Lady even of divine estimation amongst them. But, howsoever the Law be in truth, or interpretable, it is certain that to this day, they have a use of ancient time which commits to the care of some of the greatest Peers, that they when the Queen is in childbirth, be present and warily observe lest the Ladies should privily counterfeit the enheritable sex, by supposing some other Male when the true birth is female, or, by any such means, wrong their ancient custom Royal; as of this Lewes XIII. born on the last of September in M. DC. is, after other such, f Rodulph. Boter. Comment. 8. remembered. Before the title of Dauphin, I find not any special name for the French heir apparent. Both He and his brothers are usually in their old stories called generally Reges, as the Children of the Saxon Kings with us are g V Ethelwerd. lib. 2. cap. 18. & recentiorum complures. Clytones, or Clytunculi. Dedit etiam consilium Edricus, ut Clitunculoes, Eadwardum & Eadmundum Regis Eadmundi filios necaret, saith Roger of Hoveden. This Clyto, Clito, and Clitunculus, they had from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. inclytus, by which they interpreted their Saxon word Eðeling Etheling, i Noble. One h Nith. Angilbert. hist. lib. 4. Atqui Vet. Saxonum Gens in Nobiles, Liberos, Libertos, & servos dispertita est ab Einhardo apud Adam bremen's. hist. Eccles. cap. 5 & Abbat.. Vrspergensem. speaking of the Germane Saxons under Charles le main, hath: Gens omnis in tribus ordinibus divisa consistit. Sunt n. inter illos qui Edhilingi (that is Ethelingi) sunt qui Frilingi, sunt qui Lazzi illorum linguâ dicuntur. Latinâ verò linguâ sunt Nobiles, Ingenuiles, atque seruiles. And, that Edgar son to Edward son of Edmond Ironside, the last heir to the Crown of the Saxon line (not mixed with the Norman) is in Hoveden, Marian, Florence, and others called Clyto, Edgarus Clyto; whom Henry of Huntingdon, Matthew Paris, and such more style Edgarus Etheling, i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pro W. Nobilissimis, & (ut videtur) Ducibus sive 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, sumitur. Canut. leg. cap. 55. or Adeling; where, by the way, note Polydore's ignorance, titling him Edgarus cognomento Ethelingius; his surname being no more Etheling, than the now England's Darling Charles his is Prince; or indeed, than Polydore's was Ignorant. After the Conquest, no special title more than Primogenitus filius Regis was for the Prince, until the name of PRINCE OF WALES came to him. Yet Polydore, speaking of Henry the first his making his son William Duke of Normandy, adds, hinc mos serpsit, ut Reges deinceps Filium Maiorem natu quem sibi successorem optassent, Normanniae principatu donarent. But the time which interceded Henry the first and K. john, under whom Normandy was lost, will not justify any such thing as an honorary Duty to the English Heirs. He afterward in Henry III. his XXXIX. year, says, that in Parliament, Edwardus Regis filius (he, which was afterward Edward I.) ut maturiùs ad res gerendas graviores experiens redderetur fit Walliae Princeps, simúlque Aquitaniae ac Hyberniae praefectus— unde natum ut deinceps unusquisque Rex hoc secutus institutum Filium maiorem natu Walliae Principem facere consueverit. It is true that Wales with Gascoigne, Ireland, and some other Territories in England, were given to this Prince Edward, upon his marriage with Elinor, daughter to Alfonso King of Spain. Yet the Principality of Wales was not in that gift, so special to this purpose. For, after the other, it comes in the Patent in these words only, k Archiu. 39 Hen. 3. unà cum conquestu nostro Walliae. When this Edward was King, he made his son Edward of Caernaruan, Prince of Wales (a more particular course in policy used about it, is in some of our stories, whither I refer you) and by that name and Earl of Chester summoned him to Parliament. But all these made nothing to invest the Title perpetually in the Heirs apparent, although some have delivered otherwise. For, this Edward of Caernaruan (afterward Edward II.) summoned his eldest son, Prince Edward, by the name of Earl of Chester and Flint only. But when this Prince was King (Edward III) he in Parliament first creates his son the Black Prince, Duke of Cornwall, & quod primogenitus filius Regis Angliae qui foret hereditabilis Regno Angliae, foret Dux Cornubiae, & quod Ducatus Cornubiae foret semper extunc primogenitis filijs Regum Angliae qui foret proximus haeres predicto Regno, and gives him divers possessions annexed to the Duchy l Pat. 11. Ed. 3. memb. 1. chart. 1 Tenendum eidem Duci & ipsius & haeredum suorum Regum Angliae, Filijs primogenitis, et dicti loci Ducibus. Since when, the eldest sons of our Sovereigns have been, by law, accounted Dukes of Cornwall, in the first instant of their birth. Neither only, the eldest in respect of absolute primogeniture, but also the second or other after the death of the first or former, on whom this Title was so cast; as it was lately resolved upon good and mature reason, grounded by divers authorities and precedents, for the now most noble Prince Charles. Not long after, the same Black Prince was invested in the Principality of Wales, Tenendum sibi & heredibus Regibus Angliae, since when (neither is the true beginning of this Title, of any other time.) The heirs apparent have been honoured with PRINCE OF WALES: some having been created in like form, others only called so. The last creation was in that most hopeful blossom, untimely cropped out of Britain's Garden, Prince Henry; whose title also was often Prince of Great Britain. In Scotland, the eldest son & heir is born PRINCE OF SCOTLAND, Duke of Rothsay, and Stewart of the Kingdom. The title of Duke of Rothsay hath so been, since m Circa c●●. cccc. Robert III. first honoured his eldest son Prince David with it. Yet Henry Lord Darley had it also before his marriage with Queen Mary. And as Rothsay to the eldest, so the Earldom of Rosse is in Scotland to the second son. Thus speaks the n Parl. 9 jacob. 3. cap. 71. act of Parliament under james III. Our Soweraigne Lord with consent of his three Estaites of the Realm annexis till his Crown the Earldom of Rosse, with the Pertinents, to remain thereat for ever. Swa that it shall not be leiffull to his highness or his airs, nor his successors to make alienation of the said earldom, or any part thereof, fra his Crown in any wise: saifand that it salbe leiffull to him and them to give the said earldom at their pleasance till any of his or their second sons lawfully to be begotten twixt him and the Queen. So in a manner are the Appanages in France and the Duchy of York with us, and the like. In imitation of the English honour of Prince of Wales, the INFANT and heir of SPAIN (Infant is but o Infants dicti passim Regum filii, Roderigo Toletano, & Rod. Santio; ut Hispanicè Infants. Son or Child, as in France, les enfans le Roy) had the title of Prince of Astura, Principe de las Asturias, which began first in Henry (son of john 1. King of Castille and Lions; and afterward Henry III. of that Dominion) to whom john q Ita & Stephanus de Garibay in Compend. Histor. Hisp. lib. 15. cap. 25. ab co vulgus quòd Principem Hispaniae sive Castellae compellant Haeredem Regni, arguitur. of Gaunts' daughter Catharine was given in marriage. Some of their p Roderic. Sant. part. 4. cap 22. & Duque de Alencastre in Stephan. de Garibay. Stories ignorantly style him Dux Alencastriae and Glocestriae; aiming, questionless, at Lancastriae and Leicestriae; for he was Earl of Leicester. To that Henry and Catharine, Vt Asturum Principes vocarentur datum (saith Mariana) more ex Anglia translato, ubi Regum filii maiores, Walliae Principes nominantur. quod ab hoc initio susceptum ad nostram aetatem conseruatur, ut Castellae Regum maiores filii Asturum Principes sint, quibus, annis consequentibus, Vbeda, Biatia, Illiturgisque sunt adiectae. In the Spanish Pragmatica of c●●. D. LXXXVI. For Titles, it is ordered that the Infants and Infantas of Spain shall only have the Title of Highness. And in the top of Letters to them shall be only written My Lord (Sennor) and in the end, God keep your Highness only, and upon the Superscription, To my Lord the Infant, Don N. or To my Lady the Infanta, Donna N. And, that Highness, without addition, is to be understood only of the Prince heir and successor. Dux in the times before the Caesarean Empire. And, in it. Limitum Deuces. Ducatus. Tunicae Ducales. Ducianum judicium. Comites, and the beginning of the Honorary Comitiva under Constantine. His Counts of three Ranks. The Precedent of making a Count of the first Rank. Dukes and Counts of the first Rank made equal. Comitiva Vacans; and honorary Titles without government or administration given about the declining Empire. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The King's Friend. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the later Greek Empire. Comitiva Secundi Ordinis. How the name of Count was both equal and under Duke. Dukes and Counts at will of their supreme, anciently. If a Duke then should have XII. Counties under him. The beginning of this and other Titles to be Feudall, and hereditary in the Empire. The ceremony of giving Provinces by delivering of one or more Banners. The making of the Marquisat of Austria, a Dukedom. The Archdukes name, his habit and Crown in ancient Charters Imperial. Magnus Dux Lithuaniae. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hereditarily given by Constantine the great to the Prince of Athens; upon weak credit. Power given to the Duke of Austria (being made a King) to create a Duke of Carniola. The difference of Dukes in the Empire. Who of them may wear a Crown, who only a Cap. The beginning of this and that (equal) of Count, in the French state. The Counts of Holland and Flanders. The Royalties of the ancient Dukes in France. Their Crown. The reuniting of those ancient Dukedoms and equal Counties to the Crown. The later kind of French Dukes, far inferior to the ancient. They bear their Crowns on their Armouries only. Whence the Crowns of Dukes, Counts, and the like came in fashion in these Western parts. The Crowns of the Sebastocrator and Caesar. Appenage. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in a Charter of Edward III. The Ceremony of investing our K. john made Duke of Normandy. When Dux came to be a special and distinct Title in France. When, in England. The creation of the Black Pr. Duke of Cornwall. A ring sign of Principality given, and in Coronation of Kings. investitures of Bishops with Staff, or Rod and Ring. When left off and remitted in the Empire, and with us. Error in Matthew Paris and Matth. of Westminster. bishoprics to be given by the King's letters patents without Congee d'eslier, by act of Parliament. john of Gaunt made Duke of Lancaster; the ceremony, and in making Tho. of Woodstock D. of Gloucester. The chief ceremony at this day. Dux in the Saxon times. Duke of Northumberland by that name then hereditary. Dux then was properly their Eople. Wergild, What. Thrymsa. The first Duke in Scotland. First Dukes in Castille. ducal Crowns there. Titles to be given to Dukes and their Grands, by the Pragmatica. L'oyseau's error concerning Dukes of England 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Duke in Moses and in the common assertion of the Rabbins. CHAP. II. NExt to the apparent successor in the European States, are the Titles of Duke and Archduke, marquess, Count, (which we call Earl) Viscount, Vidame, Baron and other more. Of whom in their Order. Two of them, DUKE and COUNT, Dux & Comes, have their names most ancient, but differing much from what they now are applied to. Philip of Macedon, having wasted the liberty of Greece, seeing that a moderate use of his victory was fittest for establishment of his rights of Conquest, ita vicit (saith lustin) ut victorem nemo sentiret. Sed nec Regem se Graecis, sed Ducem appellari jussit. The like did Scipio Africanus in Spain, when Edecon and Andobal a Polyb. histor. 10 saluted him King. Of whom also b De Amicitia. Cicero: Quanta illi, Dij immortales, fuit gravitas, quanta in Oratione Maiestas! ut facilè Ducem P. R. non Comitem diceres. And, in another c Orat. pro Cornel. Balbo. place: Si qui sunt quibus infinitum sit odium, in quos semel susceptum sit, quos video esse nonnullos: cum Ducibus ipsis, non cum Comitatu assectatoribúsque confligant. In the Caesarean Empire, Dux was next to Imperator. The play of Ducatus & Imperia, like to our sports sometime used in making a Prince with all his officers and dignities, was by that name d Sueton. in Ner. cap. 35. known in Rome; which Trebellius Pollio calls fingere potestates. And Martial e Lib. 6. Epig. 83. & 91. salutes Domitian with sum Ducum, and titles him summus Dux. In like sense juvenal, Statius, others use this great attribute, which, in the more ancient times, you see plainly was much before Comes, as the very signification of the words show. Dux then properly was at first the General of an Army under the Emperor. Afterward it became usually applied to such as had the military care of Frontiers. As in Scythici limitis f Fl. Vopisc. in Aureliano. Dux, Orientalis limitis Dux, Illyriciani limitis Dux & Thracij, Rhetici limitis Dux, g Treble. Poll. 30. Tyrann. in Posthum. & in Celso. huc sane referri potest & quod de Legionibus, quae limitibus. praefuere sub antiquioris aevi Impp. habet Dio. hist. 55. Transrhenani limitis Dux, limitis Lybici Dux, and the like. And Spartian says of Aelius Verus, that he was Pannonijs Dux ac Rector impositus. Their office itself was called Ducatus. In an Epistle of the Emperor Tacitus to Probus, you read; Nos tibi decretototius Orientis Ducatu salarium quintuplex fecimus. And they had their Tunicae Ducales known by that name, as in Valerians speech to Aurelian is remembered. And Ducianum h justin. Cod. tit. de appellat. l. 51. quando. 38. judicium in later time is used for judgement given by them. The precedent of their Commission, as one by particular we are instructed, thus i Cassiodor. Var. 7. fox. 4. spoke—. Ideoque validum te ingenio ac viribus audientes, per illam indictionem, Ducatum tibi credimus Retiarum: ut milites & in pace regas, & cum eye fines nostros solenni alacritate circumeas. But in those times, Comites were great men: such were in Comitatu Imperatoris, of whom Constantine the great in his distinction of honours made some of the first Rank, some of the second, and some of a third. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which is the same, in the words of k Euseb. de vita Constantini. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. one that lived and wrote under him. The form of giving the greatest of these honours is thus l Cassidor. Variar. lib. 6. cap. 12 delivered.— Quocirca provocati moribus tuis m Ita dictus Honos ille, Graecis vero 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; Comitivam primi ordinis, ab illa indictione, maiestatis favore largimur, ut Consistorium nostrum sicut rogatus ingrederis, ita moribus laudatus exornes: quando vicinus honor est Illustribus dum alter medius non habetar.— Admoneat te certè quod suscepta Dignitas Primi Ordinis appellatione censetur: utique quia te sequuntur omnes, qui Spectabilitatis honore decorantur. So that a Count of the first rank seems somewhat before a Duke of a Province; yet both under the same general note of Spectabiles comprehending both Dukes, Counts of Provinces, and some other. But these Counts being of the Spectabiles (which were between the Illustres and Clarissimi) employed in military service or state government abroad, had the name of Comites n C. de off. rect. Prou. l. justissimos 3. per provincias, & o C. de Com. Rei. Mil. l. Eos. 2. & Consulas, ad hanc rem, Novel. Constit. 27. de Comite Isauriae. qui sub Comitivae primi Ordinis dignitate peculiariter ad quamlibet provinciam vel provincias defendendas, milit e credito, autoritate Imperatorij Nominis destinabantur. The Grecians called the Counts of the first p Novel. 43. c. 3 rank 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. But howsoever the difference of Duke and Count was at the first institution of the Comitiva under Constantine, or about justinian's time (to which refer that of Cassidore) it's certain they became not long after Constantine, equal. Honorius and Theodosius in a Constitution. Qui q C. de Com. & Trib. Scholar l. vnic. honour Comitivae regimen fuerint nacti, absolutos militia, inter eos qui Deuces fuerint provinciarum numerari jubemus. And the same r C. tit. de Com. & Archat. Sacri Palatij. l. vnic. v. & de commit. Consistor. & lib. 1. tit. 38. l. 1. Emperors. Inter Vicarios (that is, they which were under the Praefecti Praetorio) & Deuces qui administraverint & eos qui Comitivam primi Ordinis meruerint, nihil intersit, nisi tempus quo quis administraverit, vel Comitivae adeptus est insignia. Of these titles is frequent mention in that excellent monument, the Notitia utriusque Provinciae composed (as pancirol thinks upon good collection) about the time of Theodosius the younger; Where the governors of this I'll are remembered Comes Britanniarum, Comes Littoris Saxonici, Dux Britanniarum, and others. But the title of Count was usually given without any Office or government, as merely honorary; not so, that of Duke. In the grant of the s Cassiodor. Var. 6. for. 12. Comitiva vacans (as they named it:) Hocmultò praestantius, adesse conspectibus regijs & abbess molestijs, gratiam habere loci & vitare eontumeliam Actionis. They which had it were Vacantes. Secundò veniant Vacantes (are the words of an Imperial t C. ut Dignitat. Ord. seru l. 2. Omnes. constitution) qui praesentes in Comitatu illustris dignitatis Cingulum meruerint. Whom Zeno u C. ut senate. vel clariss. l. 3. §. 2. calls, qui sine administratione honorarijs decorati fuerint codicillis. And hence came that obvious name of Comes in the, declining times of the Empire. Herminio 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for Comiti, Caesareo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and infinite the like are in the inscriptions of Isidore of Pelusium his Epistles. He lived about CCCC. after our Saviour under the younger Theodosius. It being by itself but for one that was honoured with accompanying the Emperor, and even the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i one that lived with the King; by which honorary attribute u Apochryph. Dan. cap. 14. Daniel is styled under the Babylonian Monarchy not much differing in substance from the King's friend (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) which in the x 1. Macab. cap. 10. ●om. 20 cap. 11. come. 27. alibi▪ Macedonian Empire was of great and special honour. And Astrologers have anciently delivered, that they who had Mercury in their Ascendent should be y Firmi● Mathes. 8. cap. 27. Regum amici, alluding to or aiming. I guess, at that old Title: Being in a like sort given them which had anciently the Attribute of AMICI ET FRATRES ROM. IMP. as the Batavi (or Hollanders) and the Hedui (now called Burgognes') had z Antiq. Inscript. & Tacitus Annal. 11. Vbi videndus Lipsius. in old time. But later time, in the Eastern Empire, used the word Comes or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in another kind, transferring it from a dignity to an inferior military office. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (saith an f Constantin. Porphyr. in Themat. Emperor) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. i. Comes is a Centurion. But indeed their Centurion was under the Count or Comes; and the Count * Leo in Tactic. cap. 4. § 10. Gloss. Vett. juris & Novel. c. 27. was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. the leader of a whole Band. They usually since D. after Christ, and sometimes g Isido. Pelusiot. lib. 1. Epist. 133. Strategio 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. before, remembered that of Duke by the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dux, and made it their word out of Latin; and the Constantinopolitan Empire had its: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. the great Duke for a special office of great place, under which the government of the Marine forces, was; as under the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, those on land. But none better interprets what a Count being employed in government was, than Suidas. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, saith he, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. Comes or a Count, is a Governor of the People. And agreeing with him is Hesychius much more ancient. Therefore in the a Cassiodor. Var. 7. form. 1. grant of a Comitiva Provinciae, the words are Scito puniendi remedium datum tibi pro salute multorum. Arma ista juris sunt, non furoris. For he had his military forces aswell as a Duke, and with them kept his Province in subjection, as the Duke. But whereas it was proper to the Duke to be chief Martial, it seems, on the otherside, that the Count's government was chief legal and in administration of justice, having his Army for Defence and better execution; which was common to all that by this name had Provinces. Not to them only which were of the first Rank. For, a Provincial Count, of the second, had an Army, and was also a Civil judge. The precedent of his Commission goes b Cassiodor. d. l. form. 26. thus. Propterea, per illam indictionem, in illa Civitate, Comitivae honorem secundi ordinis tibi, propitia divinitate, largimur: ut & Cives commissos aequitate regas, & publicarum Ordinationum iussiones constanter adimpleas. Such a one was much inferior to a Duke; and, as I guess, the original of such as were, in succeeding ages, Counts under Dukes, was from those of the second Rank. For a Count, of the first was rather better, then inferior to a Duke. A very ancient c Leg. Baiwar. cap. 5. art. 8. law thus speaks: Si talis homo potens hoc fecerit quem ille Comes distringere non potest, tunc dicet Duci suo, & Dux illum distringat secundum leg●m. Here plainly the Count was under the Duke: yet had also his Army. For not long after in the same laws. Comes tamen non negligat custodire exercitum suum, ut non faciat contra legem in provincia sua. and judges in the laws of the Westgoths are ordinarily called Comites Civitatum. So that the chief of the state government was in the Duke, but legal administration of particular justice in that inferior kind of Count, which by that name was sometimes also constituted by the Duke. In an ancient d Leg. Aleman. cap. 41 &. 27. law: Nullus causam audire praesumat nisi qui à Duce per conventionem populi index constitutus est, ut causans judicet. I see no difference, if it had been Comes constitutus est. And, among the same constitutions: siquis sigillum Ducis neglexerit XII. Sol. sit culp. si autem sigillum Comitis neglexerit vel mandatum cum VI Sol componat. This Count is also called judex Fiscalis. Si quis saith an ancient e Leg. Ripuarior. cap. 55. art. 1. constitution, judicem fiscalem, quem Comitem vocant interfecerit DC. solid. mulctetur. But, as these kind of Counts were inferior to Dukes, and as their substitutes, by that name so were others known (you may understand this of the times twixt D. and M. of Christ) which were the same in honour, power, and jurisdiction with Dukes, and not so much differing from them, as the Counts of Provinces of the first Rank. Comites plurimi qui Ducem super se non habebant are f App. ad hist. Fredegar. ap. Bignon, in Marculph. remembered under Dagobert. Under Charlemagne; g Synod. Cabillonens. 2. Cap. 20. Comites qui post Imperialis apicis dignitatem populum Dei regunt. Of Burgundy, an ancient h Ditmar. Chron. lib. 7. author; In his partibus nullus vocatur Comes nisi is qui Ducis honorempossidet. So in Castille, Ferdinand consalvo, which became in power as King, and his successors for a good time are called Castellae i Roderic. Tolet. lib. 5. cap. 2. & vide Rod. Sant. part. 1. cap. 11. & Marianam. Comites only until the title Royal was thither translated out of Navarre, by marriage. And what is more common in our English stories and other, then Comes Normanniae, Dux Normanniae & Consul Normanniae for the Duke of Normandy. And in M. XCV. letters from the holy wars, k Fulcher. Carnotensis Gest. Pereg. Franc. Cap. 15. to the Pope, were entitled with Domino sancto ac venerabili PapaeVrbano, Buamundus & Raymundus ●ancti Egidij Comes, Godefridus Dux Lothariensis, & Robertus Comes Normanniae, which show the indistinct use of Dux and Comes; and every man now calls Robert, Duke of Normandy. So William Archbishop of Tyrus l Lib. 8. cap. 12. speaking of Godfrey Duke of Boulogne, and Baldwin Earl of Flanders and this Robert expresses them by Dux & duo supradicti Maiores Comites, where note the addition of Maiores, for the equal title of Duke. And when Our Norman Conqueror had for hast his Coat of Male offered to be put on the wrong end upward, he jested at it with Vertetur (as the Latin speaks it) Fortitude Ducatus mei in Regnum, and so Malmesbury, that calls him Comes, hath it; others, vertetur Robur Comitatus in Regnum that call h Ma'mesbur. lib. 2. de Reg. Ranulph. Higden, Polychron. lib. 6. cap. vlt. him also Duke, and Comes Normanniae is obvious in the Epistles of Ivo Bishop of Chartres, who yet names our first William Dux Normanniae, in his Chronicle. Infinite like examples are. And these kind of Counts had the same office and dignity with Dukes, as it seems, and their government might as well have the name of i Leg. Baiwar. cap. 10. & Aleman. cap. 35. Regnum, as a Dukes; which in ancient laws of Germany is applied to them. The other kind being under Dukes, as Bishops under their Metropolitan; which comparison, one k Walafrid. Strabo de Reb. Eccles. cap. 31. that wrote under the Carolin line, long since remembered. This difference, I know, agrees not with what divers have written; but I think it more easily justifiable than any other. But until the French Empire, they were rarely more than mere personal, and as much or rather Official then Honorary, when the Government of a Province was annexed to them. Neither did the Provinces make them otherwise then Personal. For they were not annexed to them as Feudall, but given into their Rule at the Emperors or Kings will for a certain time, or at pleasure. For the Empire; the frequent examples in Cassiodore, which have usually per illam indictionem make it manifest; that is, that during the time of this Indiction they should continue. For the French State; their precedent, a Marculph. lib. 1. Formul. 8. written almost M. years since shows it.— Ergo dum & fidem (as the words of it, are) & utilitatem tuam videmur habere compertam, ideò tibi actionem Comitatus, Ducatus, Patritiatus in pago illo, quem antecessor ille tuus usque nunc visus est egisse, Tibi ad agendum Regendúmque commisimus, with a brief declaration of the moral parts belonging to those offices & honours; which all three by learned men b Pith. des Comtes de Brie & Champ. are thought in those times to have been but as the same. Of the time, before this author, observe what the eldest of the c Greg. Turonens. hist. 8. cap. 18. & lib. 9 cap. 7. French Historians hath. Nicetius (saith he) per emissionem Eulalij à Comitatu Aruerno submotus, Ducatum à Rege expetijt, datis pro eo immensis muneribus. Et sic in urbe Aruerna, Ruthena, atque Vcetica Dux ordinatus est. And the same Writer. Ennodius cum Ducatum urbium Turonic● atque Pictavae ministraret, adhuc & vici juliensis atque Benarnae urbium Principatum accipit. Sed enuntibus Comitibus Turonicae atque Pictau● urbis ad Regem Childebertum, obtinuerunt eum a se removeri. Where express mention is of those inferior Count's subject to Dukes, and also that one Duke had under him two Counts, as, in the other example of Nicetius, three. Which disproves their assertions who tell us of every Duke's right anciently to have d v. Douz. Annal. Holland. lib. 5. & P. Pith. Adverse. 1. cap. 8. consisted in XII. Counties under him. Indeed its true that an e App. Aimonij lib. 4. cap. 61. old Chronicle of France says that K. Pipin Grifonem more Ducum, XII. comitatibus donavit; which if it be true (as Hierom Bignon well observes) it must be understood of some special use under K. Pipin only; Other very ancient f Annal. incerti Autoris edit. à Pith. authors leaving out the more Ducum, telling us that Griphoni in partibus Neustriae XII. Comitatus dedit. Or why may we not think that more Ducum in that barbarous time might be to express, that Grifo should enjoy the Counties as a Duke should? Some such thing is by an old g Robert. Monach. Hist. Hieresolym. lib. 4. Monk spoken of as amongst the Turks. Provincia (saith he) est quae unum habet Metropolitanum, Duodecem consuls & unum Regem, that is, One Admirald, as his word is, or One Amir. But I think he there, as others here, were deceived in his Number. Others talk of other number of Counties under a Dukedom, but in vain & without ground. About this time of Pippin in whom the Carolin line had its original, this dignity (with that of Count equivalent to it) began to be feudal for life, and annexed to the Territory given for which, the Duke or Count did his fealty or Homage to the Emperor or King. Observe but these few examples of that age, recorded by some then living. Tassilo was made Duke of Baviere by Pipin. He afterward tradidit h Monach. Engol●sm. Vit. carol. M. seipsum Domno Regi Carolo (that is Charles le maigne) manibus in manibus Vassaticum, & reddidit ei Ducatum sibi commissum à Domno Pipino Rege, & confessus est se omnibus peccasse & malè egisse. Et denuò, renovans sacramenta, dedit XII. electos obsides. Here plainly is the fealty i Formulam Fidelitatis habes apud Sigonium de Regno Italiae lib. 3. or homage expressed and made by the Duke, until breach whereof, the Territory remained to him. And therefore, upon complaint by the Bavarians, that he had broken his faith towards the Emperor, and his confession of it, he forfeited the Fief. But indeed in Bavier specially, before this time were Dukes it seems feudal, and hereditary, as Theodore, Theodobert, Huchbert, and Ottilo, who had disposition of Fiefs in the Territory, as in their own right under the French Kings, which I am persuaded to beleeu, by their Charters, Enfeoffments, and Testaments recorded in old k Arnolf. de S. Emmerammo 1. cap. 5. & Arno in Episc. Saltzburg. story, and, made to the Archbishoprique of Saltzburg and other Churches. And perhaps other like may be observed, but for the most part they were, in that age, for life. And, the Tenants are in those times styled l Testament. Caroli. M. Homines, and the granting to them Beneficiare, which under Lewes, son to Charlemagne, was, without scruple, for life. Villas Regias (saith an m Thegan. de gest. Ludovic. Pij. ancient) quae erant sui & avi & Tritavi, Fidelibus suis tradidit, eas in possessiones sempiternas & praecepta (perhaps, perpetuas) Construxit, & annuli sui impressione cum subscriptione, manu propriâ roboravit. Neither were these grants, it seems, other then of the Dignities which we now speak of. Another, n Adhdemar. ap. Anonym. in Vita Lud Pij. Edit. a Pithoeo. that lived under him, more particularly of his Father, thus: Ordinavit per totam Aquitaniam Comites, Abbatésque necnon alios plurimos, quos Vassos vulgò vocant, ex gente Francorum.— eisque commisit curam Regni, pro ut utile iudicavit, Finium Tutamen, Villarúmque regiarum ruralem provisionem. Et Bituricae Civitati primò Humbertum, paulò post Sturbium praefecit Comitem (where note, although they were for life, yet, upon breaking of their fealty, they were removed) porrò Pictavis Albonem, Petragoricis autem Widbodum, and divers more such. And of Charles le maigne, after his victories against the Lumbards' Ampliatà dcnique (saith an old o Adrevald. Floriac. de Mirac. S. Benedicti cap. 18. Monk) Regia Potestate, necesse erat Deuces Regno, subiugataeque Provinciae praeficere, qui & legum moderamina & morem Franciae assuetum servare compellerent. Afterward, O though surnamd the Great, about DCCCCXL. of our Saviour, having first settled the government of the free Cities of his Empire, to the end also, that he might have some private men, whose worths were most eminent, obliged to him by royal favours and honourable titles, bestowed in Feudall right of inheritance, his Territories with particular Names of Dignity annexed to them. The Dignities were Dukes, marquess Count, Captains Vavasors and Vavasins; of whom all, anon. Of Feuds and their Original, more, in the VIII. chapter, where also you shall see that this distinction of Military and Feudall Nobility, touching its being for life or inheritance, is to be referred here but to the French and Germane Empires. But their Feudall laws p Constit. F●ud. lib. 2. tit. 10. compild under Frederique Barbarossa, thus remember what a Duke was. Qui à Principe de Ducatu aliquo investitus est Dux solito more vocatur. That Ducatus or Dukedom was, as is before showed, the government of a Province, next under imperial Power. Those Provinces were given by delivering of one or more Banners, and in like form were resigned. Provincia (saith one that lived q Otho F●ising. lib. 2. de gest. Fred. 1. cap. 5. & 32. Otto de S. Blasio capite 6. under Barbarossa) per vexillum à Principe traduntur vel recipuuntur. So was the investiture of the Dukedom of Borussia or Prussia to Albert, by Sigismond. K. of Poland per r Orat. Vice cancel. Polon. Comitijs Lublini apud Chytraeum chronic. Sax. lib. 22. sub anno 1559. & de Aquilis & Bannerio Pr●ncipibus Pomeraniae solenni ritu traditis, mentio est apud Alb. Crantz. Wanda●iae. 6. cap. 14. Uexilli traditionem, when the Marquesses of Onolzbach and Brandeburg, Frederique and joachim, at the same time laid claim to the Honour, and were admitted in solemnity ad contactum extremitatum Vexilli eiusdem. And in the Concord at Ratisbon touching the Dukedom of Baviere, under Frederique Barbarossa, thus you read. Henricus maior natu (that was Henry Duke of Baviere the Emperor's uncle) Ducatum Baioariae, per VII. Vexilla resignavit, quibus Minori (that was Henry Duke of Sax●nie the Emperor's Nephew) traditis, ille duobus Vexillis Marchiam Orientalem (understand that which is now Austria) cum Comitatibus ad eam ex Antiquo pertinentibus reddidit. Exinde de eadem Marchia, cum praedictis Comitatibus, quos tres dicunt, judicio Principum, Ducatum fecit, eumque non solùm sibi sed & vx●ri cum duobus Vexillis tradidit; that is, to Henry, Duke of Bavier, his uncle, to whom the words of the Charter e Henric. Stero in Annal. A. M. CLVI. Et in Austria Cuspiniani. were: Wadizlao illustri Deuce Boemiae sententiam promulgante, & omnibus Principibus approbantibus, Marchiam Austriae in Ducatum commutavimus, & eundem Ducatum, cum omni iure, praefato patruo nostro Henrico & praenobil●ssimae uxori suae Theodorae in beneficium concessimus; perpetuo iure sanctientes, ut ipsi & liberi eorum post eos indifferenter filii & filiae eundem Ducatum Austriae haereditario iure à Regno teneant & possideant. Which was inserted chief to express what the purpose of both surrenders were, that is, that Austria should not be subject any more to Baviere, as, while it had the name of Marquisat, it was. Where, by the way, you see the change of Austria out of a Marquisate f Malè igitur de Austriae Ducatus initio Krantzius Wandal. lib. 2. cap. 23. into a Dukedom. Under this name it continued (except only the time wherein g Formulam, qua in Regnum mutavit Ducatum, habet Petrus de Vineis lib. 6. Epist. 26. Frederique ●1. had made it a Kingdom, which endured not one Dukes whole life) until he that was afterward Emperor Frederique III (as Munster is author) used the Title of Archduke, continuing in that Imperial family to this day. Yet the name of Archduke was before in use, and applied to them. Some fetch it from the time of Rodulph 1. whose elder sone Albert was, they say a Chytraeus Chronic. Saxon. lib. 12. sub ann. 1274. honoured with it in a Diet at Norimberg. But among the b Ralisponae. Caeterum Otho Imperator (956) Brunonem fratrem suum Archiepiscopum Coloniensem donavit Ducatu Lotharingie, qui se Archiducis titulo inscripsit. Nec ante eum ea vox aut Dignit as, n●c in Lotharingia post illum. An Archi ab Episcopo in Ducem transtulit? Et insignia Lotharingie etiamnum Austriaci gerunt. U. Lips. Lonanij lib. 1. cap. 9 prriviledges given to the Duke by him that created the first there, it is found: Si quibusuis imperij Curijs publicis Dux Austriae praesens fuerit unus de Palatinis Archiducibus est censendus: & nihilominus in consessu & incessu ad latus dextrum Imperij post Electores Principes obtineat primum locum. Where also his ducal Habit, of that time, is described: Dux Austriae (the words are) Principali indutus, vest supposito Pileo Ducali, Circundato serto Pinnito, baculum habens in manibus, equo insidens, & insuper, more aliorum Principum Imperij, conducere ab Imperio feuda sua debet. And, in the Charter of Frederique the second: Concedimus etiam vostro illustri Principi Duci Austriae, Crucem nostri Diadematis, suo principali pileo sufferendam. That of Archduke is proportionat to the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (which by some c Nicephor. Gregoras Histor. li. 7 testimony) was given hereditary to the Prince of the Athenian Territory by Constantine the great. But I doubt much of the reporters credit therein, or rather think he applied a name of his own time too far back to another age, as he doth in other. But if you take these Kings of the Empire (of whom in the first book) for a special Title, it will follow that this of Duke is not next to the apparent successor. For also when Frederique II. made Austria a Kingdom. He gave the new King, by the same Charter, power to make a Duke under him, that is of Carniolae his d Petrus de Vineis l. 6. Epist. 26 words are ut de provincia Carniole Ducatum, facias immediatè tibi & pro te nobis & successoribus nostris & Imperio responsurum. But I see no difference twixt such a thing and a Duke, but in name. Lithuania or Leitow is called Magnus Ducatus, and the Duke of it, that is, the King of Poland, Magnus Dux Lithuaniae, because in it also are divers other Dukedoms, by that name described by such as have been in that state. Others therein like are by it, as Prussia, Livonia. What rights royal and even majestic Supremacy some Dukedoms have of the Empire, is best learned l V quae Andreas Knichen in Comm. jur. Saxonic. cap. 1. verb. Duc. Sax. collegie ad hanc rem. out of Civilians, and such as have handled them in Politic discourses. I mean those of Lorraine, Savoy, Milan, Florence, Saxony, and such more: whereof although some are challenged by the See of Rome, Yet I may call them all Imperial. For, out of the Empire, their Original was. Touching them I add only what a most m Alciat de sing. Cerlam. cap. 32. learned Civilian, of late time, delivers: Aliqui, (saith he,) Regali potestate decorati sunt ut Mediolanensis & Pannonniae superioris, quam Austriam vocant, itemque Burgundus. Atque ideò gentilitijs insignibus Coronam ferre ius illis est. Aliqui non sunt, ut quos Rom. Pontifices in Vmbria, Piceno, alijsque Italiae locis quandoque constituerunt. Hij, cum Pont fici deferre teneantur, nec soluti legihus sint, non Coronam sed h He takes it (it seems) for a Cap. v. de Birro Meurs. Critic. excercit. 2. lib. 4. cap. 3. Et Pith. Adverse. 1. c. 16. Birrum ostentant. The French commoly affirm a Bodin. de Rep. lib. 3. cap. 5. alij. that this or other Dignity became not otherwise then at will of the King 'mongst them till under the third, that is, the Capetan line which began about DCCCCXC. of Christ. But I cannot assent to them, if they deny any to be before in feudal right of certain Estate. For the first, that is, the Merovingian line; Gregory of Tours hath examples, enough to justify their Opinion. But, for the Carolin; Was not the Duchy of Normandy given in Fee to Rollo by Charles the simple about DCCCC. Whence the succeeding Dukes derived themselves? And the Charter of Charles the Bald, which created (as the common opinion is) Thierry or Theodorique first Count or Earl of Holland (being then as good a title as Duke) thus b Ar●hiu. Monast. Egmund. apud jan. Douz. Annal. Holland. 5. speaks: jubemus ut sicut reliquis possessionibus quibus iure haereditario videtur uti, ita & his nostri Muneris largitate rebus impensis valeat securè omni tempore vitae suae frui ipse & omnis eius posteritas.— Dat A. D. DCCCLXIII. XVII. Kal. jullas. And although the date in the transcript be corrupted, as the noble Hans Douz thinks, and that it should be DCCCCXIII. yet it so shall be referred to Charles the Simple, and to the second line of their Kings. The Creation likewise of Baldwin firist Earl or Count of Flanders (the name of Count in him being as great as Duke) is referred to Charles the Bald and falls about DCCCLXIII. And the ancient hereditary Counts of Bretagne far exceed any of these. All which proves those kind of Dignities more anciently feudal amongst them, than the Capetan line. But about that time, first through the weakness of the Carolins, and then by example of Hngh Capet Count of Paris which got the Diadem of France, most of those who before were honoured with the equal titles of Duke or Count for life, extorted or by arms established their Dignities and Territories to themselves and their inheriting posterity. Yet so, that the more to secure their divided greatness▪ they acknowledged to the King a Supremacy, and did him Homage as for hereditary and patrimonial Fiefs. Being, as is said of the Dukes c Guil. Gemeticens'. lib. 7. cap. 45. & 46. of Normandy, different from the King, in this only that the King did them no homage, as they did to him. But in their Territories, they usurped all kind of sovereignty, as to make laws, Officers of the magistracle, to give judgement not subject to Appeal, levy military forces, Coin money, take imposts, subsidies, and the like and used also a Crown such as in more ancient times the Kings did, that is a Crown Fleurnoee, only differing from what is now a Royal one, in that it was not arched or close. Such kind of Sovereign Dukes were afterward sometime there created. Thus an ancient d Anthoin de la Salle chez Ch. L'Oys. des Gr. sig. ca 5. §. 48. 49. Author of that State: Quand le Roy fait un Duc il le Corone en sa meilleure ville, tout ainsi que luy mesme à este couronnè exceptéd ' estre oint. &, for more particular form of there Crown, the same Author. Le Duc est investy par l'imposition d'un chappeau d' or Ducat, orné desperles. And the Coronation of the Dukes of Bretagne (until it became united to the Crown) was with all Ceremony as to a King, except Unction, as appears in that of Francis I. Duke there in M. CD. XLII. crowned by e Bertrand d' Argentre Hist. de Bret. liure. TWO chap. I. the Bishop of Rennes, with a Crown d' or a haults fleurons d'un Esgale hauteur, qui estla Corone Royal. For indeed the Royal Habiliments remained there to the Dukes. But, those ancient Dukedoms, or Counties, being too great in sovereignty for a subjects hand, have by little and little been reunited to the Crown, as Champagne, Brie, Bretagne, Normandy, and the rest like, not without much desire and policy of the succeeding French Kings. Neither would they ever make any new investitures, with those ancient Royalties. Neither is there one of those so Kingly Dignities, yet under the French Empire, which hath not been drowned in the Crown, either by marriage, Treason committed, or some such cause. But they have created a new Form, both by giving Appenages to the younger sons, as also Dukedoms and Counties to others, reserving always resort & soweraintee as they call it (that is, their Royalties for receiving appeals, and supremacy of signory) and withal, in the Appenages, the reversion to themselves in default of heirs masles; which by an Ordinance of Charles the ninth, was extended to all other Dukedoms and Counties in future time to be erected. Wherefore the Dukes and Counts at this present, and of this later creation in France, have no other mark ot participation of Sowerainty, but only in that they bear (as L'Oyseau saith) la Corone au tymbre de leurs armoiries. And are not Signior Sowerains but Suzerains. Neither have they now the Crown as a part of their habit, but a formality only on their armory. Ils ne portent pas en teste, à present qu'ils ne sont plus que simples seigneurs suzerains, ne leur estant aussi plus concedée, a present, en leur investiture: & partant ils ne l'ont plus qu'en peinture au tymbre de leurs armoiries; si ce n'est qu' ils soient Prince's Sowerains, auquel cas ils la pourroient porter en teste. But whereas he upon a passage in Uillhehardovin, thinks that the Crowns of the first kind of Dukes were not very ancient, I rather guess them to be at least as ancient as near some c. years from the beginning of the third line. For, about that time, in the Constantinopolitan Empire under Alexius Comnenus, when the new titles of Sebastocrator and the like were invented, he honoured both the Sebastocrator (who was then at first, apparent successor) with a Crown, as also the Caesar, being the next title to the Sebastocrator. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (saith his a Anna Comnen. Alexiad. 3. Daughter) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. i. In a public Session he commanded that they should be crowned, both the Sebastocrator and the Caesar, with Crowns differing much in worth from that which he himself was crowned withal. The Sebastocrator's perhaps was then, as the Despot's afterward. Of that in the first chapter of this book. And the Caesar's as the Sebastocrator's in later time. Observe but the succession of one of these titles into another's place (whereof already) and you may agree to the Conjecture. The Sebastocrators appears in the Emperor b Curopalat. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Cantacuzen's investing his wives brothers Manuel and john with that Dignity, and giving them Crowns 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (as my author says) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. i. having before only one Arch. And it will not be absurd to think that in imitation of those Eastern Princes, the custom of bearing Crowns, by such as were invested in so great Honours, came into these Eastern parts. What community then was twixt the Eastern & Western States, every man knows that hath read the Holy wars of that age. Some of the French derive their word Appenage from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, expressing in the Eastern Sacred. Du Haillan liure 3. Empire, the sacred habitude twixt the Sovereign and Suz●raine. Why might not imitation of their habits be, as well as of their language? It's more anciciently noted of Charles the d Annal. Incert. Aut. sub. A. 876. Edit. a Pithoeo. Bald, K. of France, that he too much imitated the Constantinopolitan Emperor, and how that age, about Alexius his time, generally affected Helle●●sine and such words of Greek as they could get them, is apparent in the Monkish stories then written, in ancient Charters and other examples infinite. And afterward in the Charter of the Black Prince his creation into Duke of Cornwall, under Our Edward III, a mere Greek word is inserted by the characters of intimos (misprinted in the Prince's case, Rointimos) which is plainly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. i. honorificè or such like, and could not but ridiculously be used now for Latin. Neither can their Crowns anciently be so much imputed to their then possessed Sovereignty. For then, why did our e Coronâ cinctus 1. de Eltham Comes Corn●b●ae F. Edw. II. Westmonasterij Sepultus. Earls (before any Dukes made in England) wear any such Crowns, and merely such as are now Ducal? They were not Sovereigns, more than their posterity at this day. Or why had both our Dukes, Marquesses, and Earls afterward Crowns to their Creation, and as ornaments fi●ting their heads, not imaginary only or formal upon their Armouries? But for an example of the ceremony belonging to those ancient Dukes in France, take this of our King john, Duke of Normandy. Accinctus est (as Roger of Hovedens' words are) gladio Ducatus Normanniae in matrici ecclesia (he means at Roven) per manum Walteri Rothomagnesis Archiepiscopi, & praedictus Archiepiscopus posuit in Capite Ducis Circulum aureum habentem, in summitate per circuitum, Rosas aureas: which, Matthew Paris, and the Annals of Ireland call rosulas aureas artificialitèr fabricatas. When it first began, in France to be a special and distinct title from Count, is diversly affirmed. But they most truly deliver, that suppose it first proper to the Dukes of Bretagne. To john the second, Governor of that Territory, the Charter of Philip le Beau, dated in M. CC. XCVII. thus grants: f Exstraict du let. de Pairrie chez Berttand d'Argentre hist. de Bret. liure 4. chap. 31. & Belleforest. liure 4. chap. 43. Ducem ipsum qui Comes fuit aliquando nostris vocatus in literis, Ducem fore, & Terram Britanniae Ducatum existere, ipsúmque Ducem in posterum deberi vocari autoritate regia ex Certa scientia declaramus & tenore praesentium confirmamus. This john's predecessors being before usually known by the indistinct name of Dux and Comes Britanniae, of whose equivalency in ancient time, already. Yet so that the Title was distinctly affected by them before this time. Witness their Monuments delivered in Bertrand d'Argentre, and specially the title of our old Earls of Richmond, being also Dukes there. For in a Charter (which I have) of Geffrey Plantagenest, son to Henry II. being possessed of both those Territories, made to one Richard the son of Reiner and his heirs of Tronagium & Pesagium de Nundinis meis Sancti Botulphi, & quicquid ad Tronagium & Pesagium pertinet, the beginning is, G. Regis H Filius, Dux Britanniae, & Comes Richmundiae, where, it appears, he used Dux as different and better than Comes. In England until Edward III. from the Norman conquest (of the Saxon times, presently) the greatest Title, next to the Prince. was Count, Comes, now called Earl. But Edward III. created his son and heir Edward the Black Prince, Duke of Cornwall, per g 11. Ed. 3. Camdenus. Sertum in capite, Annulum in Digito, & virgam argenteam, which afterward was used of gold. Richard the II. invested Thomas Earl of Nottingham with the Dukedom of Norfolk h Pat. 21. Rich. 2 & Rot. Parl. 3 Hen. 6. art. 1. per appositionem cappae suo Capiti & traditionem virgae aureae. The Sertum was nothing but the Ducal Crown, as at this day, I think, Fleuronée. For that of the Ring: it is familiar in most ancient story, that the delivery of a Ring was a sign of Principality given; as in Pharaohs giving a Ring to joseph; in that of Ahaswerush or Xerxes, reported in Esther, to Haman; in Alexander's doing the like to Perdiccas, which made some i Q. Curt. lib. 10 Plutarch. in AAlex. alij. & consulas 1. Maccab. cap. 6. come. 15. de Antiocho. think him the truly designed successor. And, when the two Mahumedans, Alem or Ali, and Muhavias', upon controversy for the Dominion of Syria, were contented to submit themselves to the judgement of the old men; that so the arbitrators might have a sufficient power judicial, they delivered to them their Rings 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (saith my k Theophanes ap. Porphyrog. de ad. Rom. Imp. cap. 21. author) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. i. which is a sign of Principality among the Hagarens. And Lewes surnamd the Gross, of France, Filium suum Ludovicum annulo investivit, in part of his Kingdom, as one l Sugar. Abb. Vit. Lud. Craessi. that writs his life remembers. How a Ring, in the Coronations of Kings, is used, the divers and published orders of them show. Fac nobis reddi Coronam, Annulum & purpuram, Caeteráque ad Inuestituram Imperialem pertinentia, are the m Helmold. Chron. Slavor. 1. cap. 32. words of those Bishops which came to the Emperor Henry v. to depose him. Of the Ring, we shall have more occasion to speak anon in another n Vbi de iure Annulorum Aur. place. Both Rod and Ring were used anciently in Imperial and Royal investitures of Bishopriques, which were proportionat to Counties or Dukedoms, and therefore may be opportunely here remembered. The great controverfies about it twixt that Henry v. and Pope Paschal the 11. and at length the same Emperors remitting his right to Calixtus 11. are easily known out of the stories of those times. The custom of the o Georgius Phranz. lib. 3. cap. 19 Constantinopolitan Empire was (as for the Staff) alike. And in this Isle, à multis annis retroactis (saith jugulph Abbot of Crowland; he lived at the Norman Conquest.) nulla electio praelatorum erat merè libera & Canonica, sed Omnes Dignitates tam Episcoporum quam Abbatum per Annulum & Baculum, Regis Curia pro sua complacentia conferebat. The rod or Pastoralis baculus as they called it, was usually kept in the Bishoprique or Monastery, and at every new investiture delivered by the King or other Patron (as the case was) to the new elect. For, the p Ita Malmesb. de Gest. Pontific. lib. 3. in Episcop. Lindisfarnensibus & lib. 2. de gest. Reg. cap. 8. ex Archiu. Glascon. Election was in the Clergy, but the confirmation by this means, with staff or rod or Ring. And therefore, when K. Edgar most liberally gave new privileges to Glastenbury, yet sibi suisque haeredibus tribuendi fratri Electo pastoralem Baculum potestatem retinuit. Afterward, Henry 1. about that same time when Pope Paschal so much opposed it in the Empire, (Anselm Archbishop of Canterbury being a special age●t herein for the See of Rome) investituram Annuli & Baculi indulsit in perpetuum; retento tamen (so says the Monk of Malmesburie) Electionis & Regalium privilegio. And q De gest. Pontific. lib. 1. de hac re & Turba Monachorum. Concessit Papa, ut Rex homagia de electis acciperet, sed nullum per Baculum & annulum investiret. In report whereof all our Story's consent. Which makes me suspect this relation in Matthew Paris. A. D. M. C. XIII. Rex Henricus dedit Archiepiscopatum Cantuariensem Rodulpho Londoniensi Episcopo, & illum per Annulum & Pastoralem Baculum investivit. This Rodulph or Ralph was successor to Anselm, but was not Bishop of London, but of Rochester. Neither do the more ancient Stories of Florence, Hoveden, Huntingdon, Malmesbury, and the like speak of this kind of investiture to him. Matthew of Westminster follows the words of Paris; only he hath in him, misprinted Richardo for Rodulpho. But, after that remission by the King, it's not likely he would so soon use the ceremony about which so much difference and controversy had been. Neither would the See of Rome have been so silent upon such a r Haeresis de Inuestitura, eo aevo nonnullis dicta. Goffrid. Abbas Vindocinens. Opuscul. tract. 〈◊〉. v. Anselm. Epist. 12. & juonem Carnot. Epist. 257. fact, as, at that time specially, it so much impugned. But long after when England discharged itself of that Romish yoke, this liberty of collation and investiture (but not with these ceremonies) was resnmd to the Crown by act of Parliament, s Stat. 1. Ed. 6. cap. 2. quod rescidit Parliamentum 1. Mar. Sess. 2. cap. 2. quod etiam caput Mariae refixit Parliam. 1. jacob. Sess. 1. cap. 25. constituting that without any Congee d'Eslier the King might bestow Archbishopriques and Bishopriques by his letters Patents, which should be to all intents and purposes as though Congee d'eslier had been given, the election duly made and the same confirmed. This was under Edward VI and repealed by Q. Marie, whose act of Repeal stands now also repealed. But this out of the way. How those Ceremonies, belong to Bishops now, especially of the Roman Church, you may best learn from a Durant. de Ritib. Eccles. 2. cap. 9 aly. Writers whose direct purpose is of things of that matter. Yet some creations of the time of Edward III. have nothing of the Rod. When john of Gaunt was made Duke of Lancaster in Parliament, the King ceincta (as the b Rot. Pal. 36. Ed. 3. membr. 4. Roll speaks) son dit filz johan d'un Espeie & mist sur sa eeste un Cappe fur & disus un Cercle d' or de peers & luy nosma & fist Duc de Lancastre. Here is the Cap the Crown, the Sword; but no Rod. Under Rihard II. c Parl. 9 R'ch. 2. memb. 5. art. 15. Thomas Duke of Gloucester is invested in Parliament p●r Gladij cincturam & Pilei & circuli aurei impositionem, and a Charter delivered him; and divers others like occur in the Rolls. But the Charters of Creation of them of later times are Nomen etc. & Dignitatem Ducis N. damus & concedimus atque per Gladij cincturam, Cappae & Circuli aurei impositionem in Capite, & Traditionem virgae aureae realiter investimus. Where the Ring, as also in more ancient times, is omitted; and the Sword, Cap, and Coronet remembered. But long before Edward the III. the name of Dux is in our stories and ancient Charters. Yet hardly twixt him and the Norman Conquest. It seems it was the rather abstained from in that time, because the Conqueror's title in Normandy, whence he came, was at the best no greater. But in the Saxon Reign it is very frequent. In a Charter of K. Edgar, to the Abbey d Ingulphus. of Crowland dated DCCCC. LXVI. is subscription of witnesses after the Bishop's Abbots and Abbesses, (but the precedence is not always observed) thus: Ego Orgarus Dux constitui ✚. Ego Ailwnius Dux constabilivi. ✚ Ego Oslacus Dux affui ✚. Ego Alferus Dux interfui ✚. Ego Elphegus Dux audivi ✚. and according to this are a multitude of Charters of those times; some of them having also their Provinces annexed to their names, as in another of the same year and King: Ego Ordgarus Dux Donevoniae consignavi ✚. Ego a L. Elfegus. Elfegus Southamtoniensis Dux consensi ✚. and a writer that lived b Ethelwerd. lib. 3. cap. 2. & v. Eundem lib. 4. ca 2. Hengistus dicitur primus Consul & Dux qui de Germania fuerat genti● Anglorum. in those times tells of one Hun Dux Provinciae Sumorsetum, slain in a battle twixt Egbert K. of Westsaxonie, and Beornulph K. of Mercland, and buried at Winchester. This was proper to them which next under Supremacy Royal, had the government of Provinces. You may see it specially in the Example of the Northumberland Duke's beginning in Otha brother to Hengist, They, although very great in power, yet for almost a hundred years would not assume the name of King but Duke. Of them, this Will. of Malmesburie. Annis uno minus Centum Northanimibri Deuces communi habitu Contenti, sub Imperio Cantuaritarum privati agebant; sed non postea stetit haec ambitionis continentia, seu quia semper in deteriora declivi est humanus animus seu quod gens illa naturaliter inflatiores anhelat spiritus. Anno itaque Dominicae Incarnationis DLXVII. post mortem Hengisti LX. Ducatus in Regnum est muta. tus, regnavitque ibi primus Ida, haud dubie Nobilissimus, aetate & viribus integer; verum utrum ipsi pro se Principatum invaserit, an aliorum consensu delatum susceperit parùm definio, quia veritas est in abdito. Yet in the Latin stories you cannot make sufficient distinction twixt their Dux and Comes and Consul and e V Alcuin. Epist. 2. & titulum Ethclwerdi, qui nempe Saxonicam conscripsit historiam. Patricius all which, I doubt not, are sometime used for the same Dignity or Office: But I am resolved that the Dukes, or chiefest Princes were in the Saxon idiom known by the name of Eorles, which is our very word Earles. Their Archbishops and Earls were in the same rank of worth; their Bishops and Ealdormannes (Aldermen) in another. Testimony, beyond exception, proves it. In the Laws of * Leg. Athelstani cap. Be westum. those times a Archbishops and Earls Wergild is 15000. Thyrmsas. Bishops & Alderman's. 8000. AErcebisceopes & Eorles waergild biþ xv. M. ðrimsa. Bisceoþs & Ealdormannes VIII. M. So Archbishops and Ethelings (of this word, before in the first Chapter) are in another b Canut leg. cap. 55. law of that age joined, and Ealdormannes & Leodbisceopes i Aldermen and Provincial inferior Bishops. But, that you may understand the transcribed Saxon Law; Weregild among them was, as the Civilians Aestimatio Capitis or a man's worth which in that age, was paid as the price of Death or other Faults, and had its original from ancient manners of those people, whence the English came (the Germans) among whom (as Tacitus of them, then) luitur etiam homicidium certo armentorum ac pecorum numero, recipitque satisfactionem universa Domus. Neither doth the expressing of so many Thrymsas (a Thrymsa c Leg. Aleman. cap. 6. was a third part of their shilling; not three shillings, as some much mistake) differ from Tacitus his relation of a cer. ta'en number of Beasts. Read his old Law of the d Lex. Saxonum cap. 64. & ad hanc rem consulas Leg. Ripuariorum c. 37. art. 12. Saxons. Solidus est Duplex. unus habet duos Tremisses (i. Thrymses) qui est Bos anniculus XII. mensium, vel Ouis cum agno. Alter solidus tres semisses (I read tres tremisses) id est ●os XVI. mensium. Maiori solido aliae compositiones, Minori homicidia componuutur. This Wergeld or Werigeld is often met with in the Salic laws, those of Childebert and Clothar of the Ripuarians, and such more. And in e Regiam Maiestat. li. 4. ca 19 & privilegium Macduffi familiae a Malcolmo III indultum v. apud Buchanan de reb. Scotic. lib. 7. & de Cro Scotorum videses Reg. Maiestat. 4. cap. 24. & 36. & 40. laws published under David I. of Scotland; De unoquoque fure per totam Scotiam est Wergelt XXX. Vaccae & una iuvenca, sive fuerit liber homo sive servus. And, that the ancient punishments, in the Roman state also consisted chief in f Sext. Pompeius verb. ovibus. Agell. Noct. Attic. lib. II. cap. I. alij. mulcts of Oxen and Sheep, cannot be unknown to any observer of their Antiquities. But it is here plain that an Earl of those times was near of double estimation to their Alderman. Of the Alderman, more anon. Neither is it more to be doubted, but that no name properly can so fit the Latin Dux in their Charters and stories as Eorle. But how it became since with us only for Count or Comes, with its signification, shall, in due place, be manifested. In Scotland some affirm that the Title of Duke amongst others, began under Malcolm II. about m. XX. of Christ. If they mean that it was then indistinctly also used with Comes, you may beleeu them. But the first occurrence, that I have observed of it in their Monuments, is in Parliament of XI. of Robert III. at Scone, ibidem vocatis, more solito, Episcopis, Prioribus, Ducibus, Comitibus, Baronibus, libre tenentibus & Burgensibus qui de Domino nostro Rege tenent in Capite. This was in the year m. CD. and it's judiciously delivered that this Robert III. some II. years before, by creating his son Prince David Duke of Rothsay, first brought this great note of distinct honour into that Kingdom. At the same time he invested his brother Robert with Title of Dux Albaniae. Marvel not, that his own and his brother's name were both Robert. His, at his baptism, was john. But at his taking the Royal government, either for the unluckines of the one name in the French and English, or for the good which accompanied the other in his own predecessors, changed himself out of john into Robert. The first Duke in Castille (as is * Estevan de Garibay lib. 15. cap. 27. & 54. g Circa m. CCC. LXX. affirmed) was Frederique bastard son to g Henry II. of Castille, by him created Duke of Benavente. And john successor to this Henry made his second son Ferdinand Prince of Lara, Duke of Pennafiel. Ferdinando minori Regis filio (saith Mariana) ●ui Lara Principatus erat, oppidum Pennafielis additum, Ducis nomine. Corona Capiti imposita, nullis extantibus Floribus; quod Collatae dignitatis ensign erat: tametsi nostra aetate non Deuces sed Comites etiam Coronam clypeis adijciunt Regis haud absimilem. But their ducal Crown now is, as in England, fleuronee (so was that of Ferdinando, saith Stephen of Garibay) and as a Kings, not arched, but that only the flowers are less and so even que una no suba mas que otra, as Estevan de Garibay's words are i. that one be not higher than another. And the ancient Dukes might wear it aswell on their heads, as Armouries; and had divers such prerogatives even Royal, when they were all of Royal blood. But for the most part, now cessing to be so, most of their prerogatives also cease, saith Garibay, at least in the Kingdoms of Castille. In ancient time there, aswell as in other places, this Dignity was only for life. And to this day (my author is h De Reb. Hispan. lib. 8, cap. 2. Mariana) the steps of that Estate are in the Spanish Nobility. For none of them Duke, marquess or Count, use their titles after death of their Ancestors, but Rege denuò annuente, unless some few such families only as by the King's special grant may do otherwise. Which, although here noted, as many other things in this, Chapter, is applied to some Titles hereafter to be spoken of. The Pragmatica ordains that none whatsoever shall have the Title of Excellent or Excellency. But that the the Grands (all Dukes 'mongst them are Grands, and some Marquesses and Counts) or such as may stand covered before the King shall be honoured with Vu●stra Sennoria i. your Lordship. And that in superscriptions to any Duke, marquess, or Count the place denominating his dignity shall to it be added. To speak here of particular Dukedoms their rights, Regalties, and such like were from our purpose. We have already remembered that ill Gran Duca di Toscana the Duke of Florence had his Crown radiant and that Title of Gran Duca by special indulgence from Pius Qnintus, who inscribd i Cicarella in Vit. Pontific. his gift with, Pius V Pontifex Max. ob eximiam Dilectionem ac Catholicae Religionis Zelum praecipuumque justitiae studium donavit. There is a particular form of Creation instituted by Paul II. which for the length, and because most of the differing Ceremonies are as proper to that Church, I omit. But there is no Crown but a Cap only (Biretum) and a Sceptre. Yet what the Reporter k Marcell. cor●grens. Sa. Oerem. I. just. 7. adds for his difference of Dukes, I think may be worth observation. Et haec quidem (saith he) seruantur, si Dux est Magnae Nobilitatis & Potentiae ut fuit Tempore Domini Pauli PP. II. Borsus Ferrariae. Si verò esset Mediocris potentiae ut fuit Tempore D. Sixti PP. iv (to this Pope this author was a kind of Master of the Ceremonies) Fredericus Dux Vrbini, omnia seruantur, nisi quod non duceretur à Cardinalibus, sed à duobus assistentibus Papae principalibus, & sederet ultimus post omnes Cardinals, in Banco Diaconorum & eundo incederet solus post Crucem ante omnes Cardinals. Quod si adhuc esset inferior, tunc omnia alia seruarentur, nisi quod non daretur ei sceptrum, neque sederet in banco Cardinalium, sed ad pedes Papae in supremo gradu, & eundo incederet ante Crucem post Oratores & alios Principes. here you see his triple distinction of them; and others have them by Maiores and Minores Deuces, whereupon saith the learned l De Coronis lib. 9 cap. 22. Paschalius, that the Maiores omnes unius ordinis esse Censentur, omnes propemodum suspiciuntur ut Reges, longeque antistant illis quos voco Minores. Neither can any not see much difference twixt those of Florence, Ferrara, Savoy, Lorraine, Saxony. Brunswic, and such more (which 'mongst them also differently have so many imperial rights) and the French of late time, English, Scotish, and Spanish Dukes which are all Seignieurs Suzerains subject Lords, and many of them possessing their denominating Territory in Tit'e only, not in government. Yet Charles L'oyseau idly minseth his difference to small, where he makes our English Dukes to be a degree by themselves, & qui ne sont qu' a vie come Officers. What Dukes he means with us, I know not. But all men may know that since Edward III. the Title hath been Honorary and Hereditary. Nor doth that frequent name of Duke occurring in Genes. XXXVI. belong to this place. The word in the holy tongue is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which the Paraphrases of Onkolos and jonathan turn 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; both signifying a Lord, Prince, or great Ruler, and the m Rabbi S. jarchi in Genes.; 6. Com. 15. hebrews interpret them there 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i Heads of families or kindreds, although Alloph may serve also to express any great dignity under a King. The Rabbins say that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. Every Alluph is a Kingdom without a Crown, which Elias interprets, that every King not crowned is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * Dux. i. a Duke. The Germans call them Hertzogen, and Hertochen (whence the Hertochij, in that under the name of the Confessors laws) both signifying Dux, as he is exercitui praefectus. Remember what is in the first book of the Duke of Moscovie, for a Duke uncrowned, yet supreme Prince. Ducis Limitanei. Marquesses, whence the name. mark. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in old Gaulish. Marcheta Mulieris the Brides maidenhead. Mareshall. usual application of names of a later age to antic relations, by old English Poets. The derivation of marquess a mari, idle. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. How in one man Duke, Count, and marquess was anciently often expressed. The beginning of the name of this Dignity in the Empire. Markgrave. Marchio Burgundiae, and Normanniae. His investiture by a Ring. His Coronet. Presedence in France. Alciat's admonition in point of Presedence. Marchiones in England. john of Sarisburie corrected. Snowdon. Controversy twixt the Lords Marchers and the Barons of the Cinque Ports, about bearing the Canopy. Earl of March. First marquess in England. How the Nobility liked the Creation of Robert of Vere. Richard I 〈…〉. expressly made it a Dignity twixt Duke and Count john of Beaufort's refusing the Title, as too New. His Coronet, here. First marquess in Scotland, john Hamilton. First in Spain, when made, and who. His Coronet and prerogatives there. CHAP. III. OF Dux, Dux limitis, and Comes, as they were anciently about the declining Empire, it is sufficiently disputed in the next Chapter before. And of their equality of Office and Dignity; as also how from Dux came the now Honorary title of Duke. From no other Original is the name of MARQVESSE to be derived. For such as were constituted Governors of Provinces bordering on some other State or the Sea (whence also easier invasions might be feared) had the name of a C. tit de Venat. Ferar. l. vnic. & Constit. Theodos. & Val. edit. a Pith. tit. 29. Deuces Limitanei or Limitum in Latin, and, from the old Dutch or French, in later time, Mar●graues, or Marquesses. For in that tongue, as at this day, Borders, Frontiers, limits, or bounds were called Marquis or Marches. Quotiens (saith my b Boiar. leg. tit. de Term. Rupt. art. 8. author) de Commarchanis contentio nascitur etc. i. as often as controversy rises touchching Boundaries. And, in the French Annals, one speaking of Carloman: Expulit Duces quibus custodia commissa c c Anonym. sub anno 861. erat Pannonici limitis & Cartani, atque, per suos, Marcam ordinavit. Hence the ancient marquess of Austria, is called d Ditmar. Chronic. lib. 7. Marcha inter Vngarios & Bavarios. So Normandy was * Sugerius Abb. vitâ Ludovici Crassis. Margus Regni, and Normanniae Marchia. The reason of the name any man knows, that knows how it lies. In the Testament of Charles the Great, Marcae is used for Frontiers, and in writings of those times Marca Hispanica, Marca Britannica, and such like infinite occur. And e Adrevald. Floriac. de Mirac. S. Ben. cap. 33. Marchisi Britannici limitis. Marchiser in French being at this day to Border or adjoin to. Hence the names of Danmarch, and (as some have thought) our Mercia or Mercland in the Saxon Heptarchy; and the laws of mark, or Reprisales. Some great men have f Alciat. de Singul. Certam. cap. 32. derived it from Mare or Marc i. a Horse; as if it should be in Latin Magister equitum or a General over the Gensdarmerie of Horsemen. It's true that among the old Gauls the word g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Pausanias' Phocic. lib 10. Marc signified a Horse, as also in h March. leg. Boiar. tit. de Vitios. animali art. 11. old French, and British or Welsh; we and the present Dutch retaining still for one Sex the word Mare. Hence some will the Marcheta Mulieris in Scotland, i. (from an obscene use of equitare) the first night, or Maidenhead of the Bride, which by a law of Even III. King of Scotland was allowed to the King and other Lords at the marriage of their Tenants daughters, and afterward by Malcolm III. at request of his Queen, turned into a sum of i V post Hectorem Boetium lib. 3. Regiam Mayest. lib. 4. cap. 31. & the Marcheta apud Nos, consulas Henric. de Bract lib. 4. de Assiss. N. Diss. cap. 28. §. 5. money, yet remaining among their laws. But also with us in a Nativo habendo the Esplees is laid, among other, in Marcheta pro filiabus suis maritandis; perhaps having like cause of name, although not the same ground of Law. But in Scotland it extends to all Conditions as well Noble as other. And from the old use of this Marc or Mare, must you derive Mareshall i. (as most say) Mare-schalch, which literally is as much as Equi or Equorum praefectus i. Master of the Horse. Which, without question, is the true etymology of the great office of Mareshall joined anciently in England with the Constable (i. Comes stabuli) in their judicious place of the Court of Chivalry. But to justify also, that marquess is hence, one produces a piece of an old Romant, thus speaking of Paris his company, in his embarquement for Helen; Li k Benois Chez Fauchet en l' Origin des Dig. nit. 2. cap. 3. Chivalier & li Marchis Ke Paris ot semont & pris, Et ses freres Deifibus, Et furent bien deux mil & plus. And thinks that the author would not absurdly by Marchis mean such as are 'mongst us feudatary Marquesses; but that he used it for Horsemen; which in later time was applied to this Dignity. Surely there was no necessity that he should use the name for the one or the other, but generally for a Soldier, because indeed the old Marquesses had in their Provinces Martial government. Or if he did use it for Horsemen, as perhaps he might, what consequence is there that thence this Honorary title should have its deduction. But howsoever, he knows nothing of the old Monkish Rhymes and Romants, that knows not how usually they abused words of Titles, Dignities, and state of their own age, by application of them to Countries and Times where and when they were not. What doth Dan Lidgat the Monk of Bury mean, when in the destruction of Thebes, he says that King Adrastus — set a Parliament, And hath his letters and messengers sent Through Greece to many sundry Kings, Hem to enhast and make no let, And round about, as made is mention, He sent also to many a Región For Princes, Dukes, Earls, and Barons? It must, in charity, be thought that none of his Readers are so blockish as to beleeu that the Titles of Dukes, Earls, and Barons, were in Greece. Much, of that nature, is in Robert of Gloucester, Chaucer, Gower, and, elsewhere, in Lidgat. The l Constit. Feud. lib: 2. tit. Quis dicatur. & Marchiani dicuntur Petro de Vincis lib. 2. Epist. 15. Imperial Laws thus: Qui de Marchia investitus est Marchio dicitur. Dicitur autem Marchia, quia Marcha &, ut plurimum, juxta Mare sit posita. It's certain indeed that many of the Imperial Marquisats are in a maritime coast, yet plainly had their names from being Land-marches of the State, and not from their maritime situation. For although the Marca Anconitana, Taruisana, of Ferrara, in Italy, as also the Marquisat of the holy Empire in Brabant, the Marcha Normannica, and Britannica in France, are maritime, yet Misnia and Lusatia, Brandeburg, Moravia, Austria, Susa in Savoy, all under the name of Marquisats, and then instituted when the Title had a real deduction from the Provinces, are inland Countries. When Charles the great had a design of War against the Saxons, he sent for all his forces in Guienne, and commanded them thence, m Adhdemar. in vita Ludovic. Pij. relictis tantùm Marchionibus qui fines Regni tenentes, omnes, si fortè ingruerent, hostium arcerent incursus. Plainly the defending of the Marches interprets their name. Another very n Helmold. Chron. Slavor. 1. cap. 8. ancient, of the Emperor Henry I. (he reigned in DCCCCXX. of Christ) that after his victories against Worm King of Danmarch, he apud Sleswich, quae nunc o De isto oppido consulas Ethelword lib. 1. pag. 474. & Malmesb. de gest. Reg. 2. cap. 2 cui E●theisi, & Hurtheby (Librariorum incuriâ) dicitur. Heidebo dicitur, regni terminos ponens ibi & Marchionem statuit & Saxonum Coloniam habitare praecepit And Maiores nostri (saith p Annal. Boior. 6. & 4. Auentin) unumquodque regnum quo citeriora eius tutiora forent, juxta Cardines Coeli, in limits, quibus praefectos, cum praesidijs Militum, Equitum imposuere, diviserunt: illos Marchas, hos Marchigraphos appellant. The later Grecians, from the Italian Marchese, call it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The Lady Anna Comnena names Tancred 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, where the very Italian is. And one q Nicephorus Greg. histor. 7. of them, I know not why, says it signifies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. i. The King's Standardbearer. They might well be deceived in this Western name, as in others they usually are. The ancientest testimony, which I have observed of the name, is about Charles the Great. In his d Ap. Goldast. Constit. Imp. tom. 2. & in Capitulari Carol. Magni cap. 5. Constitution De legia Imperij Transalpini sede tenenda, are reckoned Deuces & Marchiones; and in other writings of that age. Therefore is he much deceived that * Krantz. in Wandalic. 3. cap. 16. & Saxon. 3. cap. 9 says the first mention of Marchio, is in that of Henry I. Emperor, at Sleswic; and perhaps as faulty, in that he interprets Marquisat by Districtum unius Villicationis aut Ditionis, because the Territories of Villages or Towns (he says) the Dutch call Ueltmarcks. I doubt not but that Marck there also is originally, as before we have delivered. But, as we have already showed of Dux and Comes Primi ordinis, so, of them both and Marquess, you must remember, that all three, and that after the French Empire, were d●stinctions of Name more than Dignity. They concurd even in one man. For the Roman times, all three are plainly expressed in e Sidon. Apollinar. Panegyric. Anthemio. this: — Comitis sed iure recepto Danubij ripas, & tractum limitis ampli Circuit, hortatur, diponit, discutit, armat. For the French: under the Emperor Lewes II. Trachulfus (saith an f Anonym. Annal. Franc. edit. à Pithoeo. sub anno 873. Ancient) Comes & Dux Sorabici limitis, mense Augusto defunctus est. Comes, & Dux limitis, every man may see, included, Duke Count, and marquess. divers such testimonies you shall meet with. But when other titles in the Germane Empire under Otho I. were by feudal right made hereditary and honorary, this also among them, had the same Change, being before, with them, for life. And the Feudall Marquisats of Lusatia, Brandeburg, Brabant (that they called Of the holy Empire) were, about that time, created. In their Language they name them Markgraves', i Comites Limitanei, or governors of the Frontiers, and thence their Monks made their Latin Marggravius-obijt (saith g In Annal. Dominic. Celmariens. sub Anno 1291. one) Marggravius de Missen; speaking of Frederique marquess of Misnia. The solemnity of Creating them (as of Dukes) in the Empire anciently was by delivery of one or more Banners, as, in the example of Austria, is remembered, where we speak of Dukes. When this Title became first distinct in France, I know not. But there also the Count of Burgundy is anciently h Frodoard. Chronic. sub An. 921. called Marchio Burgundiae; and Richard Duke of Normandy (twixt whom and our King Ethelred Pope john XV. desired to make a peaceful composition, & sent Leo Archbishop of Triers into England with letters of credence) in the i Epist. joh. Papae dat. Rothomagi 991. apud Malmesbur. de gest. Regum l. 2. c. 10 same letters is only titled Richardus Marchio. So an old k Lips. Lovan. 1. cap. 12. An. 1138. Charter; Godefridus Dei Miseratione Dux & Marchio Lotharingiae, Comes Lovanij, etc. An ancient Author l Anthony de la Salle chez L●oyseau des serg. cap. 5. of that Country, says the marquess, Est inuesty avec un anneau de Ruby. But the Ring is now turned into a Crown or Coronet, which they call m●slée, mixed, that is, part Fleuronée, and part perlée, because the marquess is as it were, participating of both, twixt Duke and Count Yet they have by a distinction given presedence to some ancient Counts before some ancient Marquesses: as to Counts of whole Provinces, before Marquesses of only Frontier Towns, and, to those Marquesses, before other Counts or Governors of Towns; Nay, and some have disputed and delivered that the Title of Count there generally is before marquess, and indeed the marquess of juliers m Froissart. Volum. 1. fueill. 24. was (as for addition of honour) made Count, by the Emperor Lewes of Baviere. Yet a late Author, Charles L'oyseau is confident, that (in regard all the ancient Duchies and Counties, which were entire Provinces, are reunited to the Crown, and that those of later time are but of such parts as it hath pleased the King to give, and under such limitations) the name of marquess there is generally before Cowt. But for this and the like, remember that of the famous and learned Alciat: Come in Boijs (saith he) & Liguribus plerique sint Marchionis sive Baronis titulum sibi arrogantes, vitae genere moribusque ab Agrestibus parùm differentes, Hos pro Ignobilibus habendos existimaverim, sod omnino hac in re multum consuetudini tribuendum, quae plerunque non eadem ubique est. Quapropter, in Gallia, Marchionibus praeferuntur Comites. Plurimùm verò Principalis ipsa concessio pollet. Siquidem omnes Dignitates ex supremi ipsius Principis arbitrio pendent, qui, si velit, ea dignitate ornare Baronem potest, ut Comitibus anteponatur, nihilque eam vulgarem sententiam facere, qua tradiderunt aliqui, Comitem esse qui decem Marchionibus, Marchionem qui Decem Baronibus, Baronem qui decem Capitaneis praesit. In England, as a Dignity Honoratie it hath not been of great antiquity. But, for the name: one that n joan. Sarisburiens. de Nugis Curial. lib. 6. cap. 16. wrote under Henry II. complaining of Cowardice in the English, uses the story of those wives and mothers of the Persian army put to flight by the Medes, which came all running to meet their sons and husbands, beseeching them valiantly to renew the field, and finding them faint hearted, sublatâ vest (as Iustin's words are, transcribed by this Author) obscoena corporis ostendunt, rogantes o Non vini, ut malè codex meus typis excusus. num in uteros Matrum vel Vxorum velint refugere: The army, for very shame, retired, stoutly fought, and had the day; and then he adds, utinam sic faciant Vxores & Matres nostrorum Marchionum, quacunque occasione patriam seruent incolumem, & labem pudoris amoveant. But he means the ancient Lords Marchers of Wales, in the same place speaking of Welsh eruptions. Niu●collinus (saith he,) not Ninicollinus, as it is ignorantly printed) indomitus insolescit, inermes Britones intumescunt. Where, understand those Nivicollini for North-wales men, denominated by him from that Snowdon hill in Caernaruan-shire, which in another p Dict. l. c. 6. place he calls Nivium Collis, as the Welsh in like signification Craig Criry. Of these Marchers, mention is in the Statute of Prerogative: Exceptis Feodis Comitum & Baronum de Marchia, de terris in Marchia ubi brevia Domini Regis non currunt. They were expressly called Marchionis q Florilegus pag. 325. & 370. edit. Londin. & lib. Rub. scac. & v. Camden. in Salopia, & Marchiones in claus. 49. Hen. 3. dors. memb. 5. & W. Rishanger sub Ann. 50. Hen. 3. Walliae also, and whereas in Matthew Paris his description of the Coronation of Q. Elinor, wife to Henry the III. it is reported, that the Barons of the Cinque ports carried the Canopy over the King, as their ancient right is, quod tamen tunc scrupulo contentionis penitùs non carebat, as he writes; the opposition against them was by four Lords Marchers, john Fitz-Alan, Ralph of Mortimer, john of Monmouth, and Walter of Clifford (then called Marchiones Walliae) challenging that honorary office, per ius Marchiae, sed quodammodo (saith the red book of the Exchequer) frivolum reputabatur. Afterward, Roger of Mortimer, being of great possessions and reckoning in this Trract, was, upon the same Reason of Name, created Earl of March by Edward III. with which others since have been ennobled. But, in these, was only the name, not the dignity, of Marchio. Neither were they in English styled Marquesses, but Marchers, as the most worthy Camden Clarenceulx hath observed. But the first which had this in England, was the Earl of Oxford, Robert of Vere, Richard the second's Mignion. He made him in Parliament marquess of Dublin, and afterward Duke of Ireland. How the State liked it, Thomas of Walsingham shall tell you: Creata est (saith he) in hoc Parliamento (IX. Richard II.) nova Dignitas Anglicis insueta, nempe Comes Oxoniae D. Robertus de Veer appellatus & factus est Marchio Dubliniae in Hibernia, caeteris Comitibus hoc indignè ferentibus, quòd viderent eum gradum celsiorem ipsis, Regis munere, percepisse, & praecipuè quia nec prudentiâ caeteris nec armis Valentior videbatur. But upon the infallible credit of the Record, you shall have the form. Confirmavit ipsum r Parl. 9 Ric. 2. memb. 3. art. 17. Marchionem de predictis titulo, nomine, & honore per Gladij cincturam, & Circuli aurei suo capiti impositionem maturius investivit, ac chartam tradidit.— Eum vultu hilari inter Pares Parlamenti in gradu Celsiori videlicet inter Deuces & Comites sedere mandavit, quod idem Marchio gratantiùs incontinenter fecit. The same King made his Cousin-german john of Beaufort, son to john of Gaunt, and Earl of Somerset, marquess of Dorset, of which afterward Henry iv deprived him, and when a petition was in Parliament by the Commons for his restitution, he himself was unwilling to be restored to this kind of newly invented Honour, and, Engenulant, as the s Parl. 4. Hen. 4. Mem. 18. art. 18. Roll speaks, moult humblement, pria au Roy, que come le nome de Marquis fuyt estrange nome en cest Royalme, qu'ilne luy vorroit ascunement donor cel nosme de Marquis, qar iammais per congee du Roy il ne vorroit porter n'accepter sur luy nul tiel nosm en ascun manniere; mais nient meins mesme le Count mult cordialment remercia les segneurs & les Commens de leurs bons coeurs, etc. The Creation of Thomas Grey (of the family of the L. Grace of Ruthen) by Edward iv into marquess of Dorset, was t Patent. 15. Edward. 4. per Cincturam Gladij & Cappae honoris & Dignitatis impositionem; and in that of Henry VIII. his u Patent. 15. Hen. 8. making the Lady Anne Rocheford, (daughter to Thomas Earl of Wiltshire) marchioness of Penbreke, the words are per Mantellae inductionem & Circuli aurei in capite appositionem, ut moris est, realitèr investimus. That Circulus aureus is a Coronet Meslée twixt our Dukes and Earls: as, of the French form, is before spoken. Our present Sovereign King james, VI of Scotland, was the first Author of this Dignity there; what ever, by misconceit of that which is affirmed of Malcolm II. may be otherwise imagined. He first honoured the x Camden. Scot in Damnijs. ancient name of Hamilton with it, in john son to james Duke of Chasteau Herald, and Earl of Arran. Spain hath very many. But the first, there, was Don Alfonso of Arragon, Count of Denia, made marquess of Villena by Henry II. of Castille, about M. CCC. LX. of Christ. So saith Stephen of Garibay, and makes a Duke and a marquess, in hearing of the Mass and sitting by the King, of equal prerogative; but adds, that the marquess may not bear a Coronet on his head, nor on his Armouries, nor do divers other things which he allows their ancient Dukes, aunque cessando estas cosas en los Duques, con mayor occasion cessan en elloes. But the Pragmatica allows Coronets upon the Armouries ' of Dukes, Marquesses, and Counts, but upon none others. For when that was made (under Philip II. M. D. LXXXVI.) it seems divers of inferior note arrogated the same Formality of Crowns. Comes. Comes Matronae. Provinciae. Comitatenses; Comites Consistoriani. divers Counties under some Counties, as well as under Duchies. Grafio. graff or Grave. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. A Ring given in ancient investitures of a Count, in France. Their Coronet, there. Comes, Dux, and Eorle in our Saxon times. Aethelings. Heriots. Ealdorman. The Bishop of the Diocese and Ealdorman used to sit in the Turn. When that was forbidden. Sheriffs. Wittenagemotes. Aldermannus Totius Angliae. The error of them which fetch Comites into our Saxons from those spoken of by Tacitus. Earls and Comites under the Normans. Their denominating Territory. Mabile daughter of Robert Fitzthaimon her standing on it to have a Husband of Two Names. Henry the first's and her discourse together expressed in very old English Rhymes. Creations. The Third part of the Shrifwikes profits given to the Earl of the County. The surrender of Hugh le Bigod his Earldom of Norfolk. The supposed value (in our laws) of a Dukedom, Marquisat, and Earldom. That having the Third part, under the Saxons: and in Hungary anciently; and to some Visconts in France. A power in Earls anciently to make laws in their Counties. It was anciently doubted whether an Earl might be sued but in his own County. The copy of a Record to that purpose. Earls of Towns and Cities. The special Dignity of the Earldom of Arundel by reason of the Possession of the Castle. An answer of the judges in Parliament upon interpretation of an Act touching the Earl of Arundel. Ceremony of their Creation anciently here, Girding with the Sword. The Antiquity of that girding with a Sword in giving the Comitiva. Bracton's description of Earls. Creations under Ed. III. and Rich. II. Their Coronets. Their Coronet, used before we had any Dukes, Ducal. The Ceremony expressed in the Charter at this day. When at this day only a Charter makes them. Praecomes Angliae. Earls of Scotland. First Count in Castille. The ancient Ceremonies (much differing from other places) in creation of a Count, there. CHAP. IU. COunt or Comes (which we now call EARL) is, in notation of the word, only as much as a Follower, in that kind as we now use follower for such as are attendant about Great men; and as the Civilians call him Comes Matronae, which man's a Gentlewoman in the street, and give an a ff. de iniurijs l. 1. Eclog. Basilic. lib. 60. tit. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. action of the case, for wrong done against her worth, if her waiting man (the Greek call him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) be taken from her. And after that the honorary Comitiva, with its diversity of Ranks, began under Constantine (which is already showed) every great man in place about the Court, or substituted in Provinces, if withal he were partaker of that Dignity, was titled Comes, with some other addition of his place or office: and the name succeeded in room of Praefectus, Rector, and the like. Comes sacrarum largitionum, for the Praefectus aerario, Comes Officiorum for Magister Officiorum, Comes Provinciae for Rector Provinciae, and such more are frequent in the stories of the declining Empire, both the Codes, old Inscriptions, and the authentics: which if the most learned Ludovicus Uives had remembered, he would not have made so strange of that passage in b De Civit. Dei lib. 5. cap. 6. S. Augustine, concerning one of his Twins, thus conceived; Ille in Officio Comitis militat & à sua domo penè semper peregrinatur. And afterward Comes c Cassiodor. Var. lib. 7 form. 14. & Lips. de Magnit. Roman. 3. cap. 10. Romanus was he that had the care committed for seeing to the statues of Gold and Silver dedicated to Gods and Princes in public. Hence was the Court named Comitatus, and the Guard Legiones d L. contra C. de re Militari. Comitatenses. And those of the Privy Council Comites Consistoriani, e v. Cuiacium observat. 7. cap. 13. Cod. lib. 12. tit. 10. et Cassiodor. 6. form. 12. which were not (without special grant) of the first rank, if I understand Cassidore. Of those of the first rank, and of the second (which in the Roman Empire, were Comites f C. Theodos. tit. Ne Com. & Trib. lau. praest. l. 1. & 2. inferiores and minores) enough before; and of their creations by the Codicilli honorarij. Neither is their origination in being Feudall otherwise to be derived, either in France or in the Empire, then is already delivered of them and their Equals, ancient Dukes. But more to explain that equality, even in Dignities of these times, you see that as some Duchies have under them divers Counties; as in France specially, Burgundy, Guienne, Aruerne, Bourbon, Berrie, and others; so also, in some Counties, have you inferior Counties, as, under the County of Tholouse VI And some under Artois. And XIII. under the Palatinat of Champagne, whereupon, advertendum est, saith a g Chassan. Cat. Glor. M. part. 5. consid. 46. Lawyer, quod hic Comitatus pottus deberet dici Ducatus, quam Comitatus, quoniam sub se habet decem & ultra Comitatus. So, in the Franche Comté of Burgundy, are divers Counties. But, to define a certain number of them fit for a complete Dukedom, as is before touched, is without warrant, although divers and later Lawyers dare do it. Some will XII. some iv some X. keeping the like number of inferiors to every Dignity. But nothing more idle. If then, alike sovereignty and government be in those Counts and Dukes, what difference of Dignity is there? especially when both their Titles are grounded upon continuance from that time wherein the Names were so confounded. Other examples are of the same nature in the Empire. Therefore, as this was a Title next succeeding in rank to a Duke, it must be applied to, and understood of the inferior kind of Counts (I mean in those places where both sorts were) although always the ennobling power of the Sovereign is here and in the like, to be chief regarded. How their Province was anciently given, is remembered in the 〈◊〉. chapter out of Otho of Frisinghen. For that is indifferently to be referred to Dukes, Marquesses, and Counts. He that was a Count, under a Duke, or Index fiscalis is known by the name of Grafio in the old laws of the Ripuarians, where cap. LV. art. I. the title being, De eo qui Grafionem interfecerit. The text is, Si quis judicem Fiscalem, quem Comitem vocant, interfecerit. And, as the inferior kind of Counts were styled oftentimes Comites in ancient story, as well as they of the first rank, and which were, as I may say, Ducal. So in the Dutch or Teutonique idiom they were both, by community of name, confounded, yet, by some addition, distinguished. As this Grafio coming into Latin from graff or Grave in that language, expressed a Count or Governor under a Duke, and also the first sort of Counts differing not in rights of sovereignty from a Duke. Thence are the names of Landtgraue (i. Comes Provincialis) Pfaltzgrave (i. Comes Palatinus) Marligrave (i. Comes Limitaneus) for marquess, and the like applied to such in the Germane Empire which, only excepted their kind of acknowledgement of sovereignty, have all Royalties: and h Vet. Formul. edit. à Bignon. cap 7. Grafia thence signified a County. For the etymon of the word, Quidam, saith * Lovany lib. 1. cap. 10. Lipsius, à Canicie vocem petunt, quia Seniores in hoc munere, alij à fossis quia ad limits; ego malim, graecissante voce, quasi Graphiones dictos & quia rara tunc inter Barbaros peritia scribendi, judicibus usurpata. But I think clearly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hath not to do with it. Nor is the Element G any radical in the word. Grave or grieve is from gereve, where Goe originally hath no more place than in gemote for mote. So that the word should be Reue had not custom took ge into it. And Reue or Reeu is praepositus. Their Burggraves have hence the name and from Burgh or Burrough, as in our language. But * Metropol. lib. 6 cap. 22. Crantzius doubts much how they are in Dignity to Counts; whether before or under them. According to their Territories and Royalties, that must be judged, although they differ not generally. For Burggrave is a Count of a Burrow or City, as Landtgraue, of a Province. In the later Eastern Empire 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (from the Italian Conte) is usually for a Count But in Letters sent from joachim Patriarch of Alexandria to a Germane Count, he is called i Crus. Turcograec. lib. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from Grave or graff. They had their Counts, whereof before. But such as in more ancient ancient times were there known by that name about the Court, were lately turned into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; the name of Count chief comprehending those which were under the Great Duke, Governor of the Marine forces: 'mongst whom one was k C●rop●lat. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. i. the first or chief Count But, they were all Officiciarie more than honorary. For France: an old l Anthony de la salle Chez L'Oyseau. cap. 5. author; Le Comte est inuesty avec un anneau de Diamant. Which agrees wi●h that of Withur, Count of Bretagne, constituted by Childebert, in his speech to Paul afterward Bishop of Leon. Praedictum, saith m Vita Paul. Leonensis Biblioth. F'oriacens. he, Regem ubi adieris, literas annulo ipsius, quem mihi à se discedenti donavit, signatas quasi tecum portabis, ei mox praebebis. Yet at this day they bear Coronets; but only on their Armouries. Of a Count's Coronet, L'oyseau thus. Celle des Comtes est perlée, c'est à dire, que le desus du diadem ou Bandeau est fait de Pearls, sans ascuns' fleurons eminents. In England, under the Saxons, were divers which subscribe in old Charters by the name of Comites. For one example, out of infinite; in a Charter of Beored, King of Mercland, made in DCCCLX. to the Abbey of Crowland, the subscription is, after Bishops and Abbots: Ego Ethelredus Rex West-Saxoniae assensum praebui ✚. Ego Alfredus frater Regis Westsaxoniae censensi ✚. Ego Edmundus Rex Estangliae procuravi ✚. Ego Edelredus Dux favi ✚. Ego Osbirtus annui ✚. Ego Algarus Comes istud devotè fieri deprecans à Domino meo Rege gratiose impetravi ✚. Ego Wulkelnus Comes adiwi ✚. Ego Adelwlphus Comes concessi ✚. Ego Turgotus Comes consensi ✚. Ego Alcmundus Comes consideravi ✚. Ego Diga Comes interfui ✚. Ego Lefwinus Comes aspexi ✚. Ego Burkardus Comes conscripsi ✚. Ego Ascerus Comes affui ✚. Ego Thurstanus Comes stabilivi ✚. Ego Reinardus Comes consului ✚. Ego Tilbrandus Comes conscripsi ✚. and sometimes they have the addition of their Counties, as in a Charter, more ancient, of Ethelbald King of Mercland, to the same Abbey: Ego Egga Comes Lincolniae consilium dedi ✚. Ego Leucitus Comes Leicestriae assensum praebui ✚. And the the like. How Dux and Comes agreed in those ancienter times is already manifested; and, questionless, no where was that confusion of names more than in our Saxons Latin. Of their Eorle, as it was also Dux, somewhat is said, which being then the supreme title next after the Prince is interpreted both Dux, and Comes. n V Autorem Reliquiarum in Eadgaro. From Ear or Are i. Honour, and Arlic or Eorlic, i Honourable (and that in Danish; and some think the name came in with the Danes) this Title hath its Origination. The administration of Siward Comitis Northumbriae, is presently, after those words, called Ducatus, in an old and o Malmesbur. lib. 2. de Gest. Reg. cap. 13. judicious Monk. And Roger of Hoveden speaking of Leofrique Earl of Chester, calls him Leofricus Comes, Leofwini Ducis filius, and says that Ducatum eius (Henry of Huntingdon hath consulatum) filius suus Algarus suscepit. So Comitatus Estsaxoniae, Comitatus Westsaxoniae, Comitatus Eboracae and the like, remembered by Ingulph, and Comes Merciorum, Comes Magesetensium, (that is, of those about Radnor) and Comes Mediterraneorum (in Hoveden and Florence of Worcester) might have been as properly styled, and perhaps more properly, Ducatus and Deuces, being referred to Godwin, Leofric, Edgar, and those which were Eo●le●. and how familiar it is in those times to meet with Comes Normanniae for Dux Normanniae, every man knows that hath tasted our Stories; and of it; before. But, for those their Eorles, whose name, remaining in our Counts, is fitly to be here again spoken of; they were both Officiary and Honorary, having the government of Provinces; and their title, in some parts, hereditary, as in Leicester and p V Rog. de Hoveden, par. 1. fol. 243. Northumberland; and from them, their wives were styled Countesses, as with us in the subscription to a Charter of Thorold of Bukenhale to the Abbey of Crowland, is, Ego Leofrieus Comes concessi. Ego Godiva Comitissa (she was his wife) diù istud desideravi ✚. These were the Ethelings, whereof, one in an old Latin translation of K. q Cap. 55. in edit. Lambard. & v. supra ubi de Weregildo cap. 2. Knouts laws: Qui fregerit plegium Archiepiscopi aut Reguli, quem Angli vocant Aetheling. III. libris emendet. Neither were there with them any other created titles, after the Prince or Etheling, Honorary, it seems, but this of Eorle, and their Thanes, of whom in due place. For where the Heregeates, i. the Heriots, of that age are set at a r Canut. leg. cap. 69. certainty, there are no other numbered. The Heriot was, what the Eorle or Thane paid his Lord or King in nature of a Relief, and thence remains the name with us in a different sense, it being then only such things as were for martial furniture, as horses, spears, shields, money, and the like. And, in a s Pat. 18. H. 6. membr. 9 ch. 12. juspeximus part. 2. Charter of the Confessor, for the possessions of Paul's: Edward King Great Mine Besceops And Mine Eorles And Awl Mine Thegnes On Than Shiren Where Mine priests In Paulus Minister Habband Land. Eorles and Thanes are here only mentioned, as if none else, with honorary titles, had any thing to do with territories. Neither in that catalogue of Archbishops, Eorles, Bishops, Ealdormen, Holds, Hehgerefas, Messethegnes, and Werldthegnes, and Ceorles, in the laws of Athelstan, is any Honorarie, but merely as he is officiary, except the Eorle t Quod & probari potest ex illo de Dignitatibus Monumento Saxonice edito à G. Lambardo in Itinerar. Cantij. and the Thegne or Thane. For the Ceorle, or or Churl, was ignoble, or the yeoman. Yet it is most certain that, for Ealdorman, sometimes Comes is used. An old law: Give hwa Leodbisceops oþþe Ealdormannes borh abrece, gebete ꝧ mid twam pundum; it is anciently interpreted, Qui fregerit plegium Episcopi aut Comitis II. libris emendet, it's part of that before cited touching Aethelings, and where amongst Knouts Collections, one is, that twice in the year the scyregemot, i. the Shiremote (that which is now called the Sheriffs Turn) should be held, and that in it should sit the Bishop of the Diocese, and the Ealdorman; the old Latin hath In illo Comitatu sit Episcopus & Comes, qui ostendant populo iustitias Dei & rectitudinem seculi. For the Bishop did, in the same u Edg●r. leg. cap. 5. Court, under the Saxons, exercise Ecclesiastical jurisdiction, until William the first altered that course. Proptereà mando (saith a. Patent x Inspex. 2. Rich. 2. pro decano & cap. Eccl●s Lincoln plenius habetur in jano nostro. li. 2. §. 14. of K▪ William) & regiâ autoritate praecipio ut nullus Episcopus vel Archidiaconus de legibus Episcopalibus amplius in Hundredo placita teneat; Nec causam, quae ad Regimen animarum pertinet, ad judicium secularium hominum adducat; sed quicunque secundum episcopales leges de quacunque causa vel culpa interpellatus fuerit, ad locum, quem ad hoc opus elegerit & nominaverit, veniat ibique de causa sua respondeat, & non secundum Hundredum, sed secundum Canon's & Episcopales leges rectum Deo & Episcopo suo faciat. But this makes apparent that the Ealdormen were merely officiary, and as our Sheriffs at this day. For what is the name of Sheriff or Shrive, but their scyregereve or Shyregreve? and what was Shyregreve but Alderman or Ealdorman? Among the laws titled with name of the Confessor, thus you read: sicut modo vocantur Greves qui super alios prefecturas habent, ita apud Anglos antiquitus vocabantur Ealdormen, quasi seniores, non propter senectutem cum quidem adolescentes essent, sed propter sapientiam. Yet remember also that, by a testimony which I am not confident in, Ealdorman was applied to some of much meaner rank; but as a general name, and with a more particular regard, perhaps, given to Ealdormen of Provinces or Shires, whereof more, when we speak of Barons. So that those which were ordained Civil judges in Provinces, as the inferior sort of Counts before treated of, had there this name of Ealdormen, remaining to this day in divers Corporations in a sense somewhat of the same nature, and were wont to be assistant to the Kings of that time in their Wittenagemots or Mikel Synods (they were as our Parliaments) with the Clergy. In the Frontispiece of Ina's laws, he saith he made them with the assent and help of his Bishops, & mid eallum minum Ealdormannum & þam yldestan witan minse þeode, i and with all my Ealdormen, and the eldest wise men of my people. Where the more honorary titles of his subjects are omitted, and thence is it that in ancient Monks their Parliaments are called Procerum Synodus, and Synodus Senatorum; the word Senator well enough translating Ealdorman. And as the judges of the Shires were called Ealdormen, so it seems, he that was as Chief justice of England had the name of Ealderman of all England. An y Chronic. Ramsci. apud Camden. in Huntindon. old Epitaph: HIC REQVIESCIT ALLWINVS INCLYTI REGIS EADGARI COGNATVS TOTIUS ANGLIAE ALDERMANNVS ET HVIUS SACRI COENOBII MIRACVLOSVS FUNDATOR. Understand the Monastery of Ramsey in Huntindonshire. Neither do I think this Ailwine to be any other than he which subscribes a Charter of Edgar's in Ingulph, with Ego Alwine Dux consensi. He is called Half-koning i. Half-king in the story of that Monastery, and is thus remembered in an old z Aymon. Vit. Abbonis Floriac. cap. 5. & v. Malmesb. lib. 4. de gest. Pontific. in Episc. Lin. coln. Author of France. Inter eundem spatium Regem adijt Anglorum ac eius Ducem Hehelguinum, how easily Hehelguin is made of Ailwin, every one sees. Out of these disserences twixt Eorles and Ealdormen (the one having suprem government next after the King over the Province, in such sort as the Earls after the Conquest, whereof presently; the other being but judges, judices fiscales, Sheriffs, and like those Comites minores, inferior to Dukes) may be easily collected, that in those subscriptions of the Saxon times, Comes is not always to be took for one equal to Dux, but also sometimes for Ealdermen, as perhaps in most of those Charters, where divers precede by name of Dux; although that precedence always make not the difference enough sure. Of Ealdormen somewhat more, where we speak of Visconts. To derive into the Saxons, their Counts from that of a De moribus Germanorum. Tacitus, Magna Comitum emulatio, quibus primus apud Principem suum locus; & Principum, cui plurimi & acerrimi Comites, were (although some do it) but to fetch the substance of this special title from that which Tacitus could by no other word well express. He delivers it indeed of a people whereof our Saxons were a fragment. But, under favour, those Comites can signify nothing there but mere followers, neither did Tacitus ever dream of it as an Honorary Title or Office, by that special name. Neither in Tacitus his time, was the name at all Honorary or Officiary. He explains himself in the same place: Haec dignitas (saith he) hae Vires, magno semper electorum iwenum globo circumdari, in pace decus, in bello praesidium, & Turpe Principi virtute vinci, Turpe Comitatui virtutem Principis non adaequare. Where both Comes and Comitatus (the one proceeding from the other; neither is it more than ridiculous to derive Comitatus à commanendo, as b Otto Frisiagens. de gest. Frederic. lib. 1. cap. 13. one doth) occur, but not any way to give on origination to the present inquiry. At the Norman invasion (the title of the Conqueror being before at the best but Dux Normanniae, and oftimes Comes) to those Saxon Eorles were given the names of consuls or Comites; but Comites only when in steed of that dignity of Eorle, any creation was by the Norman Kings, and, in authors of near that age, such as were after created are styled consuls sometime, but rarely occurs any where Dux. Indeed c De gest. Pontific. lib. 3. Malmosbury speaking of Walker made Bishop and Count Palatin of Durham, under William 1. saith, he was Dux paritèr Provinciae & Episcopus. But it appears that their Dignity under the Normans was like that of the Dukes and greatest Princes under the Saxon Kings, otherwise why should they have retained the name of Eorle? The Conqueror, William the first, putting all inheritances and possessions both of the Church and Laity under his suprem dominion, nor permitting any foot of land within this Realm to be free from either a mediate, or immediate Tenure of him, created divers into this title of Earl, making it feudal, and hereditary. And in some Grants made reference to the Saxon Times, as in that to Alan Count d Camd. in Brig. of Bretagne, in giving him the Earldom of Richmond, by the name of Omnes Villas & Terras quae nuper fuerunt Comitis Eadwini in Eborashira, cum feodis Militum, & alijs libertatibus & consuetudinibus ita liberè, & honorificè, sicut idem Eadwinus eadem Tenuit. But in the Book of doomsday and long after you shall often meet with the Christian name, and Comes, without any addition, as Comes Alanus, Comes Rogerus, Comes Hugo, and the like, although the Dignity was ever then given with a Territory, in which the third part of the King's profits of the Shrifewike was assigned to the Earl, and that territory was as the second name or surname of the Earl, as at this day, which is expressed in that speech had twixt Maude or Mabile, daughter to Fitzhaimon, and Henry I. touching her marriage with his base son Robert, afterward Earl of Gloucester. Because the story is rare, and the Author never yet published, I will adventure to give it the Reader whole for a monument worth receiving. It's thus described in old English rhymes by Robert of Gloucester. He sede that e She should. heossolde f His son. is soon to her spausing anonge; This maid was theragen and withsede it long. The King of sought her suithe ynou, so that, atten end, Mabile him ansuerede as good maid and hende, Sire, he● sede, well ichot, that your heart upe me is, More for mine heritage than vor mi sulue iwis; So vair eritage as ich abbe, it were me gretssame, Uor to abbe an loverd, boat he add an g Two names. to name; Sir Roberd le Fiz Haim mi father name was, And that ne might nought be his, that of his kin nogth nas; Theruore sir vor gods love, ne let me no money owe, Bote he abbe an two name, war thoru he iknowe. Damoysele, quath the King, thou seist well in this cas; Sire Roberd le Fiz Haym thy father tuo name was, And as vaire tuo name he ssal abbe, gifme him may bise, Sire Roberd le Fiz Rei is name ssal be. Sire, quath this maid tho, that is a vaire name, As woe saith, all is life and of great fame, Ac wat ssolde is son hot than, and other that of him come? So ne might hii hote nought whereof nimeth gome. The king understood that the maid ne sede no outrage, And that Gloucestre was chef of ire heritage. Damaisele, he seed tho, thy Loverd ssal have a name Uor him and vor is eirs vair without blame; Uor, Roberd Earl of Gloucestre is name ssal be and his, Uor he ssal be Earl of Gloucestre and is eirs iwis. Sire, quath this maid tho, well liketh me this; In this form icholle that all mi good be his. Thus war Earl of Gloucestre first maked there, Ac this Roberd of all thulke that long bivore were. This was h Eleven. An. 1109. & 9 Hen. I. endleve hundred yer & in the nith yer right After that ur Loverd was in is mother ahight. How much the having a surname was then respected, is hence to be observed, which in those days and long after, was either from some personal note, or posset territory. Although also the Earls of ancient Families and names used them both, and not only the Christian name, as now. so is Simon of Mountford Corle on Leirchester, (for Leicester) witness to an old English Charter of i Pat. 43. Hen. 3. memb. 15. Henry the third; and other like. The ancientest precedent of Creation, in express terms, which our great Antiquary and Light of Britain could ever find, is that of Mandeuill's being made Earl of Essex by Maude the Empress. Thus it speaks, Ego Matildis Filia Regis Henrici & Anglorum Domina do & Concedo Gaufredo de Magnavilla pro seruitio suo & haeredibus suis post eum haereditabiliter, ut sit Comes de Essexia, & habeat tertium Denarium Vicecomitatus de placitis, sicut Comes habere debet in Comitatu suo in omnibus rebus. So was Richard de Reduerijs made Earl of k Ex Regist. Monast. Fordens. ap. Camd. in Danmonijs. Devonshire, with a grant of the third part of the Counties profits arising out of the Shierifewike, by Henry the first, her father; and Hugh le Bigod, Earl of Norfolk, by Henry the second. This Hugh and his posterity during the Reigns of this Henry, Richard I Henry III. and till XXX. of Edward I. enjoyed the yearly revenue of XXXIV. l Rot. Parl. 3. Hen. 6. art. I. ubi magna illa, inter Comites Marescallum & Warwicensem, controversia de locorum praerogativa. VI s. VIII. d. Vt pro tertio Denariorum Comitatus Norfolciensis, ut pro nomine Comitis eiusdem Comitatus, (as the ˡ words of the Record are.) But Roger le Bigod, Earl of Norfoolk under the first Edward, surrendered his Earledom to the King. A precedent in matter of Honour not obvious, therefore you wish perhaps to hear it. Sciatis nos reddidisse, remisisse, & omnino quietum clamasse pro nobis & haeredibus nostris Magnifico Principi & Domino nostro, Karissimo Domino Edwardo Dei gratia Regi Angliae illustri, quicquid juris, Honoris, & dominij habemus nomine Comitis in Comitatu Norfolciae & Marescalcia Angliae, Habendum & Tenendum eidem Domino Regi & haeredibus suis eum omnibus & singulis ad ea qualitercunque spectantibus quocunque nomine censentur, quieta denobis & haeredibus nostris in perpetuum. Ita quod nos vel haeredes nostri seu aliquis nomine nostri nihil luris vel clamij in eisdem aut suis pertinentijs quibuscunque de caetero vendicare poterimus vel habere. In Cuius Rei testimonium, Sigillum nostrum huic scripto duximus apponendum. His Testibus Domino johann de Langton Archiepiscopo Canturtensi & Cancellario Angliae, Rogero le Brabazon justictario Domini Regis, johann de Dokensford etc. But withal observe what the most learned Clarenceulx hath out of the History of Canterbury touching this Surrender. Edward II. afterward reciting this Surrender of Bigod grants the Honour and Marshalsea to his Brother Thomas of Brotherton in tail, with like manner of Rights in every kind as Bigod had it; who enjoyed also the same sum of XXXIV l. uj sh. viii. d. as the third of the Shrifwik. Yet remember that such a sum could not be as taken for the value of the Earldom, nor in it did the Earldom consist. For the true value of an Earldom was accounted CD. Pounds yearly revenue, as you may see in the Grand Charter, where the Earls Relief is C. Pounds, the Relief being always the fourth part of the Dignities supposed Revenue. And therefore according to that proportion, a c Ista adnotavit juris nostri Columen U. Illust. D. Ed. Coke part. 9 fol. 124. Duke (although this law of Relief was before we had any Dukes) being accounted by the double worth of an Earl, pays CC. pound Reltefe. And a Marquisat reckoned at the double value of a Barony (a Barony was CCCC. Marks yearly) pays CC. Marks Relief. But that dividing of the Profits with the King was usual in those ancienter days. And thence one that d Geruas'. Tilburiens. Dialog. de Scaccario. wrote under Hen. II. conceives the name of our Counts. Comes est, saith he, qui tertiam partem & porcionem eorum quae de Placitis proveniunt, in Comitatu quolibet, percipit. Summa namque illa quae nomine Firmae requiritur à Vicecomite, tota non exurgit ex fundorum redditibus sed ex magna part de Plaeitis provenit, & horum terriam partem Comes percipit, qui ideo sic dicitur quia Fisco socius est & Comes in Percipiendis. I cannot allow of his derivation. And indeed he might have known that when they were not always called Comites, but Deuces and consuls, this receiving of the third part was in use. In that which we now call doomsday, made and collected under William I. occurs concerning Ipswich: Regina Edeva II. parts habuit & Comes Guert Tertiam. And of Norwich. Reddebat xx. libras Regi & Comiti x. libras. And of Lewes in Sussex. Erant II. parts Regis, Tertia Comitis; and all plainly is spoken of Times before the Conquest. But all of them had not this Third part, but such only quibus Regum munificentia (as Gervase of Tilburies' words are) obsequij praestiti vel eximiae probitatis intuitu Comitem sibi create, & ratione Dignitatis illius haec conferenda discernit: quibusdam hereditario, quibusdam personaliter. Neither was this division only with us. Otho of e De gest. Frederic. 1. lib. 1. cap. 3. Frisinghen speaking of Hungary, in his age: Hinc est ut cum praedictum regnum per IXX. vel amplius divisum sit Comitatus de omni justitia ad Fiscum Regium Duae lucri partes cedant, tertia tantum Comiti remaneat, which is also the right of some viscounts in France. As they had this third f Charles L'oyseau des Mediocres seig. cap. 7. §. 19 part of the Shriswike, so in the Shires of which they were Earls, it seems, they had a kind of power of constituting Laws. For time after the Norman invasion; William of Malmesburie mentioning William Fitz. Osbern made Earl of Hereford under the Conqueror, saith, Manet in hunc diem in Comitatu eius apud Hereforedum Legum, quas statuit, inconcussa firmitas; ut nullus Miles pro qualicunque commisso plus septem solidis soluat, cum in alijs Provincijs ob paruam occasiunculam, in transgressione praecepti herilis, viginti vel viginti quinque pendantur. Of the same nature are examples in the Constitutions of the old Earls of Cornwall and such like. And in those times, their denominating Territory had a much different relation to them from what this later age uses. For, then was that always accounted as their special possessions; and they had g Rogerus de Hoveden in johann R. adminstrationem suorum Comitatuum: and their largest Revenue was in the same Shire beside their third part of the Shrifewike. Which from no better authority is to be collected, than the doubt arising under Hen. III. Whether an Earl might be lawfully summoned in any other County then that whereof he was Earl. For than was john, surnamd the Scot, Earl of Chester and Huntingdon sued in a Writ of Right of Rationabili part for part of the possessions of Ranulph of Blundevill his ancestor Earl of Chester, in Northamptonshire and there, as law now clearly requires, summoned, to the summons and laying of the Writ, he first excepts, upon the reason of his not being summoned in Huntingdon, but yet was put to answer. It may be the h In Fragmentis Temp. Hen. 3. quae Archivo arcis Londinensis seruantur. Orta est autem lis ista in 18. Hen. 3 quod satis constat ex Placit. 18. Hen. 3. rot. 14. record transcribed will be so acceptable, that I may well insert it. I will so. Northt. johannes Comes Cestriae & Huntingdoniae summonitus fuit ad respondendum Hugoni de Albiniaco, W. Comiti de Ferrarijs, & Agneti uxori eius, & Hawisiae Comitissae. Lincolniae, quare deforciat eis rationabilem partem suam quae eos contingit de haereditate Ranulphi quondam Comitis Cestriae, & unde ipse obijt seisitus in Comitatu Cestriae, computa cum eisdem Hugone Willielmo & Agnete & Hawisia part sua rationabili de terra quam nunc tenet alibi de eadem haereditate. Et Comes alias respondit quod noluit respondere ad hoc breve nisi Curia consideraverit, & consideratione Parium suorum per Summonitionem factam in Comitatu Northamptoniae de terris & tenementis, vel Comitatu Cestriae ubi Brevia Domini Regis non currunt. Et quia usitatum est hucusque quod Pares sui & alij qui libertates habent consimiles sicut Episcopus Dunelmensis & Comes Marescallus respondent de terris & tenementis infra libertates suas per summonitionem factam ad Terras & Tenementa extra libertates suas; Ideò Consideratum est quod respondeat. This suit was after the time that the Court of Common pleas was severed i Mag. Chart. cap. 11. from the King's Court, and appointed to be kept in some place certain, and therefore the act on being Real and of its own nature merely a Common plea, the Earl excepted also to the jurisdiction (although, by law, too late) & the Demandants reply, that quamuis Communia placita prohibeantur quod non sequantur Dominum Regem, non sequitur propter hoc quin aliqua placita singularia sequantur ipsum Dominum Regem, & petunt judicium. Et dies datus est Coram Rege. His Counsel thought, it seems, that because it concerned so great a Family, & so many Noble persons, it was not within the Statut; but erroneously. And the County of Leicester was given by Henry III. to Edmond Crouchback, to k Pat. 49. Hen. 3. part. 1. memb. 2. whom a Patent was, Militibus, liberis Hominibus & omnibus alijs tenentibus de Comitatu & honore Leicestriae Senescalcia Angliae etc.— Ideò vobis mandamus quod eidem Edmundo tanquam Domino Vestro in omnibus quae ad praedictum Comitatum honorem & Senescalciam (all these Simon of Montfort had possessed) Terras & tenementa pertinent, de caetero intendentes sitis, & Respondentes, sicut praedictum est. At this day, excepted the Counties Palatine and some few other, in the denominating County the Earl hath but only his Name (understand as he is Earl) and what, in later Creations, is, as an annual sum and competent, in am of that ancient third part, granted him out of the King's Farm or Custom of some great Town, or other places within the County; as also a Duke in later times, hath within the Shire of his Dukedom, and a marquess in his Marquisat. But not only of Shires and Counties, but of Cities and Towns, have been and are as well Creations as the denominations of them. Salisbury, Chichester, Bridgwater, Arundel. and the like show it. Although as anciently in France, I doubt not but with us heretofore chief Citeis of a County have denominated the Earls which were of the whole County. But that of Arundel hath been, by ancient resolution, singled out, as it were, for a special kind of Earldom: the honour proceeding more from seisin of the Castle of Arundel, than later Creations or Restitutions. For although it had a beginning (for l Camden. in Regnis. the ti●le) from Maud the Empress to William de Albineto, to whom her son Henry II. gave the Rape of Arundel, Tenendum de eo per seruitium IXXXIV. Militum & dimid. and that Richard I. granted to William son to the first William, the Castle of Arundel (which yet was, it seems, his inheritance before, descended from his mother Adeliza daughter to Godfrey Duke of Lorraine and Brabant) cum toto Honore de Arundel & tertium Denarium de Placitis de Suffex unde Comes est: yet in Parliament, in time of the Fitz-Alans (to which noble Family it was transferred by marriage with a female heir of De Albineto) upon a Petition exhibibited by john Fitz-Alan then Earl, it was, after deliberation, adjudged m Rot. Parl. 11. Hen. 6. art. 32. 33. & seqq. that he should have place as Possessor of the Castle, without other respect; Considerato qualitèr Ricardus Filius Alani consanguineus (ancestor to john) & unus Haeredum Hugonis de Albiniaco (the same with the Albineto,) dudum Comitis Atundel fuit seisitus de Dicto Castro, Honore, & Dominio de Arundel in Dominico suo ut de feodo, & ratione possessionis suae eorundem Castri, Honoris, & Dominij, absque aliqua alia ratione vel Creatione in Comitem, fuit Comes Arundel & nomen & statum & Honorem Comitis Arundel necnon locum & sedem Comitis Arundel in Parliamento & Consilio Regis quandiu vixerat, pacificè habuit & possedit absque aliqua calumnia, reclamatione, vel impedimento. The Petition was in this form: Please au Roi nostre sovereign Seigneur d' accepter vostre humble liege john Count d' Arundel o'er present en vostre service deins v●stre Roialme de France a son am pur seier en v●stre Parliament come en vostre counsel come Count d' Arundel, considerant que ses ancestors Counts d' Arundel seigneurs del castle, Honour, & signory d' Arundel ont ewe lour am a seier en les Parlements & conseilx de vos tresnobles progenitors du temps d'ont memory ne court per reason de la castle, Honour, & Seigneurie avant dits as quex le dit nom de Count ad este unie & annex de temps suisdit; des queux castle, Honour, & Seigneurie le dit suppliant est a present seize. This was in XI. Henry VI and afterward in XXVII. of the same King, a great controversy grew in Parliament, about precedence twixt William Earl of Arundel (brother of this john) and Thomas Earl of Devonshire. The matter, after that Act of XI. and other profess were produced on both sides, was referred to the judges of the Common laws. But they, as the n Rot. Parl. 27. Hen. 6. art: 18. Record speaks, saien and declaren after their conceits that it is a matter of Parliament longing to the King's Highness and to his Lords Spiritual and Temporal in Parliament by them to be decided and determined. How be it that the said act mention but only that the said john late Earl of Arundel brother of the said William, whose heir he is should have his seat, Place, and pre-eminence in the King's presence, as well in his Parlements and councils, as elsewhere, as Earl of Arundel, as in the same Act more openly hit appeareth, in which act beth not expressed in writing the heirs of the same late Earl, notwithstanding that he was seized and enherited to the castle, Hononr, and Lordship of Arundel, whereto the said name, Estate, and Dignity of Earl of Arundel is and of time that no mind is hath been uny and annexed, and by that reason he been and had that name, and not by way of Creation, as the same judges understand by reason of the same Act. Hereupon the King and the Lords determined that he should have his place in Parliament, and the King's Council, as Earl, by reason of the Castle Lordship, and Honour of Aru●del, as Worshipfully (so says the Roll) as ever did any of his Ancestors Earls of Arundel afore this time for him and for his heirs for ever more, above the said Earl of Devonshire and his heirs. For Arundel, thus much. As touching the formality of their Creations: in the more ancient, it seems, nothing but a Charter usually made them, with us. In King john's time remembrance is made of the Sword of the County. He, at his Coronation, accinxit (saith Roger of Hoveden) Willielmum Marescallum gladio Comitatus de Striguil (Striguil is in Monmouthshire, and, from it, were the old Earls of Penbroke so called) & Gaufridum filium Petri Gladio Comitatus de Essex, qui licet anteà vocati essent Comites, & administrationem suorum Comitatuum habuissent, tamen non erant accincti gladio Comitatus, & ipsi illa die seruierunt, ad mensam Regis, accincti gladijs. This form hath ancient original. In one of o Variar. Form. 1. lib. 7. Cassiodor's Precedents for the Dignity of the Comitiva Provinciae, you read: Tua Dignitas à terroribus ornatur quae Gladio bellico, rebus etiam pacatis, accingitur. I imagine it was in use before King john, and that it was the proper investiture of that age. Hoveden speaks not of it as a new invention. And of them, what an p Bracton de Rer. divis. lib. 1. cap. 8. §. 2. vide cum lib. 2. c. 16. §. 3. old Lawyer of England, near that time, hath, I transcribe: Reges tales sibi associant ad consulendum & Regendum populum Dei, ordinantes eos in magno Honore & Potestate & nomine, quando accingunt eos gladijs, i. ringis gladiorum. Ringae enim dicuntur ex eo quòd Renes gyrant & circundant, & unde dicitur, Accingere gladio tuo, etc. Et Ringae cingunt renes talium, ut custodiant se ab incestu luxuriae, quia luxuriosi & incestuosis Deo sunt abominabiles. Gladius autem significat defensionem Regni & Patriae. And in most of the ancient Creations in Parliament, the girding with a sword is the chief and only ceremony with the Charter delivered. So was Edmund q Rot. Parl 36. Ed. 3. memb. 4. son to Edward III. made Earl of Cambridge; and Michael de la Poole, * Rot. Parl. 9 Rich. 2. Memb. 5. under Richard II. Earl of Suffolk. whom the King Gladio cinxit prout decet, as the Roll saith; and before any of these, Hugh of Audeley is created Earl of Gloucester in Parliament, his Patent r Rot. Parl. 11. Ed. 3. Memb. 14. ch. 34. memb. 23. ch. 41. memb. 26. ch. 49. thus speaking, Ipsum in Comitem Glocestriae praefecimus & de statu Comitis per cincturam gladij de munificentia regia investimus, ad nomen & omen dicti loci sibi & haeredibus suis perpetuò retinendum. In like form William of Clinton is made Earl of Huntindon, William of Bohun Earl of Northampton, and XX. l. annuity given out of the County, to be received from the Sheriffs' hands. Many such are extant in the Records. And how the girding or delivery of a●sword was in delegation of Imperium, or power of government, you may see in the Roman s Xiphil. in Traiano, & de hac re, affatim Pet. ber. Semest. 1. cap. 2. Prefectus praetoriorum, & some other of that State. But in later time the chief part of the Ceremony hath been thus expressed in the Patent: Per Gladij Cincturam, Cappae Honoris & circuli Aurei impositionem in signimus, investimus etc. Yet it seems, that before any of these examples a Coronet was used by them. For in S. Edmund's Chapel in Westminster, lies buried john de Eltham t Vide Apologiam G. Camden. pag. 13. Earl of Cornwall, son to Edward II. with a Coronet on his head of a ducal form. Neither in his time could the distinction be of ducal Crowns from Earls Crowns (as now) because no Duke then was in England. His Coronet is now Poinctee and Fleuronèe. But these Ceremonies are not used when an Earldom is given to one before possessed of a greater Dignity. Then, only the Charter selves; as an example lately was in the making of Lewes Duke of Lennox, Earl of Richmond. As in the Eastern State they had their officiary Protocomes, so in England that name once was in Praecomes u Rot. Parl. 23. Hen. 6. Angliae, which grew first and died in Henry of Beauchamp Earl of Warwick under Henry the sixth. The Scotish stories assertion that Malcolm II. first created this Title there, is well tolerable, the Dignities there before being all under the name of Thanes; and Macduff, Thane of Fife, was first made Earl of the same Territory. In Spain are now, as elsewhere, very many, and have their Coronets on their Armouries: But although divers Officiary Counts were in their Gothique times known by the name of Comites in their Monuments, yet, as a granted Honorary Title, it began in the Kingdom of Castille, they say, but of late time; that is, under Alfonso XII. He x A. Chr. M. CCC. XXVIII. made his special favourite Don Aluar Nunnez Osorin, Count of Trastamara, Lemos & Sarria. Hereof saith Mariane: Nowm id exemplum fuit, nullis anteà in Castellae regno Comitibus. The Ceremony he describes thus: Tres Offae in vini poculo oblatae, cum inter se Rex Comesque tertiò invit âssent, uter prior sumeret, à Rege Offâ unâ sumptâ, à Comite alterâ. Ius Caldariae in Castris, in Bello Vexilli proprijs insignibus distincti datum. In eam sententiam confectis Tabulis, atque recitatis, consecutus astantium clamor plaususque laeta faustáque novo Comiti ominantium. Is instituendi Comites ritus fuit. In Poland of late time, both this Dignity, and that of Duke began, but, to few, Communicated. My Author thus y Martin. Cromer. Polon. descript. lib. 1. of that State: Est autem pari dignatione Polonica omnis Nobilitas; nec est ullum in ea Patritiorum Comitúmue discrimen, exaequatâ quodam tempore, omnium conditione. Nuper adeò paucis quibusdam, parentum, vel ipsorummet amplitudine atque meritis, & Principum beneficio Comitum Decus denuò partum est. Ducum, qui peculiares habeant dominatus vel Territoria nunquam aliud genus fuit apud Polonos quam id quod à Boleslao Krivousto Principe (this Krzivoust, as they writ it, began to reign in 1103.) propagatum fuit, cum is principatum inter liberos divisisset. Verum id iam defecit. But in Lithuania, Prussia, and Livonia are Dukedoms; Gaguin and others call them Ducatus. Neither, for that State be satisfied here without seeing what we have in the next Chapter of their Uaivods and Chastelans. Of Counts Palatin, two sorts in old story. Palatins generally. Count's Palatin without Territory made at this day by the Emperor and Pope. Comes Palatij. Curator Palatij. The office of Comes Palatij in the old French State. Chaplains, whence so called. More Duke Maison, & Count du Palais, not the same anciently, against divers that affirm the contrary. Maioratus & Senescalcia. The true deduction of the name of Counts Palatin, differing from the vulgar. Psaltzgraffe of Rhine. Landgrave. Rigordus amended. The Palatinat of Champagne. Of Chester, Durham, Ely and Lancaster. The Curtan sword born by the Earl of Chester at the marriage of Henry III. Franchise de Werk, in our Law Annals. Hexamshire. Hengstaldemshire, its name in our Monks amended. Hexam united to Northumberland. Palatins in Poland. their Vaivods. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Chastellans. Palatins in Leitow. CHAP. V. AS one division of Counts is into PALATIN and Provincial (The Palatins having their denomination from Palatium, the Palace or King's Court: the Pronincials from their Provinces:) so, of Palatins, some had that general name for living z Cod. tit. de Priuil. eor. qui sac. Palat. Militant. & lib. 1. tit. 34. in Palatia; as Palatina Officia; and Palatini Comitatenses, for the Emperor's Guard, and the like. Others were more specially titled Comites Palatij, as chief judges and Vicegerents in the Court for administration of justice, of whom most mention is in the French story. Of those of the first kind is frequent mention in both the Codes; but so that the word Palatins comprehend also whatsoever officers were employed in the Palace. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (saith an old Glossary of the Law) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. i. By a common name of Palatins are called all such as were Officers in the Palace about the Treasury; and interprets it also by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Court Officers. Of Provincial Counts, already. But all honoured with the Comitiva, and following the Emperor, might well be, and were styled among this first kind of Palatins. Among these are reckoned such as have arrogated that name from XX. years Profession of Grammar, Rhetoric, Law or the like in Constantinople, by a a C. lib. 12. tit. 15. & 13. vide Cassi dor Var. 6. Form. 19 & Symmach. lib. 1. epist. 26. & 37. Constitution of Theodosius and Valentinian, which, at this day, is in the Empire made use of, as also those created Count Palatins, without any Territory, both by Pope and Emperor, which have, with their Honour, b Pith. des Com. tes de Champ. luire 1. the Prerogatives of making public Notaries, constituting judges, legitimating of Bastards, immunity from Imposts and the like. It is written on the Tomb of that famous Rowland, nephew to Charles le Magne, slain in the battle of Roncivalles, and buried at Blauz in Xantogne, that he was c Tho. Leodius de Orig. Palat. Primus Comes Palatinus; which I interpret, the Chiefest Courtier honoured with the Dignity of Count. But that other kind of Counts Palatins or Palazins (as the old French called them) were as Chief justices and suprem under the King, for administration of right, in which Office I find them not under the Empire, until Charles le Magne, in whom the French Empire began. For neither the Comes Sacri Palatij spoken of in the Code, nor the d Cassiod. Var. 7. Form. 5. & C. L. vinca tit. de Com. & Tribunis Scholarum. Curator Palatij come near that authority of the Counts du Palais of later time. I see none which hath better observed the true nature of them, than the learned Hierom Bignon in his notes to Marculph, where he takes these words of old Hincmar to witness: Apocrisarius qui vocatur apud nos Capellanus, vel Palatij custos de omnibus negotijs Ecclesiasticis, vel Ministris Ecclesiae; & Comes Palatij de omnibus secularibus causis vel judicijs, suscipiendi curam instantèr habebant: ut nec ecclesiastici nec seculares priùs Dominum Regem absque eorum consultu inquietare necesse habeant, quousque illi viderent, si necessitas esset, ut causa ante Regem meritò venire deberet. What better shows the nature of that officiary Dignity? And with this Count du Palais or Count Palatin, the Kings of France of the first line used also to sit in judgement, as in a Precedent of that e Ex Chronic. Diminens. apud Bignon. in Marculph. lib. 1. age, touching the Abbey of Dijon, and thus speaking, appears: Cum nos in Dei nomine (the words are as in the person of King Clothar III. about DCLX.) Mosolaco in Palatio nostro, unà cum Apostolicis viris patribus nostris Episcopis, Optimatibus, caeterisque Palatij nostri ministris, necnon & Andobello Palatij nostri Comite, qui de ipso ministerio ad praesens nobis deseruire videbatur, ad universorum causas audiendas, iustóque judicio terminandas, resideremus, etc. The King and other great Courtiers sare, it seems, sometime, but the chief authority delegat and judiciary was in the Count du Palais; and before him as Chief justice were all suits determined, crimes examined, the Crown-revenew accounted, and whatsoever done, which, to so great jurisdiction was competent. Neither was there, it seems, always One only in this Office, but sometime more. An old f Tabular. S. Dionysijs apud eundem. Monument, of Pipin's time, hath, Vbicunque corum justitiam invenimus sicut Principes nostri, seu Comites Palatij nostri, vel reliqui legis Doctores iudicaverunt. And a very ancient g Walafrid. Strabo de Reb. Ecclesiastic. c. 31. Writer, of the middle times: Qnemadmodum sunt in Palatijs Praeceptores vel Comites Palatij qui secularium causas ventilant, ita sunt & illi quos summos Capellanos Franci appellant' clericorum causis praelati. He compares the Counts du Palais for secular business, to Arch-Chaplains constituted in those elder times in the Court for Ecclesiastical matters. They were called Chaplains, Cappellani, à Cappa Beati Martini, from S. Martin's Hood, which as a most precious relic they kept, and the Kings ob adiutorium (as Strabo's words are) victoriae, in praelijs solebant secum habere: quam ferentes & custodientes, cum caeteris sanctorum reliquijs, Clerici Cappellani coeperunt vocari. They much err which confound the Count of the Palace, with the More du Maison, or Mayor Demus. This One authority both ancient g Gregor. Turonens. hist. lib. 9 cap. 30. and beyond exception disproves their conjecture. Childebert the first sent, into Poiteer, Florentianum Maiorem Domus Regiae, & Ranulfum Palatij sui Comitem, ut scilicet, populus, censum quem tempore patris reddiderat, facta ratione, innovata rè, reàdere deberet. You see they are expressly divided, by one that lived in that age. And indeed, the More du Maison was of far greater power, especially after the time of Clothar III. and ruled all as i Post Historicorum Turbam, consulas. Adrevald. Floriac. de Miraculis S. Benedicti lib. 1. cap. 12. & 14. King, the King himself being rather in Name only, than substance, a King. But the Count du Palais his power was chief judiciary. Neither are they to be admitted, which suppose the Seneschal or Grand Maistre to have succeeded into the Count's Place. Both those names have been in am of the More; and an old k Hugo de Cleerijs de Maiorat. & Senescalcia. Author of France, joins the words Maioratus and Senescalcia, as synonomies. The nature of which Office with enough certainty the same Author describs. But by reason of the phrases of Regebant Palatium, and such like, in ancient Monks applied to the More du Maison, divers good Antiquaries of that Country have mistaken, and thence make a confusion of all these. Afterward in the Germane Empire, this Office likewise was. And, as to some, Provinces were committed, for Counties, to be governed by them, yet remaining subject to the Court-Iustice of the Empire, or the Imperial Chamber (as at this day they call it) or in such form that to the Count du Palais might be appeal, upon judgement given by the Provincial Counts or their Lieutenants, so others were created into the title of Counts du Palais, and Comites Palatij in their Territory or Provinces, so that, what authority, jurisdiction, or Government the Count du Palais of the Court had, in the Empire, the same should they have in their Provinces; that is, in substance, all Royalties. For the Count du Palais, in the Court, bore the Person of the King or Empire. Comes Palatinus (saith a Germane l Io. Auentin. Annal. Boior. 5. Antiquary) vicem Caesaris praesidendo Senatui principali defungebatur, fidem imperatoris Implorantibus aderat, iusque reddebat, Fiscum Augusti, praedia Salica, Redditus regios procurabat, Caesarum censum exigebat. Nil citra eius autoritatem Duci (Boiariae) aut decernere aut statuere licebat. Si Senatusconsultum Reguli displicebat, ●tercedebat, ad Caesarémque referebat In this form must the name of those which then were specially called Counts Palatin, be derived, and from that second kind of Counts du Palais. For, if from the first, and general name of Palatinus, it would follow, that every Count living about the King were a Palatin, and also, that, with any regard to a Province, none could be so titled. And thus, by the most learned Peter Pithou, is deduction of the name made. To all this well agrees what an ancient m joan. Sarisburiensis Epistol. 263. quem Consulas licet & lib. 6. de Nugis Curial. cap. 6. Bishop under our Henry II. wrote to one Nicholas than Sheriff of Essex: Sicut alij praesules (saith he) in partem solicitudinis à summo Pontifice evocantur, ut spiritualem exerceant Gladium, sic a Principe, in Ensis Materialis communionem, Comites quidam, quasi Mundani juris Praesules, asciscuntur. Et quidem qui hoc Officij gerunt in Palatio, juris Autoritate, Palatini sunt, qui in Provincijs, Provinciales. Whereto add but, that such as with Palatin jurisdiction are constituted over Provinces, are Palatins in Provinces, and the true cause and origination of the name is thence most manifest. For the Empire; you see how this fits in the Palatins or Pfaltzgraffen of Rhine, of whose Territory and State the learned and Noble Marquard Freher, Counsellor to the present Frederick v. hath sufficiently instructed his Readers. That Prince Palatin is by ancient institution, in n Verba Aureae Bullae Carol. 4. cap. 5. partibus Rheni, sueviae, & in jure Franconio, ratione Principatus seu Comitatus Palatini privilegio, Provisor ipsius imperij, & administrator, in the Vacancy of the Empire, but specially also Imperator sive Rex Romanorum, supra causis pro quibus impetitus fuerit, habeat (sicut ex consuetudine introductum dicitur) coram Comite Palatino Rheni, sacri Imperij Archidapifero Electore Principe respnodere, illud tamen judicium Comes, ipse Palatinus non alibi praeterquam in Imperiali Curia ubi Imperator seu Romanorum Rex praesens extiterit, poterit exercere. And whereas some * De Deuce Saxoniae v. Marqhuard. Freher. Orig. Palat. 1. Dukes, Marquesses, and Counts, challenging and enjoy 〈…〉 almost all sovereignty, have not this addition; you must remember that the first institution of an honour, and continuance of the name used, are the main causes of a distinct Title; not so much, usurpation of Royalties or lawful possessession alone. The very word Landtgraue, among the Princes of the Empire, is known of great Dignity and near the best of sovereignty, yet it literally interprets but Comes Provincialis, although an old o Rigordus in vita Philippi Aug. pag. 207. French author, regarding more the substance of it as it's applied then the signification, turns it into Comes Palatinus. Eodem anno (saith he; that is M. CCVIII.) quidam Comes Palatinus qui eorum lingua Landgrave (the printed books have Landanga, but, questionless, erroneously) vocabatur, Philippum Romanum Imperatorem interfecit. The like in proportion must be thought of an ignorant p Roger. de Hoveden in Hen. 2. fol. 339. English writer of the Monkish times, delivering that Prothosovastos (he means Protosebastos) in Latin is Comes Palatij. He knew it was a great Dignity in the Eastern Empire, and therefore thought so. In France until Thebault the Great, Count of Champagne, about M. XXX. I remember not any Provincial Count having this title of Palatin. But he then revolting from Hen. 1. of France and joining to the Germane Emperor Henry III. either took from the Emperor, or arrogated to himself, the Title. In his Charters is read, Theobaldus Comes Campaniae Palatinus; and in French; Thebault de Champagne & Brie Quens Palazins', as q Et voyes Andre de Chesne Antiq. & Recherch. liure 1. chap. 73. Pithou delivers. That County is now, & long time hath been in the Crown, but retains still good marks of Palatin sovereignty. This Honour hath been and is in England at this day. Chester, Durham, Ely & Lancaster are, famous by it. O●e Hugh Wolf was made Earl of Chester by William I. and the County given him in see, Tenendum sibi & Heredibus ita vere ad Gladium sicut ipse Rex tenebat Angliam ad Coronam. And as the King, so he for his heirs there had their Barons, by th●t name specially known. In a Charter of the same Hugh's foundation of the Monastery of S. Werburg, he says, Ego Comes Hugo & mei Barones confirmavimus. And, in Liberties anciently given by one of the Ranulphs, Count Palatin there to his Barons, he r Inspex 18. Hen. 6 part. 2. memb. 34. grants quod unusquisque eorum Curiam suam habeat liberam de omnibus Placitis & querelis in Curia Mea motis, exceptis Placitis ad Gladium meum Pertinentibus. For their Barons, more anon. But the sovereignty claimed by those Earls may well appear in a relation of Earl john his carrying the Sword called the Curtan at the marriage of Henry III. and Queen Elinor daughter to Raymund Earl of Provence. Comite Cestriae (saith Matthew Raris) Gladium S. Edwardi, qui Curtain dicitur, ante Regem baiulante, in siguum quod Comes est Palatinus & Regem, si oberret, habeat de iure, Potestatem cohibendi, suo sibi scilicet Cestrensi Constabulario ministrante & virga populum, cum se incrdinatè ingereret, subtrahente. This County Palatine hath its Officers almost as the King in Westminster Hall. Lancaster by Edward III was created into a County Palatin by express name the Charters and particulars whereof every Student knows out of Plowden. These two (being both now in the Crown) may be called Lay Palatinats with us; for also of great authority are the other two of Durham and Ely, but both Bishopriques. That of Ely began to be so under Henry the first. That of Durham, I think, under the Norman Conqueror. For, one Egelric being there Bishop about his time, was, for offence to the State, deposed, and in his steed one Walker put, qui esset & Dux pariter Provinciae, & Episcopus (as the Monk of s De gest. Pontis. lib. 3. Malmesbury says) fraenarétque rebellionem Gentis Gladio, & reformaret mores eloquio. But the chief privileges of Durham have been anciently derived from the holy respect had to S. Cuthbert Bishop of Lindisfarn (that is now called Holy Island) whose body was thence, in the Saxon times, translated into Durham. Therefore the Monks style it Cutberti Terra, and call the t Hist. Dunel. apud Camd. country men Halywerk Foulkes, which is meant in one of our u 5. Ed. 〈◊〉. fol. 58. pl. 88 yeer-books where Durham is remembered with the name of Franchise de Werk. For, so you must read, not Franchise de Wrek, as the published books have. The case is, in them, misreported and very imperfect. See the x Tit. jurisdiction 30. Abridgement of it, which questionless was from a better copy, and you will confess it. Neither, without that, can you find reason, why the Writ of Right of Aduowson should lie at Westminster for an inheritance in Durham. The Bishop is there called Count Paleys, and in another place y 17. Ed. 3. fol. 36. pl. 4. Count de Palais, and that he was z 14. Ed. 3. tit. Error 6. vide Bracton. lib. 3. de Corona cap. 8. § 4. Come Roy. In the North parts anciently Hexamshire was reckoned for a County Palatin. It is the same which in the printed Monks occurs by name of Hangulstad, or Hangulstadeim and the like names corrupted. But my Ms. of a De gest. Pontific. lib. 3. videses B 〈…〉 m Eccles. hist. lib. 4. ●ap. 13. & 28. William of Malmesburie (it is that which belonged to S. Augustins in Canterbury) of a very ancient hand, hath Hengstadeheim and Hengstadeam, for that which in the printed is Haugustaldehem, and Haugustaldem. And from Henstaldehemshire came, it seems, Hexamshire. In it was a seat of a Bishop under the Saxons. Fisco Regio famulabatur (saith Malmesburie) quando eum (locum) beatae memoriae Wilfridus a Beatissima Etheldritha Regina pro alijs possessionibus commutavit. Afterward, before the Normans, it was the Archbishop's of York. But under the late Queen b 14. Eliz. cap. 13. Elizabeth it was united to the County of Northumberland. How by the Statut of Resumption under c Stat. 27. Hen. 8. cap. 24. Hen. VIII. most of the Royalties of our English Counties Palatin were diminished, and taken into the Crown, is not for this place to deliver. In imitation of the Imperial name, Historians that have written of the state of Poland, call the Governors of Provinces there, Palatini. Palatini (saith Cromer) munera sunt esse Ductorem Copiarum suae satrapiae in expeditionibus bellicis: indeque nomen habet lingua vernancula, ut Voievoda dicatur, quasi Dux belli sive Copiarum. That of Vaivod or Uoivod, used in other parts of the Eastern Europe, being, I think, a Slavonique or Windish word, is by later Grecians called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. One of their Emperors d Constantin. Porphyrog. de Administr. Rom. Imp. cap. 38. speaking of the Turks coming to Chazaria, says that their first Vaivod was called Lebedias' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. Libedias the Voevod or Vaivod. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. i. By the name of his Dignity, as his successors, he was called Boebodus, which is plainly e V plura de Uaivodis infra, cap. ultimo. Vaivod. Under the Polak Vaivods, are Chastellans. Uocantur ij utr 〈…〉 (to Cromer writes) vulgò communi vocabulo Dignitarij quasi dignitate & honore praediti, addito ferè satrapiae, seu terrae nomine. But in the Territory of Cracow, the Chastellan is before the Palatin, which began and hath continued upon the dishonourable flight of the Cracowian Palatin, when King Boleslaus Krzivousti about M. C. XXX. was in great danger of a Russian ambush. But no man 'mongst them may be either Palatin or Chastellan in that Province, where he possesses not in his private right some Territory. As Poland, so the great Dukedom of Leitou or Lithuania is divided into Palatinats and Districtus, as the Latin writers call them. Hi vero Districtus & Palatinatus (says Alex. Gaguin) pro Ducatibus (ut quondam temporibus plurimorum Ducum erant) computari possunt, & unusquisque Palatinatus suum Vexillum quo in bello utitur habet. Eundem quoque Colorem & signum omnes Districtus sive provinciae, qui in eodem Palatinatu continentur, in Vexillis suis repraesentant, nisi quod Palatinatus Vexillum maius est, cum duobus Cornibus, Districtuale verò minus simplicitèr protensum cum uno cornu. But, I think, that, in name do they more agree with our Counts Palatin, than nature. Viscounts. In the Empire and France. How their Name and Honour came first hereditary. divers sorts of them in France. Mediocres Signior. Viguiers. Missi. Vicedomini. Vidames. Le haut & moyenne justice. Clergy men would not judge of causes Capital. Saxon Ealdormen. Vicecomes with them. Their Ealdordom. Gervase of Tilburie his reason of our Sheriffs name Vicecomes. The first Dignity of this name in England. His Coronet. His investiture anciently in France. The first in Scotland. Prince du Seigneurie erigée en Principauté. CHAP. VI WHat is before of Counts, must be remembered here for the understanding of VISCOUNTS'. Both the names were first officiary, and thence grew honorary. And such as the Counts ordained under them as Vicegerents, or the suprem Prince constituted to supply the room of Counts, that is as the Emperor a C. de Offic. eius qui vicem alicuius. l. 1: Gordian says, qui vice Praesidis provinciam administrabant, became at length, as others having delegat jurisdiction, to be (some of them) of their own right, and transmitted their Names and Towns or Territories to their posterity. Understand this chief of the Empire and of France. Hence came that Honoured name of Viscounts in Milan. By L'oyseau it's well coniecturd, that in France about the time when Dukes, Counts, and Marquesses began to usurp sovereignty in their provinces, the Lieutenants or Viscounts, and Chastellans under them did the like; so that the most part of them which had the charge of Arms and justice in Country Towns, where their superiors left them, gained to themselves perfect Seigneuries, but withal, that such as lived in their superiors chief Towns, and there with their superiors, having not like means or opportunity for Greatness, remained always, as at first mere, Officers; as also those in Normandy at this day. And some, that from that ground of usurpation have turned their ancient Office into honorary inheritance, yet possess but a few marks of Seigneurie, nor meddle with administration of justice, but have only a certain part of the Royal profits, proceeding from the King's justice in their Territory; as those of Burges, of Cologne, of Villemenart, of S. George's and of Fussy, which claim the third, as before is spoken of Earls. The same author makes divers kinds of honorary and Hereditary Uiscounts in France. One is of such as either by reason of their first institution, being placed vice Comitis by the King, when no Count was, or by putting off their obedience to their superior Counts, and acknowledging the King their only Lord, immediately held of the Crown. Tous ces Vicomtes (saith he) doivent saus doubt estre mis au rang des Grandes Seigneuries, pius qu' ils ont Fiefs immediatz de la Corone. Another sort (and that most common) are they which hold of the Crown by reason only of some County annexed to it; and a third which are under some County in a subjects hand; which both last kinds he puts in the rank des mediocres Seignieuries, that is of such as are arier fiefs, and hold of the Crown but by a mesnalty, as our Lawyers call it. So then in France, as superior and inferior kinds of Counts anciently were, so you may say of Uiscounts; the regard of which difference instructs to the understanding of the titulary honour. For, the inferior Counts had their Vicarij or Viguiers, qui per pages statuti sunt, and their Missi, which were as Uiscounts. Of them, saith Walafrid b De Reb. Ecclesiast. cap. 31. Strabo: Comites quidam Missos suos praeponunt Popularibus qui minores causas determinent, ipsis maiora reseruent. The name of Viguiers remains yet in Languedoe, and is the same with Vicarij, both but varying the word Vicecomes, or Comitis vicem Gerens. But Strabo makes the Viguiers Governors of small Territories, and not like the Missi, whom he compares in Church-state to Suffragnas, and the Viguiers to Parish Priests. But as, in the Roman Empire, was the Dignity and Office of c v. C. lib. 1. tit. 39 & alibi. Vicarius as great as Comes (but yet some difference twixt them) and was also applied to an inferior sort of Slaves, which you see in that— iam nolo Uicarius esse, so in the French and Germane Empire I doubt not but Vicarius and Viguier was not only for judges of mean note subdelegat by inferior Counts, but also sometime for such as the suprem Prince constituted in vicem Comitis, or the superior and first rank of Counts made their Lieutenants. As also Missi were not only a name for them which were under Counts, but also sometime for the like in proportion under the King. Ante illustres (saith an old d Vet. Form. ad finem. Marculph. 7. Precedent) Viros magnificos illos & illos Missos Domini & gloriosissimi illius Regis. And a Charter of Pipin, More dumaison, to the e Bignon. in Not. ad Vet. Form. Abbey of S. Denis. Omnibus Episcopis, Abbatibus, Ducibus, Comitibus, Domesticis, Grafionibus, Vegarijs (that is Viguiers) Centenarijs, vel omnibus Missis nostris discurrentibus, seu quacunque judiciaria potestate praeditis. But the confusion of these names (having regard to superiors as well as inferiors) in old laws and story, allows not sufficient means of distinction to know which always by them is certainly meant: yet withal makes us in general truly know whence this Title of Uiscount with them had its original. It's greatness there varying according to the quality of the next superior, as well now it is honorary, as at its first beginning, when it was officiary. And as they which vicem Comitis gerebant were called Vicecomites, Viscounts, so the delegates of Bishops in temporal jurisdiction of that kind, were styled Vicedomini, i. as at this day the word is, Vidames. That the Substitus of great Clergy men for secular administration were anciently called so, appears both out of passages in the Canon z Epist. Greg. Dist. 89. C. Volumus. &. Rescript. Vrbani C. 4. q. 3. cap. salvator. & Extravag. de Simonia cap. Consulere. laws, and also in very ancient Story. Bertigranus (the words of an old * Adrevald. Floriac. de Mirac. S. Benedicti cap. 6. Monk) Episcopus Cenomanensis legatos mittit ad S. Benedictum Flodegarium Archidiaconum & Arderadum Vicedominum suum. And as Viscounts from Officers became honorary, & Seigneurall, so Vidames. Neither is there in France any Vidame which holds not of some Bishoprik, unless that of Beawais (so L'oyseau tells me) which is united to the Bishoprique of Beawais, and now called le Vidame de Gerberoy. And from the chief Town of the Bishoprique are the Vidames denominated; as the Vidame of Reims, of Amiens, Chartres, Man's, and the like, where he notes also two special differences twixt Viscounts and Vidames. First, One Duke or Count (especially of the superior sort and first Rank) had divers Viscounts officiary under them; but every Bishop one Vidame. Secondly, the Viscounts had only their le moyenne justice, as they call it, that is, jurisdiction of some causes only, and them of the meaner sort (as we may say of our officiary Vicecomites or Sheriffs, which have divers Actions Visconti●l, and inquiry of criminal causes,) but the determination of Criminal, and others of greater a Memineris quod hoc capite habemus ex Strabone. note were reserved to superior judges which have le haut justice, or a delegation of a kind of Merum Imperium: understand this of their more common sort of Viscounts reckoned among their Mediocres Signior, of which notwithstanding, now divers by usurpation have gained le haut justice to their Seigneuries. But the Vidames from their first institution had le haut justice, the reason being apparent, because Clergy men b V Caus. 23. de bello & re militari, etc. would by no means meddle with judgements Criminal, which were Capital, and therefore had their Lay Delegates; which is the reason why in our c 〈◊〉. Ed. 4. fol. 6. & saepiùs in Archiu. Parliament. old Parliaments, when in them, Appeals and judgements of Death were, the Lords Spiritual used to make a Procurator, for that turn. The Office of Viscount never yet became honorary in England, yet, before we speak of our first Honorary Viscont, something of the Office also with us. It's already show'd that the Ealdormen of the Saxon Times were Uicecomites, and as our Sheriffs; and they were in those times by that name written in Latin also. A subscription to King Edreds' Charter, dated DCCCC. XLVIII. to the Abbey of Crowland justifies it. There after the Abbots, Dukes, and Counts (the Dukes and Counts perhaps being of equal dignity) follows: ✚ Ego Bingulph Vicedominus consului. ✚ Ego Alfer Vicecomes audivi. And in a Charter of Thorold of Bukenhale to the same Abbey, the last witness is thus expressed: ✚ Ego Liuingus clericus istud Chirographum manu meâ scripsi & domino meo Thoroldo Vicecomiti tradidi: and in that before of King Edred to the Abbey of Crowland, certain lands are discharged, Auxilijs Vicecomitum, by that name; and in one of King Bertulph to Siward, Abbot of Crowland, you may read: Praecepi Radboto Vicedomino Lincolniae, caeterisque ministris meis in illa part constitutis, to make a perambulation of the Isle of Crowland. So at the Conquest d Act. public. apud Camden. in Cornavijs. it was found, that in the Hundred of Oswaldshaw in Worcestershire, nullus Vicecomes ullam habere possit querelam, nec in all quo placito, nec in alia qualibet causa. But yet the name of Vicecomes was not applied to the Ealdorman, as if he had been under the Eorle, as in France or the Empire; but in such sort as if he were placed in the Province by the King in vicem Comitis (that is, as a judge) to administer justice, and look to the King's revenue; and out of his Court, as at this day, Faux judgement lay in the King's Bench, neither was there any mediate place for remedy. Therefore in one of their e Ethelred. leg. cap. 6. Be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. b●ec. Laws you read, that if the Peace be broken, he that is wronged should be helped by the Townsmen, or Tithing; if they would not help him, that then the Ealdorman should (that is, the Sheriff) and if the Ealdorman would not, that then the King should, and if the King would not, that then the Shire should not be bound to keep the King's peace; for so I interpret Li●●● Eal●o●●om on vn●●●e: where the Vicountie or Shirifdom is called also an Ea●●o●●om, as the Superior and Martial government of their Eorle was titled an Eorledome, the word Dome signifying in that sense a place subject to a Superior, not only in Civil jurisdiction, but also Martial. Either then in imitation of other Nations, was that name of Vicecomes applied to our Saxon Ealdormen, and Sheriffs; because their offices were somewhat like: Or else being constituted, qui vicem judicum sive Comitum gererent, by the King, were properly as the ancient and best sort of them in France, so called, or as the U carij in the Declining Empire, having no Superiors which constituted them but the King. Howsoever the reason of the name given by Gervase of Tilburie is much deficient, unless in it, by a nice construction, you make him use Comes in several Notions. He is called Uicecomes (says he) qued Vicem Comitis suppleat in placitis illis de quibus Comes ex suae Dignitatis ratione participate. The errors of Polidore, and such that begin our Sheriffs at the Norman Conquest, are not here worth speaking of, or of those which say the word Vicecomes was not here in the Saxon Times. But, of it as it is with us officiary thus much; which I insert because of comparing our Office of that name to the like in France, where the Honour proceeded originally from the Office. For with us the Honour and the Office have no community. Neither had we any of that Dignity (although the Office in some places hath been hereditary from ancient time) until Henry VI He in Parliament made, by Patent, john of Beaumond Viscount of Beaumond, with f Pat. 18. Hen. 6. part. 2. memb. 2. these words of investiture: Nomen Vicecomitis de Beaumond Impominus ac ipsum insignijs Uicecomitis de Beaumond realiter investimus, locumque in Parliamentis, Concilijs, & alijs congregationibus nostris, super Omnes Barones Regni nostri Angliae assignamus. What those Insignia were then, I know not; but later time allows him a kind of Coronet (without Point or Flowers) on a Cap of Fur. But an old Author g Anth. de la Salle chez L'oyseau, des seig. cap. 5. of France says that Le Vicomte est inuesty avec un verge d'or. In Scotland the first Dignity by this name was in Thomas Lord Ereskin created Viscount Felton by our present Sovereign, their james the VI Spain hath some of this Order and Name. Twixt Viscount and Count in France, is a special Dignity of Princes. They have their names by reason of their Seigneuries erected into Principalities. Baro in Cicero, and Persius. It's signification in Hirtius and old Glossaries. Magnus Homo. The true derivation of Baro, as it's now honorary: Mall and Mollabergium. Sagibaro. Sake, or Sach. Wittiscalc, Saccabor or Sathabor. Plea de sakebere. Sikerborgh. Hondhabend. Mainaver. Barigild. Baro for a man generally; and Barones London, and the like. Ancient and late Barons of France. Capitaneus Regis. Barn or Beern for a man-child. Baron for a husband, where used. Cheorlbearn. Saxon Thanes. A Saxon Monument of their Dignities. Of Eoldormen again somewhat. Canutus his Forest Laws misprinted. Liberalis and Mediocris Homo. A Hyde of Land. Hydage, and Caruage or Carucage. A conjecture upon Bracton. Terra Hydata and non Hydata. Minister. Minister Regis. Tainus. The Relief or Heryot anciently in all Berkshire. Viro, Baro, Minister, Thanus. But the name of Baron not in the Saxon times in England. How Barons had their name then. The book of Modus Ten. Parliamenti. Barones, and Pares Baronum. Illustres equites Romanorum. The Title of Prince not without Barons. Barons to subjects; and Barones Regis. The Value of Reliefs of Dignities. When they began certain for a Barony. A conjecture when the value of a Barony began. Court Baron. Baronagium and Barnagium. Bernage. Barony in our law for Seigneurie. Tenere per Baroniam. CCL. Baronies reckoned by Hen. III. His Ordinance touching what Barons should come to Parliament. The ancientest summons extant. The Grand Charter first granted. A Parliament held XVIII. Hen. III. transcribd out of an obscure Roll touching Assizes of Darrein Presentment, juris Vtrum, and Certificate of Bastardy, with the Baron's names subscribed. And therein, Bracton amended. Barons by Writ and by Creation. Those two sorts now only in being. A respect to the Tenure per Baroniam after the allowing them only the title which were summoned. Barons ratione Officij, as Abbots, and Bishops. Chief Baron of England. Barons called Lord or Domini. How in legal proceeding. Lords, Barons, and Earls only by Courtesy, and Court language. Thanes of Scotland. Stewarts. Abthan. The beginning of the Royal name of Stewart there. Tosche. Ochern. The first mention of Barons in Scotish Monuments. What their Baron is. Pit and Gallows. How the name is generally taken there. Acts touching which of their Barons must come to Parliament. Commissares of the Shire. The difference of their Lords and Lairds. The English and Scotish parliamentary Barons of a superior note then the French. Los Ricos hombres. Valuasores and Capitanei Regis vel Regni. The Feudalls interpreted otherwise then the vulgar opinion. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Valuasores minores. Minimi. Valuasini. Vavasors in France. Vavassouries'. Sommage. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Vavasors in England. Countors. Subuasores in Scotland. CHAP. VII. NExt after Viscounts, follow BARONS. A title of frequent note in most parts of Christendom, and about whose etymology most disputation and inquiry is. Barons are in some Countries (in all anciently, where they were at all) Lords of their denominating Territory, with some judicial government, but beneath the Dignities before spoken of, both in largeness of territory, and nearness to sovereignty; and how they differ in substance from other Titles in their Original, what we shall say of Particular States will best discover. But first for the Name: The word alone is very ancient, and of pure Latin. In Cicero you read; a Epist. add Attic. lib. 9 Ep. 11. Apud Patronem & reliquos Barones te in maxima gratia posui, & herculè merito tuo feci. And in another place; b De Finibus lib. 2. Haec cum loqueris, nos Barones stupemus; tu videlicet tecum ipse rides. And two other passages in him (as Elias Uinetus reads them) have Baro in the singular number, where some of the published books have, and that most properly, Verò the conjunction. I will confess that as yet I have not thoroughly learned what Barones signifies to Cicero in his first place: yet I know, some have dared to think it there used as near to what it now interprets in the Rank of Dignities. They shall and may for me; I cannot. But in the second, I am somewhat confident, that (if the Reading be not corrupt) it is not unfitly expressed into our word Blockhead, or the Latin Bardus. The Text of Tully there justifies it, and a Satirist that c Persius' Satyr. 5. ubi & videses Eliam Vinetum. that lived under Nero (by the correction of best Critics according to best copies) hath — jura. Sed jupiter audiet Eheu! Baro, regustatum digito terebrare salinum Contentus perages, si vivere cum jove tendis. Where the old Scholiast, Cornutus, reads Varo (how soon that difference might creep in, any d Vti B. & V. saepiùs invicem Antiquis commutantur, videre licet apud Ald. Manutium in Hirt. de Bell. Hispaniensi, alios. novice in Letters knoweth) and tells us that Varones' dicuntur servi militum, qui utique stultissimi sunt, servi scilicet stultorum. He plainly justifies the interpretation; and perhaps in that first place of Cicero, so vexed 'mongst Grammarians, some allusion is to this notion of the word. For how much he persecuts the Epicurean sect is apparent in that of his De Finibus: and what was Patro but an Epicurean? And how well might he lay that name on such as in his judgement were so far from true Philosophy? Cum Patrone Epicureo (saith e Famil. lib. 13. epist. 1. he) mihi omnia sunt, nisi quod in Philosophia vehementer ab eo dissentio. I see not then but in both places it may be probably affirmed, that he meant by Barones alike. Yet, to justify also that which the Scholiast of Persius writes, the name is in an ancient, A. Hirtius or f De bell. Alexandrino. Baro item Cognomen Romanis erat v. Inscript. Ep. Alciat. Parerg. 5. cap. 16. Opius. He for some kind of Soldiers or their servants, uses it. Concurritur (are his words, speaking of the violence offered by Minucius Silo) ad Cassium defendendum. Semper enim Barones (so some read, it being printed also Barones) complurésque evocatos cum telis secum habere consueverat. And g Origin. lib. 9 cap. de Civibus. Isidore: Mercenarij sunt qui seruunt acceptâ mercede; ijdem & Barones Graeco nomine, quod sint fortes in laboribus. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 n. dicitur gravis, quod sit fortis: cui contrarius est levis & infirmus. And in an old Arabico-Latine glossary: Barones, forts in laboribus, which teaches how to mend Isidores glossary, where its printed Bargines, Forts in bello. Confidently read Barones F. i. b. And well doth this agree with our Bracton his derivation. Sunt, saith he, alij Potentes sub rege, qui dicuntur Barones, hoc est Robur belli. The learned h Aduersar. subsec. lib. 1. cap. 8. P. Pithou cities some old glossary, where Baro is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. hatred. And Barosus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i Disdainful or Currish. These are testimonies of the signification of Baro, as it was made a Denizen in the Latin Commonwealth; for it seems to be of a strange blood, and, as some will, deduced into Rome, or (in the middle times) into Latin out of Gaulish, old French, or Dutch. But I conjecture, although it be used by Tully for a blockhead or a simple fellow, and so by Persius, that yet the genuine signification of it was rather servus Militis, or Calo, or Cacula (which are what the French call les valets des gendarmes, i Soldiers attendants) then Fatuus or Stultus, as of Bardus also may be affirmed. For, that is used for Fatuus, yet was in Gaulish a Poet. And the servile quality of those attendants might well give occasion to apply the general name of their Duty to the particular of their quality. As, because great, and lubberly fellows are usually noted for imperfection in understanding, and servile ability of mind, the Latins by the name of Magnus homo i Meurs. Exerc. Critic. part. 1. ad Plauti Milit. cap 4. meant a foolish knave, or a foolish fellow. Nequam & Magnus Homo, Laniorum immani canes ut saith k Varro de lingua Lat. lib. 6. Lucilius &, Magna quidem sequeris Pontice; magnus homo es, with the like, is in l Lib. 7. Epig. 99 v. & lib. 9 epig. 51. Martial. Yet, neither did that properly interpret a Fool, no more did Baro. The same in proportion may be said of it as it is turned in the Glossaries Fortis or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and the like. For I take Fortis there, not for valiant, but sturdy or strong, which well fits with our Baro, as he was Militis servus or Cacula. But that it's derived from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, I must take long day to beleeu, Doubtless it will be of another Family, another Climate. In the ancientest laws of the Almains, Ripuarians, Salians, and the rest (which are supposed written about CD. or D. after our Saviour) Baro often occurs for Man, as it distinguishes the better Sex. And according to that it is m Philoxen. in Vet. Glossario. turned into the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. a man.. It's likely then, that, as the Latins have used puer, and sometimes Homo (in later ages of Barbarism, nothing more common than Homo) for a Man or servant, the French, and those 'mongst whom Baro or Baron was for Homo or Vir, applied it in the same fashion, and so called their ministering servants; which also helps to justify the testimony of Cornutus, by whom perhaps and by the Romans, the knowledge of some barbarous words being chief learned out of the Wars, this was thought only to signify the servants of the Camp. That it was used by the French or Dutch for a Minister, or Man, or such like, we may observe in this piece of the Salic n Salic. leg. cap. 96. & art. 4. laws. Si quis Sagibaronem qui puer regius fuerit, occideret, etc. And then, Sagibarones' in singulis Mallobergijs. i. plebe quae ad unum Mallum convenire solet (This Mall or malus occurs often in the Salic laws and ancient precedents, in like signification) plus quam tres esse non debent: & si causa aliqua, ante illos, secundum legem fuerit definita, ante Grafionem removere non liceat. Here in Sagibaro the word Baro appears, and (until I am better instructed) I shall think that Sagibaro was one of some kind of mean justices or Officers in the Country, before whom sometimes causes criminal and amendable by amercements or mulcts were heard and determined, near like our justices of Oier and Terminer for Trespasses. And in this sense perhaps remains the names of Barons to this day in the judges of the Exchequer. For, Sagi I guess is made out of Saith or Sake (a word known in our ancient laws, and coming from Teutsch or Saxon) used for liberty of amerciament and giving amends in the Court Baron anciently due to the Lord, both when the plaintiff failed in his proof, or the defendants were subject to the Action, as at this day. Sak (saith an ancient Ms.) est placitum & Emenda de transgressoribus (I read transgressionibus) hominum in Curia vestra; quia Sak Anglicè, Encheson Romanè (he meant Francicè; whence, works in the Provincial tongues of France and Spain are called Romances) & inde dicitur Forsooth Sak, hoc est, est pur cel encheason. Our law French uses encheason, as the present French their Achoison; for an occasion or opportunity, and, I think, for accusation. You know the word Sake is at this day with us for Cause. As, for God's sake, and the like. And Causa in Latin is taken anciently for a matter judicially questioned. Why then might not Sake be as that description before is, or, as our o Itin. Noting. Br. Quo Warranto 2. Itin. Ed. 3. Kel. fol. 145. alibi. nec alitèr sanè Vet. leg. Ed. Confessoris cap. 22. Common laws say it is, a Conisans of pleas, or liberty of amerciament, which supposes a Conisans, and so applied to signify, as, in the genuine sense, it interprets Causa, for a Controversy? And that so should the right meaning of Sake be, is justified out of an old p Itin. Temp. Ed. 3 fol. 150. §. 44. Eire, where the liberty of Sake is allowed to every Lord by common right. Understand every Lord of a Manor. For every Manor hath its Court. Every Court its pleas: and in those, pleas amends and amerciaments (for certain actions and selon la bas justice) necessarily follow. Out of this may be conceived what the particle Sagi in Sagibaro, is; and that Sagibaro may be not ill turned into Minister Mulctarum, or judex Causarum, or Mulctarum, or the like; which I the rather believe, because in the ancient q Constit. Burgund. cap. 76. laws of Burgundy, one, whose Office is near what seems to have been as the Sagibaro's, is called Witiscale, which is verbally to be turned Minister sive praefectus ad irrogandas mulctas, or so. For wit (a word used by Chaucer and others about his time) is a Punishment or Mulct, as in our words occurring in old monuments, Blodwite, Frithwite, and the like. And Scale is a Minister, Officer, or Servant, whence also the name Godsscale is the servant of God. So that as Scale is in Witiscale, I suppose Baro in Sagibaro. I have thought that in this name of Sagibaro (but differently applied) might be found that obscure word of our laws, Saccabor, Sathabor, or Sacaburthe (for in all these forms it is written in some r Bract. de Corona cap. 32. & 35. Briton. cap. 15. & 29. Bractons') or Sakebere, as Briton hath it. I think so still. For it was no unfit name to call him Sakebere or Saccabor (those come nearest to the right Orthography) for Sagibaro or Sakebar, which prosecuted fresh suit against the thief, as the Saccabor did, and to that purpose is named; interpreting there accusator, or the Man accusing or prosecuting. And from that sense may be understood an s Trin. 35. Ed. 1 Ms. old Report, wherein one Piers brought his action against the Prior of M. & see pleint q'il luy avoit distrain a fere corporel serement sains especial commandment le Roy Encounter statut etc. And the avowry was because the Prior ad sa Court ●en N. & View de Frank pledge & poet pleader Sacrabar (plainly it is for Sacabar) ou vint un W. le Moigne, & avoit embly un surcote & a la sute un tiel fuit attach & que fellonissement avoit emblee cel surcote, ad de bien & de mal se mit in bons gents de la Court; & lafoy voloit il aver fait P. & les auters veysins fear le serement, P. le Counterdit, per ont fuit agarde que il fuit distrain etc. Demurrer was, and Metingham chief justice thus pronounces his judgement: Home vos ad demand le quel le Prior ad cele Franchise ou non, per la ne respones nient, & pur ceo nous & tenous agraunt, & vous nests Sound tenant, naves pas dedit, ne que la laroun ne fuit prise one Meynovere & qu' il se mist en la Court de bon & mal, & vous ne voiles aler a serement; & Home ne doit estre perdue en tel case (perhaps pendue) sans serement de ces de la Court, pur ceo Agard cest Court que vous ne pregnes ren per vostre brief, eins sees en la mercy & le Priour a Dieu. This derivation of it seems much more probable than that from Sikerborgh, which some have; although I know in the old laws of t Quoniam Attach. cap. 1. & 100 & videses skenaeum in Sacreborgh. Scotland our Sakebere is expressly written in the printed books Sikerborgh, which signifies a sure pledge. But the proper prosecution of Sakebere in this sense was, before pledges could be found; and indeed was he that followed when the guilty part was took with the main-aver (that is hondhabend, having the thing stolen in his hand) which we corruptly now style to be taken with the a Meinover in 1. Ed. 3. fol. 17. b. & passim in Itinere Cantij 6. Ed. 2. Ms. male igitur, & ridicule Manuopere vocabulum illud translatum quod tamen Antiquitus erat in usu. P. 44. H. 3. rot. 8. manner. They used for this also backberend i. bearing it on his back, in like sense and words as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is 'mongst the Greeks. And it may be doubted that Siker borgh hath crept, of later time, and by some Critical mistaking, into the Scotish laws, for this Sakebere or Sagibaro used anciently, it seems, for plaintiff or appellant. I have seen those which otherwise think, but they persuade me not. In like sort perhaps the old Germane * Adnunc. Careli apud Pistas apud Bignon. in not. ad Vet. Form. Barigildi, where such as being charged with accounts upon receipt of the Crown revenue of subsidies, had thence their name. For Geld or Gilled is (among other significations) a payment or Tax or Tribute. But this somewhat out of the way. After those ancient laws the eldest authority of this name used for Men generally, is in a French x Append Greg. Turonens. sive lib. 11. cap. 41. story. Burgundiae Barones (the words are) tam Episcopi quàm caeteri leudes timentes Brunichildem etc. i. The Men of Burgundy, as well Bishops as other of the Common people. For so Leudes signifies. And anciently with us here, the Citizens of London were called Barones London. Cum impossibile sit (saith an old Monument touching the pleas of the Crown held at the Tower, for the City) Baronibus & universis concivibus London aliunde transire in placitis Coronae quam per manus Regis & justiciariorum suorum, Necesse est Baronibus & civibus universis, gratiam & benevolentiam eorum captare. And in a Writ of y Placit. Hill. 11. Hen. 3. rot. 12. Dower brought for lands in the Suburbs, veniunt Maiores & alij Barones London, et dicunt quod hoc spectat ad Communitatem Civitatis, & petunt libertatem suam, & habent. So z Rot. Claus. 3. Ed. 1. memb. 6. Barones de Feversham: and at this day, the Barons of the Cinque Ports. And more such are in Records and Story, of those times. Neither did Barones so signify otherwise then in later time Homines of such a Town, which is very frequent and every where. Now as Comes, being indifferently in its own genuine sense to others than they of the Dignity, was yet, by use of time, made a special word for him which was Comes Imperatoris, so Baro originally signifying a Man, and withal a Servant, or Minister, or Officer, grew at length to denote specially the King's Man, Servant, Tenant, or Officer, of better note, constituted with some kind of jurisdiction in some Territory, which being less than either those of Dukes, Marquesses, Counts, or Viscounts, was known only by the name of a Barony, which also, as it expressed a feudal territory or Seigneurie, was a common name to all those other Dignities or Seigneuries, which were immediate to the Crown of France or the Empire. The French say Baronnie est toute Seigneurie premiere, apres la Soweraine, du Roy mouuant directement de sa Corronne. But this, as their Baronies were anciently. And accordingly was the word Baron with them extended, as in the Empire also Capitaneus Regis vel Regni, which comprehended alike, upon the testimony of the Feudall laws. Dux, Marchio, & Comes (say they) feudum dare possunt, qui propriè Regni vel Regis Capitanei dicuntur, and also Valuasores maiores, of whom more anon. But as Capitaneus and Ualuasor was also appropried to special Dignities beneath a Count, so also Baron hath been. These Titles indeed all three being allowed, specially as the greatest for distinction, to such as having Territory and jurisdiction (or droit de policy, as the French call it) were notwithstanding not to be honoured with any of the superior: Whereupon that of Baldus a Ad C. I●not●it. tit. de Electione. is, that a Baron is he which hath Merum & Mistum imperium in castro aliquo sive oppido ex concessione ' Principis. And such, being at fi●st only, whose tenors were immediate from the Crown, have long since ceased in France. And it's anciently affirmed in their Grand Coustumier that of this kind there were then but three in all France: that is Bourbon, Coucy, and Beavieu, which as the other before like them, no longer now remain with the name and substance of that former Title. By the substance, I mean their being immediate Tenancies of the Crown, or as we say in Chief. And (that we may once admonish so) a Tenure of the Crown is when it's of the King as he is King and personal: but of the King only, is when it's of him by reason of some Seigneurie escheated, or by some other means come to his hands, as by inheritance or the like. But when in the superior Dignities, rights of sovereignty were, for the most part, all the true ancient Baronies became subject under those usurping Dukes, Marquesses, and Counts, 〈…〉 else got to themselves as great Titles. And then they, a●d the other Dukes and Counts, as a point of sovereignty, also made Barons under themselves, known by that name, and upon dissolution of those ancient Dukedoms, and Counties (whereof already) those inferior Baronies became to be held of the King, but not as of the Crown, and so at this day continue in all France. Whence it follows (as L'Oyseau observes) that Barons there now are all (as Baron is a special Title) mediocres Signior, because none of the ancientest and first kind remain, but all are as part or Tenancies of the reunited Dukedoms or Counties. Thus than the word Baro signifying a Man (as some will a Freeman) and also applied to a Servant or minister, became in the Empire and in France to denote a Dignity and Seigneurie. It's used in Picardy at this day (as also in our Common laws) for a husband, exactly therein agreeing perhaps with Vir i. Man and husband. But it's noted that in the Customs of Picardy and elsewhere often occurs, que la femme a son marry a Baron, which L'Oyseau interprets, that the Wife is in manu potestateque Viri taking Baron there as it signifies a Dignity or superior power. But if a feminin exposition should be upon that text, it's more likely that Baron should be taken for a Servant or Minister, so that the Wife might be Master or Mistress. Here twixt Man and Wife, I abstain from judgement. But withal remember the use of Barn or Bern in our North parts for a man-child as it respects the Sex: and an old Metrique Translation hath Heli Beerne that naght is 'gan In the red of wicked man. For blessed is the Man etc. And Cheorlbeorn and Cheorlman in old laws of this Kingdom are the same; both signifying an Ignoble man, and meanest Yeoman. The Grecians of late time writ this name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. One Count Albert is called a Lit. joach. Patriarch. Alex. apud Crus. in Turcograec. lib. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for Baron en scharpfeneok, and b Anonym. de bello sacro apud Meurs. in Gloss. Graeco-barbaro. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they use for a Barony. Every man that hath seen the Stories or Writings of the late semi-barbarous Grecians, knows how usually β is expressed by μπ. For England: the nearest name for Baron was that of Thane, anciently written also Thegn þegen. Of their Thanes are two sorts remembered in King Knouts c v. Leg. Canut. cap. 69. laws. Cyninges' þegen, and medmera þegen, i. The Kings Thanes and a Mean Thane. Sometimes called Thegen & þeoþen i. Thane, and under Thane. The old translation of the Saxon calls the Vnderthane or Mean Thane Mediocris Homo sometimes Homo liberalis. Of them and other Dignities under our Saxons, an old d Ap. Lamb. in Itinerar. Cantij. Fragment thus: The wisest of the people were (weorþscipe wyrþa) worship worthy every one in his rank. Eorl & Ceorl, ð●gn & ðeoden i. Earl Churl, Thane, and Underthane. And if a Churl (called sometimes Cherlman, which, old authority makes the same with Villanus; as Villanus c Merc. leg. vers. lat. cap. 2. is a poor servile Townsman, and understood in the Statut of Merton, cap. VII. differing from Burgensis only as Uilla from Burgus; not as our law now uses it for f Quae servos inter & Villenos erat apud Saxones nostros discrepantia, videra est in Ingulph Notitia Abbatiae Crowlandensis. servus, or a bondslave) thrived, that he had fully five Hides of his own land, a Church and a Kitchen, a Belhouse and (Burgeat) Gate (I have thought that you might interpret it a free passage or resort to: settle & sundernotei a Room and distinct Office in the King's Hall, than was he thenceforth a þegen rightesweorþe i as a Thane. And if a Thane so thrived that he served the King, and road on his journey as of his family, and if he than had a Thane 'mongst his fellows that to the kings tax for Martial expedition (the Saxon is to Cynges' utfare) had five Hides of land chargeable, and had served his Lord in the King's Court (on Cynges settle) and had gone thrice to the King on his Lord's errand, He (i. this less Thane or Vnderthane) might afterward, doing his fealty (mid his g v. Const. Forest Canuti §. 12 f●r●þe) play his Lord's part at any need. And if a Thane so thrived that he became an earl he was thenceforth as an earl. And if a Merchant (Massere) so thrived that he passed thrice over the wide Sea of his own Craft, he was thenceforth a Thane. For the better understanding of this Monument, a word or two. What an Eorle was, already. Touching the Thanes (by that name) I add that the division of Them is expressly also in other of K. Cnouts h Constit. Forest. Canut. §. 1. & 2. laws, into Thanes and less Thanes. Sint iam deinceps (saith he) quatuor ex liberalioribus Hominibus qui habent saluas suas debitas consuetudines, Quos Angli þegens appellant. So you must read, and not Paegened as the print is corrupted. Then sint sub quolibet horum quatuor ex mediocribus hominibus, quos Angli i Non Lespegend ut perperàm in vulgatâ Chartâ Canuti. les ðegens (i. less Thanes, which elsewhere is anciently translated also by mediocres homines) nuncupant, Dani verò young men vocant, locati, qui curam & onus tum Viridis tum Veneris suscipiant. Of these the first four seem to have been as those which later time have styled Verderors of the Forest, and the other four as Regardors. This last four had nothing to do with administration of justice in the Forest, but were as less Thanes, beneath in dignity to the first called Thanes generally; yet were ranked in the comprehensive name of Eoldormen, which either were, as 'mongst these, of a far different note and worth from those spoken of in the Chapter of Counts, or else the instructing testimony is insufficient. Its words are thus: In administranda justitia (says K. Cnouts k Constit. Forest. §. 3. & 21. Constitution of those four less Thanes) nullatenus volo ut tales se intromittant: mediocrésque tales post Ferarum Curam susceptam pro Liberalibus semper habeantur, qu●s Dani Ealdermen appellant. Plainly the Ealdorman, which was for Sheriff, and is sometimes called Comes, was of much better place and (by his place) dignity than a Thane. For in Athelstans' laws an Ealdormans worth is accounted eight times as much as a Thanes. Therefore how can those officiary Ealdermen or Sheriffs be the same with these Ealdermen here, which are beneath Thanes? I do as much suspect the text, as think that Ealdermen was a general name for those liberales there spoken of. Yet also, as Aldermen are now in Cities and Corporations, they are l v leg. Confessoris edit. à Lambardo. affirmed to have been in the Saxon times. But I confess I dare not with certainty affirm hereof any thing, until I know more. But, that Alderman was, since the Normans, extended much further than to those of Corporations or the like, appears both in the name given to a petit Officer in some Manors, and also (if I deceive not myself) in an old Roll of m Placit. ap. Cicestriam 47. Hen. 3. Rot. 48. & 49. Hen. III. where of an Eire held at Chichester, the presentments are, out of every Hundred, set under his Rape, and over every Hundred is written (before the jurors) Alder. juratorum with a name prefixed, then Electores juratorum with two names, and next the Presenters. What Alder. is, if not Aldermannus, I have not yet at all understood. Touching the Hides of land there spoken of: divers are the opinions of the quantity of a hide, some make it a * v. Roger. de Hoveden part. 2 fol. 443. post illorum Turbam, qui de hac re. hundred Acres, others (and with them our Monks usually concur in their Stories) the same with a Carve, that is a Plough land. What the certainty is, I could not yet satisfy myself. But it's plain that the ancient Taxes and Subsidies extraordinarily paid to the Crown, were chief levied by hides, and are called Hydagia or Hydagium; a word used in K. Edreds' Charter to the Abbey of Crowland dated DCCCC. XLVIII. where the print of Ingulphus hath falsely Hydagro, for Hydagio. By Hides chief the land of the Kingdom was reckoned in doomsday, and the Aides taken in the infancy of the Norman State here, was Hydage. Every one knows so, that knows the stories of that time. Sunt (saith n De Acq. Rex. Dom. lib. 2. cap. 16. §. 8. Bracton) quaedam communes praestationes, quae seruitia non dicuntur, nec de consuetudine veniunt nisi cum necessitas interuenerit, vel cum Rex venerit, sicut sunt Hidagia, Coraagia (so is the print; I would willingly read Foragia, serving well for the King's provision, as in the Empire anciently Fodrum) & Caruagia, & alia plura de necessitate & ex consensu communi Totius Regni introducta. Here he makes a difference of Hydagia and Caruagia, whence it should follow that hide and Carve are different. And so will it appear plainly that they are, if you but observe that transcript of part of doomsday, inserted by Ingulph in his story of Crowland. That Caruagium is also Carucagium. Eodem tempore (saith Matthew Paris, speaking of Hen. III.) caepit Rex Carucagium, scilicet duas marcas de Caruca ad maritagium sororis suae Isabellae. She was to be married to Frederique II. who had for her portion XXX. M. Marks. But, whatsoever a hide properly was, resolve of two things touching it. First, that it was not alike in all places, but, as a Yard land at this day, very uncertain, varying according to custom of Countries, as indeed the Acre doth a so. Secondly, that it was anciently the chief note of extraordinary Taxation, and that land subject to those special Praestationes (as Bracton calls them) was named Hydata, and what was discharged, non Hydata. For testimony, receive this out of a very ancient Court book belonging heretofore to the Abbey of Ramsey, and now in my hands. Inquisitto facta o Temp. Hen. 3. apud Cranfeild die sabbati proximante festum Sancti Valentini Anno Domini Ranulphi Abbatis XIIII supper Terram Hydatam & non Hydatam tam liberorum quam Villanorum & seruicia eorum & consuetudines per Robertum filium Katerinae, Simon de la Bu●ne, Ricardum ad Ecclesiam etc.— Dicunt quod nesciunt quot acrae faciunt Virgatam quia aliquando XLVIII. acrae faciunt Virgatam & aliquando pauciores. Quatuor V●●gatae faciunt Hydam. Dominicum non est Hydatum. Persona tenet Terram sed nescitur quantam. Nihil inde facit Domino Abbati. Quia est Eleemosyna non est Hydata. Willelmus le Heir tenet dimidiam Virgatam de antiquo feoffamento— dat Hydagium cum evenerit, nihil aliud facit. Ricardus de la Bu ne tenet unam Virgatam— dat Hydagium quantum pertinct ad Virgatam, cum evenerit; and thus of divers: where less parcels than a hide, pay, according to their quantity, Hydage. Then follows: Terrae quae sunt extra Hydam, & quae non daunt Hydagium, with a catalogue of divers tenants names, lands, and tenors, and subscription of Non dat Hydagium, nec facit Forinsecum; and it seems that all of them were such as had discharge of Hydage by claiming under the seisin of the Abbots, after the immunity granted. But at a Court holden there not long after, the presentment was expressly, In Cranfeild sunt XII. Hydae, una Virgata & dimidia, & una Cotland, quae continet Tertiam partem unius Virgatae praeter Dominicum Curiae, quod, non scitur, quantum contineat. Sic computatur quantum ad Abbatem. Tota enim Villata cum Dominico computatur quantum ad Regem pro X Hydis. Quatuor Virgatae faciunt Hydam. XLVIII. Acrae faciunt Virgatam. So that by their account CXCII. Acres made a hide. I offer this to consideration about the hide, and leaving what others have spoken of it, but to no sufficient satisfaction, I, for this place, also leave it. Some other matters in that Saxon fragment, ingeniously I acknowledge, pass my conceit; nor can I yet understand them. Those Thanes are in old Charters comprehended (if I deceive not myself) under name of Ministri, and Ministri Regis. In the subscription to K. Edreds', to the Abbot of Crowland, after the Lords spiritual, the Eorles, and Eoldormen (by the title of Deuces or Comites, and Vicecomites) follow ✚. Ego Harceus Minister interfui. ✚. Ego Athelwardus Minister aspexi. and in one of K. Cnut, dated M. XXXII. ✚. Ego Turkillus Minister Regis audivi ✚. Ego Alfgerus Minister Regis aspexi. and divers like are in others, the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, being truly interpreted by Minister, or Seruiens, whence in the Prince's word Ic Dien is, for Ic 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. Ego seruio. They were called also Tanij. In doomsday: Tanius vel Miles Regis Dominicus moriens, pro Relevamento dimittebat Regi omnia arma sua, & equum unicum cum Sella & alium sine Sella. Understand of the King's Thanes in Berkshire only; and note that Relevamentum is there only for the Saxon Heregeat, as our Heriot, i. a Payment or Duty to the Lord. It's commonly affirmed that before the Normans the name of Baron was not in use here. I will not be against it, although, in K. Cnuts laws of the Forest, occurs, Episcopi, Abbates, & Barones non calumniabuntur pro venatione, si non Regales feras occiderint. And, notwithstanding that in the Confessors laws Barones be so reckoned also after Comites, I impute both these testimonies to later time and translation out of Saxon into Latin under the Normans, as also that of the same King's laws, cited by most learned Camden (to this purpose) in these words: Exercituale Vitonis sive Baronis Regis, qui est proximus ei, quatuor Equi. Understand by Exercituale, a Heryot. But the Saxon of that remains, and speaks in this manner. And syþþan p Leg. Canuti cap. 69. Cynninges ðegnes Heregeate ðe him nihste sindon FOUR horse: of which that Latin is even a verbal interpretation. In our English thus: And let the Heryot of the King's Thane that is nearest to him be iv Horse. And whereas Florence of Worcester speaks of one Adelwald under K. Edward son to Alfred, by the name of Minister Regis, Henry of Huntingdon expressy calls him Baro Regis. These conclude the identity of Thanes and Barons, in name. It next follows with a clearer passage, to show what our Norman Barons were. When the Conqueror subjecteth most lands in the kingdom to Military and honorary Tenors, as in making hereditary Earls; he likewise invested others in smaller Territories, with base jurisdiction, and they were Barons, and had their Courts called Court Barons, whence, that name to this day, remains, as an Incident to every Manor. Because, such as had not the dignity of Count, yet had special Territories with jurisdiction given them, of part whereof they enfeofft others to hold of them, as they of the King, generally were styled Barons, or the King's Barons, provided that their lands and Manors were of sufficient revenue and quality to make what was accounted a Barony, which was XIII. knight's Fees, and a Third part, whereof more anon where we speak of Knights. So that their Honour was not in those ancient times given by Writ or Patent, but came à Censu or from their possessions, and Tenure. When the beginning of this value of a Batonie was, I find not, but plainly it was since the Normans; and, it seems, as Men of the better rank and Citizens (as before is showed) were generally called Barones, as they were Homines or Tenentes, so some more specially honoured by the King's Bounty with so many Knight's Fees, or possessing as much (I think) by mesne tenors, were accounted for honorary and parliamentary Barons. Where note how the Dignity differed from the general name. An old Treatise thus justifies it: Item summoneri & venire debent (ad Parlamentum) omnes & singuli Comites, Barones, & eorum Pares, scilicet illi qui habent Terras ad Valentiam Comitatus integri, videlicet viginti feoda unius militis, quolibet feodo computato ad viginti libratas quae faciunt Quadringentas libratas, in vel ad valentiam unius Baroniae integrae videlicet tresdecim feoda & tertiam partem unius feodi Militis quolibet feodo computato ad viginti libratas, quae faciunt in toto Quadringentas Marcas, & nulli minores Laici summoneri, nec venire debent ad Parliamentum ratione Tenurae suae nisi eorum presentia alijs de Causis fucrit utilis vel necessaria ad Parliamentum. This is out of the Modus Tenendi Parliamentum, qui recitatus suit (as the title is) coram Willielmo Deuce. Normanniae Conquestore & Rege Angliae, ipse Conquestore hoc praecipiente, & per ipsum approbatus & suis Temporibus, & etiam Temporibus successorum suorum Regum Angliae usitatus. But trust not to its pretended Antiquity. It cannot be of the Conqueror's age. Many men have copies of it, but none hath ever been seen very ancient. Yet it proves, that since the Normans, all such as had the XIII. Knight's Fees, and a third part, were Peers to Barons, and upon the matter Barons; that is, to be summoned to Parliament. And I guess, that the distinction of Barons, and Pares Baronum, is as much as if you should say, such as being immediate tenants to the King, of that worth, were the King's Barons, and such as had alike possessions, but not honoured with an immediate Crown Tenure, were, as those King's Barons, to be in Parliament: as in Rome the Equites illustres, i. such as possessed a Senator's wealth, had fair hope of being Senators, and wore the latus claws of Senators, were q V Lips. Comment. ad Tacit. Annal. 11. num. 15. pari, cum Senatoribus, gradu. Which makes me think (but with doubt) that before Henry III. as well Barons * v. Camdeni Northumbriam. of Earls (if of like worth) as the King's Barons came all to Parliament. For not only the Counts Palatine had their Barons to attend on them in their Courts (whereof see the learned Clarenceulx in his Cheshire) But, also other Earls, and by that name. Willielmus Comes Glocestriae Dapifero suo & Omnibus Baronibus suis & hominibus Francis & Anglis salutem, saith a Deed, in my hands, of William Earl of Gloucester under Henry II. And nothing is more common in old Charters of Earls of those times, then Omnibus Baronibus, Militibus, Hominibusque meis, which I would translate to all my tenants of whole Baronies, to all such as hold of me by Knight's service, and to my other Tenants. Neither was the title of Prince due to any (by ancient opinion) which had not some Barons under him. Yet Earls and all above them are clearly Princes. Therefore in the r Th. de Walsingham. A. 1278. Concord twixt Lewhelin Prince of Wales, and Edward I. five Barons about Snowdon, and their Homages were reserved to Lewhelin, quia se Principem convenienter vocare non posset, nisi sub se aliquos Barones haberet ad vitam suam. And the King had Barones suos, so distinguished. An old s Placit. apud Theokesb. coram W. de Ralegh, ante Pentecost. 18. Hen. 3 rot. 1. in dors. Sussex. Record: Dominus Rex mandavit Petro de Rivallis, quod mitteret ei Willielmum Filium & Heredem johannis de Breuse, eo quod debuit esse Baro suus, & Homo suus ad Nutriendum in Domo sua. And Barones Regis & ipsius Archiepiscopi atque illorum Episcoporum homines multi are remembered in an old plea t In praefat. D. Ed. Coke ad Commentar. 9 under the Conqueror between Lanfrank Archbishop of Canterbury, and Odo Bishop of Bayeux. Therefore in the Grand Charter you read Si quis Comitum, vel Baronum nostrorum, sive aliorum tenentium de Nobis etc. because then were there divers Barons which were not immediate Barones Regis, yet, at that time, perhaps parliamentary: where also is confirmed that value of a Barony at CD. Marks yearly revenue; the Relief of the King's Baron, being by ancient custom of England C. Marks. For the Relief is always in the Dignities of this State, the fourth part of the Revenue, as every young Student knows, and is touched in the Chapter of Counts. Yet note that as touching Barons and Counts that custom was not till K. john (when the Grand Charter was first made) or K. Henry III. his time. For De Baronijs (saith u Ita etiam Geruas'. Tilburiensis in Dialog. de Scaccario. Glanuil writing of Reliefs under Hen. II.) nihil certum statutum est quia juxta voluntatem & misericordiam Domini Regis solent Baroniae Capitales, de Relevijs suis, Domino Regi satisfacere. Where, observe the distinction of Baroniae Capitales from such as were of like possessions, but Tenants and Barons to subjects. And it might be collected, that until by this proportion of Relief, brought to a certainty, and grounded upon the value of a Knight's fee (the Relief whereof was by Common law certain) the distinct number of Knights Fees for a Barony was not used. I am as yet of that opinion. Yet such as neither held XIII. Knight's Fees and a third part of the King or any other, were notwithstanding, and by reason of their Dominion and Lordship, titled in those times Barons, that is, every Lord of a Manor, whence, as before is said, the name of Court Baron remains. For in the x 9 Rich. 1. Houed. part. post. sol. 442. & 443. report of the Aid and Hydage granted to Richard 1. the order was, that the Collectors should cause to come before them Senescallos Baronum illius Comitatus, & de qualibet villa Dominum vel Balliwm Uillae, and that for the levying of it, quilibet Baro cum Vicecomite facerct districtiones super homines suos. And thus were there in those times three sorts of Barons by Dominion and jurisdiction. Barones Regis, whose Baronies were Capitales. The Barons of Subjects: holding not of the King but by a mesnalitie (and both parliamentary if possessing XIII. Knight's Fees and the third part) but a third rank of such as were Lords of Manors but not of so large possessions or Revenue. Out of this may be understood why, and in what sense Baronagium Angliae Rex & Baronagium suum, and sine assensu Baronagij sui, or Barnagij sui, so often occur in our old stories; taken, as well for the King and the whole State sometimes, as for the Greater Nobility. For although Counts had not then their special creations into Barons, as of later time, yet having their Revenue of CCCC. pounds, they were Comites or Comitum Pares, and so the lest value (which was the possessions of the Baron, the lest of the Greater Nobility) being so many Marks, that all might be comprehended, the general name of Baronagium, sometimes Barnagium was applied: and in that kind by the name of Barony, one anciently y Gower prolog. in Confess. Amantis. speaks of the whole Nobility; The Privilege of Regalie Was safe, and all the Barony Worshipped was in his estate. and. an old z Chez Cl. and Fanchet d Orig. liure 2. chap. 5. Romant of the French: De Courtoise & de Bernage Ot il assez en son courage. Where Bernage (for Baronage) is taken (saith Fauchet) for Noblesse; perhaps rather for Humanity. But sometimes Rex & Baronagium suum, is for the King and all his subjects, or the whole Parliament representing them. And so it comes from Baron as it interprets a Man or Tenant; as if you should say, Rex & Homines sui. Out of this discourse is understood also why every Lord of a Manor hath his Court Baron, and why our Plea in the Common-law, of Horse de son Fee, is expressed in a Mich. 5. Ed. 2. fol. 66. Ms. Int. Temp. Biblioth. Cas. Walton & Cowike. ancient time by Horse de Vostre Barony; and how a Tenure per Baroniam might then be of a subject, as also what is b West. 2. cap. 46. v. 23. Ed. 3. fol. 11. Cas. 9 tenere per Baroniam & per partem Baroniae, and what the demanding of a Barony by Writ, in our year-books, is, whereof examples are 1. Ed. 3. fol. 9 b, Lovedayes assize, 18. Ed. 2. tit. Assize 382. 2. Ed. 3. fol. 6. b. and such more; and how the Tenors of all Baronies were in c Case Seigneur Cromwell. Report. 1. fol. 81. Chief; if you understand (as you must) the Regiae, or Capitales Baroniae. Of these it seems was that number of CCL. which Henry III. reckoned in his Devotions at S. Albon. Nominavit (saith Matthew ᵈ Paris) Dominus Rex & numeravit omnes Angliae, quarum ei occurrit memoria, Baronias, invenitque Ducentas & Quinquaginta. Of them only now, and parliamentary Barons; leaving all other Notions of the word. It may easily be guest, that when every one had by his revenue of CCCC. Marks a place in Parliament as a Baron, they were very numerous. Whereupon Hen. III. after his peace made with Simon of Montfort and his faction, Statuit & ordinavit (as out of an ancient, the learned Clarenceulx cities) quod omnes illi Comites & Barones Regni Angliae quibus ipse Rex dignatus est Brevia summonitionis dirigere venirent ad Parlamentum suum, & non alij nisi fortè Dominus Rex alia illis Brevia dirigere voluisset. This was in XLVIII. Hen. III. And the ancientest summons of Parliament now remaining 'mongst the Records, is in the e Claus. 49. Hen. 3. memb. 3. part. 1. year following. But we have Statutes and Parliaments of elder time, as that of the Grand Charter first made in the XVII. of K. john at a Parliament (or what was in those troubled times, as one) held in Runingmed, between Stanes and Windsor XV. of june, and that at Merton in XX. of Hen. III. to omit the Testimonies of the Saxon Wittenagemot●s or Micil syndod●s (as they called them) and the Parliaments held under the Normans of ancienter time, as the I. and II. Henry's, whereof our Stories enough. And in those Parliaments, as is showed, so many Barons as would (by Barons I understand here all the Greater Nobility) after notice of the King's purpose, came and sat with him; whereof, because an example is in the more obscure Rolls of those times, and since the Grand Charter, giving light also to some old passages of our Common-laws, being subscribed with particular names of Barons then assisting, and as yet never published truly out of the Record, the fault of Digression, I suppose, will be as none, if I communicate the form as it speaks. In a plea Roll in the Tower, the bundle thus titled: Placita apud Theokesburiam coram W. de Ralegh, & Godfredo de Crauwecumbe ante Pentecosten, anno Regis Henrici F. Regis johannis XVIII. is found; f Placit. 18. Hen. 3. rot. 15. apud Westmonasterium. Provisum est coram Domino Rege, Archiepiscopo Cantuariensi, Episcopis, Comitibus, Baronibus & alijs Magnatibus & Consilio Domini Regis (by Consolium, D. R. understand the judges, which in the years of Ed. III. often occur by the name of Counsel du Roy) quod nulla Assisa capiatur Vltimae presentationis de Caetero de Ecclesijs prebendis, nec de prebenda (This of Prebends is falsely under 19 Hen. III. in some of our g 19 H. 3. tit. Darr. Present. 23. Fitzh. Nat. Br. & Regist. Origin. vide vero. West. 〈◊〉. cap. 5. Books) Item eodem die provisum est coram eisdem quod omnes viri Religiosi quicunque sunt & qui habent ecclesias parochiales in proprios usus, habeant de caetero h juris Vtrum. Assisas ad Recognoscendum utrum seodum etc. sit libera eleemosyna etc. eodem modo & per eadem verba secundum quod elerici Rectores Ecclesiarum illas habent etc. & vocentur Personae in brevibus sicut & Clerici, exceptis Ecclesijs conventualibus & earum feodis, de quibus nullae huiusmodi i Ita judicatum est P. 15. Hen. 3 Bract. lib. 4. tractat. 5. cap. 2. §. 2 cas. Prioris de Lewes & Gilberti de Aquila. Assisae capiantur. And in the same Roll on the backside. Die iovis proximo post festum Sancti Dionysijs anno Regis Henrici filii R. johannis XVIII. coram Domino Rege & à subscriptis, provisum fuit & concessum à Domino Rege & à subscriptis omnibus & alijs, quod de caetero cum talis Bastardia obijciatur alicui in Curia Domini Regis, quod natus fuit ante matrimonium contractum inter patrem suum & matrem suam, mittatur loquela ad Episcopum loci adinquirendum, utrum talis natus fuit ante predictum matrimoniam vel post, it a quoth in inquisicione illa, cesset omnis appellatio, sicut in simplici Bastardia, de qua placitum transmissum erit ad Curiam Christianitatis, ita quod nulla appellatio inde fiat extra Regnum. Et ideo de Cetero ita teneatur, tam de illis, de quibus judicium est faciendum in Curia Domini Regis, quam de placitis, quae nondum incipiuntur, cum talis bastardia obijciatur. All this is in Bracton, but as if it were part of the Statut of k Vide Stat. Merton cap. 9 Merton it being indeed two years before. And how it differs from the Common law in later times, every one sees, which knows that special Bastardy is triable per Pais, and not by the Ordinaries certificate. The same of Darrain presentment, & juris Vtrum, which is in the first side of the Roll, is here again in some different words, but the same substance, added, with subscription of E. Cant. Archiepiscopus R. Cicestrensis Domini Regis Cancellarius. R. Dunelmensis Episcopus Episcopus Eliensis Episcopus Norwicensis Episeopus Londinensis Episcopus Bathoniensis Episcopus Exoniensis Episcopus Carleolensis Episcopus Herefordensis Episcopus Roffensis. Comites. R. Com. Cornubiae & Pictaviae. G. Comes Marescallus. I. Com. Lincolniae. W. Com. Warreniae. I. Com. Cestriae. W. Com. de Ferrarijs. Th. Com. Warwici. H. Com. Kanciae H. de Ver Com. Oxoniae. H. Com. Hereford. Simon de Monteforti. He was then Earl of Leicester but not so there named. Radulphus de Thony Philippus de Albiniaco. Radulphus Filius Nicholai. Herbertus filius Matthei. I. Marescallus. Galfredus de Lucy. Richardus de Argentine. Hugo Dispensator. Willielmus de Say. Willielmus Bardolf. Willielmus de Cantelupo senior. Willielmus de Cantelupo junior. Ricardus Siward. Godefride de Crauwcumbe. Almaricus de S. Amando Bertram de Curia. Engelard de Eigong●y. Robertus de Muchegros. Rad. de Paunton. Herbertus de Lucy. Ricardui filius Hugonis. How these names are corrupted in Bracton, his printed l De Exceptionibus lib. 5. cap. 19 §. 2. copy shows. But he expressly and well calls all of these subscribed, Barons. This by the way. After that Constitution under Henry III. which his son Edward I. and his continued successors more specially observed, none have been accounted Barons (as honorary) but such as have been so called by Writ to Parliament (of what revenue soever they be) or created into that Dignity by Patent. But Creations by Patent were not in use till Richard II. who first made john of Beauchamp of Holt; Steward of the Household, Baron of Kiderminster by a Charter in XI. of his reign. The Patent m Pat. II. Rich. 2. part. I. memb. 12. thus:— Sciatis quod, pro bonis & gratuitis seruitijs, quae dilectus & fidelis Miles noster johannes de Beauchamp de Holt Senescallus Hospitij nostri, nobis impendit, ac loco per ipsum tempore Coronationis nostrae bucusque impensis, & quem pro Nobis tenere poterit in futurum in nostris Consilijs & Parliamentis necnon pro nobili & fideli genere unde descendit, ac pro suis Magnificis sensu & circumspectione, ipsum johannem in unum parium ac Baronum Regni nostri Angliae praefecimus, volentes quod idem johannes & haeredes masculi de Corpore suo exeuntes statum Baronis obtineant ac Domini de Beauchamp & Barones de Kiderminster nuncupentur: In cuius etc. T. Rege apud Wodestock 10. Octobris. The Law hath been since taken, that Baron or not Baron (as Duke or Not Duke; and so of the other created Titles by Record) is triable only by Record, and not by the Country. Whereas anciently when their Revenue and possessions gave the Name, or made them Barons, it might be triable by the Country. Yet in ancient time after Hen. III. the Tenure n 22. Ed. 3. fol. 18. a. 24. Ed. 3. fol. 66. a. 48. Ed. 3. fol. 30. b. ubi Baro Parlamentarius per partem solummodo Baroniae tenet. & consulas Stat. West. 2 cap. 46. per Baroniam, was in parliamentary Barons specially respected, and perhaps till the form of Creation by Patent came in use, none were (or few) called to Parliament, but such as held per Baroniam, or (as Briton calls it) en Barony, which after that of Hen. III. very likely is to be always taken for Baronia Capitalis, and immediate of the King. Neither was it likely that he would summon any but his own (the Kings) Barons: as at this day all the Parlamentarie are. When they are at first summoned or created, their denominating Territory is always some Lordship or Manor, which sufficiently tastes of their ancient being. And those two courses only of making them are at this day in use; which notwithstanding is to be understood of Lay Barons, or Lords Temporal. For, the Lords or Barons Spiritual have not now this Honour so much personal, as feudal, and by reason of their Temporalties, being Baronies. They had not (saith Stanford a most learned judge of the Common law) their names ratione Nobilitatis, sed ratione Officij; and indeed ratione Baroniarum quas de Rege tenent. So that in them Baro & Baronia (merely as it was, in most ancient time, taken) concur as Coniugata; which in Lay men before that Constitution of Henry III had like being. These Spiritual Lords now are only Bishops. Heretofore there were of them both Abbots and Priors; but all Bishops were ever parliamentary Barons, not all Abbots and Priors. To some only was that allowed and 'mongst them the Prior of S. john's of jerusalem was Primus o Camdenus. Baro Angliae, and Froissart calls him Le grand Priour d'angleterre du Temple. But in the Rolls sometime are many of them summoned which elsewhere are as often omitted. And in that of XLIX. Hen. III. are IXU. Abbots, XXXV. Priors, and the Master of the Temple. Of those Ecclesiastical Fees being Baronies, thus Matthew Paris, speaking of William I. Episcopatus quoque (saith he) & Abbatias omnes quae Baronias tenebant, & eatenus ab omni servitute seculari libertatem habuerant, sub servitute statuit Militari, irrotulans singulos Episcopatus & Abbatias pro voluntate sua, quot milites sibi & successoribus suis, hostilitatis tempore voluit à sirgulis exhiberi. Et Rotulas huius Ecclesiasticae servitutis ponens in thesauris, multos viros Ecclesiasticos huic Constitutioni pessimae reluctantes regno fugavit. But in their summons, the Lay Barons are never saluted Barons, but by the French word Chevalier, so expressed in the Writ being in Latin. Only in ancient times where the Catalogues of them are in the Rolls, two occur sometimes with the addition of Baro, that is, Baro de Stafford, and Baro de Greistok. Neither have they in their Creation (except their Robes) any more ceremony than a Charter given, expressing some place denominating them Of their Banner, more where we speak of Bannerets. We usually style them Lords, as the Dutch their Heeren, or Freeheeren. But that name with us is but of courtesy. For, it includes not, of necessity, Baron, nor is any distinct Dignity, as appears by a case where the Writ was p Ita n. à jurisperitiss. intelligitur Casus ille 8. Hen. 6. fol. 10. v. Cas. Comitiss. Rutland. Relat. part. 6. Praecipe johanni Lovel Militi, and the exception to it was, that john Lovel Knight was a Lord (Signior) not named so, but disallowed. Whereas the law had gone plainly otherwise, if it had been, that he was a Baron of Parliament not named so, and the party had withal showed to the Court a Writ signifying the same. Yet Signior is only used for a Baron in our q 22. Ed. 4. cap. 1. D'Apparaile Statutes, and the word Dominus is that which the law uses in expressing a Baron when he is either Plaintiff or Defendant, as Henricus Barkeley Miles Dominus Barkeley, and versus Georgium Zouch, Dominum Zouch, Saintmaure, & Cantelupe, which occur in Plowden. So that the name of Honour given to a Baron in legal proceed, is always but Dominus with addition of the denominating place. But when the privilege of being a Baron is challenged, or exception for not naming the party so, testimony of Record must be produced, that he is Baro Regni, and that he hath vocem & locum in Parlamento, as the books are. Which Difference for the name of Lord is observable; and to be understood r 48. Assiss pl. vlt. 48. Ed. 3. fol. 30. b. 35. Hen. 6. fol. 46. a. chief of Temporal Barons. But also both that of Lord and Baron is at this day by usual application of language, attributed with us to some which are neither by law: as, especially since the use of making every Earl, first a Baron of some place (which began, as most worthy Clarenceulx teaches, about Hen. VIII.) it hath been a custom to style their heirs apparent Lords and Barons, with the title of their Father's Barony: so of Viscounts their heirs apparent. But this is only a piece of Courtship and mere fashion; Yet allowed in Heraldry: wherein Tiptosts rule (he was Earl of Worcester, and High Constable of England under Hen. VI) is that the eldest son of every one of a created degree is as of the next degree under him, which may be applied to Dukes, marquesses, and the rest. But in legal proceed they enjoy no such matter, nor have by their being heirs apparent, any prerogative of the Greater Nobility. The same is to be affirmed of a Duke's son and heir, whom custom titles by his father's Earldom, as the example was in s 38. Hen. 8. lit. Treason 2. Henry called Earl of Surrey, and son to the Duke of Norfolk, under Henry VIII. being attainted of Treason by a common jury, and not by Peers or Barons, because he was in law as one of the meaner or less Nobility. In Scotland before t Reguavit sub Ann. Christi M. X. alij haec Malcolmo III. ferunt. is sub M. LX. rerum potitus. Malcolm II. was no dignity above Knights, but only Thanes, which (it seems) were with them as with our Saxons; Superioribus seculis (saith Buchanan) praeter Thanos, hoc est prefectos Regionum, sive Toparchas, & Quaestorem rerum Capitalium nullum honoris nomen Equestri ordine altius fuerat, quod apud Danos observari adhuc audio. Some interpret their Thane by quaestor u Hector Boet. hist. Scotic. 12. Regius, or Steward; and deliver that the chief Steward of Scotland was called Abthan. Whereof thus Buchanan also. Hic magistratus (that is the Great Steward of Scotland) census omnes Regios colligit: jurisdictionem etiam, qualem conventum praefecti, habet, ac prorsus idem est cum eo quem Priores Thanum appellabant. Atque nunc sermone Anglico patrium superante, Regionum Thani plerisque in locis Stuarti vocantur: & qui illis erat Abthanus, nunc Stuartus Scotiae nominatur. Paucis in locis vetus Thani nomen adhuc manet. So he, speaking of Walter nephew to Banquho by his son Fleanch, created Abthan or great Steward of Scotland by Malcolm III. from whom that Royal name of Steward or Stuart had its origination; and began first to be honoured with a Crown in their Robert II. the honour of the Office being part always of his birthright who is Prince of Scotland. They have also, agreeable with the identity of Thane and Steward, certain Stewarties at this day. But the word with them signified questionless as with us anciently, and was of the same Saxon root. For their right Scotish or Irish x Sken. in Reg. Maiestat. lib. 4. cap. 31. called a Thane, Tosche, and the son of a Thane Mac-tosche. But after Malcolm his bringing in of Barons, Thanes remained as a distinct name of dignity, and vanished not at the innovation of new honours, as at our Norman Conquest. In their Statutes of K. William, are reckoned Comites, Barones, & Thani. He reigned about M. C. LXX. after Christ. So in the Statutes of his son Alexander II. In their laws a Thane was reckoned equal with the son of an Earl, after they had Earls. The y Reg. Mayest. lib. 4. cap. 36. & 38. Cro and the Kelchyn of them were both alike, as the Merchet of a Thanes daughter and an Ochern's: an Irish or Scotish name of z Stat. Alexand. 2. cap. 15. & Reg. Maiestat. lib. 4. cap. 31. Dignity, expressed by the word Ogetharius also. Yet it seems that the Baron and Thane were often and most usually confounded, because where Earls, Earls sons, Thanes, Ochierns and the like are distinguished by their Crows, the name of Baron occurs not. The eldest testimony of this Title with them is in the laws attributed to Malcolm Mackeneth, that is their II. of that name which first divided (as they say) the Kingdom into Baronies. Dominus Rex Malcolmus (the words are) dedit & distribuit totam Terram Regni Scotiae Hominibus suis: Et nihil sibi retinuit nisi Regiam Dignitatem & * The Mute Hill of Scone. Montem placiti in villa de Scone. Et ibi omnes BARONES concesserunt sibi Wardam & Relevium de haerede cuiuscuuque Baronis defuncti, ad sustentationem Domini Regis. And to these Barons with jurisdiction he granted (saith Hector) Fossam & Furcam i. Pit and Gallows. Whereupon Skene, a curious searcher of his own Country antiquities of this kind, tells us that In Scotland he is called one Barronne quha haldis his Lands immediately in Chief of the King, and hes power of Pit and Gallows and Infangtheife a Haec n. adiunxit ad Malcolmi leges, ijs quae in De Verb. significat. habet, I. Skene. & videses Parl. 6. jacob. 1. cap. 91. & leg. Malcolm. 2. cap. 9 & 13. and Outfangtheife. The Gallows understand as Ours, and for men Theives; and the Pit, a place to drown Women Theives. But generalitèr, saith he, in hoc Regno Barones dicuntur qui tenent terras suas de Rege per seruitium Militare, per Albam firmam per Feudi firmam vel alitèr cum Furca & fossa: & nonnunquam generalissimè accipitur pro quolibet domino Proprietario rei Immobilis. In which that State well agreed with ours anciently; and till of later time, it seems, every Lord or small Baron, denominated from his possession and jurisdiction, came to their Parliament, but that was altered (as with us by Henry III) by their james b 23 jacob. 1. Parl. cap. 101. A. Chr. 1427. & v Parl. II. jacob. 6. cap. 113 & Parl. 5. jacob. 6. cap. 275. the first; and in steed of them, II. Commissaries of every Shrifdome, as our Knights of the Shire, sent to the Parliament. The Act of this alteration thus speaks at large. Item the King with consent of the hail Counsel generally hes Statute and ordained, that the small Baronnes and free tennentes neid not to come to Parliaments nor general Counsels, swa that of ilk Shirefdome their be send, chosen at the head Court of the Shirifdome, twa or maa wise men, after the largeness of the Schirefdome (our ta'en the Schirefdomes of Cl●kmannan and Kinrosse) of the quhilkes one be send of ilk one of them, the quhilk shall be called Comissares of the Schire: and be their Commissares of all the Schires salbe chosen one wise man and expert called the Common speaker of the Parliament, the quhilke shall propone all and sundry neediss and causes pertaining to the Commounes in the Parliament or general Council the quhilkis Commissares shall have full and hail power of all the laif of the Schirefdome under the witnessing of the Scheriffis seal, with the seals of diverse Barrones of the Schire, to hear, treat, and finally to determine all causes to be proponed in Council or Parliament: The quhilkes Comissares and speakers shall have Costage of them of ilk Schire, that awe compeirance in Council or Parliament, and of their rents ilk pound shall be utheris fallow to the contribution of the said Costs. All Bishops, Abbots, Priors, Dukes, Earls, Lords of Parliament, and Banrents the quhilkes the King will be received and summoned to Council and Parltament, be his special precept. So that it seems that before this act every lesser Baronne and Freeholder was bound to come and assist with his presence at their Parliaments; which is confirmed also by other c Parl. 6. jacob. 2. cap. 76. Acts: one thus speaking. Item the Lords thinks speedfull that na Freehalder, that haldis of the King under the some of Twenty Pounds be constrained to come to the Parliament or general Council, as for presence, bot give he be one Baronne, or else be specially of the King's Commandment warned, other be Officiar or be Writ. But under james iv d Parl. 6. jacob. 4. cap. 78. it was enacted that na Baronne, Freehalder, nor Vassal quhilk are within one hundredh marks of this extent, that now is be compelled to come personally to the Parliament, bot give it be that our sovereign Lords writ specially for them. And shall not to be unlaved for their presence, and they send their procurators to answer for them, with the Baronnes of the Schire, or the mayst famous persons. And all that are above the extent of one hundredth marks to come to the Parliament, under the pain of the old vnlaw. Which Acts I have the rather transcribed, because out of them fully appears the difference of their Lords or parliamentary Barons and their Lairds or only Barons by name. For those Freeholders not parliamentary, are no longer honorary, or Barons in the best degree, but merely as possessors of a small Territory, and are (being Lairds) beneath Knights; and with them reckoned as our Commons, which consist in Freeholders. But those other, which are part of the Lords temporal, are in proportion with ours of England. But both theirs and ours are much different from those of France, and of a superior note: for, as is already showed, the French Barons are Signior mediocres, and hold not of the Crown, whereas all both Scotish and English, being parliamentary, have no other Tenure, if you respect the dignity as held, or other original, if you regard their Creations. In e L'oyseau des droicts de Med. Seig. chap. 8. §. 10. France as Dukes, marquesses, Counts and Princes have the privilege of bearing a Coronet on their Armouries, so viscounts, Barons, and Chastellains have the special honour of the Gilt Helmet, and bearing it open. But, saith f Paschal. de Coronis lib. 9 cap. 13. another of France, Barons may wear Non quidem laminam integram & latam sed tenuiorem ac restrictiorem ac veluti circulum, sive gracile vinculum aureum. In Spain, their Ricos hombres, which had Knights Vassals under them anciently (the name, I think, not now used 'mongst them) were nearest as Barons in other States, and, if I am not deceived, are so now called. For a Corollary to this Discourse of Barons, we add (and that enough opportunely) the ancient title of Vacuassours, or Valuasors. They questionless began in the Empire, when the other Dignities of Duke, marquess, and the like. In the name of Valuasores-Regis and Regni and Maiores, were comprehended Duke, marquess, Count, and Capitaneus; howsoever others otherwise interpret. Read this in the beginning of the Feudals: Dux Marchio & Comes feudum dare possunt, qui propriè Regni vel Regis Capitanei dicuntur. Sunt & alij qui ab istis Feuda accipiunt, qui proprie Regis vel Regni Valuasores dicuntur sed hodiè Capitanei appellantur. Qui & ipsi Feuda dare possunt. Some hence infer, that Ualuasores Regis aut Regni, or Maiores, were such as had their Feudal Honour under and from Dukes, Marquesses, or Counts; insisting upon the words sunt & alij qui ab Istis etc. Where, under favour, Istis is to be referred to Regni vel Regis, as if the Composers of those laws had said, there are others also called Capitanei and Valuasores or Capitanei Regis have their best Dignity. Authority of the same laws, in another passage, maintains it; where after an enumeration of the Three chief Feudal Honours, is added: Qui vero a Prineipe vel ab aliqua potestate de plebe aliqua, vel plebis part, per Feudum est investitus, is Capitaneus, appellatur. And then, Qui proprie Valuasores Maiores olim appellabantur. What can be more plain than that Valuasores Maiores are referred to Dux, Marchio, Comes & Capitaneus. So that, as all Dignities above Baron is included in the Baronage, yet Baron a distinct Title; so all were called Capitanei Regis, & Ualuasores Maiores, yet Capitaneus (the same with Valuasour anciently) a particular and separate Dignity. The name of Capitaneus occurs sometimes in the Epistles of Peter de Vineis, Secretary to Frederique II. and the Dignity, in abstract, is called g Pet. de Vineis lib. 6. Epist. 22. Capitania. It was the self same word, which we use in the Wars, Captain. And thence had the later Grecians their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; and for the Office or Dignity 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Neither in the Feudall law is any name more competent to the honorary and Feudall Baron then Capitaneus Regis, or Ualuasor Maior. The Feudalls go on: Qui verò à Capitaneis antiquitùs Beneficium tenent Valuasores sunt. That is, as of necessity it must be understood, Valuasores minores, or simply Valuasores, and thereby distinguished from the other. Qui autem à Valuasoribus Feudum quod à Capitaneis habebatur, similit er acceperint, Valuasini, id est, Minores Valuasores appellantur: where the great Lawyers Hotoman and Cuiacius, not so much regarding the words of the text as the substance of the matter, make the division of Ualuasours into Valuasores Maiores (i. of the first Rank, and Capitanei) Valuasores Minores (simply here called Ualuasores) and Valuasini, or Valuasores Minimi, which are styled here Minores; as if in our language you should say, Lord Paramount, being at lest a Baron (not King) Mesne, and Tenant-peravaile. And all these there were accounted Titles honorary in the Empire, after such time as all Honour discendible became Feudall, whereof more presently. There were anciently Valuasores also in France. jeffrey of Vendosme in an h Goffrid. Vindocinens. lib. 2. Epist. 32. Epistle: Praeter ista & multa alia damna Dominus joannes filius Comitis Vindocinensis, & cum eo quidam Valuassores Milites de Castro Vindocini, quandam Optimam Obedientiam nostram depredati sunt. Where Sirmond the jesuit notes this inscription 'mongst Sugerius his Epistles: Sugerio Abbati Domino suo G. Maior & Valuassores, & tota sancti Richarij Communia. And adds of his own, that Valuasours are the same which they now call Nobiles atque incolae Oppidi alicuius, whereto, without reference to a tenure, I assent not. And a great i Ex Butelerij sum. Rurali Hotomanus in Verbis Feudalibus. Lawyer allows of this definition (or rather description) of their Valuasor: Valuasor dicitur Nobilis, qui summae Coercitionis, non etiam nundinarum & mercatus ius habet. un gentilhome qui a Seigneurie de haute justice. Estque (saith Hotoman) Barone inferior atque ab eo feudum suum obtinet. In the old customs k De parties 〈◊〉 heritage chap. 26. & 34. of Normandy, the tenancy of a Valuassour (understand chief of the meanest) is titled Vavassourie. L'heritage (the words are) est appelli partable en quoy le Seigneur ne puit reclamer null guard, sicome sont Vavassouries, & tout altar tenement villain. Where the French Gloss says that you must take it spoken des vauassouries non noblement tenus, affirming that other Vavassouries there are noblement tenues. These ignoble Vavassouries are elsewhere in the same Custamier remembered, and thus described: Les Vauassouries sont tenues par Sommage & per service de Cheval. Which the Gloss interprets: Parcemot [& par service de Cheval] sont entendus Villains services qui se font a sac & a some lesquels on appelle communement sommages; so to distinguish this service de Cheval from military service known by the name of Chivalry. For, that Somme and Sommage is questionless from the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. that which is laid on a Sumpter-horse, either as his burden, or as the Packsaddle for easier carriage. Whence they call such horses or other beasts so employed, l Suidas & Le● Tactic. cap. 5. §. 7. & cap. 6. §. 29. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because they bear 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i burdens. Hence had the Latins their m Lamprid. in Heliogabal. ubi & vide Is. Casaubon. quin & Isidor. Origin. 20. cap. 16. Sagmarij equi, caballus sagmarius, and mula Sagmaria; and those of the later and more barbarous times turned it into Summarius, and Saumarius; from which, Sommage and n Chart. de Forest. artic. 14. videses Bracton. lib. 2. cap. 16. §. 6. de uno equo & sacco cum brochia. Summagium easily grew; used also in our Law. After the Norman Conquest, Vavassors were in England, and by that name mentioned in the Laws of Henry 1. and perhaps were a kind of feudal dignities twixt Barons and Knights. For Bracton reckoning Counts and Barons, puts Vavasors before Knights, and thus of them: Sunt & alij qui dicuntur Vavasores, viri Magnae Dignitatis, Vavasor enim nihil melius dici poterit quam vas sortitum ad valetudincm. Special remembrance of this Dignity in our English Monuments is seen scarcely, and the Title long since worn away. Yet Chaucer describing his Franklein, whom he makes a better Housekeeper, then in haste are 'mongst the best to be now found, thus mentions the Name: At Sessions there was he Lord and Sire, Full oft time he was Knight of the Shire. An o Poniard. Anlace, and p Pouch. Gipsere all of Silk Hang at his girdle, white as Morrow milk. A Sheriff had he been, and a Countour Was no where such a worthy Vavesour. It's likely that he gave him this Title, as the best, and above what he had before commended him for, Neither would he have put it as an addition of worth to a Sheriff and a Countour, unless it had been of special note and honour. For a Countour was (if I am not deceived) a Sergeant at Law, knwn also then by both names. Countors' sont sergeant (saith the Mirror q ●bezle seigneur Coke en l'epist. du 9 liure. of justices) sachans' la ley del Royalm. and the Custumier of Normandy: Il est appelli Conteur que ascum establist à parler & conter pour soy ea court. The word is interpreted by Narrator. Often in the Plea Rolls of Henry III you have per Narratorem suum. In the old Scotish laws there are Subuasores, which were as the Uavasini in the Empire. Illi qui r Malcolm. Mackeneth. Leg. cap. 8. §. 8. tenent de Militibus qui vocantur Subuasores leges tenebunt, etc. and the Valuasores minores of the Empire, were as the Milites or immediate servants to Barons in Scotland. The Civilians commonly derive the word à Valuis, quia aside bant valuis, i. portis Dominorum, on feast days. I am very suspicious of their conceit. But it will be clear that it's composed (at least in part) out of Vassi, or Vassal, whereof presently, speaking of Feuds. The more common opinion of the beginning of Feuds Military. The Feudall Customs by whom and when composed. Nobility of the Empire grounded on Feuds. A better and more true opinion of the Original of Feuds, as they came into the Empire. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in the Eastern Empire. Vassi and vassal; Gaesa, or Gaisi. Community of Gu. Qu. and W. Guassdewr. Vassallus, if a dimmunitive of Vassus. A kind of Feuds very ancient in the Roman Empire. The attendance of the Tenants of the Empire at the Coronation, anciently. Military Fiefs in England, how before the Normans. Expeditio, Pontis extructio & Arcis Munitio, usually reserved in the most indulgent Charters of the Saxon Kings. Trinoda Necessitas. Wardships, In England and Scotland, when First. Derivation of Feudum and Alodium. A Charter of King Athelstan in rhyme. The affectation of Rhyming Charters in that age. CHAP. VIII. OF Feudall Dignities, thus much. I so call them, because their Origination as they now remain honorary, is chief referred to the first disposition of Territories and Provinces in Feudall right under the French and Germane Empires. The beginning of Feuds cannot but be here necessary. The common opinion supposes it in the Longobards or Lumbards' a Northern Nation. Their incursions into Italy (unde iura Feudorum, saith Bodin, in universam Europam fluxerunt) and greatness there began under justin 11. about D LXX. of our Saviour. Milan was their seat Royal, and in it their first King Alboin inaugurated. And it's commonly affirmed, that they brought the more formal and frequent use of Military Feuds thither with their other customs: having had 'mongst themselves the use of them, very aucient. Which, it seems, the Cimbrians (under that name all Northern people, of Europe specially, were anciently comprehended, and so in it the old Longobards) thought of, as a matter usual in their Nation, when heretofore being barred out of Spain and Gaul, they requested the Roman State, s Florus lib. 3. cap. 3. ut Martius populus aliquid sibi terrae daret quasi stipendium: Caeterum, ut vellet, manibus atque armis suis uteretur. For Military Feuds had therein only their being, that the Tenants should be ready for defence of their Lords with Martial accoultrements. When by the French Charlemain the Lumbardian Kingdom ended, these Feuds still remained, and under him they were usually given for life, with Dignities annexed. And, when in t A. DCCCXL Otho the Great, the Germane Empire was, he made the Dignities Hereditary in Feudall right, as before is expressed. The forms of the Fealty and such like of these times are extant, and inserted in Sigonius his Story de Regno Italiae. Of them in general terms thus the Feudall customs: Antiquissimo tempore sic erat in dominorum potestate connexum, ut quando vellent possent auferre rem in feudum à se datum. Postea verò eò ventum est, ut per annum tantum firmitatem haberent. Deinde statutum est ut usque ad vitam fidelis produceretur. Sed cum hoc iure successionis ad filios non pertineret, sic progressum est ut ad Filias deveniret. Those laws and customs belonging to them were composed as they now are, under Frederique Barbarossa about M. C. L. by Gerard Neger and Obert de Orto, two Consuls of Milan. Which, it seems, was the rather done, because about that time the Volumes of the Roman (i what we call the Civil laws) began to be newly in request, and, as it were, awaked out of that neglect, wherein they had near D C. years slept, as of no reckoning among the Lombard's, and were now publicly read and professed in Bologna by Irnerius the first public professor of them after Iustinian's time. It's likely that the Lombard's thought it presently requisite to put their Feudall customs into Writing and form, and under Titles, as well as the Romans had done their ancient Laws. What was then performed by the two Milanese, hath since been bettered, and for public use enlarged by that most learned Lawyer Cuiacius, and is as a part of the Civil law, for Feuds. Upon that innovation of Otho 1. in giving patrimonial and Feudall Honours, with prerogatives in the committed Territories, Nova Nobilitatis ratio (saith Sigonius) in Italiam est inducta, ut ij demùm soli Nobiles iudicarentur qui ipsi aut eorum maiores his atque eiusmodi alijs honestati privilegijs essent. nam hanc consuetudinem successores eius non omiserunt, sed etiam multis partibus adauxerunt. He collected it perhaps out of this passage in the Feudalls: Qui ab antiquis temporibus beneficium non tenent, licet noviter à Capitancis seu à Valuasoribus acquisierint plebeij nihilominus sunt. Which some interpret, as if no other Nobility had been but what had proceeded from the possessing an ancient Feud by gift or investiture from the Emperor or some Valuasor. But I rather follow the conceit of learned Hotoman, which collects thence only that a new purchase of some Noble Feud, without ancient investiture, or many years continuance of possession, ennobleth not. And doubtless other Nobility 'mongst them was, as Gentry and Knighthood. But, indeed, none Feudall, except such as had its root in some of those Titles bestowed. The common opinion, of the Original of Feuds, thus. But under favour, they rather, to this purpose of Nobility, should be derived out of France. For although it be true that 'mongst the Lombard's they were, and anciently, yet plainly, before the French Empire, in France they were, and that hereditary, if their ancient laws deceive not. For, what else was their Terra Salica but as a Knight's Fee, or land held by Knight's service? It was so adjudged in the Parliament at Bordeaux, as in the first Chapter is remembered. And those Salic laws are supposed much ancienter than the Lombardian Kingdom in Italy. Under the Lombard's also, such Dignities as they had were, by Feudall right, given in inheritance, as in story is affirmed of K. Autharis, that invested his Deuces or Governors of Provinces, of their Territories to them and their Heirs Masles, which was not imitated by the French Charlemain or his successors, nor in use till the beginning of the Germane Empire. How then is it likely that the imitation of the Lombard's Feudall laws was cause of Feuds in other places? Refer them chief to the Salians or French, and you shall come nearer Truth. The Salians from Pharamunds' time, and doubtless before had them; in France they continued: Charlemain according to the custom of his own patrimonial State, brought them into Italy, where, although they were before him, yet that continuance they then had is thus to be referred to Charlemain, that is, the giving of them for life with those Dignities before spoken of, and the gift of them in inheritance, as they were merely Fees Military: But the inheritance of them being annexed to honorary Titles, may well be allowed to Otho's time, which yet could not be if their Original and continuance were to be drawn through the Lumbards', by reason of that example of Autharis. How much this differs from common opinion, men that have read do know; and if they have well read, will, I conjecture, be of my mind. Out of the Empire, by imitation, it seems, or by general consent of Nations, most part of Europe took their forms of Feudall possessions: but by imitation, doubtless, those Dignities of Feudall right. The identity of names in the Empire and other Kingdoms justifies it. Neither was the Eastern Empire of later times without Military Feuds. To this day remains a Constitution of x Harmenopul. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 1. tit. 〈◊〉. Constantin Porphyrogennetus, against alienation of them. They called them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. Militania. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (are the words of the law) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. that it be not lawful for Soldiers (Milites) to alien those possessions, by which Knights service (so in our law you may interpret it) is maintained. The Tenants of Feuds in the Western Empire, and now every where in Europe, are known by the name of Fideles, Homines, Uassi, Vassalli, and the like. The reason of all their names except Vassi & Vassalli is manifest. Some derive them from Bas, which in French and other languages of note, expresses an inferior. But the word is so inferior to many which are denoted by Vassi or Uassalli, that I cannot be of their mind. Even a King, if he hold a Dukedom of another King, is rightly called his Vassal, or Vassus. Which (to leave frivolous conjecture) may be deduced from the old Gaulish word Gues, Guas or Gais for a Valiant or Military man, then by which name, what might one, that held his lands under a tenure to be so, more fitly be titled? And, that those words were of such signification 'mongst the Gauls (the ancient people of France before the French, and extended far larger in name then all France) may be noted out of that of y In Aeneid. 8. Servius upon Uirgils' — duo quisque Alpina coruscant Gaesa manu—— Gaesa (saith he) Hastas viriles. Nam etiam Forts Galli Gaesos vocant. Now, the community of G, Gum, and V for W in words made of Latin Idiom out of Dutch, Gaulish or other language, is not unknown to any. Who sees it not in the familiar use of the names, of Walter, Gualther, William, Guilielm, Ward, Guardia, Uasto, Guasto, and the like? so our What is to the Scots Quhat, which or whilk, quhilke: and how common G. and Q were in pronunciation, and 'mongst the Latins, z Lips. de Rect. pronunc. Ling. Lat. cap. 13. the learned know. And the Latins having no such letter as with (in that sort as the Gauls used it) were compelled to express such words as they began with with, by Gum, as some do now by Qu. yet the omission of the u in Gaesa might not amiss be, when they had in using it, pronounced G, as in Gum, or as g in Lego. Thus might Gaisi, or Gaeisi easily be made of Guass or Wass, and then Uass, and Vassi, in our now used sense, which is well confirmed out of that which most ●earn'd Clarenceulx hath observed, upon Servius his word Gaesi, in fitting to it as a synonomie the British Guassdewr, signifying to them also a Ualiant or stout man, and from that (for the identity of Gaulish and British is no news 'mongst Students of Antiquity) if one should derive, as little liberty in pronunciation will permit, the word Vavasor, it were far more tolerable than infinite of etymologies too daringly stood upon. A learned a P. Pith. de les Comtes de Champ. & Brie. lib. 1. man likes well of this from Gaesi, and goes further, supposing that in their God Hesus or Esus, (remembered by Lucan and Lactantius) and in the Ambacti (mentioned in b Antiquitus In Comitatu Engelberti Teutonice est In Engelbrechtes Ambachte. Freher Orig. Palatin. 1. cap. 5. Caesar, and Festus,) the name of Gaisus or Gaesus lies hid. But there I more honour, then follow him. To talk here of a community twixt the Turks Bassas and Vassis (as some very learned dare do) were but adventuring upon much more ridiculous derivation. But when they tell us that Vassallus is a diminutive of Vassus, it may be beleft, although if Goropius his deduction of Salic from Sal, which he makes the same with Saddle, be tolerable (as doubtless in his fanatic doctrine, when the origination is indeed to be fetched from Dutch, his conjectures are often commendable.) why might not Vassal be as if you should say, Vir Equestris, or such like, or if Sale be Hall, and Hall the proper name of the Lords Court (especially in our English Feuds) where we call a Court Baron often Halimote, why might not Vassal be as Vir strenuous Curti Domini inseruiens. But without surer ground I love to abstain from assertion. Thus much for the Origination of Feuds, as they are derived out of the Empire, or have been in use in these Western parts. But of their first being at all, a more ancient root is found, and that under the Romans. It's reported that twixt Aeneas and Latinus, one head of the league c Dionys. Halicarnas. Antiq. Rom. 〈◊〉. was that the Troyans' should be always ready to assist him in his wars against the Rutili. And in the Augustam d Lamprid. vita Severi, & V. C. tit. de locato & Conduct. l. licet. 35. story, it's delivered of Alexander Severus (his Empire began in CCXX. after Christ) that sola, quae de hostibus capta sunt Limitaneis Ducibus & militibus donavit, ita ut eorum ita essent si haeredes illorum militarent, nec unquam ad privatos pertinerent: (privatus is here opposed against Miles) dicens attentius eos militaturos si etiam sua Rura defenderent. Addidit sanè his & animalia & servos; ut possent colere quod acceperant: ne per inopiam hominum vel per senectutem possidentium desererentur rura vicina Barbariae (he means the Frontiers of the Empire) quod turpissimum esse ducebat, and somewhat like did the Emperor Probus, in giving certain e Fl. Vopiscus in Probo. Territories in Isauria, to his old soldiers, addens, ut eorum filii ab anno decimo octavo mares duntaxat ad militiam mitterentur. Here were a kind of Feudall possessions, but all their old volumes of the Civil law have nothing that touches Feuds, either in name or substance, as they truly are. The nearest like them is their Emphyteusis and ius f v. Mynsinger. ad Instit. tit. de de locat. & conduct. §. Adeo. Emphyteuticarium, agreeing almost with our Fee Farm or socage tenure. Neither of both which, according to the emperials, are to be called Feuds, although they, as well as Military possessions, in our law, are so usually named. Some others, I know, suppose Military Feuds. even as ancient as Roman Colonies, but they deceive their Readers. The tenants of the Empire, as well mediate as immediate, were all bound to be attendant in a place called Roncaliae upon Po, not far from Piacenza, when the Emperor went to be crowned, and he that made default forfeited his Fief. An old g Otho Frisiagens. de gest. Frederic. lib. 2. cap. 12. author thus delivers it: Est consuetudinis Regum Francorum quae & Teutonicorum ut quotiescunque ad sumendam Romani imperij Coronam, militem ad transalpizandum coegerint, in praedicto Campo (Roncalijs) mansionem faciant. Ibi ligno in altum porrecto scutum suspenditur, universorúmque equitum agmen Feuda habentium, ad excubias proxima nocte Principi Faciendas, per Curiae praeconem exposcitur: quod sectantes qui in eius Comitatu fuerunt, singuli singulos beneficiatos suos per praecones exposcunt. At sequenti die quicunque nocturnis vigilijs defuisse deprensus fuerat, denuò ad praesentiam Regis, aliorúmque principum vel virorum illustrium evocatur, sicque omnes omnium Beneficiati, qui sine bona voluntate Dominorum suorum Domi remanserunt, in Feudis condemnantur. And not only Lay, but Ecclesiastical Fiefs were subject to this Military Tenure, and Forfeiture. In England, before the Normans, plainly were military Fiefs, although not in like manner as since. That h Canut. leg. cap. 69. & vide leg. Confess. cap. 21. law of K. Knout for the certainty of Heriots paid only in Martial Furniture, proves it; and that their Earls and Thanes were bound to a kind of Knight's service. And, in those times so were, it seems, all the lands of the Kingdom (except some privileged with greatest immunities) if, at least, held of the King or Crown, mediately or immediately. For although there be a i Ingulphus, & Malmesburiens. Charter extant of K. Ethelulph, whereby Ecclesiastic freedom is granted generally, and that the Church should be free from all secular service, and sine Expeditione, & Pontis extructione, & Arcis Munitione (which yet may be understood as for an exception) yet divers Charters are anciently given as great and religious favours by Saxon Kings, which usually reserve those three; repairing of Bridges, Tax for War, and Castle guard, or repairing them: as of what no land should or could be discharged. They are called by a special name Trinoda Necessitas in a Patent k Chart. Archiepisc. Cant. A. Chr. DCLXXX by K. Cedwalla to Wilfrid first Bishop of Selesey, giving him Paganham (now Pagham) in Sussex, and under the Diocese of Chicester, whither, from Selesey, the See was translated. Whereupon it was well noted, when Pope l 28. Hen. 3. Matth Paris. Consulas licet & hinc interpreteris Responsum Kniveti in 44. Ed. 3. fol. 25. a. Celestin iv endeavouring his grievous exactions from Church-livings in this State under Henry III. a consultation was about to what duties Churchmen, by reason of their possessions, were subject, that the old Kings of England were not so lavishly indulgent in their Grants to Churchmen, quin tria sibi semper reseruarent propter Publicam Regni utilitatem, videlicet Expeditionem Pontis & Arcis reparationes vel refectiones ut per ea resisterent Hostium incursibus. And Ethelbald K. of Mercland: Concedo ut omnia monasteria & Ecclesiae Regni mei à Publicis vectigalibus, Operibus & Oneribus absoluantur, nisi instructionibus Arcium vel Pontium, quae nunquam ulli possunt relaxari. But these were not so much by reason of Tenure, as general subjection to occasions of State, and accidental necessity, and supply of wants to common good. Those kind of Military Fiefs or Fees as we now have, were not till the Normans; with whom the custom of Wardships in Chivalry (they began not under Hen. III. as most ignorantly Ranulph Higden the Monk of Chester, and Polydore tells you) came into England. But before that, Wards were in Scotland, if their Stories and laws of Malcolm II. deceive not. When he distributed the Kingdom into Tenancies, then Omnes Barones (saith his laws) concesserunt sibi Wardam & Relevium, de haerede cuiuscunque Baronis defuncti, ad sustentationem Domini Regis; although Buchanan rather guesses, that Scotland had this custom by imitation of the English or Normans. But in this Malcolm's time, Wardships were not at all in England. Of the original and use of Military Feuds thus much. With the Roturier or base tenors, this place hath not to do. Only a word or two of the names of Feudum and Alodium. The derivations of both are divers. For Feudum; I am somewhat confident that its root is in Fides, however by different writing thence varied: and from it is our word Field, which was anciently Feud and Feuld, as in the names of Rotherfeud and Losfeuld (for Rotherfeild and Losfeild) occurring with divers like in old Rolls, is apparent. The Vassals are styled Fideles in Latin, and Drudi i. True from the same word in Teutonique. From what others herein multiply but roving far f●om the mark, I purposely abstain and from the conjecture of some, because they are too ridiculous. Alodes or Alodium signified anciently what in the more strict sense Inheritance doth in our law, that is, lands descended from the ancestor; and Alodes and Comparatum are m Vide quae adnotanit H. Bignon. ad Marculph. Formul. lib. 1. cap. 12. opposed often, as Purchase and Inheritance. Now every Feud or Fief paid a Relief or Heriot upon death of the tenant, and the Heir or successor came in always (as at this day) in some fashion of a new Purchase. But where no tenure was, there the inheritance descended freely to the Heir, who claimed it always merely from his ancestor. Out of this difference, I imagine, the names of Feudum and Alodium were translated to make that distinction which is usually twixt them: whence Alodium now abusively denotes chief lands possessed without service or subjection, except only acknowledgement of superiority in the Giver. This may hold better than that from Leudes, or any which I have seen. An example of Alodes or Alodium the great Lawyer Hotoman specially takes out of an old Charter made to one Paulan, by our King Athelstan, which is n Hector Both. lib. 16. remembered to have been found amongst the spoils of War in Westmoreland, by the Scots, under their Robert II. As the words were, I insert it: I King Athelstan Gives to Paulan, Oddan and Roddan Als guide and as fair Als ever thai mine wair: And tharto Witness Maulde my wife. The simplicity of that age is even pictured in it. An age when misnomers, misrecitals, being deceived, & such like did not make void the King's Patent. Nor doth it in substance differ from the Conqueror's gift of the Palatinat of Chester, whereof before. And both in this of Athelstan, that of the o Apud Camden. in Essexia. Hundred of Dancing and Chelmer, by the Confessor to Randolph Peperking, and others extant of about the Conquest, show the affectation that age had to Rhyming in Charters. Whereas now Prose without difficulty makes not one sufficient. This of Feuds belongs more specially to the Dignities already spoken of, but also hath its use in the understanding of the nature of our ancient Knights (in regard of the tenure of their Fees) to whom we make the next passage. Knights. Time of taking the Virilis Toga. Custom of the Gauls in their children's taking arms. Of the Germans. Adoption per arma. The Custom of the Longobards for the King's son sitting at Table with his father. Knighting; by Girding with a Sword. Cingulum Militiae. Amittere Cingulum. Some not coming in sight of the Emperor, but Cincti. Minerva Zosteria. Balteus. Knighting by a blow given on the ear, anciently in the Empire. First Mention of a knight made in England. The ancient and holy ceremonies in Knighting. The marshal's fee anciently at a Knighting. Kings Knighted by their Subjects. Subjects Knighted by Subjects, although not Lieutenants. Eques Auratus. One Prince may Knight in another's Territory. Infanciones. Freedom to a Villain by Knighthood. Knighting by Los Ricos hombres in Spain. A Knight's Fief, or Fee. Who may be compelled to take the Order. Census Equestris. Miles sine Terra. Inquisition of such as held Knights Fees, and yet were not of the Order. A Knight's Furniture by our law anciently not subject to an Execution. The Arms of a Knight descending to the Heir. Ius Sigilli, in a Knight. Gold Rings, and ius Aureorum Annulorum in Rome. Their Equestris Ordo. Ancient fashion of Manumission in England. seals when first in England. The general use of them in most Nations. The jewish instruments of Contracts. Their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the Starra in the old Rolls. Trial by a jury of jews and Christians, and their oaths. Difference of parvum Sigillum, and Magnum Sigillum. Aid a fair Fitz Chevaler, de Rancome, & de Marriage. Of what lands and when the first and third kinds are to be levied. The name of Knight in most languages from a Horse. What it is, and whence in our and the Germane use. Cnihtes. Rodknights. Miles and Chivaler, one. Several Notions of Miles; opposed against Sokmans, Burgesses, Villains, Tenants in Ancien demesn, and Seruientes. Liberi Homines. Solidarij. Knight's Bachelors. Some conjectures whence that name. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and Buccellatum. The fashion of Degrading a Knight. The example of Sir Andrew Harkley. Of Sir. Ralph Grey. Loss of the hand to a base fellow striking a Knight. CHAP. IX. However divers Orders of Knighthood being, there are 'mongst them which take precedence of KNIGHTS of the Spur, or those which generally are known by the name of Knights, yet by institution and use of all States, They are the ancientest, and shall here go first; because also the other Orders are but late attributes, according to the several inventions of particular Princes. As in Rome, Children until XIV. years of age (for so will the time be, although some places of good authors misconceiud hath persuaded some otherwise) using their Toga praetexta, the ensign of Infancy, did then take VirilisToga, or habiliment of manhood, according to the increasing hopes of their worth, so in the Northern parts of Europe, about that age, the sons of Princes, and others of Noble Rank, used to receive Arms from a superior, as a token of what they would be, that is, Martial Knights in service for their Country, whereto though all were bound, yet they specially by reason of those ennobling ornaments. Of the old Gauls its in a manner, affirmed by a De bello Gallico lib. 5. & 6. Caesar, speaking of Induciomarus a Gaulish Prince about the Rhine. Armatum Concilium (saith he) b Armati (ita mos gentis erat) in Concilium venerunt. De Gallis Livius. Dec. 3. lib. 1. indicit. Hoc, more Gallorum, est initium Belli, quo, lege cummuni, Puberes armati convenire coguntur. And, of the Gauls in general: In reliquis vitae institutis hoc ferè ab reliquis differunt, quod suos liberos, nisi cum adoluerint, ut munus Militiae sustinere possint, palam ad se adire non patiantur; filiúmque in Puerili aetate, in publico, in conspectu patris assistere turpe ducunt. Which, although he make as proper to the Cawls, yet that large Nation of the old Germans, even bred out of, and continuing in their Being through war, had almost the like custom. All they did, was while they were accoultred with Arms; either Private or Public. Neither yet did any use or bear them, until he was honoured with a Spear and Target in their State assemblies. Tacitus, of them, affirms it. Nihil, saith he, neque publicae neque privatae rei nisi armati agunt. Sed arma sumere non ante cuiquam moris, quam Civitas c Haec fere verbatùm habet 10. Aventinus Boior. Annal. 6. ubi Ludovicus Dux. Boiorum arma suscipit militaria dono Frederici Imperatoris. suffecturum probaverit. Tum in ipso Concilio vel Principum aliquis, vel Pater, vel Propinquus, Scuto frameáque Iwenem ornant. Haec apud illos Togae, hic primus Iwentae honos: ante hoc domus pars videntur, mox Reipublicae. For that of their going always armed; it differs not from the more ancient use of the Grecians, who * Thucydid. lib. 〈◊〉. & Aristot. Politic. 〈◊〉. cap. 5. before learning mollified them, and brought their Rudeness to a Civility, continually 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. went armed, or ferrum gestabant. This form of taking Arms by young men from Public authority, was in those days a ki●d of Knighting, whence the fashion since, and now used, had questionless its origination. And 'mongst other of the Northern Nations, there was an Adoption by giving of Arms, wherein the Adopted had approbation of his quality by the judgement of some Prince, which agreed well with Knighting. So you may say that the King of the Heruli was Knighted by Theodorique K. of the Ostrogoths or East Goths in Italy. Per arma (saith his d Cassiodor. Var. 4. Epist. 2. Letters of it, to him) fieri posse Filium, grand inter gentes constat esse praeconium. Quia non est dignus adoptari, nisi qui fortissimus meretur agnosci. In sobole frequentèr fallimur. Ignavi autem esse nesciunt, quos judicia pepererunt. Hi 〈…〉 gratiam non de Natura sed de solis meritis habent.— Et ideò, More Gentium & Conditione virili, Filium te presenti Munere procreamus: ut competentèr per Arma nascaris, qui Bellicosus esse dignosceris. Damus quidem Tibi Equos, Enses, Clypeos, & reliqua instrumenta Bellorum: sed, quae sunt omnimodis fortiora, largimur tibi nostra judicia. Summus enim inter Gentes esse crederis, qui Theodorici sententia comprobaris. This was their Adoptio per Arma, which justinian also used in Honouring of e Idem Variar. 8. Epist. 1. & 9 de Gesimundo. Eutharique K. Athalarique's Father. Neither was, by this kind of adoption, any possibility of succession or kindred gotten, but only this Military honour. Which is confirmed out of that of Cabades the Persian King, who sent to the Emperor f Procopius de Bell. Persic. 〈◊〉. justin, desiring him to adopt his son Cosroes. But the Emperor, being persuaded by one of his Counsellors, Proclus, would not do it in the form of Roman adoptions, whence a kind of agnation grew, and hereditary right, but sentro the Persian after mature deliberation taken, that he would adopt Cosross, after the fashion of the Barbarous, by Arms; meaning doubtless this custom here spoken; that so he might satisfy the words of the request, yet prevent the succession of the Persian in the Empire, which was indeed what Cabades mainly aimed at, and therefore took the answer as jest put upon him. To that kind per Arma, respect must be had when you read the story of Audoin K. of the Longobards, and his son Alboin: where after a glorious victory had by the conduct of Alboin against the Gepidae, the Longobards desired Audoin that he would be pleased that his son Alboin, eius conviva fieret, i. might usually sit at Table with him. But the King answered, that he could not permit that, left he should infringe their Nationall custom. Because the King's son was not to dine, or sit at Table with his father until he had taken arms at the hands of some foreign Prince. Audoin respondit (saith the g Paul. Warnfred. de gest. Langob. 1. cap. 23. & 24. Story) se hoc facere minimè potuisse, ne Ritum gentis infringeret. Scitis enim, inquit, non esse apud nos consuetudinem, ut Regis cum patre Filius prandeat (not procedat, as Pithou, it seems, did read) nisi prius à Rege gentis exterae arma suscipiat. Hereupon, Alboin taking with him X L. young Gentlemen of his Country, went to Turisend K. of the Gepidae (whose son Turismod he had slain in that last victory) and showed him the cause of his coming. Turisend nobly received him; placed him at Table with him, where Turismod was wont to sit, and at length (notwithstanding the barbarous conspiracies of some of the Gepidae, grieved still with their yet fresh overthrow) gave him Turismod's arms, and sent him to Audoin, with whom, thenceforth he was as a Table guest. Sumensque Turisendus arma Turismodi filii sui ea Alboin tradidit, eumque cum pace incolumen ad Patris regnum remisit. Reversus ad Patrem Alboin, eiusdem Conuiva hinc effectus est. These Testimonies compared prove that in the Martial Nations of Gauls, Germans, and some neighbouring States, the Honour of taking arms (which in our present idiom may be called Knighting) was in their Aristocracies given to all deserving it by age and worth, in their Public Assemblies, as expressly that of Tacitus shows: and in their Monarchies most likely it is, that the same kind of judgement and approbation of Valour and Nobility which a foreign Prince used in that honorary adoption to the son of his neighbour Prince, or his neighbour Prince self, was to other subjects used by the Princes themselves; thinking, and not without good reason, that it was more honourable for their sons to take arms of some other, left affection might seem to prevent judgement, when the father gave them. And at length both Princes and subjects received the Order oftimes of subjects, as in examples anon plentifully appears. Out of the customs of these ancient and Northern Nations came it, that afterward Knighthood was by girding with a sword; and the difference twixt making the Prince's son, and other his subjects Knights, as to this remembered purpose, grew out of use. Frederique Barbarossa in M. C. LXXII. held a great feast at Mentz, and that, ut filium suum (are the words of an h Arnold. Lubecens. hist Slavor. 3. cap. 9 v. Radevic. de gest. Frederic. 1. cap. 6. alios innumeros, aevi medij. Ancient) Henricum Regem militem declararet & Gladium Militiaesuper femur eius potentissimum accingeret. So in France, England, elsewhere, the Kings made their sons Knights (as at this day) although sometimes they requested it, keeping the steps of that Longobardian Custom, of a neighbour Prince; as examples in their place shall show. And for that of Girding, I will not with the vulgar derive it so much from Rome, as from a general consent, or rather conveniency 'mongst all people. It's true indeed that in the Roman State the Cingulum militiae was the special note of that honour, and was the same with their auratus and constellatus Balteus i. a Belt decked with gold and stones, which yet was not any denoting ornament of their Equites, but of all those who had undergone their solemn oath of warfare, and were known i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Suidas. by the name of Milites or Militantes. And these when they sat in Court Banquets, or with the Emperor, kept on their Girdles always, and so their swords: especially after that of Salonin (son to Gallien), who on a time, being a boy, slily stole away those rich Bel●s or Girdles which their soldiers (Militantes) had laid off in the Court, when they sat to the Table, whereupon at the next feast they all sat Girded, and being demanded why they put not off their Belts, they answered Salonino deferimus, as if the fault were Salonin's, lest he should steal them again. Atque hinc tractus mos (saith my k Trebel. Pollio in Gallienis. Author) ut deinceps cum Imperatore cincti discumberent. Hence in Law and Story often occurs, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 123. cap. 28. & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 exautorare Herodiano, in juliano. V Codin. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. pa. 100 i. amittere cingulum militiae, for, to be disabled to have place or rank in the field. And Cingulum Militiae, for the honour of a soldier, as also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. qui Cingulum deposuerunt, are under m Synod. Nicena, Can. 1●. Constantine the Great, such as had, for Conscience, left their Military Order, in regard of the incompatibility of the then used superstitions in the Camp, and Christianity. But more late times in the Empire, yet very ancient, have by their Cingulum, not only verbally, but really expressed other committed or created Dignities, as well as their common honour Military. Qui praesentes in Comitatu, illustris Dignitatis Cingulum meruerint, aut quibus absentibus Cingulum illustris mittitur Dignitatis, and such like, are remembered in a n C. tit. ut Dignitat. Ordo seru. l. 2. Constitution of Theodosius and Valentinian; and King Theodorique to Count Colosseus o Cassiodor. Variar. 3. epist. 23. gives the government of part of Pannonia, in these words: Proinde prosperis initiatus auspicijs ad Sirmiensem Pannoniam, quondam sedem Gallorum proficiscere, Illustris Cinguli Dignitate praecinctus, and the Comitiva primi Ordinis Vacantis, is p Idem. Var. 6. Formul. 12. called Otiosi Cinguli honore praecincta Dignitas; and, qui, sine Cingulo, codicillos tantum honorariae Dignitatis adepti sunt, are in that constitution last mentioned. divers testimonies like will offer themselves, to any reading the Codes. And, upon Salonin's stealing the Belts, the most learned Casaubon observes that it respects the old custom of Magistrates, and others like (understand such as with their Office or Dignities had ius gladij, or Military rank) which never came in sight of their Prince, but (Cincti) Girded, and with other ensigns of their Title. He notes it out of q Homil. in 1. ad Corinthios 26. Chrysostom: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (saith the holy Father) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that no Magistrate or Governor should presume to appear before the Emperor without his Belt and Military Coat. In which sense an r Bonifacius Caus. 11. quaest. 1. c. 8. Nullus. old Pope's Canon prohibiting that no Bishop should come before any Civil or Military judge, adds, Magistratus ne qui hoc i●b●re ausus fuerit, amissionis Cinguli condemnatione plectetur. And in stories of other Nations, nothing is more certain than the use and talking of being Girded (including the sword) for well armed. In Thebes were two Statues of Minerva Zosteria by Amphitryo's; That Title was given to Minerva there, as the Greeks reported, because in that place Amphitryo took arms in his expedition against the Euboeans. For Zosteria comes from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. accingi, which the s Pausanias. 〈◊〉 Baeotic. ancients used for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. armis se endure, whereupon in the description of Agamemnon, Homer t Iliad. 〈◊〉. makes him like love in his visage, Neptune in his breast, but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— i. like Mars in his Girdle, belt, or indeed, as it interprets, armour. So 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as if you said, Cingula Bellonae, is u Callimach. hymn. ad Apollinem. v. & 1. Macab. cap. 3. come. 58. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. very anciently for Men of War. And the Belt is thus by Isidore describd: Balthus, Cingulum militare est dictus propter quod ex eo signa dependent, ad demonstrandam Legionis Militaris summam, id est, Sex milium sexcentorum, ex quo numero & ipsi consistunt. unde & Baltheus dicitur non tantum quo cingitur sed etiam à quo arma dependent. As then, by consent of Romans, Grecians, and other Nations the Belt, or being girded with a Sword, was both the main part of Martial acoul●rement, and under it the whole was comprehended, so 'mongst our Northerns (I mean from Italy Northward) it specially succeeded into the room of that solemn taking Arms for a Knights outward ensign of Nobility: the creating of a Knight in that kind, being but as an honouring his worth or hopes with Princely allowance for the field, as julian to Leontius x julian. in Epistolis. granted, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i usum armorum. And so great was the respect had to Soldiers, and such as were militiae cingulo honestati, in those ancient times (more particulars of privileges and prerogatives you have in the titles De Testamento Militari, and such like in the Imperial laws) that heretofore our Knighting had in it the same, or one proportionat to the same, as its chief ceremony, in which the honour by retaining, or dishonour by losing, consisted. Where observe also, that as the Romans had their Cingulum dignitatis, and Cingulum militare, and Otiosum Cingulum, so have some of our parts had their Gladius Comitatus (whereof before) and Ducatus and such like, and in giving of those Titles, the Cinctura gladij, which must not, as referred to that ancient use of making Knights per Cincturam, be supposed to be both a Knighting and a Creation of the other Dignities. But as in these confined usually to some Province (so the old Comitiva was to special place in Court) the y uti Imperium, gladio solennitèr dato, fuerit translatum docebit plenius P. Faber Semestrium 1. cap. 3. ius gladij for government was, at lest partly, transferred, so in the girding with a sword for Knighthood, the usus Gladij, if I may so say, for service in War; which difference is seriously to be thought on, and conferred with those Cincturae in the Creations of Dukes, Earls, Marquesses and the like before related. In the stories of about M. of our Saviour, mention is very frequent of such as were by Princes accincti gladio, for Knighted. But before that, in the Empire was another ceremony with the Girding that was, it seems, a blow on the ear given by the Prince to him whom he so honoured. In the Reports of Friesland its delivered that Charles le magne being very indulgent and liberal of his bounty to the States there, granted by Constitution that their Governor might make Knights by girding of them with a sword, and giving them a blow on the ear, as the custom was. Eyes gladium circumcingat are the words of the a Dat. Romae A. Chr. 8●2. Ex Mennenio. Monument, & dato eisdem, sicut consuetudinis est, manu Colapho, sic Milites faciat, eisdemque firmiter iniungendo praecipiat, ut deinceps more Militum sacri Imperij, aut Regni Franciae, armati incedant.— Qui Frisones signum suae militiae à dicta Potestate (their Governor) recipere debent, in quo Corona Imperialis in signum suae libertatis â nobis concessae debeat esse depicta. Another like example is at large describd in Francis Mennens, by whom is written that in the b Archiu. Lovaniens. Ann. 1260. & vide Lips. Lovan. lib. 3. Records of Louvain a Constitution is, that none should be Equestri Balteo cinctus, or knighted, until he had gone in three several voyages of Wars. And note once by the way, that in the Empire as well as elsewhere, Miles was in the more barbarous times both a Knight and any common Soldier, and one also that held his Fief by Knight's service, as out of the Feudalls you are instructed. At this day in the Empire the solemnity of Creation consists (as with us) chief in touching the deserving with a Sword, or laying it on him. So, I think, in most places of Europe; although in Charles V his victory against Frederique Duke of Saxony, a great company of Gentlemen of good merit in the late service were knighted by the Emperor's acclamation of Seàn todos Cavalieroes, i. be they all Knights. But of them some observable particulars will best appear, if we speak of them as they have been in other States created. The ancientest testimony of any made in England is under Alfred that honoured his nephew Athelstan (afterward King) with this Dignity. William of Malmesbury thus expresses it: Militem fecit, donatum Chlamyde coccineâ, gemmato Baltheo, ense Saxonico cum vagina aurea. But in succeeding times of the Anglo-Saxons, more religion was vs● in taking this Order. Neither was it done without a solemn confession of sins, receiving the Sword from the Altar at the hands of some Churchman, and such like, which also hath c Vide, si placit. Francisc. Mennen. Symb. & Orig. Equest. been in the Empire and France. An old Monk speaking d Lambert. Schaffnaburg. in Chronico. of the Emperor Henry III. and the Archbishop of Breme, saith that Goslariae per concessionem Archiepiscopi primum se Rex arma bellica succinxit. And Anglorum erat consuetudo (writes one that lived at the e Ingulphus. Norman Conquest) quòd, qui Militiae legitimè consecrandus esset, vesperè praecedente diem suae Consecrationis, ad Episcopum, vel Abbatem, vel Monachum, vel Sacerdotem aliquem c●ntritus & compunctus de omnibus suis peccatis confessionem faceret, & absolutus orationibus & Devotionibus & afflictionibus deditus in Ecclesia pernoctaret: in Crastino quoque Missam auditurus, Gladium super altare offerret, & post evangelium Sacerdos benedictum gladium collo Militis cum Benedictione imponeret, & communicatus ad eandem Missam sacris Christi Misterijs denuò miles legitimus permaneret. And, according to this form was that most Noble Heward, Knighted by his uncle Brand Abbot of Bury about the Norman invasion. But this kind the Normans much disliked. Hanc (saith Ingulph) cousecrandi Militis consuetudinem Normanni abominantes, non Militem legitimum talem tenebant, sed socordem Equitem & Quiritem degenerem deputabant. Which makes me confidently refer that of Ne Abbates faciant Milites, constituted in III. f Synod. Westmonast. A. 1102. Malmesb. de gest. Pontific. 1. Hen. I to this custom. The Normans not liking it, in a Provincial Synod under Anselm Archbishop of Canterbury, and Gerard of York then thus prohibited it, and perhaps named only Abbots, because it seems, of inferior Churchmen none or few would or did receive it, and the Bishops were by likelihood not willing to take the power from themselves. But however that was took from Churchmen, yet the solemnitie's it seems, of taking the Sword from the Altar, and such like in the Church, remained afterward. For, john of Sarisburie speaking of an implied oath that all Knights of his time took, as for defence of the Church, jam inoluit (saith g Policratc. lib. 6. cap. 10. & 13. & consulas morem illum à Paulo 11. institutum apud Marcell. Corcyrens. lib. 1. sect. 7. & juramentum c●eandi Equitis apud Olaum Magnum Septent. Nation. 14. cap. 7. he) consuetudo solennis, ut ea die qua quisque Militari Cingulo decoratur, Ecclesiam solennitèr adeat, Gladioque super Altari posito & oblato, quasi celeberi professione facta seipsum obsequio altaris devouerat, & Gladij id est Officij sui ingem Deo sponderat famulatum: Neque necesse est ut hoc profiteatur verbo, cum legitima professio Milites facto eius videatur inserta. This Oath was, it seems, somewhat proportionat with that Militiae sacramentum taken solemnly by the Roman Armies; without which, and at every new going a Warfare a renewing of it, none might (iure h Cicero de office. 1. de Pompilio & Catonis filio. videses Veget. lib. 2. cap. 5. Seruium ad Aeneidos 8. Polybium lib. 6. alios. pugnare cum hostibus) lawfully fight with the enemy. But these religious solemnities wore away in ancient time. It grew afterward fashionable for one King to send his son to another to take the Order, ut acciperent Arma Militaria or Virilia, as the Monks usually express it. Which well agrees with that of the Longobards before mentioned. Examples of that kind both here, in Scotland, elsewhere are enough frequent. So one King of another, as in that of Alexander III. of Scotland. He married the Lady Margaret daughter to to our Henry III. The Nuptials being celebrated in Christmas at York, the King of England Knighted his Royal son in law with twenty more. Where the Earl Martial of England, as an ancient right of his Place, required the King of Scotland's Horse and Furniture for his fee, which, although in those times it seems, i Statut. West. 2 cap. 46. De Marescallis. the Earl Martial had at the Knighting of any Baron or superior Nobleman, as also at the Homages done by any such either Secular or Religious, yet it was answered that from the King of Scotland no such fee was due because he might have took the Order of any other Catholic Prince, or, at his pleasure, of any of his own subjects of his Nobility. Responsum fuit (saith the k Matth. Paris 35. Hen. 3. Story) quod Rex Scotiae tali non subiacet exactio 〈…〉, quia si placeret ei, potuit ipsa Arma suscipere a quovis Principe Catholico, vel ab aliquo Nobilium suorum.— Sed ob reverentiam & honorem tanti Principis Domini ac vicini sui ac soceri tanti, mallet ab ipso Rege Angliae Cingulo donari Militari, quam aliquo alio. Et sic praecipiente domino Rege in totum die festo, omnimoda lis conquievit. And for that of the King of Scotland his saying that he might have took it from a subject of his own; its true: and so in our State some of our Kings have received it. Henry VI. was Knighted by john Duke of Bedford, and Edward VI by Edward S●imer than Earl of Hertford; and the like many more occur. Nay in those ancienter times Earls (which were then the greatest Nobles under the King and Prince) had a power of Knighting. Under Hen. III. the Earl of Gloucester made his brother William Knight at a Tournament. So did Simon of Montfort Earl of Leicester, Gilbert of Clare. Some l tilius de Reb. Gallic. 2. like examples have been in France. And Los Caualleros vassallos de los Ricos hombres i Knights made by the Ricos hombres (anciently in Spain they were near as Barons in other places) are remembered by m Apud Fr. Menenium, ex P. Salanova & alijs. Spanish Antiquaries. And, against the Scotish Expedition Prince Edward of Caernaruan, first Knighted by his father Edward 1. made divers Knights of his own authority at Westminster, by girding with the sword. But such also as were neither Princes nor Earls (and that without any Regal authority transferred; for if so, it were not worth observation) about the reigns of our first three Edward's, sometimes made Knights in the Wars. Dominus johannes filius Thomae (say the n A. 1313. 1314 1316. 1318. Annals of Ireland) fecit Milites Nicolaum filium Mauritij &. Robertum de Clonhull apud Adare in Momonia. So Edmund le Botiller, afterward Lord Deputy, made XXX Knights at Dublin. And Richard of Bernimgham for the good service that one john Husee had done in the Irish wars, gave him amplas terras & fecit illum Militem, ut benè meruit. And by the same authority, Uenit Dominus Rogerus de Mortimer Dubliniam & fecit Dominum joannem Mortimer Militem cum quatuor socijs. And indeed this Roger of Mortimer was then as Lord Deputy of Ireland, and might the better do it. And in one of our yeer-books o Thirning 7. Hen. 4. fol. 8. Voyes Froissart ●ol. 1. fol. 185. a judge on the Bench relates thus: I have heard (saith he) that a Lord had issue a son and carried him to the Font, and presently, as soon as he was baptised, took his Sword and made him a Knight, saying, Be a good Knight if you can, for you shall never be good Esquire. It was a prerogative, it seems, anciently challenged by such as were themselves Knights. For William of Badensel a Germane Knight at the Sepulchre made two, by his own report. Supra Sepulchrum Christi (saith p Guil. de Badensel Hodoe-Poric. in Terram Sanctam. he) pulchram feci de Resurrectione Domini missam celebrari, & aliqui de meis socijs Corpus Christi devotè susceperunt. P●st Missam feci Duos Milites Nobiles supra sepulchrum gladios accingendo & alia obseruando, quae in professione Militaris Ordinis fieri consueverunt. This was in M. CCC. XXXVI. Now none but the King, or one as his Lieutenant authorized, gives this Order; neither is it done by girding with the Sword, but the deserving knelt, and a Sword is laid or slightly struck on his shoulder by the king, using this French: q Smith. Rep. Angl. 1. cap. 17. Soiz Chevalter au nom de Dieu, and then, Auancez Chevalier. This Ceremony alone gives the Title of Eques Auratus, that of Auratus coming from their right of wearing guilt spurs, which hath been also a knights special ornament. And under Edward II. Richard r Anonym. Chron. apud Millium. of Rodney was knighted by being girded with a Sword by Almaricus Earl of Penbrok, and having one Spur put on by the Lord Maurice of Barkley the other by the Lord Bartholomew of Badilsmere. That striking with the s tilius de Reb. Gallic. 2. Sword hath been anciently the use of the Empire, and when Sigismond knighted Signell a French Gentleman in France, to honour Signell with that name, the want whereof was objected to him in a Controversy twixt him and P●stellan, he did it by such striking of him kneeling, and giving him one of his gilt spurs, and girding him with a girdle that had hanging to it, in stead of a sword, a great knife. And this was done in France, neither Contra maiestatem aut ius Regis, saith du Tillet, tentatum est, quia ex jure consultorum sententia, Equites ubique & in Imperio, & in alieno dominatu institui possunt. For Creation of a knight thus much: and, as every child knows, in personal Creation only the being of knighthood is, neither hath any man it otherwise. Infanciones (saith one t Mich. Molin. ap. Mennenium. of Spain: and Infancio is their hijdalgo, i. a Gentleman, perhaps from the Germane or Gothique Edeling or Etheling) nascuntur apud nos; Milites verò fiunt, which you may apply to all States. In elder times it was provided in the Empire, France and Spain that none should receive this Order, except he were before in some degree of Civil Nobility. A Grant is extant of u Pet. de Vineis lib. 6. Ep. 17 Frederique II. that a knight may be made quanquam pater suus Miles non fuerit, & nostris constitutionibus caveatur quod milites fieri nequeant, qui de genere Militum non nascuntur. In France, it was x Belmanorian, apud Tilium lib. 1. vide Ranulph. de Glanuilla lib. 5. cap. 5. adjudged anciently, that where the Lord of a Villain (I use the word as in our law) had knighted his Villain being a Gentleman, he became free, and had the honour lawfully; but if another had knighted him, nothing had been wrought by it. For none could manumit him but his Lord. And till Manumission, or unless knighthood had had Civil freedom for its ground, he was not capable of it. Neither there might any great man confer this dignity upon one which were not before a Gentleman, without grievous Mulct. But the king only might do it. And, 'mongst old laws y Ex legib. Hisp. Fr. Mennenius. of Spain, Quill bet Infancio (every Gentleman, or hijdalgo) potest esse Miles in Aragonia, alij verò non. Et si fortè non Infancio promoveatur per Ricum hominem ad Militiam, perdit honorem, quem tenebat, Ricus homo (one of their Ricos hombres) vel si non tenebat, nunquam tenere debet. Et illi promotus semper remanet villanus, sublato sibi equo & armis. Now, to the dishonour of Merit and Noblesse, how many most undeserving either for quality or parentage, bear this most honourable Title? But some ancient adjuncts to knighthood here next offer themselves. They are chief, The respect of the Honour to Possessions, Their Martial Equipage, Their right of using a Seal, The Aid a fair fitz Chivaler, The Name and honourable regard to it, and Degradation. Of them all in their Order. The Knight's Feif or Fee is as commonly known by name as Knight. But what it was or is, is not to all known. An old ᶻ testimony makes it DC. LXXX. acres, consisting of IV. Hides. Of hides, before, where of Barons. Other certainties x Lib. Rub. Scaccarij. are proposed for a Knight's Fee anciently, but * v. 4. Ed. 2. tit. Auoury 200. in vain. It's nearest truth to set no number of Acres, nor quantity of territory, but only of Revenue out of land, which being XX l. yearly was the value of a Knights Fee. Remember what is already delivered of an entire Barony, and the possessions of other dignities. In them the Relief always expresses the fourth part of the annual revenue by virtue of the Grand Charter, which, in this point, was made in imitation of what was common law in the Relief of a Knight's Fee, being (as appears by Glanuil and Gervase of Tilburie) just c. shillings. What then more plainly could prove that the knight's Fee (that is, the Possession fit for the maintenance of a Knight in those days) was exactly land of X X l. yearly? And they which had such an estate might be compelled to take, and, it seems, of right demand a Knighthood. Yet under Hen. the III. and Edward 〈◊〉. some of less Revenue were called to this Dignity. Anno sub eodem (1256) exijt edictum Regium (saith Matth. Paris) praeceptumque est & acclamatum per totum Regnum Angliae, ut quilibet qui haberet XV. libratas terrae & supra armis redimitus tyrocinio donaretur, ut Angliae, sicut Italiae, Militia Roboraretur. Et qui nollent, vel qui non possent honorem status Militaris sustinere, pecunia se redimerent. Hear XV. pound revenue was the same, and afterward all the a Matth. Paris pag. 1249. edit. Lond. ubi legendum, pro decem, quindecem. Sheriffs of England were amerced, every one at five Marks, in the Exchequer, for not distraining the Tenants in their County according to that precept. And other like examples are, in themselves unlike for value. But by the Statute of Westminster 1. of Reasonable Aid, XX. pound Socage land, and a Knight's Fee are compared for like possessions, and in I. Edward. II. an act of Parliament was, that if any were distrained to be made Knight, having neither in Fee, nor for life, twenty pounds revenue, and the same were proved, upon his complaint, by inquest, he should be discharged. Nor that any man should be compelled to be a Knight before his full age of XXI. years. Yet after that the writs have been for such as had forty pound yearly, b 19 Ed. 2. Claus. memb. 16. Dors. 7. Ed. 3. tit. Averment 37. & Claus. 7. Ed. 3. part. 1. Dors. memb. 7. & 22. both in Ed. II. and III. their times, and of divers succeeding. And under Henry VI the Chief justice c Babington 7. Hen. 6. sol. 16. C. Sir Richard Haukesford. of the Common Pleas says that the King might compel every man of xll. yearly worth in lands, to receive Knighthood, by writ out of the Exchequer; and if they appeared not at the first day, but come after to take this order, by rigour of Law they are not to be received, but amerced for default. Where he remembers, that, when writs in that kind went out, at the second day a great Burgess of Southwork, able to dispend c. Marks yearly, appeared, on whom they were unwilling that the honour should be bestowed, and after deliberation resolved, that, because he came not the first day, he should not be Knighted. This Census or Military value, hath some proportion to that of the Ordo Equestris in Rome. Their Ordo Equestris, or secundus Ordo (as they called it, in respect of the Senators being Ordo primus) had its known worth in possessions. That worth was CD. M. of their Sestertij, in present estate; of our sterling M. M. M. C. XXV. pounds, every M. Sesterij, or one Sestertium (which are all one) reckoned at VII. pounds, XVI. shillings III. pence. Yet, in those more ancient times of England, when the relief of a Knight's Fee, and so a Knight's Fee were truly known (as now also, too frequently) this honour was given to such as had not any land twixt them, and other, a difference is made in d Roger. de Hoveden part. 2. pag. 424. & lib. Rub. scaccarij. Richard I. his edict of Torneaments. Rex statuit Torniamenta fieri in Anglia & charta sua confirmavit, ita quod quicunque torniare vellet daret ei pecuniam secundum formam subscriptam: videlicet, Comes daret pro licentia torniandi XX. Marcas argenti, & Barones decem Marcas argenti, & Miles Terram habens IV. Marcas argenti, & Miles non habens Terram II. Marcas argenti. Out of this Military Revenue, and the right of compulsion, in the King to make the possessors Knights, you may easily understand what Pro respectu Militiae is in the Exchequer Rolls anciently: and why in Inquests of Eires the presentations were of such as had a whole Knight's Fee, and were not Knighted, being of full age. In an Eire at Chichester under e Placit. apud Cicestriam in Com. Sussex Coram R. de Litleburie & socijs suis 47. Hen. 3. Rot. 44. Henry III (to give one example like infinite other) the jurors of the hundred of Paling (it is that now we call Poling) in the Rape of Arundel, to the article de Valettis (Valetti was used for young heirs or young gentlemen, or attendants) dicunt quod Nigellus de Broke & Simon the Fering tenent integra feoda Militum, & sunt plenae aetatis & nondum sunt Milites, ideo inde loquendum. And divers such more are in the same Roll and others concluding sometimes ideo in misericordia. That Nigellus de Brok had good possessions then in Eclesdon and Selkeden (the hamlet which now is Selden, by Eclesdon) both of the revenue of the Abbey of Fischamp. Thus much of their ancient possessions, and livelode competent to the honour. Their proper Furniture, as a supposed incident to Knighthood, consisted in Horse and Armour. And as by our common f Westm. 2. cap. 43. vide Regist. Orig. fol. 100 b. laws the Equitatura, which is the Horse that any man keeps for his journeying, is privileged from the Return of issues (as clothes and household-stuff) and beasts of the Plough from execution of debt, so anciently were a Knight's Horses and Armour (His Horses of martial Equipage) and that although he had been indebted to the King. The law for that matter Gervase of Tilburie thus delivers, speaking of the sale of the debtor's goods to satisfy the King: Nota quod si debitor ille qui soluendo non est Militiae cingulum semel obtinuerit, venditis caeteris, Equus tamen ei non quilibet, sed usus usualium reseruabitur, ne, qui dignitate factus est Eques, Pedes cogatur incedere. Quod si Miles eiusmodi fuerit quem juuat Armorum decor & iwet usus eorum, & qui meritis exigentibus debeat inter strenuos computari, tota sui Corporis armatura cum Equis ad id necessarijs à venditoribus erit liberrima ut cum oportuerit ad Regis & Regni negotia armis & equis instructus possit assumi. Sed si hic idem cui l●x in part pepercit, audita necessitate Regis vel Regni delitescens se absentaverit, vel ad hoc vocatus non venerit, si tamen non proprijs sed regijs stipendijs militet & evidentèr absentiam suam non excusaverit, nec ab hijs venditores temperabunt, sed solo contentus Equo (propter dignitatem Militiae) sibi relicto inri communi v●uat obnoxius. Where, by the way, it appears also that the exceptis Bobus & affris Carucae in an Elegit, was ancient Common law before the Statut of Westminster the second. And it seems that the Equipage and Armour competent to his person, was by the ancient law as inheritance descendible to the Heir, and not, as other movables, cast upon the executors. An old testimony inserted 'mongst that which is styled the Confessors laws; Non debent illa invadiare (understand such as were bound generally for defence of the Kingdom to have armour) nec extra Regnum vendere, sed haeredibus suis in extremis legare, ad seruitium tenementorum suorum Dominis suis explendum cum opus adfuerit. And although the words import as if they should bequeath them, yet doubtless the meaning is that they should leave them to descend; as what follows, persuades. Quod si qui (are the ensuing words) eorum ●●redes vel parentes non habuerint, dominus suus illa reciqiet. Et si Dominum non haberent felagus suus, i. fide cum eo ligatus, si haberet, illa recipiet, si verò nihil istorum haberet, tunc regni, sub cuius protectione & pace degunt universi, rex illa resumet. And when under Henry II. divers g Assisa de armis 27. Hen. 2. apud Rogerum de Hoveden. Constitutions were for keeping of Armour, according to the quantity of men's estates, one was Simo quis Arma haec habens obierit, remaneant heredi suo, & si haeres de tali statu non sit quod armis uti possit, si opus fuerit, ille qui eum habuerit in Custodia, habeat similiter Custodiam armorum, & inveniat hominem qui armis uti posset in seruitio D. Regis, si opus fuerit, donec haeres de tali statu sit quod portare posset, & tunc ea habeat. Of their special right of using a Seal, the only testimony I have seen is that of Richard Earl of Chester, h Chronic. vetust. Abindoniae, ap. Camd. & Millium. under Henry I. in his conveyance of his lands in W●mondsley to the Abbey of Abington, while he and his mother, the old Countess Ermentrudis, lay there. For he sealed it with her seal, Cum, (nondum enim Militare baltheo cinctus erat) literae quaelibet ab illo directae materno sigillo includebantur, as the words are, as if one under the dignity of Knight might not in those days use a seal: which, were it true, is somewhat proportionat to the ius Aureorum Annulorum in Rome, challenged and given to their Equites. For, as with us, so there anciently was the chief use of Rings for i V tit. de Ord. Test. Dig●st. Cod. & Instit. sealing. Ueteres (saith k Apud Macrobium Saturnal. 7. cap. 13. vide sis Lipsium ad Tacit. Annal. 2. §. 4. Capito) non Ornatus sed signandi causâ annulum secum circumferebant. Yet, by the way (because touching this Roman right of gold Rings some controversy is, and few well understand it) you must not think, that only those which by the Censor were made Equites, and truly in Ordine Equestri, had this Right, but also others, and upon other several reasons; neither was it more than a soldiers brag in Mago, when after the overthrow ad Cannae, he show'd at Carthage l Modij. three bushels and a half of gold Rings (some say but one bushel) taken from the slain and captive Romans, and sent to Hannibal, affirms, so to lay the greater name on the victory, m Liu. Dec. 3. lib. 3. idem, de Senatoribus & Equitibus tantummodò, adfirmat Dio bistor. 48. verum haud satis firmâ fide. vide Plin. hist. Nat. 33. cap. 1. & 2. Neminem nisi Equitem, atque eorum ipsorum primores, id gerere ensign. For Pliny doubts not but that than the use of them was promiscuous, and affirms, that, afterward they became 'mongst the distinctions of the Ordo Equestris Annuli distinxere (saith he) alterum ordinem (that is, the Equestris) a Plebe, ut semel coeperant esse celebres. And Annuli planè medium Ordinem tertiumque Plebi & patribus inseruere, ac quod antea Militares Equi nomen dederant, hoc nunc pecuniae Indices (so Lipsius conjectures it should be, not judices) tribuunt. Afterward under Tiberius, (then being Consuls C. Asinius Pollio and C. Antistius Vetus) it was constituted, that none should enjoy this right of gold Rings, nisi cui Ingenuo ipsi, patri, avoque Paterno sestertia CCCC. census fuisset, & lege julia theatrali in XIV. Ordinibus sedenti, that is, unless a perfect free Roman, who both himself, his father, and grandfather of his father's side had been worth CD. M. festertij, (in our money M. M. M. C. XXV. pounds') and had place in the XIV. ranks at the Theatre, which were first appointed for those which were truly Equites, as a distinction for their dignity in that place, by their Lex n Dio Coss. l. 36. Roscia, and allowed afterward, but not without some alteration, by their o Sueton. in August. cap. 40. Lex julia, under Augustus. Neither do these words any more than describe a Roman Equestri dignitate, and of two descents, for the CD. M. sestertij (CCCC. sestertia, all one) were the Census Equestris. Yet every one that had this Census, was not Eques properly. None was so but such as were chosen by the Censor and donati equo publico, and equo publico merebantur. Yet such as had the Census were (if at lest ingenuij Free men) Dignitate Equestri, and in the rank of the Equites; as those of the Equites as had the p Lips. ad 11. Tacit. Annal. §. 15. & de Amphitheatro c. 14. worth of a Senator, they called Equites Illustres, and reputed them in the rank of Senators. As also the Tribuni Militum (as it were, Field Marshals) were in the rank of the Equites, at the Theatre. Now as the Census alone made not the right Eques, no more did the gold rings given either by their General in War before their Empire, or by their Emperors afterward. For the time before, I refer you but to Cicero his III. Oration against Verres. For time under the Empire, the Example of Uolteius Mena, Pompey his libertus or manumitted villain (to use our language) whom Augustus q Dio. hist. 48. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. i. honoured with gold Rings, and made him of the Ordo Equestris, all which was but a making him a perfect Freeman, and an ingenuus, which was as a degree before a libertus, as appears expressly by Sueton delivering the self same only in these words, that he was assertus in ingenuitatem. Which made him indeed, being of fit worth, of the Ordo Equestris (or rather ready to be received into it) because, in that, no liberius might be until acquired ingenuity, and in some sort Eques; as in that of this Mena, in r Epodôn. 4. Horace, you see; Sedilibúsque magnus in primis Eques. Othone contempto sedet. By Othone contempto, he means the lex Roscia theatralis (from Roscius Otho) constituted for the Honour of the right Equites, whom the Censor had made, and the honour of Equus publicus did denominat; but it was committed against by Mena, that, out of his greatness in favour and worth of estate, durst sit in the chiefest of the XIV. ranks at the Theatre. He had the right of gold Rings, but was not therefore truly Eques, yet in a more general notion bearing the name. divers other examples like are, and nothing more usual than the breach of that constitution under Tiberius. And by a later s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. on. & vide Cuiacij observat. 7. cap. 14. Imperial law, every one manumitted hath this right of gold rings, and ingenuity. But the promiscuous use of them in the more ancient Roman State is constantly to be affirmed, I mean so proviscuous, that it specially distinguished not their Equites. And, that after their Empire, when the ius aureorum annulorum was given by the Emperors, to liberti only ingenuity was thereby given, although by a rescript of Diocletian and Maximian, ingenuity t C. tit. de iure Aur. Annul. l. 2. verum vide Vlpianum & Paulum ff. coden tit. l. 4. & 5. & C. ad legem. Viselliam. pass not by it. Tertullian of a servant (servus) manumitted: * Lib. de Resurrectione carnis. Et vestis albae nitore, & Aurei annuli honore, & Patroni nomine ac tribu, mensáque honoratur. Nor are the words of Equestris Ordo, dignitas or Eques, applied to such as were so honoured, otherwise to be understood then that so they were made fit, and as it were immediately capable of the true Dignity of Eques, if also their estates endured it. But were no more indeed Equites than such as had given them insignia Consularia, Senatoria, or Quaestoria, were therefore Consuls, Questors, or Senators; or than Abbots, to whom the Pope granted infignia Pontificalia were therefore Bishops. The chief ensigns, beside, of the right Equestris Ordo, consisting most of all in their apparel, the Trabea (a Miltarie rob interwoven of gold and Purple) and the Augustus claws, or narrow guard in distinction of the latus claws or broad guard of the Senators. — u Papinius Syluar. 5. ad Crispinum, uti emendavit Lipsius. sanguine Cretus Turmali, trabeáque Remi, & paupere clavo is a description of one descended from their true Eques. And it is observable, that as their giving of ingenuity was by an Ensign and note of their Equestris Ordo, so with us anciently the enfranchising of a villain was by giving him Arms. In the laws of the Conqueror (at least under that name published:) Si quis velit servum suum liberum facere, tradat eum Vicecomiti per manum dextram in pleno Comitatu, & quietum illum clamare debet à iugo soruitutis suae per manumissionem, & ostendat ei liber as portas & vias, & tradat illi libera arma scilicet, lanceam & Gladium, deinde liber homo efficitur. Bt, as touching the right of using a Seal to be proper to a Knight in our Nation, as out of that of the Earl of Chester, it is collected; I doubt the Monk was either deceived or deceives in reporting it. For it seems that from the infancy of the Norman Empire here, Seals were lawfully used by mean men, and of all sorts. For whereas the Saxon use was to subscribe Charters with names and Crosses only, and so deliver them, the Normans changed that form into Sealing. Ingulphus is witness. Chirographorum (saith he) confectionem Anglicanam quae antea usque ad Edwardi Regis tempora fidelium presentium subscriptionibus cum Crucibus aureis alijsque sacris signaculis firma fuerunt, Normanni condemnantes Chirographa Chartas vocabant, & Chartarum firmitatem cum cerea impressione per uniuscuiusque speciale sigillum sub instillatione trium vel quatuor testium astantium conficere constituebant. Doth not this allow all men, that would, the use of Seals? and at the Conquest. And, that under Henry II. there were inferior persons had them, is justified out of one that then x Glanuill. lib. 10. cap. 12. wrote. Si debtor (saith he) eartam suam non advocate, duebus modis eidem contrair, vel contradicerè (creditor) potest scilicet ipsum sigillum in Curia recognoscenda suum esse etc. The like out of that y 33. Hen. 2. apud D. Ed. Coke in praefat. ad lib. 3. Fine in the County, twixt Walter of Fridastorp and Helias his son, and john of Beverley, levied under Hen. II. and sealed with the seals of the Father and Son. Either then the Chronicle of Abingdon misinstructs, or else it wills that the Earl of Chester being yet not of the order of Knighthood used his mother's seal, that is, such a one as hers was without difference, because perhaps after the order received, some change was to be added to his. For Du Tillet cities an old judgement of the year M. CCC. LXXVI. wherein he saith an Esquire dicitur, cum Equestrem Ordinem suscipit, sigillum mutare. But he speaks it only of Burgundy. Others, being moved by the Monkish z Chron. Abb. de Bello apud G. Lambard. in Itin. Cantij pag. 405. report touching Richard Lucy chief justice of England his finding fault with a mean man for using a seal under Henry II. think that in those times they were peculiar to men of the greater fashion, and that they became common not till about Edward III. Indeed divers Charters were in the Norman times, before that, made without seals, yet an old * Bracton lib. 2. de acq. rer. dom. cap. 16. §. 12. Lawyer under Hen. III. requires them as an essential part of a Deed. Nor doth any one reason more move me to beleeu the ancient and promiscuous use of them here, then because for the most part all Nations had them, and in their Writings and Deeds in one sort or another used them. And however a Hist. Nat. 33. cap. 1. Pliny affirms that Egypt and the East were only contented with letters, omitting seals, yet its certain that the jews had them, and in ancient time often, when they made a contract, two Deeds were written, one containing the contract at full, with all covenants and conditions, which was folded up and sealed b v. jerem. cap. 32. & jos. Scalig. Elench. Trihaeresij. cap. 11. & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Tobit. cap. 7. with the buyers seal, the other containing a general recital of what thing only the Contract was; and this last was showed open to witnesses, who inscribd their names on the backside of boo. That, so the Witnesses or standers by might not know the sum, time of Redemption, or such like: yet be able to justify the truth of the instrument comprehending them by the inscription of their names. The Seal they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and the Deed or instrument written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Sephor which is a book also, but the c Elias in Thisbite. Rabbins express their Deeds, Releases, Obligations and the like by the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Shetar or Setar, whence the word Starrum or Starr● for acquittances or written testimonies of Contracts is used. So must you understand it in that Roll, in the Tower, of Placita apud Scaccarium judeorum de Termino Paschae anno Regni Edwardi nono; of Edward the first. Solomon de Stanford judeus recognoscit per Starrum suum, occurs there; and an Acquittance or Release by the name of starrum is there d 9 Ed. I. judeorum Rot. 4. Pasch. Norff. & rot. 5. in dors. & rot. 6. Sutht. & ferè passm in Schedis illis. pleaded to have been tried before the Sheriff at Norwich by a jury of Sex probos & legales homines & sex legales judeos de Civitate Norwici, and found to have been the Deed of one Genta a woman jew of Gloucester, whereupon one Alice the widow of Clement of Poringlond was quit against the King then claiming, upon special occasions, all duties which were owing to the jews in England. The like kind of trials are there in the case of one Eustace of Peccham in Kent, of Solomon Bensalomon in Hampshire, and divers others. Where, by the way observe, it seems the jews (of the jury) were charged by oath taken upon the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 e Liber legis. i. the books of Moses, held in their arms, and by the name of the God of Israel, which is merciful, with formal additions of words which they used, as Christians upon the Evangelists. For a Rabbin that l Rabbi Moses Mikotzi in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 precept. 123. lived in time of Henry III says that so was an oath to be taken by his country men, although in a judicial precedent, yet remaining, of Constantin Porphyrogennetus (he lived about CCC. years before) divers other and strange ceremonies were to be used. If you desire them, search them, where they g In lib. 2. juris Graeco Romani. are published. The Romans had their Annuli signatorij and sigillaricij (as Uopiscus calls them) destinat as well to sealing of writings, as use in the house in steed of locks. h Satyr. 13. Inuenal: Uana superuacui dicunt Chirographa ligni, Arguit ipsorum quos litera, gemmáque Princeps Sardoniches, loculis quae custoditur eburnis. What's gemma Sardoniches but the Seal cut in that stone? Of the i Polyb. hist. 6. Grecians, as plain testimony is. And of all, enough more. The seal being a special ensign of credit, and therefore so fitly used. Nec plus habere quam unum licebat (saith Ateius k Macrob. Sat. 7. cap. 13. Capito of seal Rings and the ancient Roman times) nec cuiquam nisi libero; quos solos fides decerneret, quae signaculo continetur. And it's affirmed 'mongst the Grecians, that before the invention of Seals cut in fit matter, the use was to seal with pieces of wood, eaten and gnawn by l Philostephan. apud Hesychium in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. & Is. Tzetz. ad Lycophronem. worms (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) which could not but give impression; and that, Hercules first used that kind of Seal, whence Lycophron hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. a wormeaten Seal. I persuade you not to be prodigal of your faith to such Grecian conjectures. Think of them as they deserve. But 'mongst our ancestors, as the king had his Great and less or Privy Seal, so, at least, Gentlemen and their superiors a like distinction. A Conisance in the King's Court anciently shall justify it. johannes de Burgo (saith m Hill. 44. Hen. 3. Placit. ap. West. Rot. 28. Staff. the Roll) cognovit quod apposuit parvum sigillum suum cuidam scripto quod fecit Decano & Capitulo de n Lichefeild. Lichefeud de confirmatione & quieto clameo de advocatione de Herdel, & apponet sigillum suum magnum praedicto scripto circa tertiam Septimanam post Pascham. So much for seals. Among the Reasonable Aides due from Tenants to their Lords, one special is a fair fitz & heir Chivaler, to make the Lords son and heir a Knight. Which is one of the three reserved in King john's Grand Charter, to be levied without consent of Parliament. Nullum (so the words are o Charta ista est apud Matth. Paris & in Annalibus Thomae Rudborne, Monachi Wintonienses Ms. in the King's person) scutagium vel auxilium ponam in Regno nostro nisi per commune consilium Regni nostri, nisi ad Corpus nostrum redimendum, & ad primogenitum Filium nostrum Militem faciendum, & ad primogenitam filiam nostram semel maritandam. Et ad hoc non fiat nisi rationabile auxilium. And in the same: Nos non concedimus de caetero alicui, quod capiat auxilium de liberis hominibus suis, nisi ad corpus suum redimendum & ad faciendum primogenitum Filium suum Militem, & ad primogenitam filiam suam semel Maritandam, & ad hoc non fiat nisi rationabile auxilium. That aid de Rançon (as it is called in the Custumier of Normandy) occurs not as I remember in our Law annals printed, but in the not published years of p 21. Ed. 1. fol. 66. Edward 1. a release by one Robert of Bentham to the Abbot of Ford is pleaded, of all services forspris suit real & reasonable aid pur luy reindre hors de prison ou ces heirs quel heur qu' ils fussent enprisones. From the Normans until Edward I. these Aides were all uncertain, but to be levied with moderation and according to the quantity of the Tenants worth ne q Glanuil. lib. 9 cap. 8. nimis gravari inde videatur vel suum contenementum amittere. Neither was any certainty of Age in the son and heir, by the law, known. But in III. r West. 1. cap. 36 Edward I. it was enacted, that, for the Knighting and marriage, of a whole knight's Fee should be XX. shillings given, and of XX. pounds yearly, so cage, as much, and so pro rata: and that none should be levied until the son and heir were of XV. years age, and the daughter of VII. But the King was not bound by this Statut extending only to common persons, as appears by Records s Parl. 20. Ed. 3. Art. 45. alibi. of interceding time, where the value levied was greater. Therefore by the act of XXV. Edward III. the King's Aides were brought to a like value. All lands are subject to these Aides except only ancient demesne, and grand and petit serieantie Tenors, as the law hath been t 11. Hen. 4. fol. 31. 10. Hen. 6. avowry 267. Anc. dem. 11. anciently delivered. One that wrote a little after the Statut of Westminster I. speaking of avowry for reasonable aid, a fair fits eign Chivaler, allows as good bars to the avowry, for the tenant, to plead that u Briton Chap: de prizes de avers. the Father himself is no Knight, or that the son is not yet of age pur order de Chiualler prendre; so that one not knighted cannot claim this aid of his Tenants. And the fit age to receive the Order is fifteen, according to that Statut, although if the son and heir of a Tenant x 5. jacob. c. Sir Drue Drury D. Coke part. 6. Ploughed. c. Ratcliff. & D. Coke part. 8. c. Sir Henry Constable. by Knight's service be Knighted in his father's life time, at what age soever, he is, at his father's death, discharged of Wardship both of land and body, and the Wardship of the body of one knighted within age after the death of his ancestor, presently ends. For the King being suprem judge of Chivalry, by knighting his subject, adiudges him fit for Knight's service, his deficiency in which kind, by reason of his age, is intended by the law until one and Twenty, unless the king adjudge him otherwise. For their Name; that in all places except England, hath its original from a Horse (the most usual beast of the Wars) as the Roman Equites were titled from their Equus publicus, being also before called y junius Gracchanus apud Plin. lib. 33. cap. 2. Celeres and Trossuli. For to the Spaniards they are Cavalleroes, to the Italians Cavallieri, to the French Chevallers (all, in their provincial tongues, from the Latin Caballus) and in the British Margoghs in like signification. For, as now, so anciently Marc or Marg in that language (as other more) interpreted a Horse. Whence every Knight with his two Esquires on Horseback, in Brennus his army was styled z Pausanias' in Phocicis. Trimarcisia, which, though it be applied to the Celts or Gauls ('mongst whom also Caesar specially reckons, as their chief lay Order, the Equites or Margoghs) yet without much difficulty, it may be communicated to the Britons. And the Germans call them Reytteren; that is, Ridars: a word in a Buchanan. Reb. Scot lib. 7. in Malcolm. 3. Scotland to this day used. Old Rhymes of b Ms. Of the Horse, Sheep and Goose. Dan Lidgate: Eques ab Equo is said of very right, And Chevalier is said of Chivalry, In which a Rider called is a Knight. Arragoners done also specify, Caballiero though all that party Is name of Worship, and so took his beginning Of Spurs of gold, and chief Riding. As all these in this Western part express a special honour implying ability of martial service with horse: so the old Greeks attributed not to a great man a better name than what truly was the same with every of those. That is, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, whence Hecuba c Euripid. in Hecuba. calls Polymestor King of Thrace, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; and in Homer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Nestor. So the chief men and of best worth in d Herodot. lib. 〈◊〉. Chalcis were known by the Title of Hippobatae i Equites. But our English calls them Knights, the word signifying a Minister, Scholar, or Disciple. Leornung Cnihts is used for the Disciples in the old Evangelists of the Saxons, as most worthy Clarenceulx hath noted. And it was taken also for the younger sort, Tyrones' or such like. For where the Latin of venerable Bede hath of King Sigibert; instituit Scholam in qua Pueri literis erudirentur, the e Habes & apud Caium de Antiq. Cantabrig. lib. 1. English-Saxon hath he sceole gesette & on ðaere cnihtas & & geonge men gesette & getyde & laerde. i. he instituted a School, and placed in it Cnihtes (Knights) and young men both furnished and learned. At this day a Diener, servant, or vallet is both in Alemanique and Belgic called Ein Knecht. And to this sense in Cnichtas, in the translation of Bede, perhaps hath tyro and tyrocinium allusion, in those Monks which thereby express sometimes a Knight and Knighthood. But, as it goes for the titulary name of this Honour, I suppose it rather for a Minister or Servant, denoting that one which had undertaken the Order was a Martial minister or servant, known and as it were in perpetual service retained for the State. And that as Comes and Baro from their more general significations became to be what they are, so this of Cnyht or Knight. For plainly it's applied to the office, to which their Honour bound them, not to their age. As appears in Our old word Rodknights (that is, Riding Knights, f v. Verstegan. pag. 319. or Knight riders) which were such as held their lands by the service to Ride up and down with their Lords de Manerio in Manerium, which under Henry III. before William of Ralegh was adjudged g Bracton. lib. 2. de acq. rer. dom. cap. 16. & 35. to be cause of Ward and Marriage, Stephen of Segrave being then (as he might have good reason) of a contrary opinion. They were called also Kadknights; and in one that translated divers of the Saxon laws, they are thus remembered: Si hoc fit (he means if fight were) in domo hominis quem Angli vocant Radcniht, alij verò Sexhendman. The Sexhendman was the Saxon Sixhyndmon. i. one whose worth was valued at DC. shillings. In our law they are styled Milites and never Equites. Yet so that Miles is taken for the self same with Chivaler. For in the Writs of Parliament being in Latin, to the Barons, Chivaler is always as an addition so expressed in French, because it seems every Baron fit for that Court is at least supposed to be a Knight, and most commonly is so. And where in a Writ of h 30. Ed. 3. fol. 18. a. Mesne the Lord Paramount was named johannes Tournour Miles, and in the distringas ad acquietandum, johannes T. Chivaler, it was held in Court that no error was by the variance. But in the common laws also Miles is aswell taken for others as for Knights. Sometimes it goes for Miles gladio cinctus, for one indeed Knighted, as before, in the Magna assisa eligenda and elsewhere. Other times and very often it is only for a Freeholder of lands by Knight's service. And against Miles and Tenant by Knight's service, were liber Sokemannus, Burgensis, Villanus, Tenant in ancien demesn, and Seruiens opposed. Sokemans were but Tenants in socage, which held by service of the Plough, or such like. Burgenses, Burgesses, men of Towns and Corporations, of personal only not feudal worth. Villain near the like, although applied afterward to Bondslaves. Tenants in Ancient demesn, although they had their large liberty of discharge and quiet (as now) yet were reckoned so far from the worth of old Tenants by Knight's service, that they had not rank 'mongst the Liberi homines. Therefore in the writ of Right Close, the Tenure must not be laid per liberum seruitium, because (saith the Register) no Free man may bring that writ, and whereas, by the Statute of Merton, quilibet liber homo, may make an Attorney, it was i Temp. Ed. 1. tit. Attorney 102. & le case 21. Ed. 1. Ms. pluis plain & la est adjudge. adjudged that Tenants in Ancient demesn were not in those words comprehended. And in an action of Deceit against k Placit. coram Rege de Temp. H. Bigod Pasch. 44. Hen. 3. Rot. 17. Berk. William Mamman and others, by the Abbot of Beaulieu touching the Manor of Farendon, which the Abbot claimed as ancient demesne by the gift of King john, the issue being whether part of it were Ancient demesne or no, the Defendant, Petit quod inquiratur per Milites, & praeceptum est Vicecomiti quod venire faceret coram H. le Bigod in proximo adventu suo ad partes illas omnes Milites praedicti Comitatus ad recognoscendum, etc. Where note, both Ancien demesn triable by the Country, and also that Milites (used for liberè tenentes) as it were excluded the Abbot's Tenants, being, by reason of their tenure, not inter liberos & legales Homines, or fit to be in a jury. These distinctions, even still hold. By Seruientes ( l 22. Ed. 3. fol. 18. Sergeants) were those understood which either by perpetual covenant, or temporary pay, were bound to the wars, not by Tenure, as the Milites, or tenants by Knight's service. Nec miles nec seruiens litem audeat movere, saith one of m Radevic. de gest. Frederic. 1. lib. 1. cap. 26. Barbarossa's Military laws, and upon the writ of sending four Milites to see the sick in an Essoin de Malo lecti, it's not sufficient (saith Bracton) si Vicecomes mittat seruientes, milites enim esse debent propter verba brevis. And these, by reason of their pay, which by covenants was most commonly for life, or divers continual years, were also called Solidarij, (whence our word Soldiers, the Spanish Soldado, the French Soldat, and such like) because of the Soldata, or Solidata, (the proper name of their Salary) which they received. Soldata vero (say the Feudalls) dicitur quia plerunque in solidorum donatione consistit: quandoque autem in Vino & annona consistit. I will not derive here the n Caesar. de Bel. Gallic. 3. Nicol. Damascen. ap. Athenaeum dipnos. lib. 5. Soldarij, or the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which are mentioned for such as lived as Devoti, Ambacti, or near followers about great men, among the old Gauls. I dare not, what ever others. Yet the name of Miles notwithstanding hath as well its fit application to a common hired soldier, as to him that serves, by reason of his tenure, and so comprehends both them two, and the personally honoured Knight. But them two, by reason of their service to which their continual rewards bind them; the Knight, because that after out of his own worth, or hopeful forwardness, he is adjudged by some suprem judge of Chivalry, worthy that dignity, the character of his quality in his creation perpetually remains. These Knights (it seems) were anciently called Baccalaurei, or Bachelors, a name corrupted out of Batalarij, from the French Batailer, perhaps that so they might be opposed against the Vexillarij, or Bannerets (of whom anon) because the Bachelors displayed not a Banner, but only had good place of one in the army, and so exercised themselves in Battle, whence the same name was, it may o Ludovic. Vives de Caus. corrupt. Art. lib. 2. be, transferred to such as took the first degree 〈◊〉 the Militia Togata, of the University. The diligent and learned Precedent of the Parliament at Rheims, p In Cons. Britan. art. 88 Bertrand d'Argentre fetches the name of Bachelor from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, so called in the Eastern Empire, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. because they followed the Army, and carried the Victual. For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, is, saith q Constantin. Themat. 6. my Author, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. a kind of Cake or such like of a circular form, named in the r C. tit. de erogat. milit. annonae. l. 1. & de excoctione, l. 2. Code Buccellatum (and in some Grecians s Eustath. Antecessor, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. §. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) which Gothofred interprets by Biscuit. But I have not yet persuaded myself to consent with this learned Bertrand, nor yet to beleeu that I know the true etymon of Bachelor. Other conjectures are of it, but none that I dare rely on. The name is occurring in old Story, as Chivaleirs ieunes Bachelors, and Banniers and Bachiliers, for Bannerets and Bachelors in Froissart; and some passages in Adam Myrimoth, and others. In no ancient Nation almost hath been wanting some honour proportionable to this of Knighthood. Of the Romans and Grecians something already. The Carthaginians used for every Military voyage, to give him, that had gone, a t 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ring. Every man 'mongst the Macedonians, until he had slain an enemy, went girded with a u 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Halter. And no Scythian x Herodot. hist. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. & Aristot. Politic. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. cap. 〈◊〉. ubi & exempla caete●a. might drink of a specially honoured cup 'mongst them, until he had embrued himself in an enemy's blood. Next, of their Degradation. The form of that will best appear in examples. First of Sir Andrew Harkley under Edward II. made Earl of Carliel, and soon turning traitor. The King sent his Commission to Sir Anthony Lucy a Knight of that Country, to arraign him. The Acts and words of Sir Anthony in this business, the rather because the degradation from another Dignity is included in them, out of an old y Fruct. Temp. Caxton. Ms. English Chronicle I thus transcribe to you. The same Andrew was take at Cardoill (Carleill) and lead unto the Bar in manner of an Earl worthily arrayed, and with a sword girt about him, and hosed and spored. though spoke Sir Antony in this mannere. Sir Andrew, quoth he, the King deed unto you much Honour, and made you Earl of Cardoill, And Thou, as a traitor unto thy Lord the King, laddest his people of this Country, that should have holp him at the battle of Beighland, away by the Country of Copeland, and thorough the earldom of Lancaster. Wherefore our Lord the King was scom●ited there of the Scotts thorough thy treason and falseness, and if thou hadst come betimes, he had head the mastery. And all that treason thou didst for the somme of Gold and Silver, that thou underfeng of james Douglas a Scotte, the kings enemy. And our Lord the King is will is that the order of knighthood, by the which thou underfeng all in honour and in wurshipe oppon thy body, been all brought unto nought, and thy State undone, that other Knights of lower degree, now after the be aware the which Lord hath the avanced hugely in diverse countries of England: and all now take ensample by the, * Their. here Lord afterward for to serve. though commanded he a knave anon to hew of his spurs of his heel's, And after he let break the sword over his heed, the which the King him gave to keep and defend his land therewith when he made him Earl of Cardoill. And after he let him unclothe of his Furred Taberd, and his hood, and of his furred Cotys, and of his girdle, and when this was done Sir Antony said him; Andrew, quoth he, now ere'rt thou no Knight but a knave. And so gave judgement on him that he should be drawn, hanged and quartered, and his head set on London Bridge, which was executed. Walsingham in his Ypodigma remembers this, but briefly. And one addeth that he was a Th. Auensburie apud Camden. in Brigant. Calceis & Chirothecis exutus also. Some difference is in that of Sir Ralph Grey condemned of Treason by the Earl of Worcester high Constable of England under Edward IV at Doncaster. The b I. Stow. preamble of the judgement was thus: Sir Ralph Grey, for thy treason, the King had ordained that thou shouldest have had thy spurs stricken off by the hard heels, by the hand of the Master Cook, who is here ready to do as was promised thee at the time that he took off thy spurs, and said to thee as is accustomed, that and thou be not true to the sovereign Lord, he shall smite off thy spurs with his Knife hard by the heels; and so showed him the Master Cook ready to do his Office with his weapon and his Knife. (Of this more where we speak of the Order of the Bath.) Moreover Sir Ralph Grey the King had Ordained, here thou mayest see, the Kings of Arms, and Heralds and thine own proper coat of arms, which they should tear off thy body, and so shouldst thou as well be degraded of thy Worship, Noblesse and Arms, as of thy order of Knighthood. Also here is another coat of thine Arms reversed, the which thou shouldest have worn on thy body, going to thy death-wards; for that belongeth to thee after the law. Notwithstanding, the disgrading of Knighthood, and of thine arms, and Noblesse the Ring pardoneth that, for thy noble Grandfather, who suffered trouble for the Kings m●st noble predecessors. And then he gave c De Degradatione Militum consulas licet Segarum lib. 2. cap. 4. huc non libuit transfer. judgement on him. For a Corollary to our Knights, I add that of jehan le Breton in his Chapter De appel de Mayhems, speaking thus in the King's person: Ascuns trespasses sont nequedent pluis punnissables, sicome trespass fait en temps de pease a Chivalers au a autres gentzes Honorables par Ribaus & par autres Viles people, en quel cas nous volons, que si ribald soit atteint a la suit de chescum Chivaler, qu'il eit seru par felony sans desert de Chivaler que le Ribald perd son poin d' ont il trespassa. That a base fellow should lose his hand for striking a Knight, excepted in time of joustes or Torneaments. Of other particular attributes to Knight, by reason of distinct orders, presently: after we have first spoken somewhat of Esquire. That name challenges the next place here, although not by precedence, yet because it is not so peculiar to certain time or place, as the Orders, and no more than the general name of Knight. Escuyer. Scutifer. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Armiger. Attendance by Esquires on the ancient Gaulish Knights. Schilpor. Shield-knapa. Knave. Grand Escuyer. Tzaggae. Five ranks of Esquires. When in England it began to be honorary. The Collar of S.S. How Armiger became significant as in our days. Peers. Lex terrae, and Amittere legem Terrae. Exposition of gents de lour Condition in the Statut de Proditoribus. Richard Earl of Cornwall, brother to Hen. III. would not acknowledge the English Barons his Peers. Trial by Peers. Amerciament by Peers. How a Bishop partakes of the prerogatives of the greater Nobility. Pares Curtis. Douze pairs du France. Their iustitution. Patricius. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 given to joseph by the Egyptians. CHAP. X. AS most other Dignities had their beginning out of some officiary performance, so that of ESQUIRE, as we call it, or, as the French, Escuyer. Both doubtless coming from Scutifer or scutarius (this the later Grecians have in their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) which denoted him that bore the Shield or arms of his Knight. Thence also Armiger and Scutigerulus are so used by a In Casina. Plautus; and of Butes, — hic Dardanio Anchisae Armiger ante fuit fidúsque ad limina custos. saith b AEneid. 9 Virgil. And Tacitus, of Cartismandua Queen of the brigants, a British people about now Yorkshire. Spreto Venusio (is fuit maritus) Armigerum eius Vello catum in matrimonium regnumque accepit. So 'mongst the Grecians, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are (in Euripides specially of the ancients) of like signification. And the old Gaulish Knights sat at their Round Table attended by their Esquires, whom Posidonius calls c Apud Athenaeum Dipnosoph. 4. & Pausan. lib. 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. bearing their Shields. Whom, I guess, the same with the two 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Ministers which accompanied every Gaulish Knight in the wars. And that attendance, on their Knights at Table, well agrees with Chaucer's supposition of his Squire, that Curteis he was, lowly and serviceable, And kerfte before his father at the Table. His Father was the Knight. In Holy Writ it is expressed by d 1. Sam. cap. 14 & 16. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. ferens arma. The Longobards and their neighbours called him Schilpor i. a Shield bearer. Paul Warnfred, of Rosemond wife to Alboin one of their Kings: Consiliúmque mox cum Helmichi, qui regis Schilpor, hoc est Armiger, & collactaneus erat, ut regem interficeret, inijt. In like sense was the Germane e Verstegan. Schild-knapa, or Shield-knabe, or Knave used. So johannes de Temporibus is remembered to have been Shield-knave to Charles le main; Latin Story calls him Armiger. For howsoever time hath brought the word Knave to a denotation of ill quality, it was the same with the French Garçon or Valet, or our English Boy or Servant, and perhaps alone sometimes used for Escuyer (as the word literally imports) in such sort as Genus is for species. For none so proud that dare me deny Knight nor knave, Cannon, Priest ne Nun To tell a tale plainly as they con saith Dan f Prologue. in excid. Th●barum. Lidgate. And old * merchants tale. jeffrey: As, for to spare in household thy dispense, A true servant doth more diligence Thy good to keep than doth thin own wife: For the will claim half part all her life. And if that thou be sick so God me save Thy very own friends or a true Knave will keep thee better, than she that waiteth aye After thy good and hath done many a day. where Servant and Knave are as Synonymies. And knapa anciently, kn●●b and knave are but different in pronunciation or orthography. The name of the French Grand Esovyer (he is Master of the Horse) had, by original, like reason, however some will otherwise. Lupanus calls him Magnus Scutarius, and says that eius sunt partes Regi Equum ascensuro vel ex eo descensuro, auxiliatricem praebere manum, eique ensem & balteum liliatos praeferre, ut olim Scutum, quod nominis nomenclatura ostendit. He conjectures they so called him by imitation of the Eastern Empire, where the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 used solemnly, in all places, and times, except special feast days (when it was the office of the Tzaggae, that is those which provided the imperial Shoes called Tzaggia) to bear before g 1. Curopalat. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. the Emperor the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. Diwm Velum or Standard (as the French Ori 〈…〉 mbe) and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. the Emperor's Shield in a case. But, why in disquisition hereof, one need fly to imitation, I see not, when the thing self of bearing the Shield was so common, and in like form, to most Nations. The reason of the name in these apapears; and how it was first as others, officiary, but became thence to be merely honorary. A fivefold division of those whose dignities are known by it, you have in that our most learned Clarenceulx. The first and h Omisit hoc primum genus Glover Somerset in division sua quadruplici apud Segarum lib. 4. cap. 14. But, in reading this division, remember the late decree about the Baronet's, and the consequences thereof. See it in the nexr chapter in part, and that Tiptasts rule before pag. 341 chief of them are Esquires of the Budie, the second, Eldest sons of Knights, and their eldest sons successively. The third, eldest sons of the younger sons of Barons, and others of the Greater Nobility. The fourth such to whom the King gives arms with this title, or creates into it by honouring them with a Silver Collar of S S. and silvered Spurs, whence (saith he) in the Western parts, they are called White spurs for distinction from Knights that wear gilded spurs. The right of primogeniture in their lineal posterity is accompanied also with it. The fist such as have some eminent office in the Commonwealth, or serve in some place of better note in the Household. And, as his observation instructs him, the name of Esquire began to be honorary about Richard II. And see in the Prefaee one made Esquire by patent with Arms given under this Richard. For that of the Collar of SS; a justice under i Newton 14. Hen. 6. fol. 15. vide si vis, Auctorem Reliquiarum, pag. 231. de S. Simplicio. Henry VI upon the bench, thus: If a writ of debt be brought against the Sergeant of the Kitchen, in the house of the King, or against the Sergeant of an Office, in the house of the King, I shall name him Cook, and my writ is good enough, and yet he hath a Collar, and is a Gentleman, which I add, because he makes the place and Collar to give but the name of Gentleman. Nor indeed is an Esquire in Reputation now other than a Gentleman of the better Rank, having his honour either from some particular of descent or Function, or created into it by the King, as into the first step of eminency before common Gentry. Neither rests there any community now with the name and the Dignity: as the word imports. Neither can I believe that the interpretation of Armiger by the bearing of Arms, in that sense as to bear arms in Blazon is used, is to be admitted. The Arms signified in Armiger are the materials of Arms, and another's arms, not his to whom the word was anciently given. And no otherwise was it in the ancienter times of States now remaining, then under the Romans, and in such sense as in that of Valentinians indiscretion. Mortem (saith my k Tiro Prosper. in Ch●●nico, edit. Pithoeana. Author) Aetij mors Ualentiniani longo post Tempore consecuta est, tam imprudenter non declinata, ut interfecti Aelij amicos Armigerosque eius sibimet sociaret. And how Esquiors were by that name attendant on great men in the field, the stories of Froissart specially and the like instruct, where the l V Ordination. Classis Regis Fr. in Adam Myrimuth. Ms. meanest of the Army also are titled by this name. And how Knights and esquires attended on Noblemen, and of their liveries, and number, you may see what is worth observation in that m Apud I. Stovaeum in Notitia Londini, pag. 86. account made by H. Leicester, Cofferer to Thomas Earl of Lancaster under Edward the second. You may also remember the Retainer n 13. Hen. 4. tit. Entry 57 v. etiam Mar. Sanud. Torsel. Secret. Fidel. lib. 3. part. 7. c. 1. in time of Henry iv of one to be Esquire in time of Peace. But, because it was the next to Knight, and both of them had their root in things of generous performance, no name happened fit to distinguish the better sort of Gentlemen from Knight, and those (as I may say) of the vulgar Gentry. These are all the general Titles superior to Gentry. Of the particular Orders of Knighthood, by themselves, and those of Barons with the rest upward we call the Greater Nobility, the others beneath them the Less Nobility. And as Dukes, marquesses, Earls, viscounts, and Barons are Peers, and by that name specially known; in like sort Knights, Esquires, Gentlemen and Yeomen (being Freemen and Denizens) of all sorts in our Law are as of the same rank for the Title of Parity. Therefore in the Grand Charter wher● no Freeman is to be imprisoned, disseised, utlawd, banished, or otherwise made subject to any judgement nisi per legal judicium Parium suorum, vel per legem terrae, i. but by the lawful judgement of his Peers, or by wager of law. For so is lex terrae, under favour, there to be interpreted: and amittere legem terrae, that is, to lose the liberty of swearing in any Court is used by old o Glanuil. lib. 2. cap. 3. & 19 authors of our Law, for the Punishment of the Champion overcome, or yielding, in battle upon a writ of Right, and of jurors found guilty in a writ of Attaint. And Vadiare legem, and facere legem, are usual in every days records of this age: neither in those elder times was any trial more frequent both in Real and Personal actions, than Ley Gager, howsoever since it is restrained to some two or three personal actions, as Det, Detinue, Account.) That Parium suorum hath been in cases, where trials of criminal matter in fact have been, so always interpreted that, what lay Baron soever be arraigned by indictment of Treason, Felony, or what is capital, he shall be tried by Barons (and under that name I include all above Barons) and not by any of less Nobility, the rest not being his Peers. But any inferior man in like criminal causes hath his trial indifferently by Knights, Esquires, Gentlemen, or Yeomen, which in law are taken for Pares. The like interpretation upon exception, was made in the p Holinshed. arraignment of Sir Nicholas Throekmorton under Q. Mary of the words soi● attaint per gentes de lour condition. i. be attainted by men of their condition, in the Statut de Proditoribus of XXV. Ed. III. and Gentlemen, Esquires, and Yeomen were indifferently held as men of his condition, although he had the honour of Knighthood. Nor is the common practice at this day otherwise. Upon that privilege of the Grand Charter, Richard Earl of Cornwall, son to King john, grounded his answer, when upon his opposition in claiming his own interest, against a grant made by his brother Hen. III. to one Waleram a Dutchman, of a Manor indeed belonging to his Earldom, he was, by Letters required by the King to permit Waleram quiet possession, but with a beseeming answer, he showed his own right, maintained it, and offered q 28. Hen. 3. in Matth. Paris. Curiae Regiae subire judicium & Magnatum regni. Rex verò & justitiarius (the words are in Matthew Paris: and this justice was Hubert de Burgo Chief justice of England, and then newly created Earl of Kent) audientes nominare Magnates, maxima sunt indignatione succensi. Hereon the King very hastily and much moved, inioyns his brother either to render quiet possession to Waleram or departed the English soil. But the Earl, constantly: quod nec Waleramo ius suum redderet, nec sine judicio Parium suorum à regno exiret. Which was spoken with more judgement than what he answered to the Baronage upon his return out of Germany, where, by one faction, he was chosen Emperor. The Baronage required his oath, for a peaceful aid and unity with them in ordering the State, and the matters touching his stay in England, but he utterly refused it, and with looks of intermination, adds, Non habeo Parem in Anglia: Filius n. Regis praeteriti sum & frater presentis, Comésque Cornubiae. For plainly, in the Noble Baronage of England, all are Peers, Precedence of Birth, or title notwithstanding; that is among themselves, not to the King. Which Bracton thus affirms: Parem non habet (Rex) in Regno suo, quia sic amitteret preceptum, cum par in parem non habeat imperium: and thereto one of our r 22. Ed. 3. sol. 3 b. & vide 25. Ed. 3. sol. 55. b. yeer-books expressly accords making yet as if, I know not upon what ground, that till Edward I. his time (who, they say, ordained, he would be sued by petition) the King might have been commanded by a Praecipe, as any other subject, which includes some more Parity then Royal Majesty can admit. But, as a most understanding s Stanford in Prerog. Reg. cap. 15. judge hath observed, it's not likely that ever the law could be so: and by Bracton its manifest that under Henry III it was not so. In whose name should the Writ be directed? I know some question hath been anciently touching the t v. K●lway fol. 171. in 6. Hen. 8 & Br. tit. Petition 12. & tit. Prerogat. 31. & Matth. Par. fol 563. de Comite Cestriae. high Constable of England for this point. I must not here dispute that. But these Peers have, by interpretation of the Grand Charter and use of the Common law, place only in criminal causes now, and capital, not in trial of common pleas. And in Capital so only, that then Barons are tried by Barons when upon Indictment they are arraigned. For if an Appeal of Murder, Robbery or the like be brought against a Baron, he is (it being the suit of the party) to be tried by a Common jury. That difference hath time produced; as likewise another part of the Grand Charter touching the Amerciament of Earls and Barons, per Pares suos, & secundum modum delicti, is, by use in the u Videses Casum Grisly. Comment. 8. D. Coke fol. 40. Common law, grown very divers from what the words are. And the amerciament (for the in misericordia) of an Earl, Baron, and Bishop is five pound in certain, and the books give the reason where that amerciament occurs, because they are Peers of the Realm. And since Dukes have been here, theirs is accounted x 19 Ed. a sol. 9 v. 38. Ed. 3. fol 31. a. 21. Ed. 4. fol. 77. Br. tit. Amerciament. 47. ten pounds. But for the Parity of those which should amerce the 〈…〉 seems that even when the Grand Charter was granted the Barons of the Exchequer and the King's lustices were held for their sufficient Pares. Out of Bracton, is my Testimony. Comites verò vel Barones (saith he) non sunt amerciandi nisi per Pares suos & secundum modum delicti & hoc per Barones Scaccarij, vel coram ipse Rege. Therefore in a Writ of Right brought against Henry Earl of Northumberland y 1. Hen. 6. sol. 7. a. under Henry VI where, upon Battle joined and default, judgement final was to be given against the Earl, with the in Misericordia, the addition, in the expressing of it on the Bench, says, Mes in tant que le count est un Peer de Realm il sera amercie par ces peers, solonque lestatute & pur ceo Nous mittens amerciament en certain. And, although in this point of Amerciament, a Bishop be in the smae degree with a lay Baron, yet for trial z Temp. Hen. 8. tit. Trial 142. de Episcopo Rosfensi. by his Peers in capital crimes he is otherwise, because that is personal; and his being a Baron is ratione Officij & Tenurae, not of personal Nobility. Yet also in cases touching his estate, as in Real actions, or personal (which may touch his Realty) he hath the prerogative of a lay Baron, as not to have the jury returned upon a a 13. Ed. 3. Challenge 115. & inquest. 43. & 8. Eliz. Dy. fol. 246. vide Ploughed. Com. 1. c. Newdigat. & 14. & 15. ●lizab. Dy. fol. 318. a. Uenire facias without a Knight in it, which, for both lay and spiritual Barons, is allowed for a good challenge to the Array, as a privilege of Nobility. The reason of that double Parity in England, that is, that all Barons and Dignities above them are Peers of the Realm, and all other under them are Peers also 'mongst themselves, I imagined to proceed from the Feudall Customs of Pares Curtis, Domus, or Palatij. For as all Tenants either Knights, Squires, or Yeomen (Freemen) to the King or Subject, are in regard of their Lord's Court, and their own like Tenancies, Peers, known by that name of Pares Curtis in the Feudalls, so Barons, Earls, Dukes, and the like, being with us in England Tenants in regard of their Baronies, Earldoms and Dukedoms, only (except those ancient possessors of XIII. Knight's Fees and a third part, which were so Pares Baronum also) to the King, or rather to the Crown, had among themselves a special and distinct Parity, by reason of their Lords sole Majesty; and might not amiss be styled Pares Regij, or Coronae, because the very names of their Dignities supposed their Tenors of greater note, and of the Crown necessarily and immediately. Whereas the other inferior Dignities as they had to do with Tenors or express Offices, were far more common as they had regard to subjects. Although in this difference, a sufficient exactness of reason be not, yet I suspect that a better is hardly found. The Pairs and Pairries of France, or their Douze pairs are of another kind, and as by a special honour of State so called. Of them were anciently VI lay and as many ecclesiastic. The lay were the Dukes of Guienne, of Burgundy and Normandy, the Earls of Tholouze, Flanders, and Champagne. The ecclesiastic, the Archbishop of Rheims (in regard of his prerogative of anointing the King, chief of them all) the Bishops of Laon, & Langres (in reputation Dukes also) the Bishops of Beaunais, Chalons, and Noyon, Earles. Of these, the Earldom of Flanders being now in another Dominion, and the other five lay Dignities united to the Crown of France, the Ecclesiastic only remain. But so, that the pleasure of the State hath since reordained divers other Pairries (as they call them) Bretagne, Du Haillan. liure 3. Du Tillet, Plusours. Bourbon, Anjou, Berry, Orleans, and others. Their Dignity claimed precedence of what other Princes of the blood soever; and it's reported that at the Coronation of Charles VI Philip the first of that name Duke of Burgundy had place of his elder brother Lewes' Duke of Anjou, upon this reason. But at the Coronation of Francis II. the Q. Dowager Catharine disliking that any of the later instituted Peers (those ancient Cl. Fauchet de Dig. lib. 2. being now extinct) should have pre-eminence of the King's children, so ordered that her other sons all clothed in the habit of Peers, should go immediately after the King. The first creation of them by the common opinion is referred to Charles le magne, and some neater judgements dare follow it. But it's not likely that they were instituted until the Dignities of Duke and Earl grew Hereditary, which was not till after Charlemain. Much less should judgement refer them to our British Arthur (a time more than M. years since) as some do, persuaded by a tradition in our British story, which the great Lawyer Hotoman also assents to. Indeed in Geffrey of Monmouth they are spoken of by the name of XII. consuls, in the life of Arthur; and Robert of Gloucester, in Arthur, calls them the b Douze Pairs. Dosseperes of France. Another and a reformed opinion is, that about M. C. LXXX. They were instituted by Lewes VII. which I could have soon credited had I not seen that the British story turned into Latin just about Lewes VII. his age by that Geffrey of Monmouth, as also c Hotoman. Francogall. cap. 14. & Gaguin. Chron. 4. cap. 1. Gervase of Tilburie in his Otia Imperialia dedicated to the Emperor Otho IU. even next that very time, had mentioned the XII. Peers generally, with reference of them to Arthur. Which, it seems, they would never have done, although their professions had been mere Poetical fiction, had the name been in their present ages newly instituted. And many think (and not without good reason) that the British story was, although of no great credit, yet ancient before the translation. Others d De Villiers ad Fulberti Ep. 96. refer them to K. Robert or Rupert. He reigned twixt M. and M. XXX. I will beleeu that about him they might have their original, because before him no such testimony, as is sufficiently credible, instructs us of them and the number. But I will rather here play the mere Sceptic. Yet that before this Lewes, France had its Cour de Pairs, or conventus Parium (which after the institution of the Douze pairs kept the name) is plain by Fulbert Bishop of Chartres his mention of that conventus in his Epistles. He lived under K. Robert. Neither were they, by institution, e Bodin. de Repub. 3. cap. 1. tilius Comm. de reb. Gall. lib. 2. alij. otherwise then as special Privy Counsellors of State. And doubtless had their name of Pares from a proportionat place in Court to that of the Pares Curtis in the Feudalls. And were titled from the Parity twixt themselves, whence an old Romant f Gualther d' avignon chez Fauchet de Dignit. 2. calls them Compagnons: Assez de mal me fit vostre oncle Ganelans Qui trahit en Espagne les dovez Compagnons. So do they both in France, with us, and elsewhere well interpret the Persian g Xenoph. Cyropaed. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. as if you should say, compagnons en honeur. Some, and those of no small note, have thought that the French name of Pairs came out of Patrices or Patricij which indeed were of like Dignity in the Declining Empire, and first h Zosim. hist. 2. vide verò libri huius extremam. instituted (far different from those occurring in the elder Roman story) by Constantine the great. And however in a Constitution of Theodosius and i Novel. tit. 46. edit. a Pith. Valentinian, any that was twice Consul had precedence of a Patricius, yet Sublimis Patriciatus honour (by the Emperor k C. de Coss. l. 3. & v. C. de Decur. l. 66. Zeno) caeteris omnibus anteponitur, & in the gift of it to l Cassiodor. Var. 3. epist. 5. vide Subscript. Privilegio Tertulli Coenobio Casinensi. Importunus by Theodorique, it's called munus plenarium Dignitatum. The deduction of it is from Pater, and as if they were called the Kings or Emperors Fathers. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, saith m Authent. 81. in Praefat. justinian of them, which in a manner is interpreted in that of his also n C. de Coss L. S. Sancimus, V Cassiodor. Var. 6. form. 2. Qui à nobis loco patris honorantur. Whence a Patricius is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. Father of the State, and o Antholog. li. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and, by composition of the word, p Luitprand. lib. 1. cap. 7. & 9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, wherewith the Emperor Leo (about DCCCXC.) honoured Zautzas father to his delicate Concubine Zoe, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. having newly invented this Dignity, which was not before, as Cedren's words are. Neither was it new then (as to some other Nations) but only in composition. For Haman in the letters of Artaxerxes is said to have been so much q Es●h. cap. 16. Comm. 8. & de hac re consulas Plutarchum in Lucullo. honoured, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. that he was called our Father: and that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Abrech proclaimed before joseph, is by r Genes. 41. Com. 43. the Chalde of Onkelos and jonathan, and the Hierosolymitan Targum taken for Father of the tender King, or tender Father of the King, although some interpret it, kneel down. The title of Patricius was of such honour that Charles le Magne before he was crowned Emperor, had it as an additament of Greatness. That it was as the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Magister anciently, as a learned s Meurs. Gloss. Graeco-barb. in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. man would, I have not yet persuaded myself. But of Peers and Patrices thus much. Bannerets. Chivalers' a Bannier. Drappeau quarrè. Baron. Of France. Bannerets in England. The form of making Sir john Chandos a Banneret. Bannerets not created by Patent. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Baronet. Baroneti for Bannereti in old Monks. A Banneret discharged from being Knight of the Parliament. The new title of Baronet created by our present Sovereign. The Decree of their precedence. Knights of the Bath. France and England. The form of their creation with us. The Ribbon they are to wear until some Prince or Lady pull it off. Knights of the Collar. Torquati: Order of the Garter. S. George; special particulars of him. The Round Table. Della Nuntiata. Order Du Toison d'Or. Of S. Michael. De Saint Esprit. De l'Estoille. De Croissant. Some obscure and obsolet Orders of France. De la Banda. Of S. Andrew. Of the Elephant. Of the Sword. Of the Burgundian Crosse. Diego sangue di saluatore. Di Santo Steffano. Di S. Marco. Peetermen. Why Religious Orders are here omitted. CHAP. XI. OF ORDERS, some are Religious only, and destinate to some particular actions, as the Templars anciently, the Hospitalars, the Ordo Teutonicorum in Prussia, and divers other of like nature, since instituted in Italy specially and in Spain, against the Turks, in such places where they are instituted, and being under some Religious Order, and merely de la Croce, or of the Crosse. I reckon them rather as officiary Knights then honorary, and omit them, because also they occur every where else. Others are merely Civil and honorary. And, of these, some are such as have their special honour in most parts of the Western Christendom, others only in the particular Countries where their first being was. The first sort of this last kind are BANNERETS, and of the BATH; and first of them Bannerets, are Chivalers' à Banier, Chivalers' à drappeau quarré, or Equites Vexillarij from their right of bearing a Banner, Standard, or Square Ensign in the wars, with their Arms on them, whereas Knights Bachelors may not do so. The Germans call them Banner-heers. In an old French Author: t Anthony de la salle chez L'oyseau des Grandes seig. cap. 5. §. 50. & des Cheuale●s à Bannier, vois Pasquier Recerch. du France Liu. 2. cap. 9 Le Baron est inuesty avec un Drappeau quarré: & le Banneret avec un drappeau in escusson, that is, the Baron is made by giving him a square Ensign, or Banner, but the Banneret, by an Ensign in Scutcheon fashion, or a Pennon. And the Customs of Poictou, as L'oyseau, cities: Le Comte, Vicomte ou Baron peut porter Banniere, qui est adire qu'il peut en guerre, & en armoiries, porter says arms en quarré: ce que ne peut le seigneur Chastellan, que seulement les peut porter en form d'escusson. Yet now both with them and elsewhere the Square Banner is a proper and denominating Ensign to the Banneret, which is one (saith the same L'oyseau) to whom the King hath given power to advance his Banner, although he be neither Baron, Viscont, or Chastellan, but he ought to be of good possession, and have under him x. Vassals, and such means as are able to maintain a troop of horse. Until about Edward III, they were not in England, as the learned Clarenceulx well conjectures. That King ereated u Pat. 15. Ed. 3. part. 2. memb. 22. & 23. john Coupland a Banneret for his great service in taking David of Bruis II. of that name King of Scots, in the battle at Durham. In the formal Creation of them in ●ater time, the use is, that betwixt two ancient Knights ushered with Trumpets and Heralds, the Deserving be brought before the King or his Lieutenant, bearing a Pennon or Guidon charged with his arms, the end of which, after some honourable speeches, is commanded to be cut off, that so it may be a square Banner. Somewhat like is that in Froissart, only but in cutting of the Pennon. Where the noble john Chandos, before the successful war had by the Black Prince aiding Don Piedro of Castille. (Froissart corruptly, as in many other, calls him Dampietre) against the bastard Henry, brought his Banner charged with his Arms, and wrapped up to the Prince, with these words: Monseigneur, voys cy ma banniere; ie la vous baille par tell manniere qu'il vous plaise la desuellopper, & que au iourduy ie la puisse leuer: care (dieu mercy) i'ay bien de quoy terre & heritage pour tenir estate ainsi come appartient à ce. Then the Prince and Don Piedro took his Banner and gave it him unfolded, answering him, jehan vees cy vostre banniere: Dieu vous en laisse vostre prew saire. Whereupon the noble Chandos goes to his Company, and with much joy on every side, his Banner was advanced and born by a Squire. But no Knight Banneret (saith Segar, now Garter) can be made but in the war, and the King present, or when his Standard Royal is displayed in in the field. Neither do the x Rot. Vascon. 13. Ed. 3. memb. 13. pro W. de la Pool. memb. 1. pro R. de Cobham, & Rot. Pat. 4. Ed. 6. pro Radulpho Fane. Patents, which speak of any created into this Dignity, prove that by the Patent they were made, but the recital is of the Creation, and some revenue given to the maintenance of the honour. So are those of Coupland, William de la Poole, and Reginald de Cobham under Edw. III. and of Sir Ralph Fane for his service at Mustleborough under Edward VI where the recital is, by ignorance of him that drew the Patent, Statum & Dignitatem Baronetti for Baneretti, whereof more presently. In some old laws y Parl. 7. jacob. 1. cap. 101. & vide Skene de Verb. significatiene. of Stotland they are called Banrents (which some derive from the Banner being rend when the Pennon is took off) but there mentioned as they are among the number of parliamentary Lords. The name of Bannier and Banneret have both some kindred with the old 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, whence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for a Standard Bearer, in the Grecians of Middle times. Vexillum quod Bandum appellant, saith Paul Warnfred. And Suidas: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. the Romans call their Ensign in war Bandum. It's derived out of the Carian language, z Steph. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. wherein 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signified Victory (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) into Latin, by some affirming that in Latin it was used for Victory, or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The good luck, included in the interpretation, might allow it, but I rather think, the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 applied to their Labarum (their Standard) bearing a symbol of our Saviour, was the cause that made any man think that Bandum signified victory, which is comprehended in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. With this right of having a Banner, remember that which is already spoken of touching the ancient giving of Provinces to Dukes, Counts, and Marquesses, to which you may add that anon delivered, of the Turkish Sanzacbeglar. Although those Dignities are different, yet may they be here well thought on. That community of the right of advancing a square Ensign charged with Arms, which both Barons and Bannerets enjoy, was the cause why the name of Banneret and Baronet hath been by some confounded, and the one anciently written for the other. And therefore in a challenge to the grand Assize a 22. Ed. 3. sol. 18. a. tit. Challenge 119. under Edward III. one was challenged pur ce que il fuit a banner (or as the Abridgement hath it, a Banneret) but it was not allowed, and the reason is given, car s'il soit a banner & ne tient pas per barony, il serra en l'assise For, Barons are exempted from juries & Assizes &, it seems, this question supposed a Banneret so near a Baron in Dignity, that nothing should have wanted but the tenure per Baroniam. And in another year b 35. Hen. 6. sol. 46. Baronet is expressly for a parliamentary Baron, as, in the Annals of c Sub A. 1302 Ireland, quadraginta Baroneti are for XL. Bannerets. And the like occurring in other Monks and Story, of that kind, is to be so understood. No more of these Bannerets, after I have transcribed a Writ of discharge of being Knight of the Parliament, because he was a Banneret, directed to the Sheriff of Surry, for one Sir Thomas Camoys under d Claus. 7. Rich. 2. memb. 32. in dorso. Richard II. It speaks thus: Rex Vicecomiti Surriae, quia ut accepimus tu Thomam Camoys Chivaler, qui Bannerettus est, sicut quamplures antecessorum suorum extiterunt, ad essendum unum Militum venientium ad proximum Parlamentum pro-communitate Comitatus praedicti de assensu eiusdem Comitatus elegisti, Nos, advertentes quod huiusmodi Banneretti ante haec tempora in Milites Comitatus ratione alicuius Parlamenti eligi minimè consueverunt, ipsum de Officio Militis, ad dictum Parlamentum pro communitate Comitatus predicti venturi, exonerari volumus, and so commands him to choose another. But that of BARONET became a new erected distinct Title under our present Sovereign, who, for certain disbursements toward the Plantation in Ulster, created divers into this Dignitle, and made it hereditary. The particulars of the Patent shall instruct you. Ordinamus (saith the King) ereximus constituimus & creavimus quendam statum, Gradum, Dignitatem, nomen & Titulum Baronetti (Anglicè of a Baronet) infra hoc regnum Angliae perpetuis Temporibus duraturum, and then gives the title to the Created, to him and his heirs Males of his body. And that he shall have precedence in all writings, Sessions, and Salutations before all Knights, as well of the Bath, as Knights Bachelors, and also before all Bannerets, created, or hereafter to be created, excepted only illis Militibus Bannerettis quos sub vexillis Regijs, in exercitu Regali, in aperto bello, & ipso Rege personalitèr present explicatis & non alitèr creari contigeret. And that their wives and eldest sons respectively have like precedence. That they should be impleaded, and sue by the addition of Baronet. And that to the name of them, and the heirs males of their bodies in sermone Anglicano, & omnibus scriptis Anglicanis praeponatur haec additio, videlicet Anglicè, SIR. And that their wives have the titles of Lady, Madam, and Dame: with a grant, quod nec nos nec Heredes vel successores Nostri de caetero in posterum erigemus, ordinabimus, constituemus, aut creabimus infra hoc Regnum nostrum Angliae aliquem alium gradum, Ordinem, nomen, titulum, Dignitatem, sive statum, sub vel infra gradum, dignitatem, sive statum Baronum huius Regni nostri Angliae, qui erit vel esse possit superior vel aequalis Gradui & Dignitati Baronettorum praedictorum. And further, that after the proposed number of CC. made, quod tunc nos non cre●●imus; vel praeficiemus aliquam aliam personam vel personas in Baronettum vel Baronettos Regni nostri Angliae, sed quod Numerus dictorum CC. Baronettorum ea ratione de tempore in tempus minuetur, & in minorem numerum cedet & redigetur. Upon point of precedence a great controversy grew afterward between these new Baronet's and the younger sons of Viscounts and Barons; and after the Counsel on both parts three several days at large heard by his Majesty in person, it e 28. Maij. 10. jacobi Regis. was decreed, adjudged, and established that the younger sons of Viscounts and Barons shall take place and precedence before all Baronet's.— And that such Bannerets as shallbe made by the King's Majesty, his heirs and successors under his or their Standard displayed in an Army Royal in open War, and the King personally present, for the term of the lives of such Bannerets, and no longer (according to the most ancient and noble institution) shall for ever hereafter in all places and upon all occasions, take place and precedence as well before all other Bannerets whatsoever (no respect being had to the time and priority of their Creation) as likewise before the younger sons of Viscounts and Barons, and also before all Baronet's. And again that the younger sons of Visconts and Barons, and also all Baronet's, shall in all places and upon all occasions take place and precedenee before all Bannerets whatsoever, other than such as shall be made by the King himself, his heirs and successors in person, and in such special case manner, and form as aforesaid.— And that the Knights of the most honourable Order of the Garter, the Privy Counsellors of his Majesty his heirs and successors, the Master of the Court of Wards and Liveries, The Chancellor and under Treasurer of the Exchequer, Chancellor of the Duchy, the chief justice of the Court commonly called the King's bench, the Master of the Rolls, the chief justice of the Court of Common pleas, the chief Baron of the Exchequer, and all other the judges and Barons of the degree of the Coif of the said Court● now, and, for the time being, shall, by reason of their Honourable order and employment of State and justice, have place and precedency in all places and upon all occasions before the younger sons of Visconts and Barons, and before all Baronet's, any custom, use, ordinance, or other thing to the contrary notwithstanding. But, that no other person or persons whatsoever under the degree of Barons of Parliament shall take place before the said Baronet's, except only the eldest sons of Viscounts and Barons, and others of higher degree, whereof no question ever was or can be made. And in the same Decree his Majesty further granted to knight the present Baronet's which were then no Knights, and that the heirs males of the body of every Baronet hereafter when he shall be of XXI. years, Upon knowledge thereof given to the Lord Chamberlain of the Household or Vicechamberlaine for the time being, or in their absence to any other Officer attending upon his majesties person shall be Knighted by his Majesty his heirs and successors. And that the Baronet's and their descendants shall and may bear either in a Canton in their Coat of Arms, or in an Inscutcheon at their election, the Arms of Ulster, that is, a field Argent, a hand Gueules. And also that the Baronet's for the time being, and the heirs males of their bodies shall have place in the Armies of the King's Majesty his heirs and successors in the gross, near about the Royal Standard of the King, his heirs and successors, for the defence of the same. And lastly, that the Baronet's and the heirs males of their bodies shall have two assistants of the Body to support the Pall, a Principal Mourner and four assistants to him at their funerals, being the mean betwixt a Baron and a Knight. I have transcribed this, because out of it may be collected somewhat touching other Dignities; and although a Baronet, being a descendible honour, is not properly 'mongst Knights, yet, because, by the Decree, a Knighthood is so due 〈…〉 it, I shall not be much subject to error of method for putting it here, as occasion also was offered. Those of the BATH were anciently 'mongst the old Franks. Prisci Franci (saith f Idem mos in Hispanis olim Hieronym. Roman. apud Menen. in Equest. Ord. ubi de Banda. Ad equest●em dignitatem veteres ritus & solennes revocasse Franciscum 1. Galliarum Regem scribit Hadr. junius in Bataviae cap. 19 Du Tillet) ceremonias instituendis Equitibus multas adhibuerunt; ut prius vigilarent diu, Balneisque & alijs rebus uterentur.— Quarum ceremoniarum usus memoria nostra perstat in Anglia, ubi viros eiusmodi vocant Balneorum Equites. The eldest creation of them 'mongst us remembered, is at the Coronation of Henry iv (for to talk of julius Caesar's knights of the Bath is the worst of what is ridiculous.) He then in the Tower made XLVI. and at Coronations, Royal Marriages, Christening or Knighting the Prince and such like were wont many to be made. The particulars of the more ancient form of Creation, are at large by others g Segar, Honour Milit. lib. 2. cap. 11. delivered; and I had rather refer you to them then transcribe so much. In these times the chief ceremonies are (not much differing from the old) that such as out of the fairest flowers of Nobility are to be thus honoured, the h Camd. in Ord. day before the creation, heremit-like in ash-colour robes, in a hood and a linen cap, and booted, go to Prayers, there to offer themselves first to God; then, attended every one by two Esquires and a Page (remember here the Trimarcisia which we speak of out of Pausanias) they sup together. Thence into a chamber. Where every one hath his bed furnished with red Covering, charged with his Arms, and by, his bathing Tub covered with linen clothes. In this, after some devotions they wash themselves. Next morning they are raised with Music. Then the Constable of England, the Marshal, and others hereto by the King appointed, give every of them his oath, binding him to the specal honour of God, his Church, and the King, and to the defence of Widows, Virgins, Orphans. Then usherd by the King's Musicians and Heralds they go in their Heremit-like weeds, to Morning Prayer, whence they are in like form brought into their ch 〈…〉 o. There they change their habits, and put on a red silk rob, a white hat, with like feathers upon a linen cap, and white Gloves. Then they take horse, their horses bearing a Cross on the forehead. Before every of them, their Pages on horseback bear a Sword hatched with gold in a Belt, and on it gilt spurs hanging. The two Esquires riding on each side. Before them, Trumpets. In this solemnity they go to Court, where, by two ancient Knights, every of them is led to the King. The Page delivers the Sword and Belt and the Spurs to the Lord Chamberlain, he, with great reverence, to the King. The King girds the Knight with it, and commands the two ancient Knights to put on his Spurs, and they were wont, saith the learned Clarenceulx, to kiss the created's knees, with an acclamation of best wishes. Then they dine all together, sitting all on one side of the Table, every one under his Shield. They go to Evening Prayer to the Chapel, there offer their Swords, and with another Oblation redeem them. As they come back, the King's chief Cook, showing them his knife, warns them that they prove themselves good and faithful Knights, which, if they do not, he menaces them to cut off their Spurs. On the Coronation day they wear a blue rob, and wait girded with their Swords and Spurred, having on their left shoulder a hood and a ribbon or such like of white silk: Of this ribbon, thus Segar Charter, describing the old fashion. He shall be appareled in a blue Gown, with the Manches open in the manner of a Priest, and he shall have at his left shoulder a lace of white silk hanging, which he shall wear uppermost on his Garment, so long till he have gained honour in Arms, and be recorded by some noble Knights, Esquires, and Heralds of Arms, for some memorable deeds done by him, or by some Noble Prince or Noble Lady, which may cut away the lace from the knight's shoulder, saying Sir, we have heard much of your renown, and that you have done in divers places to the great honour of Chivalry for yourself and him that made you knight: Therefore reason would that this lace be taken from you. This Order is now special and in another Rank before common Knights, yet it seems that anciently none were at all knighted but thus, if you regard only the chiefest of the ceremonies. Remember what we have before out of jugulph. And for the Vigils, see the h Florilegus sub A. 1306. relation of them kept in the Temple at the knighting of Prince Edward of Caernaruan. And I remember Nicholas Upton that wrote de re Militari under Henry VI. speaks of that wearing the Ribbon as belonging generally to Knights. Most Knights then were in the more ancient days as Knights of the Bath; for the more ancient ceremonies of creation remain in them only. And therefore, however the name hold not so universally, it's not amiss to make them (as Bannerets) such as have, or have had their distinct honour not so much limited to any particular State. Those two, Bachelors and of the Bath, you may comprehend under the general name of Equites Aurati, or Cavalieri di sprone, as Sansovino calls them, i knights of the spur. And most of the other Orders, which are appropriate to their particular Countries, you may with him style Cavalieri di Collana, or Equites Torquati, i. such as for a special ensign of their honour, have some special Chain, Collar, or such like ornament denoting it. I iterat special, because also others have the right of wearing Collars given them, as it seems, in that of john Gower a Noble English Poet (under. Richard II. and Hen. IU.) buried in the North side of S. Mary Ouerie● Church in Southwark, with his statue on him, his head circled with a Chaplet of red Roses, and about his neck a Collar of S S. But they have them as special gifts of private favour, and as additaments to their honour, not as a note of their Order, except only such as are created Esquires by a i Torquium dator dictus Athelstanus Antiquiss. cuidam scriptori apud Henric. Huntingdon. lib. 6. & de Torquibus a Romanorum Impp. datis non est ut quid hic quis expectet. Collar of S S. given. Therefore Sansovino speaking of Knights Bachelors, or of the Spur, Portano (saith he) similiment la Collana come i Prencipi, come puro dono de chi li crea, & none come Segno d'ordine alcuno di Cavaleria regolata. Such kind of gifts are anciently found in the stories of Pharaoh, Mordechai, and passages of the Maccabees, and in the Torques, Armillae, the like of the Romans. And after the battle of Caleis Edward III wearing a rich Chaplet k Froissart. vol. 〈◊〉. on his head, made of gold and stones, gave it to a worthy knight Eustace of Ribaumont, commanding him to wear it all that year as the King's favour. 'mongst Knights di Collana four are of special and of most honour: that of the Gartier with us, of the Anunciada in Savoy, of the Golden Fleece in Burgundy, and of S. Michael and the Saint Esprit in France. Of them and some others briefly. That most honourable Order l Periscelidis sive Garterij Ordo. of the Gartier was (as is truly supposed) instituted here by Edward III. soon after his victories against the French at Caleis. About M. CCC. L. Some and the most part affirm, that the King dancing with the Queen, or rather the Countess of Salisbury (whom he much affected) a Garter fell from her. The King took it up, and ware it on his leg, and, whether upon the Queen's jealousy, or his Lords merry observing it, told them Honey soit que maly pense. And that he would make it the most honourable Garter that ever was worn. Others think the Garter was used for some symbol before his successful battle. Howsoever, he made of this an Order of XXVI. knights under the patronage of S. George, and the Garter to be worn on the left leg inscribd by embrodering with those French words. The Collar of the Order being of pure gold, made of Garters and knots, and enameled with Roses white and red, weighing about XXX. ounces Troy weight, with the Image of George, richly garnished with slones thereat hanging. Froissart, that hath many particulars of the King's affection to the Countess, and then lived, speaks of no such thing as her Gartier, but in M. CCC. XLIV puts the institution de la Confrairie Saint George, or de les Cheualiers de bleu lartier as he calls it, and makes the number at the first jousting, forty. Which refer to that which we have anon out of Walsingham touching the Round Table, under the same year, and more light will be given to both authors in those passages. But in the book of the m Camd. in A. tr●batijs. videses Leland. ad Cygn. Cant●onem. institution of this, it's mentioned that Richard Coeur de Lion purposed a like, upon some comfort received, in his wars against the Turks and Agarens, from S. George. Illabente (are the words) per Divi Georgij, ut opinatum est, interuentum spiritu, venit in mentem ut quorundam electorum Militum cruribus coraceum subfibulum quale ad manus tunc solum habebat, induceret, quo futurae Gloriae memores ex condicto si vincerent, ad rem fortitèr ac strenuè gerendam expergefierent, ad Romanorum instar, apud quos illa Coronarum varietas. The Kings of England are sovereigns of the Order, and Henry V ordained the King of Heralds, Garter, for it. Many suprem Princes have been honoured with it. Why this was dedicated to S. George, may easily be known if you remember how universal a Patron he is in Christianity. For although he be n v. 10. Hen. 7. cap. 20. Statut. Hiberniae. now with us as particular as S. Denis in France, S james in Spain, S. Andrew in Scotland, S. Mark in Venice, S. Patrick in Ireland, S. Antony in Italy, yet not only the Emperor Frederique III. Pope Alexander VI and the State of Genoa of later time ordained certain Colleges of Knights de la Croce under S. George against the professed enemies of Christ, and the Arms of the great Duke of Moscovie are just as our S. George; but also this very name of the Saint is usually taken for Christ himself, and his Serpent for the Devil. It's true that our Edward III made his invocation at the battle of Caleis Ha Saint Edward, Ha Saint George, and that Rama, or, as others, o Anna Comnena Alexiad. n. & Malmesb. lib. 4. alij. Ramel (where, in the Holy Wars about M. XCV. a Bishop in honour of him was constituted, because in an p Robert. Monach. hist. Hierosolym. lib. 8. apparition Celestial, and of the Albati Milites he was affirmed to be the Standard-bearer, or Antesignanus) is the place famous for his Martyrdom and Shrine, and other particulars in the Legend occur to this purpose, yet Georgij (saith Pope q Dist. 15. c. 3. § item gesta. Gelasius) aliorumque huiusmodi passiones quae ab haereticis perhibentur conscriptae, propter quod, ne vel levis ordiretur subsannandi occasio, in sancta Romana ecclesia non leguntur. In the Greek Menologie he is called Tropelophorus, which is so cited by that great Cardinal Baronius. But I wonder he mended it not. Plainly it should be Tropaeophorus. And an Eastern s joann. Euchait. in Hypomneum. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. & pag. 51 Bishop writing to Constantin Monomachus, calls S. George 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And in another place he calls him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, by which name to the Greeks he was known. Of him you have enough in the Martyrologies in the XXIII. of April (on which the feast of these Knights is celebrated with great solemnity at Windsor, where the Chapel is dedicated to our Lady and S. George; the Dean being Register of the Order) and you may see also Erhard Celly in his late description of Frederique Duke of Witemberg his installation into it by favour Of the Round Table. of our present Sovereign. The Mahumedans honour t Cantacuzen. Apolog. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. him, as we. They call him Chederle, which one expresses by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Some talk of S. George born by King Arthur in one of his Banners. But what is delivered of that Prince is so uncertain, that even the truth of his honoured deeds, is by incredible reports of him, obscured. Yet by the way, his Order of the Round Table must not here be forgotten. Some make his first celebration of it at Caerleon in Monmouth, others at Winchester (where the Table is supposed yet to be; but that seems of later date) and Camelot in Somerset is famous u v. Leland. Assert. Arturij alios. by it. Of Winchester, and the marriage of Igerne to Uter Pendragon, father to Arthur, Harding speaks as if Uter had begun it for Knights, and joseph of Arimathia for religious persons. And at the Day he wedded here and crowned And she farforth with child was then begun, To comfort her, he set the Table round At Winchester of worthiest Knights alone, Approved best, in Knighthood, of their foone, Which table round joseph o● Arimathie, For Brother made of the Saint x Sang Real i. Sangue Royal or, Christ's Blood, see, if you will, the story of Arthur. Gral only. In which he made the sige perilous Where none should sit, without great mischief, But one that should be most religious Of Knights all; and of the Round table chief The Saint Gral that should recover and acheve By adventure of his fortunitie. It's like enough some such thing as Arthur's Order of this kind might be. For out of Heger Earl of Mansfeild his being of it, the antiquity of y Spangb. apud. Ortelium in Mansfeild. that Earldom in Saxony is derived; and in Denbighshire, as Stow tells us, in the Parish of Lansannan on the side of a stony hill, is a circular plain, cut out of a main rock, with some XXIV. seats unequal, which they call Arthur's Round Table. But many particulars of it, as the names of the Knights, the certain number, their Coat Armour, and such more, whereof too largely are testimonies, such as they be, extant, I beleeu as much as a Rabelais liure 2. chap. 30. him that says Sir Lancelot du lac fleas horses in hell, and that all these Arthurian Knights are poor Watermen upon Styx, Acheron and other Rivers there, to ferry Spirits, and Devils up and Down, and that their fare is a fillip on the nose, and at night a piece of mouldy bread. But, for the Round Table; it seems it was in use for Knights to sit at 'mongst the old Gauls, as Posidonius b Athenaeus Dipnos. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. remembers; and that to avoid controversy about precedence. A form much commended by a late c Gemos. Halograph. lib. 3. cap. 9 Writer, for the like distance of All from the S●lt, being Centre, first, and last of the Table furniture. It's certain that it hath been in use since the Normans 'mongst our Kings and in France. Matthew Paris speaks of it in Hen. III. and Mortimer's under Edward I. at Kelingworth, is famous in story. But what Thomas of Walsingham hath of Edward the three's at Windsor (before the Garter) and of Philip of Ualois his in France, receive out of his own words. Anno M. CCC. XLIV. qui est annus regni Regis Edwardi à conquestu terty XVIII. Rex Edwardus fecit convocari plures artifices ad Castrum de Windsor (remember that before out of Froissart) & caepit aedificare domum quae Rotunda Tabula vocaretur: habuit aut em eius area à centro ad circumferentiam per semidiametrum c. pedes, & sic diametrum c c. pedum erat. Expensae per hebdomadam erant primo centum librae. Sed expost, propter nova quae Rex suscepit de Francia, resecabantur ad XX. libras eò quod censuit pro alijs negotijs thesaurum plurimum comportandum. Eodem tempore Philippus de Valois Rex Franciae hoc facto Regis Angliae provocatus caepit & ipse Rotundam aedificare Tabulam in terra sua, ut sic sibi attraheret militiam Alemanniae & Italiae, ne ad Regis Angliae Tabulam properarent. In the year M. CD. IX. Amades Count of Savoy, of that name the VI (for until Amades VIII. it was no Della Nuntiata ●n Sa●o●a. Dukedom) began the Order of the Anunciada. It was in memory and honour of a victory had by Amades surnamd le Verd, one of his Ancestors against the Turks, in winning of Rhodes, whereby also the Arms of that County and now Dukedom became the Cross argent in a field Gueules, being the Cross of the Hospitalars or Knights of S. john of jerusalem, or of Rhodes. Their Collar is of plates tied together with little chains of gold, interwoven in the form of true-love's knots, upon every plate is the word or letters FERT. Which is interpreted to stand for Fortitudo Eius Rhodum Tenuit. And to the Collar hangs a m●dda●l of the Salutation. Their number is XIV. Their place of solemnity's kept annually on our Lady day, in Pietro Castilia. The Charter of the institution is at large in Sansovino. At the marriage of Elizabeth daughter to john K. of Du Toison d●or. Portugal, in M. CD. XXX. to Philip surnamd the Good, Duke of Burgundy, celebrated at Bruges, the same Duke instituted that of the Golden Fleece. The Collar given is made as of Flints and Steels to strike fire, and to it is the Fleece pendant. The number was at first XXV. with the Duke. He afterward made it XXXI. and Charles the V in M. D. XVI. at Brussels increased it to 11. What was truly alluded to in the Collar I understand not, nor can see that any else sufficiently doth. They talk of Gideon's fleece, and Jason's, and some of the Philosopher's stone forsooth as concealed in the Golden Fleece. But all satisfies not enough. Lewes' XI. in M. CD. LXIX. began the Order of S. De S. Michael. Michael, at Ambois. The Collar is shells tied together, gold. S. Michael conquering the Devil is annexed to it. The word is Immensi tremor Oceani. The z Ordinances du France tum. 3. ●ilt. 4. institution is that every one of the Order (appointed of XXXVI.) should have un Coll●er d'Or fait à Coquilles lacee's l'un au●c l'autre d'un double laz, assizes sur chainettes au maille d'Or, au milieu du quel sur un roch, aura un image d'Or de Monseigneur S. Michael qui reviendra pendant sur la poitrine, which they should be bound to wear continually. Some think the allusion was to the X. of Daniel. Others say he took S. Michael in regard of an apparition of him to his father Charles VII. upon Orleans bridge in the wars against the English. Since this, Henry III. instituted the Order of the De Saint Esprit. Holy Ghost: (the reason is made, because on a Whitsunday he was chosen King of Poland) and gave Collars of Fleurs de lis, and flames, gold, with a Cross and a Dove on it pendant. He made some mixture of it, and that of S. Michael, yet so that both Orders remain. And by his institution (saith Mennenius) the next day after the Collar of the Holy Ghost is given, that of S. Michael should be added, if the honoured were not before of the Order. Another reason of this new one was because that of S. Michael above became too common 'mongst the undeserving. And what he did was somewhat like that of Charles VII. his correcting the Order of the Star. That of the Star was begun by their King john (about the time of our Garter) which when the same Charles VII. De L'estoille. saw communicated to many of base condition, he a Bodin. lib. 5. de Repub. cap. 4. Atqui ad loannem R. ipsum qui primo instituit referunt alij. Vide Girard. Hail. lib. 2. commanded every Yeoman of the Guard to wear in his cap a Golden Star. So was the form of the Knights wearing. Whereupon presently the Knights left it off. For no greater dishonour can be to virtue, then when her desert is so prostituted. That both persuaded the King and also the Knights, to do what they did. The King did it to take away the pretended Ensign of honour, without direct compulsion. The Knights, because they would not be like the Yeomen of the Guard. There was also in M. CD. LXIV. the Order of the Croissant ordained by Renee Dake of Anjou and King of Sicily. De Croissant en Anjou. To the Collar was pendant a Croissant; the word inscribed, Los en Croissant, familiar afterward to Charles VIII. This with the house of Anjou ended, but is in some sort renewed by the marquess of Tyras 'mongst the Sicilians, as a fraternity against the Turk. And in the Aremorique Bretagne, Francis Duke there in M. CD. L. began the order of the Corn-eare, and gave Ord● Spicae in Britannia Aremorica. Collars composed of Corn-ears gold, tied together with true lovers knots. Hereto hanged an Ermine. The Symbol Ama vie; which was the word of his Grandfather Duke john, surnamed the Conqueror. This Order ceased when the Dukedom was united to the Crown of France by Lewes XII. his marriage with Anne daughter and heir to Duke Francis. The Order of the b Ordo Hystricis. Vide Paradin. Symb. Heroicis. Porcupine in imitation, perhaps, of the Golden Fleece, was about the same time begun by Charles Duke of Orleans, and King of France, the VI of that name, the word was Comminùs & Eminùs, and the Porcupine hence became a symbol of some French Kings. And then also Lewes Duke of Bourbon made the Order of the Thistle of our Lady, with a Collar of Fleurs de lis, and leaves of Thistles, inscribed with Ordo Cardui. S. Mariae. Esperance. But these with that of the Montmorencies Dog, and the Cock, now are not. But the Arms of the Lusignans are often in a collar made of Capital SS. with a sword pendant with the point upward, crossed over with a winding scrol, inscribed with Pour Loya●tè maintenir. This was the note of the Knighthood of Cyprus begun by that Family, but when it's uncertain. Ordo Cypri. In Castille, by Alfonso XI. or, as others reckon, XII. the Order de la Banda was instituted in the City Victoria, Los Cavalleros de la Banda, ●n Castilia. in the year M. CCC. XXXII. The Banda was as it were a Girdle, red, some four fingers breadth, worn from over the right shoulder under the left arm. None was admitted to it, but such as served ten years at least in the wars or at Court. It was long in great honour 'mongst them, but consequentium Regum ignavia (saith Mariana) rerúmque humanarum inconstantia in desuetudinem abijt, ut ne vestigium quidem extet. The Order, of S. Andrew in Scotland, hath a supposed Of S. Andrew in Scotland. original very ancient. Some refer it to the victory had by Hungus King of the Picts, against our Athelstan after an apparition of the Apostle and his Cross to Hungus, who with his soldiers went barefoot, after the battle, to S. Andrew's, and there all vowed se suámque (saith Hector) posteritatem signo Crucis Divi Andreae, quoties ad praelium fuerit proficiscendum, ut tam insignis victoria parta divinitùs gratâ recordatione semper haberetur pro insigni deinceps usuros. Mansit Pictis & post eos deletos Scotis exinde hoc institutum perpetuum. The Collar of it expresses Thistles, with S. Andrew pendant to it. Certainty enough of its beginning as an order of Knighthood I have not yet learned. That Apostle hath been their Saint ever since Regulus Albatus a Monk (about CCC. LXXVIII. of Christ) brought his relics thither out of Constantinople, whence they were translated from Patrae (now called Patra) where he suffered Martyrdom. Andrew was born also 〈◊〉 a Collar or Garland of Rue, as Francis Mennens specially remembers. The word applied to the Thistles, Nullus me impune lacessit. The Arms of Danmark, in hennings and elsewhere, are inscribd in a Collar made of Elephants, charged Of the Elephant in Danmark. with Castles; thereto hanging our Lady in a radiant Circle, and to that a little round with three nails. This is the Collar of their Order of the Elephant, begun very lately by one of their Kings. By whom certainly I know not. Some say by Frederique, father to the present Christiern iv In some of his moneys the Elephant is a note Royal. Mennen describes also the Collar of the Order of Of the sword in Suethland. the sword in Suethland, made in form of four swords tied one at the end of another, and so lets it about Arms proper to the Order. He tells no time of it, nor I know none. Another there he remembers, and puts the Collar about the King's arms, of Seraphins and Cherubins Of the Seraphins there. and patriarchal crosses. In what State to place that the Burgundian Cross given by Charles V to divers that had well performed Crucis Burgundiae. with him against Hariaden for Muleasses in the African wars, I know not. On S. Magdale●s day in M. D. XXXV. the tenth Planetary hour he gave it to be worn hanging to a Collar. On the one side of the plate, because the X. hour was mercury's, he was pictured, on the other the Burgundian (like S. Andrews) Cross, with a Steel to strike fire (referred perhaps to the Toyson d'Or) and circumscribed Barbaria. But it was not any certain Order, but merely personal to them who were first honoured with it. Of late in Italy was erected the Order of the Blood of the Redeemer. Vincent Gonzaga Duke of Mantova Diego sangue di Saluatore, in Mantova. when the marriage was twixt his son Francis now Duke, and the Lady Margaret daughter to Charles Emanuel Duke of Savoy, in the year M. DC. VIII. instituted it in a number of XX. with consent of Pope Paul V Understand, that in S. Andrews at Mantova (according to other tales of that part) are kept as a most precious a Quod habent Martyrologia de S. Longino Mart. 15. si placet, vide & Aimoin. de gest. Franc. 4. cap. 92. relic certain drops of our saviours blood, with part of the Sponge. The Collar hath in it threads of gold laid on fire, and, twixt those plates, as it were, interwoven these words, Domine probasti. The LX. psalm is aimed at. To the Collar is annexed two Angels supporting three drops of the blood, and circumscribed with Nihil isto triste recepto. The Duke himself is chief of it, and divers other Princes were then joined with him. Neither, because also A●bert Mir●● puts them 'mongst Di santo Steffano en Fiorenza. his honorary Orders, will we omit here that of S. Stephan in Florence. In the year M. D. LXI. Cosmo di Medici Duke of Florence with confirmation of Pope Plus IU. instituted this of S. Stephan, as under Stephan, Pope, Martyr, and Patron of that State. But it was under the rule of S. Bennet; only they have liberty to marry. They were purposed against the Turks. Their Note, a Red Cross edged with gold. The Suprem or Master, the great Duke of Tuscanie or Florence. And so are as partly honorary, partly religious. About M. CCC XXX. the Order of S. Mark began in Di S. Marco. Venice, and was renewed in M. D. LXII. and honoured with privileges. None but Gentlemen of special worth in note and descent were to be admitted of it. The Collar hath S. Marks Image with Pax tibi Marce. Mennens is my author. It's not amiss to reckon the Peetermen of Louvain, or Homines de Familia S. Petri, 'mongst these Orders. Petermanni Lovanienses. Their Original is from the war twixt Hen. I. Duke of Lorraine and Count of Louvain in M. CC. XIII. against Hugh Bishop of Liege, and some neighbour Prines, wherein the Duke was through the valour of those of Louvain (their Ensign being S. Peeter's Banner) rescued from most imminent peril, not without the loss of M. M. Lovanians. In reward whereof he honoured them all with large privileges, and called them Peetermen. Homines B. Petri Lovaniensis (saith an old b Apud Lips. Lovan. lib. 2. cap. 4. testimony) liberi & privilegiati esse debent, & sunt prae alijs hominibus. And Lipsius says he saw a Charter of the Patrices or Senate there, dated M. CCC. XXX III. wherein one was exempted out of common jurisdiction, that pleaded se esse Hominem S. Petri & ad familiam liberam Domini Ducis pertinere. But now the name remains, the rights of liberty extinct, or as out of use, although in the oath of the heirs and successors of the Earls of Lonain their privileges be yet contained. Here may be thought of those Tecuytles in some parts of America, which are there a kind of Knights made with solemnity by the chief Priest, and boring them through the Nostrils with a tigers bone and the bill of an Eagle. Nor are, I think, any other of note, and not Religious extant, or worth remembrance. More particulars of the habits of some of them, and of their statutes you have in Sansovino, our Segar Garter his Honour Military. Of Calatrava, Alcantara, S. james, and many such like more, I cannot think they are any way so fitly put amongst Titles honorary. For, what they are, is for what they do in a certain place, as for a stipend; and the name of their Knighthood adds not any degree to them like those Orders of the Collar, or of the Spur, which are mere honorary notes of valour, and worth. Why then should we not as well make a distinct Order and honorary, of those which in the holy wars did suscipere Crucem, anciently, and were buried cross-legged? They had their c Quae habes apud G. Novoburgens. lib. 3. cap. 22. Ordinances and statutes also. But that was only for one kind of service, as the Religious Orders all are, and not truly honorary. And how could the Templars be accounted 'mongst Knights (such as fit this place) being not allowed by their statutes d Statut. Templar. cap. 72. so much as at all to kiss any woman? honorary Knighthood and the favours of Ladies even by ancient institution run together sometimes as Virtue and Reward. Turkish Dignities. Amirs. Amiradia. Admiral and Ammirante, for governor of the Sea, whence. Sigebert's difference of Amiras and Amiraeus. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Bassalar. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Vezir. Vezir azem. Protosymbolus. Beglars, and Beglerbeglars. Sanziacbegs. The Turkish Banners with horse-hairs hanging from them. Ancient use of Horsehaire in Military Ornaments. A Sword given with a Banner as in Europe. Amir or Emir Halem. Their Globe on the top of a Spear anciently used, yet also 'mongst them painted arms have been anciently born in the field. Timariot. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Tegguirlar. Aphendis. Zelebis. Bans in Hungary. Zupans. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Hesychius. Boiarones' in Moscovie. Dignities in Tartary. Superillustris, Illustris, Spectabilis, Clarissimus. To whom these belong. A touch of Equality in challenge to the Duel. Secundus Ordo in Rome. Patricij. CHAP. XII. HItherto of such Dignities as are in this more Western world of like name, and sometimes Nature. We shall conclude all, after delivery of those Titles used in Mahumedism, and some other the more civil Eastern states, which so differ from them already spoken of, that, but by unfit intermixture, no place except this, could be assigned them. The chief 'mongst the Turks are Amir or Emir, Bassar, Vezir, Beg, Beblerleg, Sanzacbeg, or Sangiac-beg, Tegguirs, Timariot (for those I think fitly are to be reckoned as a kind of honorary Title) and the names Aphendis and Zelebis. Of these in order. For their other Titles merely officiary, as Cades, Cadilesckeris, or Casiaskers, Agilar, and such like I purposely omit, which the rather I admonish, because those first reckoned are also officiary, and none so merely honorary as ours of Duke, Count, or such of this day, but very like the ancient Dukes and Counts set to govern Provinces, of whom before. Of Amir something * Cap. 5. partis primae &. p. 98. already is spoken, and, for understanding of the word, enough. It was and is both given the Grand signor, and some of his Great ones, as Dominus or prafectus. Amir Echur, is Dominus or praefectus or Comes stabuli with them; there being two of them 'mongst the Turks, Buiuc Amir Achur, and Cudzuc Amir Achur, as if you should say, the Great and lesser Master of the Stable or Horse. And e Dominus Potens. Amir Quibir was the greatest Dignity in the Court of the Egyptian Sultan's. The Governors of Provinces under the Grand signor, had this to them communicated. And those Provinces in that regard were titled f Thcophán. apud Constant. Porphyrogen. de administ. Rom. imp. cap. 25. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, whereof XIII. are reckoned long since under the Chaliph of Bagdat. Theophanes calls them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. Ameradias' magnas sive Provincias praesidiales, as I interpret. Hence had the Eastern Empire 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Amiralius for a Governor at Sea, composed of half Arabic and half Greek, of Amir and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as if you should say Amir 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. praefectus Maris. And thence had Spain, France, Italy, England, and these Western parts their Almirante, admiral, Amiraglio, Admiral, for the chief Governor of the Sea, which made some of our ignorant Monks call the Great Amir and his subject or delegat Amirs, Admiralli, Admiraldi, Amiravisi, and Admirabiles oftimes in their blockish phrase. But remember that Amiralius in the Constantinopolitan Empire was not as our high Admirals having suprem jurisdiction next under the King, He was under the g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Great Duke, and the great Drungar of the Navy but above the Protocomes, the other Drungars and Counts, as Curopalata teaches. But, what made the old Monk h Sub A. D C. XXX. Christi. Sigebert distinguish twixt Amiras and Amireus, as he doth, is to me unknown. Speaking of Mahumed, he writes, Hic in regno Saracenorum, quatuor Praetores statuit qui Amirei vocabantur, ipse verò Amiras dicebatur, vel Protosymbolus; and of Mabias' or Muhavias' successor to Otman or Othmen. Hotmen (he means Otman or Otoman) Amira Saracenorum perempto Muhauias ex Amireo Amiras factus; and the like distinction he usually keeps. As if Amireus and Amiras were two distinct, like Emperor and Lieutenant. I confess (and I think I may do it with safe confidence, that it can be no disparagement to my understanding) that I see no difference possibly to be found twixt Amiras and Amireus, as they respect their original in Arabic or any Eastetn tongue. For so it admits no such forms of termination. But for the Greek, how often Amiras is for a great Lieutenant as well as for the Grand signor (to whom 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is commonly added) every one knows which hath but acquaintance with Cedrens, Zonoras', Nicetas, Acropolites, Phranza, the Lady Anne, or others such. Indeed Alem and Muhavias' pretending to the Chaliphat, being Lieutenant Amirs, are expressly styled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (which is as that Amirei in Sigebert) by Theophanes; but that ever a special distinction was twixt Amiras and Amireus, I no where find. It's true that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is taken for Imperare proper to the Great Sultan in that of the same author. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, i. Mabias' (Muhavias') Prince of the Saracens died after he had been a General (that is, Lieutenant in his Province) XXVI. years, and after he had been Amir (that is, in this place, Great Sultan) XXIV. years. And Cedrens in like sense uses 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but the use of Amiras and Amir, to subjects delegat with Lieutenantships, is so common both in late and ancient Writers, that what difference is twixt Amiras and Amireus, came by imagination or accident 'mongst our Europeans, not from any reason in the Mahumedan Empire. Their Bassalar (the plural of Bassa) are no more distinct by that name, than the Amirs. For both are as it were, general titles. Bassa signifies a Head, and as the later Greeks had their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in like sense and signification as the Latines their Capitanei, so the Turks their Bassalar: all from the like root. But although 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and Capitanij (as our word Captain) were made proper to show a Commander of the war, whence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is to lead a company in the barbarous Greek, yet under the name of Bassalar are comprehended both the Uezirs, as also Beglerbegs. And the Captain of the Tzauzes or Chauzes (that is, Noble Courtiers ready for performance of such State business as the Sultan and the Vezirs shall commit to them) is known by the name of Tzaus-Bassa. And other are with like addition. The Greeks from Bassa have made their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The Vezirs are Counsellors of State. Their chief or Precedent is called Uezir azem i Consilarius supremus, which indeed is the interpretation of that i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vide sup. pag. 23. Protosymbulus spoken of before. Neither is it much marvel that the Greeks and some others thought it to signify the Grand signor, or Princeps Arabum, it being indeed Princeps Consiliariorum. This Vezir azem is by Zonaras called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The Vezirs in barbarous Greek are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Mahumed II. k Constantinopolit. Hist. Politic. ab A. 1391. ad 1587. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (saith one) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. had very wise Privy Counsellors, Chalil Bassa and Brei Bassa; for so you must interpret it. The abstract of the Dignity is Uezirluc. Beg and Beglarbeg are both explained in one. For Beg is Lord, Beglarbeg is Lord of Lords, that is, one which hath under his government divers Begs of lesser Provinces. And Begluc is the Dignity of the one. Beglarbegluc of the other. Begi nomen (saith l Hist. Musulmanic. lib. 4. Leunclaw) dares solet omnibus officium vel munus aliquod à Rege vel Sultano consecutis. In Asia, afric and Europe are many Beglerbeglucs, reckoned by those which have m Pandect. Turcic. cap. 254. published Turkish affairs. The Greeks have turned it into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. Prince of Princes, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. a General of the field. But they express the Turkish name by n Georg. Logotheta. Chron. Constant. & Hist. Politic. in Turco-graec. lib. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sometimes, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Under every Beglerbeg are divers Sanziac. begs, and under them Troops of Timariot. The Sanziac-beg answers to our word Banneret, or Vexillarius; Sanziac being Vexillum. And in the stories of barbarous Grecians I remember its 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. They are constituted by solemn delivery of a Military ensign, being a Spear o Pandect. Turcic. cap. 10. bearing a gilt globe on the top of it, and horsehaire and whole horse tails hanging down, and sometimes on the Globes are Croissants, which is their most general Ensign. They are in am of our Banners. Three of this kind (saith the most learned Leunclaw) stand by the Mezari or Sepulchral Monument of Amurath the first in the Suburbs of Prusa in Bythinia. Of them, he thus: Has Osmanei suis in expeditionibus ad honorem memoriámque trium Barbarum (so you must read his there misprinted Index Libitinarius) quasi fuerint Barbae trium Muhametis sociorum successorum & interpretum Ebubekiris, Osmanis, & Omeris, secum ferre gestareque solent. Some think it derived from Alexander's military Ensigns, that they use horse tails; his coins discovering, that his were like. But it's certain that in another kind horse tails were very anciently used and commonly. That is in Crests 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— saith p Iliad. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Homer of Paris; and the like of Achilles his Helm. And upon q AEneid. 2. Meminit & Synesius in Encom. Caluitij. memineris & quod habent Grammatici de 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. i. Crista. verum ista docent Poetae passim. adeas, si placet, Etymologic. Mag. in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. that — oritúrque miserrima caedes Armorum fancy, & Graiarum errore iubarum. servius notes, jubarum, pro Cristarum, quae de Caudis fiebant, ut est— Cristaque hirsutus equina. But also the Turkish Calendarlar (a kind of Monkish Order) wear in their Caps long Horsehaires hanging. And as the delivering of one Banner or more was used in bestowing of European Dignities anciently, so in this Mahumedan State. Osman vicissim Michaeli (saith the Musulmanique story, speaking of the first Osman or Otoman, and Michael Cosses) vexillum manu sua tradidit, qua ceremonia Clientes Sultani Turcici suis in ditionibus confirmari solent, ac magni pretij vestem iniecit. With the Banner (for so, for aught I know, this their kind may be called) sometimes (it seems when the Province was given as a Kingdom or Principality and partly hereditary) a sword also was delivered, which agrees further with European custom. After the death of Mahumed Beg, Prince of Caramania, the great Sultan Amurath II. sent to Abraham Beg (Ibrahim he is named also) a Banner, quod ei suo nomine in manum (says the story) traderetur, & Gladium quo cingeretur, ut hac investiturae, quam vocant, ceremonia, ceu legitimus autoritate sua Princeps, in Regni Possessionem missus agnosceretur. And, if iovius his relation be true, Bajazet II. in resigning as it were his Empire to his treacherous son Selim I. used. that girding him with a sword. But not only the Sanziacbegs, but the Beglar-begs are by this ceremony created and the great officer Emir or Amir Halem delivers the Banners. Emir Halem (so Leunclaw) significat Dominum vexillorum, & flammeolorum qui scilicet supremus est Sultani Vexillifer, & omnibus Beglerbegis ac Sanzacbegis, quum creantur, vexilla sua porrigit. Magnus Flammeolaris, Magnus Flammularis apud Graecoes. You may soon meet with the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (whence those words, and the French Oriflambe) in Leo's Tactica, Codin, Porphyrogenetes, and such more. By the way, as touching their Banners with Globes on the top, their ancient use was so; which you see in that of the holy War between m. XCV. and m. CC. where Robert Duke of Normandy slew one of their great Amirs, whose Standard had a Raimundus d'Agiles hist. Hierosolymit. Baldricus lib. 4. alij. in summitate Argenteae hastae pomum Aureum, which the Duke offered at the Sepulchre, having bought it of one that took it, by right of war, for XX. marks. And their superstition will allow no pictures of b Septemcastrens. cap. 10. Arms or such like; yet it's reported that a great Soldier and Knight under the Egyptian Chaliphat (being afterward Caliph or Sultan there himself; my author calls c De jonuilie en la vie de S. Joys chap. 27. au pres l'an. 1240. him Scecedun, and it was towards the end of that Caliphat) did bear in his Banner the Arms of the Germane Emperor (from whom he had received Knighthood) and of the two Sultan's of Aleppo, and Babylon, that is of Egypt. The words of the old author are; Il portoit in ses banieres les armes de l'Empereur qui l'auoit fait Chevalier, & estoit sa banter bandy, d'ont en lun des bands il portoit pareillement les armes du soldan de Hallappe: & en l'autre band l'ung costè estoient les Arms du soldan de Babylonie: which shows that notwithstanding their Mahumedan precepts they have born painted Arms. Under the Sanzac-begs are Timariot, but both under the Beglar begs, and ready for service at their command. The Timariot are such as have lands (those specially which are acquired by the wars almost as the Milites limitanei in the old state of Rome) assigned to them to hold as it were by Knight's service, and by reason of the tenure are bound to the Wars. Of them, are reckoned under that Empire About DCCXIX. m. able fight men. In Asia and afric some CDIXII. m. in Europe some CCIVII. m. and in them and the A●zamoglas, that is children of Christians taken up to make lan zaries, the chief strength of that State consists. The name, as many other, came out of Greek into Turkish. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 d Damascen. Studites apud Leuncls. Pandect. Turc. cap. 186. hath been used as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for a Stipend, Price, or honorary reward, and from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 questionless had its beginning. And Timar in Turkish is now as much as Uectigal e Megiser. Diction. Turcico-Latin. or the like; whence these Timariot are by some Greeks called f Chalcondyl. hist. lib. 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. But me thinks Meursius doth not well interpret that by Honorati, unless he had added stipendio militari, or such like. For to that hath all the honour respect, which the Timariot enjoy. Of these, you shall see Osman or Othman the first his Constitution, as the Musulmanique story hath it in Latin. Quicunque Timaria vel in Villarum vel aliorum praediorum Constituta proventibus liberalitate nostra consecutus fuerit, eye sic uti frui debebit, ut illi absque justa causa, neminis ulla sive fraud sive vi adimantur. Quod si morte decesserit, eadem ipsius filio cedere volumus etiamsi minor adhuc, five pupillus sit, illa tamen lege, ut belli tempore Pupilli loco, mittantur alij, donec ipse Pupillus adoleverit, & armis gerendis idoneus enaserit. And he annexeth a terrible execration on those of his successors that shall any way derogate from this law. The Timaria are hereby made hereditary, but at this day, as I think they are but for life. Some which have the government of a Town or small Province they call Teggiurlar or Teggiurs, i Precedents. Chalcondylas expresses it by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a name in like sense used in the Lacedaemonian state. And in contempt, a little before the end of the Greek Empire, they called those of Constantinople only Teggiurs, as if their declining greatness had deserved no better. Their Aphendis written also by the later Greeks 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, is corrupted from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i Lord. And by Zelebi (in the plural Zelibilar) is our word Noble or Gentle understood. Those more special Dignities, Vezir, Beglerbeg and Sanziac-beg, I confess are not less officiary then divers others here omitted, as Cadilescheir or Cassi-asker, Agalar, Drungar, and others, but I have therefore the rather showed them, because they are most honorary, and that as well by their names, as places in state. The like may be said of the Hungarian Bans, which are t Pandect. Turcic. cap. 174. & 71. Precedents or Governors of some Kingdoms belonging to that Kingdom, as Dalmatia, Croatia, Slavonia, Servia, and others. And, as Sanzac-begs, or Bannerets, have perhaps their name from Band or Banner. Whether any community betwixt them and the old 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or u Guil. Tyr. de Bello sacro lib. 20. cap. 4. vide verò & Meurs. Glossar. Graeco-Barb. in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Suppani of the Slavonians, Seruians and other by, I know not. For Constantin Porphyrogennetes speaking of the Croatians, Seruians, and their neighbours, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (saith he) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. i. These Nations have no Princes, but only old Zupans, as the other of the Slavonian Nation. But the same author seems then to make 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 equivalent, which causes me think they are both near kin to Ban. Which I doubt not but is meant in that of Hesychius. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Neither needed Meursius to have enquired further for it as a Latin word, notwithstanding that Hesychius speaks of Italians. Who knows not how universal the name of Franks and Latins are, according to the later Greeks? There are Vaivods which are loco Regis administrationem habentes in aliqua provincia, puta (saith Leunclaw) Transsiluania, Valachia Maiori, Valachia minori, sed ea lege tamen, ut Gubernatore sit inferior. He interprets Vaivod by Captain, or Tribunus Militum. Of that somewhat more is in the v. Chapter before, where we speak of Polak Vaivods. But since the Vaivods of Walachia (the mayor Walachia is what we now call Moldavia, corrupted from Mauridavia, i. nigra Davorum sive Dacorum regio, which is expressed in the Turkish Carabogdania) assumed liberty to themselves against the Crown of Hungary, they rather affected the title of Despote or Prince, which, with the miseries they have endured under Mahumedan Tyranny, are somewhat incompatible. Of the Moscovian or Russian Knesi or Dukes, before. One other kind of Dignity they have in the Boiari or x Anne quid hic à Barone? Boiarones'. Neque alium gradum (saith Sigismond) seu dignitatem habent post Boiaros qui more nostro locum nobilium seu Equitum tenent. And for their use of the word Great, Illud predicatum Magnus tribuitur omnibus excellentioribus personis. Neque n. quenquam strenuum, aut Nobilem aut Baronem illustrem aut Magnificum vocant, aut alio denique id genus titulo ornant. The same author of the Tartars. Nomina Dignitatum apud Tartaros haec ferè sunt. Chan Rex est. Sultan Filius Regis. Bij Dux. Marsa Filius Ducis. Olbond Nobilis vel Consiliarius. Olboadulu alicuius Nobilis Filius. For the Nobility in Poland, see what we have before where we speak of their Uainods. Some proportion may be found twixt the Mahumedan and Christian Dignities, yet none so certain that it may deserve to be expressly noted. But, for a concluding Corollary, it will not be amiss to add the quadripartit distinction of Civilians which they have, and applied to those Dignities of our Times and States. Their Doctors make it in these four: Superillustres, Illustres, Spectabiles, and Clarissimi. And comprehend them in those y Lucas de Penna ad C. tit. de Dignit. proaemio. barbarous verses, Illustris Primus; Medius Spectabilis, Imus (Vt Lex testatur) Clarissimus esse probatur, Et Superillustris praeponitur omnibus istis. Supposing this general Division, in the first rank of Superillustres, they place the Pope and Emperor quo in numero (saith z De Sing. Certam. cap. 32. & 33. Alciat) & Francorum Regem Collocandum, censeo, cum Imperatoris Fastigium aequet, eique in regno suo obseruantiam nullam prestet. Nor do I see any colour of reason why all other Kings, such as we have showed to have rightly the attribute of Emperor, should not as well be 'mongst the Superillustres. But the Doctors generally too much flattering their Emperor, put all other Kings (beside him) under Illustres, into a different degree from the Emperor. But Alciat thinks it fit to add there such Dukes as have Royal Supremacy, nec ex facto Caesaris potentiam formidant, and reckons of them, Dukes of Milan, Austria, Burgundy, and Bretagne. Among the Spectabiles he puts other Dukes, Itémque Marchiones, & Comites, & quos quidam Principes vocant, dum tamen ab ipso Caesare Dignitatem suam acceperint. Why Dukes, marquesses and Counts made by other absolute Princes, should not be of that Degree, I know not. The Clarissimi be Counts made under Dukes, Barons, Valuasours, and idque genus (saith he) Pagani Reguli. And he applies this to that question of the Duel utrum maior ab inferiore, iure provocatur, affirming in his opinion, that equality enough is 'mongst all of every of those Degrees. As, that the Duel should proceed upon challenge twixt two of the Superillustres, or any two of the Illustres, so of the Spectabiles; but that a Spectabilis may not challenge an Illustris, nor the like be in the other Ra●ks. Ei vero, saith he, qui ab usque Abavis sit Nobilis & in armis aetatem egerit, satis putarem per mittendum ut cum Clarissimis congredi posset. Cum enim illorum ultimus sit gradus, cum & Modica sit inaequalitas, haec exceptio non omnino locum sibi vendicat. But Paris de Puteo thinks that a Gentleman of four descents may challenge a Duke, or any beneath him, upon personal wrong; which, nor the like, we dispute not here, but refer you to those authors, justino Mutiopolitano, and others; many also differing from this quadripartit distinction. Which indeed, if examiud according to their Tex●s and Stories of ancient times, wherein their great Doctors were too much strangers, will be found to be merely their own, without original in their justinian, unless you call the abuse of his words the Original. For in the a C. tit. ut Dig. Ord. servetur. & tit. seqq. Code, you have Illustres, Spectabiles, Clarissimi, Perfectissimi, and Egregij, and those times had Illustratus, Spectabilitas, Clarissimatus, and Perfectissimatus, for abstracts, given as honorary Titles; but with such variety, that its hard to distinguish to whom every of them was proper. Neither do I see any Civilian b Consulas Alciat. Dispunct. lib. 3. cap. 4. & Isidor. Origin. 9 cap. De Civi- able to extricat it enough cleanly. But he, nor the Code, nor any Text of their law hath that new made word Superillustris. And the old French Kings of about a thousand years since in their Charters c Aimoin. de gest. Franc. 2. cap. 20. alij. take but the addition of Illustris or Illuster, as they wrote it. Plainly the Illustratus was d Cassiodor. Var. lib. 6. form. 12. highest, and the Spectabilitas next. And so may that of Ausonius e Eidyll. 9 in Mosella. be understood, speaking of such as — Italûm populos Aquilonigenásque Britannos Praefecturarum titulo tenuere secundo. The secundus Ordo in ancienter time, before Constantin (about whom these new Titles and others begins most in use) including the Flos Iwentutis, or Ordo Equestris, whence one under f Papinius ad Marcell. Syluar. 4. Domitian calls Septimius Severus a Roman Eques, by the name of juvenis inter Ornatissimos secundi Ordinis. Neither was that distinction of Illustres, Spectabiles, and the rest then known, howsoever it's attributed to g Photius Patriarch. Biblioth. Cod. 244. Diodore of Sicily, that he affirms 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. i. that the Dignity of the Illustres was third from the Patricij. Some great mistaking hath caused this error. For Diodore lived before and in the beginning of the Empire. How then could he talk either of Patricij or Illustres, neither of which names were as yet, in their later sense, used? But the assertion, whensoever thrust in there, means, it seems, that the Illustres comprehended both Patricij, consuls, and other Senatores and Praefecti, dividing all of them into three Ranks, whereof the last was third from the Patricij. The words of h ff. tit. de Senatorib l. 12. §. 1. v. C. tit. Vbi Senat. vel Clarissimi. Ulpian are: Senatores accipiendum est eos qui à Patricijs, & Consulibus, usque ad omnes Illustres Uiros descendunt; which the Synopsis Basilicon expresses by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. i. From the Patricij to the Illustres they are all Senators; as if you should say, From the Patricij (which are the chief of the Illustres) to the inferior in that Degree inclusively are all Senators. But if that which Zosimus hath of Constantin's first institution of the Patritiatus (thereof before, where we speak of Peers) be true, how can that attributed to Ulpian (who lived under Alexander Severus) be without suspicion? It hath been before now i Panciroll. ad Notit. Orientis cap. 2. much suspected, and by one that hath best collected these Degrees of Roman Dignities, from whom it is fit to instruct yourself in them, than here expect them. THE END. ADDITIONS TO the Copy. Add in pag. 25. l. 28. after 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. But when this Conrad's successor, Frederique Barbarossa received letters from Isaacus Angelus, Emperor of Constantinople, expostulating with him touching his passage through Greece into the Holy-land, and demanding hostages for security, with Expedit. Asiatic. Frederic. 1. inter Antiq. lect.. Can sijs Tom 5. part. 2. Plura de Graecorum fastu, & in Romanorum Imperium in vidi â habes in Luit prandi Le. got. a Canis. Edit. & apud Baronium Tom. 8. sub A. 968. transcriptâ. this Title Ysachius à Deo Constitutus, Imperator Sacratissimus, Excellentissimus, Potentissimus, Sublimis, Moderator Romanorum, Angelus Totius Orbis, Haeres Coronae Magni Constantini Dilecto Fratri Imperij sui maximo Principi Alemaniae, gratiam suam & fraternam & plurimam dilectionem: he much stormed at the Ambassadors, and told them that he scorned their Master's favour, and de ipso non fero aequanimitèr si tam arrogantèr me praesumat de caetero salutare, and that he himself had, by established right, the n●me of Romanorum Imperator & semper Augustus, wherefore their M●ster should rather have called himself Romaniorum then Romanorum Moderator. Upbraiding him with Romania, the same which was called Thrace. Some of etc. There line 30. after Princes. But indeed it seems, both that and the example before of the Letter to Otho IU. and the like are to be understood of the Emperors abstaining from the title of Imperator till his Coronation by the Pope, whereof see more in the first Chapter of the second Part. And etc. Add in pag. 131. l. 22. after Hand. In imitation of the Constantinopolitan Onuphrius de● Comitijs Imperatorijs. Emperors (in whom Coronation and Unction by the Patriarches, began, as its thought, about justinian's time in justin 11.) the Western Empire and other Kingdoms received, and that in Charles le magne; before whom and Pipin K. of France (anointed by Beniface Bishop of Mentz) next before him, no Royal unction will be justified in the Western Europe. But time etc. Add to pag. 226. l. 8. after faciat. Neither let it move against this, that in the laws of Cap. 7. In Rub. sub. Scaccarij. Hen. I. you read Sicut antiquâ fuerit institutione formatum salutari Regis Imperio, verâ nuper est recordatione firmatum, Generalia Comitatuum placita certis locis & vicibus, & definito tempore, per singulas Provincias Angliae, convenire debere, nec ullis ultra fatigationibus fatigari. Intersint autem Episcopi, Comites, Vicarij, Centenarij, Aldermanni, Praefecti, praepositi, Barones, Vavasores, Regis Gravij or Kings Reeves or grieves. Cunegrevij & caeteri terrarum Dominicarum intendentes, ne malorum impunitas aut Graviorum pravitas aut judicum subversio solita Miseros laceratione conficiat. Agantur itaque primo Debita v●rae Christianitatis jura, secundo Regis Placita, Postremò causae singulorum dignis satisfactionibus expleantur. I say let not this move against that of the Conqueror. For those of Hen. I. were restored (at least for fashion) as by the name of the Confessor's, or of the old Saxon laws, and so was there in them mention of the Bishop and Eoldorman and the rest together. And in the XXXI. Chapter of these, are the very words almost translated, of that which we have before cited out of Edgar's to this purpose. Yet indeed they were more and rather desired, then truly restored. But this etc. Add in pag. 244. l. 19 after all these, Indeed some passages in their ancients, especially in the Monk Saepius; verùm maximè lib. 3. cap. 90. & 91. de P●otadio & Bertoaldo. Aimoinus, make the Mayor D●mus, and Comes Palatij as one in express terms. But I doubt their credits, and think rather they were deceived in the words. How easily might they in their Cells make Mayor Palatij, or More du Maison One, both Offices being of special great note in the Court. And Comes being then a word usual for general designation of any place or dignity. I know Aimoinus wrote under the Carolin line, and above DCC. years since. Yet those other authorities persuade me against him, and common opinion. And note also, they deliver that there were divers Idem. lib. 4. cap. 6. 38. & 39 Maiores aulae in Neustria, Burgundy, Austrasia; which savours as if there plainly they meant Counts de Palais in our distinct sense, delegat for jurisdiction, in such sort in every Province, as the Comes Palatij in the Court had. But the Mayor Domus taken properly, as I think, was never multiplied beyond one. Neither why Gregory of Tours should so distinguish them (he being a Bishop might know better of state then Aimoin or Adhdemar, out of whom Aimoin had much of his story, being Monks could) except by this may be given any reason. Afterward etc. Add to pag 270. l. 5. after understood. And indeed an old law justifies it. Praesit (are the Leg. Henric. 1. cap. 8. words) singulis hominum Novenis Decimus & toti simul Hundredo unus de Melioribus & vocetur Aldremannus qui Dei leges & Hominum iura vigilanti studeat obseruantia promovere. Touching etc. Add to pag. 292. l. 9 & 10. after valetudinem. And Habeant Vavasores (say those old laws of Cap. 29. Hen. I.) qui liberius Terras tenent, Placita quae ad Witam vel Weram (Wite was punishment by Mulct or Amerciament; W●re is before Pag. 204. delivered in Weregild, and is called pretium Redemptionis in the laws of the Confessor, being indeed the Price or Ransom of any grievous crime) pertinent, super suos Homines & in suo & super aliorum Homines, si forisfaciendo retenti (I doubt how to read it right) vel gravati fuerint. So in doomsday, of Auiceston in the Isle of Wight, is Ibi manet quidam Vavasorius habens 11. Vaccas. And Terra Vavasorum, is somewhere a title in that monument. But more special remembrance of etc. Add to pag. 303. l. 28. after sufficient. But also the word Alodium and Alodiarius was not unusual anciently here in England. Under the County of Chent (Kent) in doomsday, Si quis prostraverit arborem in via, Ramum, vel fossatum fecerit, quibus strictior sit via, Centum solidis emendabat Regi. De Gribrige (I think, Grithbreche. i. breach of the Peace) emendabat Regi VIII. li. etc. Has forisfacturas habet Rex super omnes Alodiarios totius Comitatus Chent & super homines ipsorum. Et quando moritur Alodiarius Rex inde habet Relevationem terrae, excepta terra sanctae Trinitatis etc. Super istos habet Rex forisfacturam de Capitibus eorum tantummodo. And there also; In Benindene mansit Godricus & tenet X X. acras in Alodio suo. So in Sudsex (Sussex) In Cetelengeley (I guess Chedingley) Alman tenuit de Rege E. sicut Alodium, and divers more like. What properly the Alodiarij and Alodium were with them, I confess I know not. For it seems clearly, Alodium was not land only whereof no tenure was, as it's proved thence out of that under Sussex in Lansewice ' Godwines tenet de eo, & de eo VII. Aloarij for Alodiarij. Perhaps it was in regard of such tenors as were free from performance of any chargeaable service. This of Feuds belongs etc. Add to pag. 347. l. 26. after Certain. Indeed all judges were held anciently as Barons, which appears in an old law of this state of Hen. 1. Regis judices sint Barones Comitatus qui liberas in eyes Terras habent per quas debent causae singulorum alterna prosecutione tractari. Villani vere Cotseti, vel Ferdingi vel qui sunt viles & inopes Personae non sunt inter judices numerandi. Whence both the reason of this kind of Amerciament, as also why the judges of the Exchequer are called Barons, appears. And although etc. Faults, escaped in the Print, correct thus: CHap. 1. l. 4. read Oeconomique. Pag. 23. l. 3. read Autprand (as it's reported by on Rempert or Erempert, cited and first published by Cardinal Baronius) and, out etc. l. 10. BASILEA. l. 22. Arabum. l. 23. Chaganum. p. 24. in mark Abb. for Alb. p. 32. l. 30. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 41. l. 26. procumbere. p. 44. Cunigine. p. 48. l. 12. Antoninus. pag. 49. l. 7. whence that etc. p. 56. in mark read Diploma Othonis Imp. editum for that corrupted in some of the copies. p. 58. l. 3. Lieutenant. p. 63. l. vlt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 80. l. 7. Austria. p. 85. l. 11. Artaxares. pag. 89. in the Margin Orientali. p. 96. l. 8 Othomanique line. p. 105. in mark accuratius. p. 109. l. 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 112. l. 23. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 116. l. 1. summonitorum. p. 124. l. 17. þy for py. so in l. 24. & in l. 25. for ꝧegn & ꝧeoden read þegn & þeoden. pag. 143. mark Dipnos. p. 157. in Carm. Rogabis pag. 182. l. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. pag. 173. l. 29. Dauphin. p. 184. l. 10. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. and l. 15. honore. In mark Ar●hiat. p. 185. In mark 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 193. l. 33. King for thing. p. 195. I. julias'. l. 29. Fleuronee. p. 199. l. 25. The Prince, was. In mark Bertrand. [Mend the pages after 200. into 201, 202. 203. & then after 205, 206, 207. etc. & then in p. 201. l. 33. resumed p. 202. l. 12. read sur sa teste. p. 203. l. 17. Northanimbri. l. 20. Declivis. l. 23. muta-. l. 25. ipse. p. 205. correct the Saxon þ thrice, and make it p. you may easily see where. l. 19 cer-. l. 20. for his read this. l. 25 componuntur. pag. 205. l. 16. liberè. p. 207. in mark Corcy rens. Sa. Cerem. 1 Sect. 7. p. 208. l. 23. Deuces. Other divers faults scaped in that sheet, by the imperfitnes of a young Compositor, which every Reader will be able to correct.] pag. 209. l. 29. Marquisat for marquess. pag. 221. l. 19 judex. p. 239. in mark Pet. Faber. p. 242. in mark Ex Chronic. Divionens. p. 259. mark Ap. for Ep. p. 277. in mark Chez Claudè F. etc. p. 189. l. 11. Vavasours. p. 292. l. 31. en court. p. 297. l. 14. & 15. Militoria. p. 310. l. 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 311. l. 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 300. l. 32. Segar Garter. pag. 332. l. vlt. read through. p. 165. l. 29. blot out of. Some others are, which your courtesy must amend, and ●aster may, than my labour. The more special authors, whose testimony we have used. By the Numeral Figures are designed the Pages where some places, of the Ancients, are either, not vulgarly, explained, or amended. By the Numeral Letters you are directed to the Pages, where old Fragments, out of ancient Ms. authors, Records, Charters, and such like, are transcribed. Abbo Floriacensis: ita nimirùm is, qui de Obsidione Lutetiae scripsit metricè, nuncupatur, quem tamen haùt Floriacensem, sed Abbonem Monachum S. Germani a Pratis apud Gallos fuisse ostendit jacobus du Breul. Aben Ezra 65. Abraham Ben David. Abraham Ortelius. Abraham Zaccuth. 93. 110. Achmetes; cuius tamen Oniro critica sub Apomazaris nomine falsò circumferuntur. 23. Acta Apostolorum ex Arabico per Fr. junium. Acta Publica or Records, XXV. XXXI. XXXII. XXXV. XLIII. LV. CXXIII. CLXXVIII. CXCIX. CCII CCXVI. CCXVII. CCXXV CCXXVI. CCXXX. CCXXXI CCXXXIV. CCXXXV CCXXXVI. CCXXXVII CCXXXVIII. CCXXXIX CCXLVII CCLVI CCLXIV CCLXU. CCLXX. CCLXXV. CCLXXIX. & seq. CCLXXXI CCCXXI CCCXXIX. CCCXXX CCCXXXV. see in Gervase of Tilburie and doomsday, and Alexander Salopesburiensis. Adam Bremensis 177. in margin. Adam Myrimuth XCVI. Adamannus Scotus. Adhdemarus 190. & 191. Adrevaldꝰ Floriacensis. 253 Aelianus. Aeschylus. 10. Agathias Scholasticus 7. in marg. 52. 91. 109. 111. 145 Agellius. Aimoinus Monachus 189. 227. 389. Alcuinus. 203. Alexander ab Alexandro. Alexander Gaguinus. Alexander's life written in English verse by a Dominican Friar, and dedicated to the Duchess of Gloucester, under Hen. VI and an Epigram on him, found at the end of his life in Latin. C. XXV. CLVII. Alexander Salopesburiensis, or the author of the Red Book in the Exchequer, written under Henry the third. CCCLXXXVIII. & CCCLXXXIX. Alcoranus Mahumedis. 100 101. & seq. 163. Albertus Krantzius. Albertus Aquensis. Aloysius Cadamustus. Ammianus Marcellinus. annal Colmariensium. 213 annal Franciae a Pithoeo editi. 213. annal Hiberniae. 355. Anastasius Bibliothecarius. 82. 156. Ancyranum Monumentum illud apud Leunclavium & alios. 169. Anna Comnena. 82. 197. Anthologia. 13. 53. Andre du Chesne. Andrea's Knichen. Andrea's Alciatus. Apulleius. 108. 129. Apollonius Rhodius. Arnobius. 129. Aristophanes. 144. Aristoteles. 157. 337. Artemidorus. 140. & in pref. Arrianus. 145. Arnolfus de S. Emerrammo. 190. Arsenius Monembasiae Episcopus de quo. v. 138 Arnoldus Lubecensis. Asserius Menevensis. 133. Athenaeus. 143. apud eum Semus. 34. Apion 137. Posidonius 340. & 341. Athaliates. 121. Athenagoras. Augustinus 220. Augustus Thuanus. Aurelius' Victor. 152. Aurea Bulla Caroli quarti. 245. Ausonius. 10. 385 BAldricus Dolensis. 111. 379. Baldus. Baronius. Bartholomeus Chassanaeus. Bartholom Georgevitz. 101 Bartolus. Beda. 30. 333. Bertoldus Constantiensis videses pag. 126. Belleforest. Benjamin Ben-Iona siue Tudelensis. 86. 99 111. 146. 154. Bertrand d' Argentre. Bonaventura Uulcanius. CAllimachus 311. Cantacuzenus. Capitolinus. Carolus Paschalius. Carolus Sigonius. Carolus de Uilliers. Cassiodorus. 64. 156. & 157 183, 184, 306, 307, 310. Caspar Waserus. Catullus. 114. 117. 144. Censorinus. Chartae Antiquae CCLXXV. CCCI Chaucer. 292. 341. Chrysostemus, 166. 310. Christophorus Becmannus. Christophorus Heluicus. Chronicon de Bello apud Lambardum. 328. Chronicon Abindoniae apud Camdenum. 323. Chronicon Richerspergense. Chronicon Manniae. Cicero 59 108. 170. marg. 258. 315. Cicarella. Claudianus 83. Claudè Fauchet; a piece of an old Romant of Siperis de Vineaux 44. and of another of Benois in him. 211. 277. Clemens Alexandrinus. 142 151. Concilium Aurelianense. Constitutiones Impp. a Pithoeo editae. Constitutiones Imperiales à Goldasto collectae. Constantini Donatio de qua pag. 56. Constantinus Manasses. Constantinus Porphyrogennetus. 37. 81. 89. 100 200, 249, 336. Codex justiniani passim. Codex Theodosianus. Codex Canonum 310. Court Book Ms. of the Abbey of Ramsey touching its possessions in Craunfeild & elsewhere of 23. Hen. the 3. CC. LXXI. Coronatio Fred. 11. Damae Regis. Custumier de Normandy. 291. Curtius. 143. Cyprianus. 13. Cyrillus. David Chytraeus. Damianus à Goes. Decree touching the Baronet's. De jonuille (he wrote the life of S. Lewes K. of Fr. and in his time lived) 89. 104. 106. 110. Digesta sive Pandectae juris Civilis. Diodorus Siculus. Dioscoridis Appendix. 10. Dio Cassius, 324. & 325. Dionysius Afer. 33. 66. Dionysius Halicarnasseus. 138. & 139. 299. Dionysius Gothofredus. Ditmarus' 189. Doctrina Machumet. doomsday (it was began in 14. William 1. and ended in XX.) 232. 272. Du Haillan. Du Tillet, or tilius. EDwardus Coke Primarius à judicijs Publicis apud Anglos Praetor, & juris nostri Columen. Elias Levita. Epist. Reg. & Pr. in Tom. 2. Orient. Historiae. Epistolae Hen. IU. Imp. Epictetus. Estevan de Garibay. Ethelwerdus. 30. 153. 203. 212. Eunapius. Euripides. 41. 138. Eustathius Scholiastes. Eustathius Antecessor. 336 Eusebius apud eum Philo Bybliensis. 11. & 161. 183 atque illud Eusebij Chronicon a Divino illo & literatorum Principe jos. Scaligero publici juris factum. Expeditio Asiatica Frederici primi. FEstus. 34. 139. 204. Feudorum Constitutiones 212. 289. 295. & in praefatione. Flodoardus. Florus. 139. 234. Florilegus sive Matthaeus Westmonasteriensis. 216. Formulae Vett. à H. Bignono editae 222. 252. Fragment, of holy Oil given to Thomas Becket. CXXXIIII. Frodoardus. Froissart. 89. 283. Franciscus Hotomanus. Franciscus Raphaleng. sive Lexici Arabici author. Franciscus Swertius. Franciscus Mennenius. Francisco Sansovino. Fructus Temporum, sive Caxtovi Chronicon. CCC. XXXVII. Fulbertus Carnotensis. Fulcherius Carnotensis. 187 GAlfredus Monumetensis. 349. Georgius Acropolites seu Logotheta. 24. 45. 377. Georgius Buchananus. Georgius Codinus vulgò Curopalata. 121. 122. 172. Georgius Cedrenus. 13. 91. 152. Georgius Phranzes. 156. Geruasius Tilhuriensis. with the common opinion, I took that Dialogus de Negotijs Scaccarij, known by the name of the Black Book, to be written by this Gervase. But by the preface of Alexander Archdeacon of Shrewsburie to the Red Book, it seems, it was rather done by Richard Bishop of London (his name being Richard de Beaumes) under Henry I. The words of that Alexander are these: Cum neque Nigellus quondam Elienfis Episcopus Regis Henrici I. The saurarius vir quidem in Scientia Scaccarij pleniùs instructus nec eiusdem successor Officij Richardus Londoniensis Episcopus, licet in sui libelli tractatu superiùs multa De Negotijs Scaccarij digereret etc. I confess it was first observed to me by Mr. Agard, a man known to be most painful, industrious, and sufficient in things of this nature. CCXXXII. CCXXXIII. CCLU. CCCXXII. Gildas. 132. Glossaria Vett. edita a Stephano & Vulcanio. Glossae juris Graecè editae. Glossarium Graecobarbarum I. Meursij. Goffridus Vindocinensis marg. 201. Gratianus Monachus. 253. Gregorius Turonensis. 189. 243. & 244. 264. Guilielmus de Badensel. 317 Guilielmus Brito. 131. Guilielmus Camdenus. Guilielmus Gemiticensis. Guilielmus Malmesburiensis. 35. 188. 201. 212. 214. 224. 228. 233. 247. 248, 314. Guilielmus de Rubruquis. 91 Guilielmus Rishanger. 216. Guilielmus Segar. Guilielmus Tyrius. 381. Guido Pancirollus. Guntherus. 131. HAdrianus junius Haithon Armenius, 89. 102. 110. Hakluit. Haly Aben Rodoan. 74. Harmenopulus. vide p. 64. Hector Boetius, an old Charter in him. 303. Helmoldus Presbyter. 200. 212. Henricus Huntindoniensis. Henricus Stero. 192. Henricus de Bracton 263, 270, 281, 334. Herodotus 33, 73, 74, 109, 337. Herodian 10. Hermes Trismegistus. Hesiodus 16. Hesychius Grammaticus 9 & 10. 382. Hibernorum Statuta. 58. Hieronymus. 8. 41. Hieronymus Bignonius. Hieronymus Megiserus, siue author Dictionarij Turcico-Latini. Hypocrates. 32. & 33. Hirtius sive Opius. 259. Homerus. 14. 15. 66. 154. 157. 311. Horatius. 64. 117. 164. 325. Hubertus Goltzius. Hugh Broughton. Hugo Grotius. Hugo de Cleerijs. Jacobus Cuiacius. jacobus de Vitriaco. 99 janus Douza. Inscript Vett. 11. 77. 79. 227. Ingulphus 200. 224. 270. 301. 314. 327. joannes Aventinus. joannes Buxtorfius. joannes Bodinus. jehanle Breton. 263. joannes Caius. joannes Camaterus LXXXI. LXXXIII. john Cartwright. i. The Preachers Travels. joannes Drusius. john Davies knight, Attorney general of Ireland. joan. Euchaitensis. 82. 364 joannes Faber. john Gower. 277. joannes Goropius. john Harding author of the English story in vers. 365 joannes Lelandus. john Lidgat. 124. 211. CCCXXXIII. 341. joannes Mariana. Io. de Plano Carpini. joannis D. Epistolae in lucem Arabicè editae á Doctiss. G. Bedwello. 51. joannes Sarisburiensis, sive Carnotensis. 56. 215. 314. joannes Skenaeus. john Stow. joannes Tzetzes. 90. jonathan Ben Vziel 165. josephus 73. 109. in margin. 141. & 142. josephus Scaliger. Isacius Tzetzes. Isaacus Casaubonus. Isidorus Hispalensis. 259. Isidorus Pelusiota. julius Caesar. julianus Apostata. 311. julius Firmicus. 185. justinus sive Trogus. 56. 149. justus Lipsius. Iwenalis'. 155. 329. & in praefatione. LActantius 12. in mark Lambertus Schaffnaburgensis. 313. Lampridius. 291. 299. Landulphus Sagax. 90. Leunclavius. Leges Alemannorum. 186. 204. Anglo-Saxonum. 61. 124. 204. 224. 225. 255 334. Boiorum 186. Burgundiae 262. Canuti 177. 267. 268. 269. 273. Caroli Magni. Ripuariorun. 186. Salicae 261. & vide part. 2. cap. 1. Scotorum 204. 264. 286. 302. Visigothorum. Those of our Nation, in present force, and the like, I omit. Leo Africanus III. Marg. Leo Philos. Imperator. 291. Livius. 324. Linschoten. Liger Book of S. leonard's in Yorkshire. XXXI. Literae Gallicè conscriptae ab Edwardo III. add Philippun Valesium. XXX. Lodovicus Vartomannus. Lodovicus Vives. Lucas de Penna. Lewis de Vretta. Luitprandus Ticinensis 37. 351. Lycophron. 76. 330. MAcrobius. Mahumed Ben-david. 51. 111. Manilius. 14. Marcianus Capella. 140. Marcianus Heracleotes. Marcellus Corcyrensis. Marculphus. Marquardus Freherus. Marinus Sanudus Torsello. 99 Martialis. 33. 166. Martinus à Baumgarten. Martinus Polonus. Martinus Cromerus. Martiinus Crusius, si vis, magis eius Turcograecia 98. 222. 267. Matthaeus Paris 89. 94. 102. 201. 216. 278, 283. 301. 315. 319. 330. & 331. 345. Matthaeus à Michow. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Mercurius Gallobelgicus. Michael Glycas. Modus tenendi Parlamenti. CCLXXIIII. Monachus Engolismensis Vit. C. M. 91. 190. Moses Mikotzi 329. Moses Aegyptius. Idem nonnunquam Rambam i Rabbi Moses Ben Maimon, & Maimonides appellatur apud Scriptores. 50, 51. NE 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 justiniani. 21. 309. 351. Nicephorus Callistus. 93. Nicephorus Gregoras. 193. 212. Nicetas Choniates. 83. Nithardus Angilbertus. 177 Nonius Marcellus. 34. Notitia Viriusque Provinciae. Olaus' Magnus, Onkelos. Onuphrius Panwinus. Orpheus (potius Onomacritus.) 42. 140. Ordo Coronationis Reg. Angliae. CXXIV. Ordonnances du France. Ordo Romanus. Otho Frisingensis 29. 191 233. Otto de S. Blasio. 28. 191. ovidius. 121. PAnegyristae Vett. 37. Papinius sive Statius 47. 166. 326. Pausanias. 332. Paulus Oderbornus. Paulus Aemylius. Paulus Merula. Paulus Warnfredus qui item Diaconus & Aquilegiensis dicitur. 307. Petrus de Alliaco 166. Petrus Faber. Petrus Kirstenius. Petrus Mar tire Legationis Babylonic. author. Petrus Pithoeus. Petrus Rebuffus. Peter Victor auteur de l'historie Septenaire. Petrus de Vineis 193. 290 Philippus Lonicerus. Philoxenus 261. Photius 129. 385. Pindarus 71. Plato 108. Plautus' 53. 340. Plinius Caecilius 119. Plinius secundus Philosophus 10. 34. 40. 136. 324 Plutarch 33. Polybius 33. 138. 141. Poliaenus 145. Pragmatica Philippi Hispaniarum Regis de Anno 1586. Procopius 91. 307. Provinciale Romanum 80. 130. 131. Prudentius 161. Psalms M S. in English verse very ancient. LX. CCLXVII. Ptolemaeus. Polydorus Vergilius. QVintilianus. Radevicus vide marg. 81. 335. Raimundus d'Agiles. 379 Ranulphus de Glanuilla. 276. Ranulphus Higden sive Monachus ille Cestrensis author Polychronicis. 188. Raphael Hollinshed. Registrum Brevium. Richardus Uitus Basingstochius. Richardus Uerstegan. Richardus de Baumes or Bishop of London the true author of the Black Book. See before in Geruas': Tilburiensi. Rigordus 99 246. Rober. Glocestrensis, XXXVIII CXXXIII. CCXXIX. CCXXX. Robertus Monachus, 96, 189. Rodericus Santius. Rodericus Toletanus, 96. Rodulphus Glaber, 160. Rogerut de Hoveden, 96. 233 237, 246, 277, 321, 323. SAcra Biblia, 5, 7, 8, 9, 10, 12, 32, 33, 41, 42, 49, 51, 66, 67, 73, 75, 76, 89, 97, 108, 109, 129, 154, 155, 164, 165, 185, 208, 328. 351. Solomon jarchi. Sampsates Spachanes, 99, 103. Saxonicum Monumentum apud Lambardum, & Alios de Ordinibus illius Aevi. 268. Scholiastes Aeschyli. 10. Aristophanis 142. 144. 155 Callimachis 12. Pindari. Scotorum Statuta. Sebastianus Munsterus. Seneca Trag. 138. & Philosoph. 41. 144. Servius Honoratus. apud eum Varro 34. Siculus Flaccus 129. Sidonius Apollinaris 213. Sigebertus Gemblacensis 375 Sigismundus Liberius. Silius Italicus 147. Spartianus 69. 170. Stephanus Bizantius 12. 86 Stobaeus. Strabo 32. Suetonius 325. Suidas 137. 142. marg. 185 291 Sugerius Abbas 209. Synesius 20. Synodus Ephesina. Synopsis Basilicon. Symmachus in Praefat. TAcitus 41. 169. 204. 228. 306. 340. Targum Hierosolymitanum. Tertullianus 50. 64. 35. 326 Theganus. Theodoretus. Theophrastus. Theocritus 165. Theodorus Douza. Theophilactus Simocatta 91. 92, 93, 112. Theon Scholiast. Arati. Theophilus Antiochenus. Theophilus Int. justiniani. Theophrastus' 129. Thomas Leodius. Thomas Smith Knight. Thomas Millius. Thomas Rudborn. Thomas Walsingham 38. & literas illas Edwardi III. ad Philippum Valesium quas Walsinghamius Latinè habet, Gallicè ex vetusto Ms. exhibemus, pag. 30. 275. Thucydides. Tibullus 114. Tiro Prosper 343. Titus Probus. Trebellius Pollio 119. 183. Tripartita Historia 161. 162 VAlerius Maximus, 147. 148. Varro. Vegetius 65. Vincentius, author Speculi. Vincentius Lupanus. Virgilius 115. 138. 158. 298. 299. Vopiscus 72. 183. 299. & 300. 340. WAlafrid. Strabo, 243. 251. Wernerius Rolewinke, qui nempè Fasciculum Temporum conscripsit, ut notat Tritemius, libr. de Scriptoribus Ecclesiasticis. XEnophon 145. Xiphilinus. Zonaras. Zosimus. Zygomalas 107. Marg. 110. These are the self Authors whose witness we have used. To cite them which are in others only cited, not themselves extant, were to no purpose; and, to as little, to collect all whom we have named, or taken common story out of. The more special Words of the Eastern Tongues, to our Purpose, herein interpreted. Pag. 12 Maran 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 49 Mara 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 32 Malec Malcia 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 20 Melci Romi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 103 Musulmin 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 341 Nosha Celestina 〈…〉 m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 8 Nineveh 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 41 Naschu Bar 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 65 Nergal 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 328 Sephor 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Chaldaeis soepiùs excidit 51. 9 Aetzebijm 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 109 Aelam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Aebaedeh Zaereh 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 114 ib. abbreviat. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 69 Pil 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 74 Pharaoh 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Prestigiani 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 87 88 Pristi joan 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 et vide in Praefatione. 107 Tzaophi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 69 Caesar 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 49 Rab 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 114 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Rabbui hacuchoth 110 Shah 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 165 Shehernim 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 49 Shematha 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 66 Shichur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 97 Sheriphun 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. Sultan 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 51. & 110. Alsheich 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 328 Shetar 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Thomach Shabat 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 154 351 Abrech 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 49 Adonis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 99 Alghabassi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 208 Alloph 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 99 Amir 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 99 Amir Elmumenin 9 Bel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. Baal 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 11 Beleh 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 13 Gibber Tzid 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Gian Belul 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 85 86 Gaijan 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 208 Dux 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 164 Halilath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 33 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Hamelic Hagadol 51 Zechen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 53 Haveh 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 10 Chamanijm 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 97 Chaliph 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. Chaliph 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 328 Chathom 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 50 jehovah 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 jehovah Elohim 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 75 javan 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 11 Coreshed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 14 Cesil 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 70 Ceshira 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 164 Lilith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●14 Loghez 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Occurrit et in SS. Psalm. 114. Com. 1. 110 Machspijm 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 11 Mithri 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Such of the Greek Words, both Pure and Barbarous, most of them being not usual, of which, for the most part, as they occurred, is a more special Explication. A 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 86 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 121 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 131 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 66 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 219 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 99, 100 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 375 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 375 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 99, 376 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 34 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 33 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 53 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 71 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 98, 112 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 18, & seq. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 381 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 98 B denotatur per 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 267 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 10 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 354 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 382 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 21 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 32, 46, & 112 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 33 & 144 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 120 & 121 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 45 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 377 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 9 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 10 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 11 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 249 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 336 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 120 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 33 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 222 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 45 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 46 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 54 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 122 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 62 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 52 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 53 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 185 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 165 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 109 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 75 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 4 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 62 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 91 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 381 & 382 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 15 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 121 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 330 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 333 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 121 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 142 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 197, & 198 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 81 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 91 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 90 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 89 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 111 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. 376 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 183, 185 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 222 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 45 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in praefat. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 144 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 54 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 24 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 122 & 171 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 48 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 49 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 222, & 351 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 108, & seq. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 109 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 212 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 122 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 193 & 185 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ib. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 120 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 111 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 166 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 158 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 103 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 267 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 377 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 53 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 76 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 162 & 355 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 111 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 8 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 15 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, apud Euripidem 41 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 33 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 350 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 64 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 120 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 241 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 90 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 45 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 198 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 351 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 377 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 82 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 83 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 81 & 82 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 98 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 64 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 169 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 24 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 40, 41 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 165 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 222 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 24 & unde id nomen Regibus datum a Graecis ib. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 63 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 111 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. 291 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 377 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 110 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 66 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 336 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 154 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 342 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 340. & seq. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 98 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 141, 150 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 172 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 137 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 18 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 185 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in praefat. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 380 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 45 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 184 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 74 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 42 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 185 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 379 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 164 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 91 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 94 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 91 X & P 162 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 364 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 137 What occurs, most particularly pertaining to some parts of our English Common Laws, is here, by itself, collected. AIdes affair filz Chivaler, File marier, & de Rançom. 330. 331 Amerciament for trespass etc. v. pag. 204. 225. how it was anciently in Herefordshire. 233 Ancient demesne tenants 335. and tried by a jury. ibid. Amittere Legem, what. 344 BAckberend. 264 Baronia, & Tenere per Baroniam. 276. & 278 Bishops how anciently invested by the King, and that brought into use again, in substance, under Edward VI 201 Bishops wont to set in the Shrifes Turn; when that was altered. 225 Bracton, a conjecture on him. 279. And see in the Table of authors under Henricus de Bracton. CArucagia. 270 Chester. 247 Clergy men; see Bishops. used to make a Procurator in Parliament, if judgement were to be given on life and death. 253. Communia Placita non seq. etc. 234 County Court. 255 Crosses. 162 DArrain Presentment. 279 Distress to make oath in the jury in a iberty of Infangtheef, land a judgement in it. 263 Durham. 248 Earls made laws in their Counties. 233 Execution might not be in Debt of a Knight's Equipage, etc. 322 Eires. 321 FRanchise de work. 248 Forest Laws of K. Knout amended; those in the Print. 268 HExamshire, 248 Heriots, 225. 272. 273 Horse de son Fee pleaded by Horse de son Barony. 278 Hidata Terra & non Hidata. 271 IVris Virum. 279 KNights Fee. 274. 319 Knighting by Writ. 320. 321. See Execution. MArcheta Mulieris. 210 Marshals Fees. 315 Meinover (Manor.) 264 Merton statut of Bastardy. 280 Nativo habendo. 210 Plural number in Praecipite in a Writ. 115 Parliament. 274 Pares. 346. 347 REliefs. 232. 272. 273 276 SAke or Sack and Saccaber and Sathaber, etc. 261. 262 Seals. 328 Surrender of an earldom. 3 1 Summons of an Earl in another County. 233 Shrifes, 255. See Turn and County. Starra judaeorum occurring in the old Rolls of Hen. 3. and Ed. 1. 329 Statut of XX. Ed. 3. de Proditoribus expounded 345 THird part of the County. 231. 232 & seq. Trial by a jury of jews and Christians, 329 By Ley Gager anciently in most actions. 345. of ancient Demean. 335 of a Bishop in Capital faults. 347 Turn de Viscount. 225 WArdships. 54 THE TABLE. A ABassilar Family. fol. 99 Abasens, or Abissins. 86 Abellio, a Gaulish God. 9 Abbots and Priors invested. 200 wont to be in Parliament as Barons. 283. and were Barons ratione Officij & Tenurae. 282. & 283 Abthan, an old dignity in Scotland. 285 Abstracts and Concrets in expressing a great man's honour. 117 which best. 125 Abrech, which was given to joseph by the Egyptians. 351 Abualtrazim is Mahomet's name in Paradise. 100 Achaius King of Scots, added the Bordure Fleurie about the Lion, as they affirm. 153 Achemaenides. 74 Achmet is Mahomet's name in heaven. 100 Adoration by kissing the hand, or forefinger. 38. and 40. and 41. and whence Adorare. Adoration after the Persian manner. 41 Adoption per Arma. 307. Adoption desired by the Persian Cabades, of justinian, and how justinian put him off. 307 Adonis and Adonai, i. Lord. 49. and 50 Admirabiles, Admiralli, Admiraulx, Admiravisi. 99 and 189 and 375 Admirallus Murmelius. 102 Admiral whence. 375 Adam, Heue, hence (or out) Lilith, written on the walls, the woman being in childbirth 'mongst the jews. 105 Adrian IV. Pope, an English man; and his name before he was Pope. 55 Administratio Comitatuum. 233 Aesculapius, why he is supposed Apollo's son. 70 Aella, first that had the chief supremacy of State 'mongst the Anglo-Saxons, being King of Sussex. ●0 Aelamites are Persians, and why so called: and how the name of Aelam or Elymas agrees with Magus. 109 Egyptian Kings. 73 Aetes, son to Phoebus (in the Argonautiques) had Sunbeams on his head in memory of his father. 140 Aetheling. See Etheling. Aegialeus, first King of Europe. 16 Agagit and Amalekit all one. 75 Aiem to the Turks, is Persia. 106 Aichmalotarchae in the Captivity. 154 Aijos Phasileos' Marchio. 131 Ailwin a Saxon Earl, called Half-king, the same with Hehelguinus in others. 227. Founder of Ramsey Abbey in Huntingdonshire. ibid. Aides to make the son a Knight, marry the daughter, and redeem the Lords body out of prison. 330 Algomeiza, protion. 13 Algebar. 13 Alexander, son to jupiter Hammon, and his picture with Rams horns. 63. whence he was called Dhil, karnaijn. 140. his being deceived by Anaximenes expressed by an Ancient in Latin verse. 157 his request to the High Priest, for his name to be given to the Priests children. 67 Albu Ersalan. 111 Alcoran of the Turks, worn about a Chaliphs' neck. 100 in it parts of the old Testament. ibid. how many Azoars, Sureths, or chapters it hath; the difference of the Arabic one in that from the Latin. 101. the beginning of every Azoar. 102. It was by error given to Mahomet by the Angel Gabriel. 104 Almumen. 101 Ali, or Alem, Mahomet's son in law. 100 how the Persians and other follow his sect. 105. & 107 the Alien Sect from another Ali, according to some opinion. 107 Ali Abasides. 107 Alghabassi. 99 Aladin in the Turkish story. 112 Alfred, the first King anointed in England. 133 Alilat, the same Goddess with Lilith. 165 Alexius comen. the first creator of those Dignities, Sebastocrator, Panhypersebastus, etc. 171 Alderman of all England under the Saxons. 227 Aldermannus juratorum. 270. & 389 Alderman. See more in Ealderman. Alodium, Alode its derivation. 302 Alodarij, Aloarij, and the like anciently in England. 390 Alsheich. 51 Alluph, i. Dux. 208 Amiras, Amera, Amir. 49. & 98. & 375 Amir Echur. 374. Amir Halem. 379 Amir elmumunin, i. Rex orthodoxorum. 99 & seq. Amiralius. 375 Amiras & Amireus, if well distinguished. 375. & 376. Amir amomenus. 99 Amir moumnes. 100 Amici Regum, and Amici & Fratres Rom. Imp. 185 Anaximenes. See Alexander. Annian Impostures rejected. 17 Anglorum Rex Primus in the Heptarchy. 30 Anselm, Archbishop of Canterbury, would have gone to Rome for his Pall, but William II. would not permit him. 26 Anaxarchus his jest to Alexander pretending himself a God. 67 Anni Augustorum. 71 Antigonus his answer to a flatterer, that called him God. 67 Antiochus sprinkled the jews Bibles with Baconbroth. 62 Antonin, of what respect the name was in Rome. 77 Anointing of Kings. 128. whence the original. 129. & 387. Anointing of stones and statues 'mongst the Gentiles, and bounds. ibid. what Princes were to be anointed by the Roman Provincial. 130. yet no anointing of the old Irish Kings. 57 where it was first used in the western parts. 131. Anointing with holy oil to the French Kings. 132. None of their Kings of the first line was anointed. 132. British Kings anointed. 132. First anointed in the Saxon times. 133. Anointing of the English Kings with holy oil given to Thomas Becket, as the tale is reported. 134. Anointing makes Kings capable of spiritual jurisdiction. 135 Andrew Harkley Earl of Carlisle, his being degraded of Knighthood, under Edward II. and the form of it. 3●7 Andrew S. 370 Apollo, to him were consecrate all children cut out of the womb: and why. 70 Apostle des Saracens. 66 Apostolic King, a title to an Asiatic King. 87 Apple: so is the Globe called whereon the Cross is infixed. 158. Three apples in jupiters' statue at Constantinople. 159 Appenages of France. 196. whence the word Appenage. 198 Arbelus. 9 Arsacides. 76 Areta, a name of the Hagaren Kings. 76 Arduelles, or Ardebil. 107 Arthur's seal. 160. Arthur and his Round Table. 365 Arundel Castle. 235. Earldom of Arundel begun. 236. its essence by reason of the Castle, and precedence. 236. & 237 Armouries. Setting of Crowns on them. 196. & 197. 206. See Crowns. when they began to be borne hereditarily. in Praefat. and there of their being given by Patent, more. borne by some Mahometans painted anciently. 380 Arms of the Daulphinè & France to be quartered. 173. Of Moscovie. 362. and see in Beta. Of Saxony. 152 Arms given in enfranchisement. 326. 327. and see in Knights. Of arms descendible to the heir. 322 Archduke, how ancient the name. 194. Of Lorraine. ib. Arlic, i Honourable. 223 Armiger. 340. 341. whence the dignity hath its name. 343 Archbishops worth. 204 Arabians. See in Vashlu. Assyrian Monarchy: and its continuance. 6. & 7 Assur built not Niniveh. 8 Astaroth. 65 Astronomy of Homer explained. 14 Astrologers. 67. 166. & 185 Asia; the western part of it, sometimes (beside what is truly Greece) called Greece. 75 Assit principio Sancta Maria meo. 101 Asser Ben Cheter. 105 Astures, King of them. 80. Prince of Asturia. 170 Ataulph purposed for a title in Empire. 76 Athelstans' greatness, thinking it more honourable to make a King, then be one. 35. his Charter. 303 Athenian Prince called Great Duke. 194 Augustus would not be called Dominus. 47 Augustus; why and how a title to the Emperor. 70. 71. its derivation. 71. used by other Princes. 71. and 72 Augere Hostias. 71 Aureum Pomum, whereon the cross is borne. 160 Auratus Eques. 317. and 361 Aureorum Annulorum jus. See in Rings. B BAal. 9 and 65 Baal Hanan, the same as Hannibal. 67 Baal-samaim, the same with jupiter, Apollo, Pan. 9 Banners given in investiture, and in committing the government of a Province. 28. & 29. & 191. & 378. & 379 Banner square: who may bear it with his Arms on it. 353 Bannerets: their Name, and Creation. 353. & seq. a Banneret discharged of being Knight of the Shire. 355. & 356. and of their Precedence, ibid. See in Sanziacks. Bani of Hungary. 381 Babylonian Sceptres and Rings, 155 Babylon and Bagdet. 93 Bagded is the old Seleucia, upon the confluence of Tigris & Euphrates. 93 Baetulus from Bethel derived into the Heathen. 129 Babamus, in Turkish Our Father. 122 Bacon the Friar his books, spoiled by ignorant Monks. 109 Baltheus, what. 311 Balteus auratus, & constellatus. 309 Basilius Macedo, the Eastern Emperor his finding fault with Lews II. the Western, about the title of Emperor. 22. & 23 Basileus. 21. & seq. 35 Barbaquan & Barbican. 89 Barons and Barony, the etymon of the word, 259. & seq. what they are. 265. 266. Of France. 266. of England, before the Normans, 267. & seq. until 273. Barons after the Normans, and parliamentary. 274. 278. and 280. 283. Value of a Barony. 274. and 232. Peers to Barons, i. Pares Baronum. 274. 275. Barons to Earls 247. 275. without Barons the name of Prince anciently not supported. 275. Baronies how many in England, under Hen. III. 278. First Baron created by Patent in England. 281. Baro, and Baronia, coniugata. 282. and 283. Primus Baro Angliae. 283 Baron and Lord. 284. Barony of Earls given to their heirs apparent. 284 Barons of Scotland. 285. late and ancient 286. 287. difference of those of France of later time, and Barons of England & Scotland. 288. Barons in France have the right of wearing a Gilt Helmet. 288. and a Chaplet of gold. 289. Of Spain 289. like Los Ricos Hombres in Spain, and Valuasors in the Empire, ibid. A Barons ancient investiture, and Banner. 353. See in Chevalier: and in Grestock, and in Stafford. Baro, in Cicero & Persius. 258 Barons of the Exchequer. 347. 391 Barons of the Cinque Ports. 216 Baronagium Angliae, & Barnagium. 277 Barigildi. 264 Barn, or Bern, and Bernage. 267 Bardus. 260 Berkshire, the old custom there in paying Reliefs. 272 Baviere the Dukedom anciently hereditary, and how under the French Kings. 190 Bachelor Knights; their derivation. 336 Batalarij and Baccalaurei. 336 Bandum. 354. 355 Baronetti in old Story. 355 Baronet's created by King james. 356 & 357. their precedence. 358 Bath. Knights of the Bath. 359. & seq. Bassa and Bassilar. 376 Beaumond, first Viscount in England. 256 Beauchamp, first Baron by Patent. 281 Bel. 9 Belenus and Belin, who they were in the British and Gaulish Idolatry. 9 & 10 Belatucadre, a British Deity. 10 Belus was Nimrod. 6. & seq. how they came to be the same 9 & seq. Beltishazzar the name of Daniel. 66 Beldigian, the Aethiopique Emperor his title. 86. & 88 Belul Gian. i. Prester john 85 Belisama Minerva, a Goddess in an old Inscription. 11 Bees: 'mongst them an exemplary State. 4 Benavente, first Dukedom in Castille. 205 Beta's in the Coat of Constantinople. 21 Berosus, the true one. 8. the false one. 17 Besemi Allahi alrrhehmeni alrrhehimi, the beginning of every Azoar of the Al●oran, and of the Mahumedans books, and spoken religiously in the beginning of every work undertaken. 101 Beg, and Beglerbeg. 377. & 379 Begluc, and Beglerbegluc. 377 Bilinumtia. 10 Bishops anciently invested by the Staff, or Rod, and Ring. 200. the making of Bishops without Congee d'eslier, given to Ed. VI by Act of Parliament. 201 Birrus. 194 Bishops, how Barons. 282. & 347. wont to sit in the Sheriffs Turn. 225. when that altered. ibid. & 388 Bishops titles. 118 Bishops, how they partake of the Prerogatives of the Greater Nobility. 347 Bij. 383 Black Prince. See Prince of Wales. Bohemia created into a Kingdom. 28 Britons, and Britain. A prophecy that the Britons should be Emperors of Rome. 38. Constantine the Great born in Britain. 37. See Christian, and in England, and English. Breunin and Uhrennin, i. King. 45 Bretagne. The Duke's greatness there 116. forbidden to write Dei gratia. ibid. Of that was the first Duke known by the distinct Title in France. 149 Bructerans, where they had their habitation. 176 Brutus' Oracle. 36 Breeches, how in use anciently. 148 Buccellatum, what. 336 Bulk, Bulcoglar, and Bulcovitz. 78 Bulgarie, the King's prerogative there by indulgence from the Eastern Empire. 22. 23 C CArpi, Carpisculus, what. 72 Caradenizi. 1. Mare delle Zabach. 90 Carachan, & Carchan, a dignity. 89 Carathay. 90 Cardarigan, and Carderigas, dignities. 90. 91 Calendar. 378 Carniola Dukedom to be made by the Archduke. 193 Carpaluc, 1. Mare delle Zabach, in Scythian. 90 Cafe, the place heretofore of the inauguration of the Sophi. 95 Cap of Purple of the Moscovite. 152 Cappa Honoris. 207. 239 Capitaneus and Capitania. 265. 289 Caesar, and Caesarea Celsitudo, given to the Grand signor. 104 Caesar jul. how he refused the name of King. 19 Caesar, how that Title began in the Empire. 69. when in the Successors apparent. 170. it signifies an Elephant. 69. & 70 Caesar, as it was a dignity in the Eastern Empire. 171. & 122 Capitales Baroniae. 276 Capita Captivitatis. 154 Capellani or Chaplains, whence so called. 243 Caduceus of Mercury. 155 Caruagia, and Carucagia. 270 Causia, the Macedonian Cap. 145 Capcanus. 91 Canis in the Scaligeran Family. 92 Canopy, born by whom. 216 Cam or Can, See Cham. Caliph. See Chaliph. Caspian Sea, or Mer de Bachu. 106 Catholic, the Title of Spain. 80. & 131 Cavalieri di Sprone & di Collana. 383 Celebalatzaijr, 1. the protion. 13 Celts, a genèrall name for the Europaeans. 75 Celsitudo. 120 Ceremony in making the Chaliph. 95. for Ceremonies see in Anointing, in Banners, in Sword, in Bishops, & 152. and in Earth, and Water, in investiture, & 207 Cernovitz. 78 Chaldaeans their incredible stories of 150000. years. 61 Chaldè in Aethiopia. 86. 23 Chaganus, whence and what. 91 Cham, Chahan, Can. 90. & 383 Cham, or Chan of Cathay, the Title whence. 87. & seque his Title 92. and see 98. Champagne Palatins. 246 Chanaranges, a dignity. 91 Chanoglan. 89 Chaplets of leaves worn by Kings. 145. & 152 Chastellans of Poland. 24● Chaliphs' and Chaliphat, the ancient, and their ends. 93. what, and whence Caliph. 94. 97. Chalifs inauguration. 95 Chaliph and Papa being the same. 90 Chaliph of Bagdet, his Tiar or Cidaris. 146. & 147 Chazaria, 1. Taurica Chersonesus. 91 Cheque, what. 111 Chondich●ar, a Turkish addition of greatness. 103 Children received at their birth in purple. 83 Children like their parents, in Praefatione. Christ figured in the two first letters of his name. 161 Christianissimus to the French. 78 Christianity, specially among the Franks, very ancient. 79 Christian King first in Britain. 78 Chlovis of France was not anointed King 131 Childbirth. See Adam. Chester, a Writ of Right for part of the possessions of the Earldom anciently against john the Scot Earl there. 233. & 244. made a County Palatin. 247 Chevalier: every Parliamentary Baron so called in his Writ. 283. whence derived. 332. the same with Miles. 332. & 334 Cheorlborn, and Cheorlman, 'mongst our Saxons. 267. & 268 Cinque Ports. 216. See Barons. Cimbrians, who. 294 Cidaris, Citaris. 144 City first built. 14 & 16 Cingis, or Cinchis Cham. 87. 88 92 Cingulum Militis. 309. Cingulum Otiosum Dignitatis, & militiare. 312 Cinctura. See in Dukes and Earls created. Clarissimus. 383 Clergy men not to judge in life and death. 253 Cleta. 76 Clito and Clitunculus. 176 Cock. See in Nergal. Collar of SS. 343 Collars given to Knights. 362. 333 Common wealth how it began. 2 Computation of years from the beginning of the world. 6. and see in the Title of the old Roman Emperors 19 of the late and Christian. 171 Persian computation from their Neuruz. 112. from the Arabian or Mahomedan Hegira. 163 Compagnon le Roy. 44 Comes. 220. how it differed from, or was the same with Dux. 182. 183 184. 186. 187. & seq. the same with Dux and Ma●chio sometimes. 213 Comes Matronae. 219 Comites Maiores & Minores. 187 & 220 Comes: See Counts. Primi, Secundi, Tertij Ordinis. 183 Comitiva. 183. 184. & seq. Primi Ordinis. ibid. Comitatenses Legiones. 220 Comites Consistoriani. 220 Comites, whence the word derived. 228. 232 Comitiva Vacans. 184 Comes Palatij was not the same with More du Maison. 243. and of them more there following. 385 Commarepani. 209. & 319 Consilium Domini Regis. 279 Countors. 292 Constable of England. 216 Congé d'eslier. 201 Concrete: See in Abstract. Court Baron. 273 Constantinople, the Coat. 21 Constantine the Great, first of the Emperors, writing himself Dominus publicly. 48. his Donation to the See of Rome. 56. 151. he first used a Diadem; how that's to be understood. 149. 152. the apparition to him in his wars against Maxentius. 160. See in Crosses, and in Britons. his law about marriage of his Nation. 37 Constantine, a name much affected in the Eastern Empire. 76. The Turks call the old Emperors there Constantins. 76. 77 conventus Parium in Fr. 250 Coronet. See Crowns. Corona, Chorona: whence. 137 Counts. See in Comites Palatij. Count's Palatin. 24●. whence the name. 244. See in Palatin. Cosmas, swea●ing by himself. 66 Cossorassath for Cosroes Shach. 110 Cornwall Duchy. 178. & 199 Cornwall and Devonshire. 201 Cral & Cralna, i King & Queen. and Crol & Crolna. 45 Craunfeild. 271 Cratevitz from Crates. 78 Craig Eriry. 215 Cretans always liars, why. 12 Cro of Scotland. 286 Cracovian Chastellan in Poland before the Palatin: and why. 249 Crimen Maiestatis. 118. & 121 Cross on the Globe. 159. when first used. ibid. & 160. how it was in the Emperor's Diadems, Standards, and the like. 160. 161. 162 forbidden to be made on the ground. 162 Croissant of the Mahumedans, whence. 162. 163. & seq. Crowns: the first Inventor. 136. 142 used anciently but to Gods. 136 whence Corona. 137. whether it were a royal distinction 'mongst the Gentiles, before Christianity. 137. & seq. A disputation that it was not. ibid. One given to Hypocrates of great value for helping the plague. 137. Those in the Games, etc. ibid. & 142. Triumphal Crowns. 159. how they were in ancient Rome. 139. 140 at Banquets. 141. 142. whence the Crowns worn in the Olympians. 142. Crown given by Alexander to Diogenes, and by him to his sweetheart. 143. of leaves, 145. 152. Crown Imperial, how it differs from that of other Princes. 150. 151. Constantins first wearing a Crown. 149. 152. Crowns of the jewish Kings. 152 the Crown of thorns. 153. It was an ensign of the Germane Empire. See the Preface. Crown Radiant of the Duke of Florence. 153. First of the British or English Kings wearing a Crown. 153. Crown of Scotland. 153. First of the West-gothique Kings in Spain. 153 See Diadem. Crowns by lovers set on their Mistress' doors and posts. 136 Crowns for Dukes: and who of them may wear them. 194. 195. 196. & 198. Of the Archduke. 193 Bearing of Crowns on Armouries. 196. 206. 288 Crowns: how their several form was in the Eastern Empire: and how they came (by conjecture) to be so different 'mongst our dignities. 197. 198. Crown of the Despot. 172 Crown of Peacock's feathers. 57 Crowns: see marquess, Earl, and Viscount. Crowning of the Rex Romanorum. 170. 171 Culzum Denizi, i. Mere de Bachu. 106 Cut out of the womb are sacred to Apollo. 70 Cutberti Terra. 248 Curis in Sabin. 149 Cunegrevij. 389 Cyrbasia. 144 Cyprus Kingdom. 29 Cynosura, Princess of the Notthern heaven. 14 D DAnemark the Kingdom. 29 Daniel, named by Nabuchadnezar. 66 Dates of Turks letters. 101 Dauphin & Daulphinè. 172. the reason of the name. 173. & seq. how the Daulphinè is next to Crown. 173. Epitaph of Humbert Dauphin in Paris. 174 Dea Syria, & Dij Sylli. 11 Defender of the faith. 79 Dei gratia: by what Princes used. 116. anciently by Bishops, Abbots, Master of the Temple, etc. 116. 117 Despot, what he was, and how to be spoken to. 122. 171. he might wear Purple shoes. 156. how he became the apparent heir. 171 his Crown. 172. 197 Delphinus. See Dauphin. Devonshire Earl. 236. those of Devonshire in the Rearward anciently. in Praefat. Degradation of Knights. 337 Deputy of Ireland. 57 & 58 Dermut Mac Morrogh. 57 Dhilkarnaijn. See Alexander. Diadem or Fillet. 19 & 20. it used 'mong the Europaeans before Alexander for a Note Royal. 138 & seq. what kind of Diadem was Royal. 143. 144. what it was. 145. 147. 148. See in Crowns, and in Tiar. Digitus salutaris. 40 Dionysius, i. Bacchus, derived. 45 Dignities, when they began to be Feudall. 189. 190 191. 192. 195. how they are taken after the death of the Ancestor, in Spain. 206. The dignities of the old Saxons. 204. & 225. See in Thanes, & 268. Of the Eastern Empire, see in Despot, Sebastocrator, in Caesar, in Panhypersebastus, & Great Duke in Duke. Diogenes. See in Crowns. Districtuale. 249 Doctors of the Civil Law to be called Domini. 55 Dominus, how used or refused 'mongst the Roman Emperors. 47. & seq. See in Constantine. A Sect that would not allow the word Lord, or Dominus, to any earthly Prince. 49. The word used in salutation. 47. & 53. Tertullians' conceit upon the first occurrence of Dominus Deus in Genesis. 50. and there the reason of the reading Dominus Deus. Dominus Hiberniae. 55. how the Title began. 56. when altered. 58. Dominus among the Chaliphs'. 111 Dominae to women. 53. & 54 Domna. 52 Domnus. 52 Doctor Omnium Credentium. 102 Dolphin. See Dauphin. Douze Pairs. 349 Droit de policy. 266 Druids their sacrificing. 10 Drichten, i. Lord. 61 Ducatus & Imperia: a play. 182 Deuces Maiores & Minores. 207 Dukes, whence their name. 182. 183. & seq. 191. how the same anciently with Comes, and how different. 186. 187. 188. etc. See Comes. Whether a Duke anciently had XII. or any certain number of Counties under him. 189. investiture into a Dukedom, ancient and late. 191. 192. 195. 199. 200. 202. 207 A Duke to be made by the Archduke. 193. Great Duke. 193. & 27. some Dukes, as supreme Princes. 120. 194. 195. 207. 383. & 384. First Duke in France, by distinct name. 199. the Greatness of the ancient Dukes there. 195 196. 198. 206. First Duke in England. 199. Dukes before the Normans. 203. they were Earls. 204. First Duke in Scotland. 205. First Duke in Castille 205. supposed Revenue, Value, and Relief of a Duke. 232. Of Poland. 240. See Magnus Dux. Dukes in Genesis. 208 Dux and Comes. See Comes. Dux & Deuces Limitum. 183. 209. 213 Ducianum judicium. 183 Ducales Tunicae. 183 ducal habit of the Archduke. 193 Durham made a County Palatin. 228. 247. called Cutberti Terra. 248. See in Haliwerk and in Franchise. Dublin. See Robert of Veer. duel: challenge to it in point of equality of dignity. 384 E Eagle's born on the top of Sceptres: and why. 155. on the Emperor's shoes. ibid. & seq. and more of them. ibid. Earth and Water demanded in subjection required: and a special disquisition about that custom. 33 Earldom surrendered. 231 Earls value. 232. See in Comes, etc. before the Normans in England. 203. 204. 225. investiture of an Earl. 222. 238. 239. his Coronet. 198. 223. 239. 240. whence the name. 223. by what several names titled after the Normans. 228. how their Territory was a part of their name. 229. 230. They had the third part of the profits of the County. 231. 232. 233. the sword of the County given them. 237. 238. It was dovoted anciently, if they might be summoned out of their County. 234. Denominated from Towns. 235. See Arundel. Chief Earl of England by new Creation. 239. Of Poland. 240 Ealdorman. 204. his worth among the Saxons. ibid. he was as the Sheriff among the Saxons. 225. 254. and sat in the Turn, with the Bishop. ibid. & 388. when that was altered. ibid. Difference of Ealdormen. 226. 227. 269. 270 See in Alderman. Ealdordom. 255 Hebrew. See in Tongues. Eddin: what. 112 Edgar written Emperor. 25. & 35 rowed over Dee by 8. Kings. 35 his dominion. 55. Edgar Etheling. 177 Edward III. writing to Philip de Valois King of France, would not style him King. 30 Eires and Inquests there. 321 Elamits. See in Aelamits. Elymaei. 109 Electors, what they bear. 158 Elephant in Caesar's coin: and the word in divers languages. 69. See in Orders. Ely, made a County Palatin. 247 Eleutho, whence for Lucina. 165 Elhabassen, i Ethiopians. 86 Emperor, the beginning of the name. 19 Those of the East and West, differing about the Title. 22. & seq. & 387. used by the English Kings. 25. 35. and Spanish. ●6. Emperor of Russia, how he useth that Title. 28. How the Emperor is Dominus Mundi to the Civiuilians. 26. See in Britons. How the Emperors took their Surnames. 72. Emperors. See in Computation, in Anointing, in Crowns. Empire's ensigns obsolet. in Praefat. Emperor of Germany, called Vrum Padischah. 103 Enessarlar. 106 Enosha, first City built of the world. 14 England's King anciently claimed quicquid Imperator in Imperio, in point of supremacy. 26. 38. Free from the Pope. ibid. See in King, in Imperator. England, when, how, and by whom named. 31. see in Ang. & in Heptarchy. Entimos in a Charter of Edward III. 198 English Kings anointed. 133. when first. ibid. Crowned first. 153 See in Britons, and in Arthur. Eorles, See Earls. Epitaphs. 124 125. 174. & 36. Equites Romani. 324. the Ordo Equestris, as touching their Gold Rings, disputed of. 325. the Notes of an Eques. 326 Equites Illustres. 275. & 324 Equus Publicus. 325 Equestris Census. 320 Equites Aurati. 317. 361 Erdebil. See in Haidar. Ereskin, first Viscount in Scotland. 256 Erlic. 223 Esau's kissing jacob according to jewish Tradition. 42 Espee de David & Elias. 96 Escuyer. 340 Esquire. 340. whence the name, and how in our Languages. 341. the same with Knave. ibid. five sorts of esquires. 342. One made Esquire by Patent, in Praefat. One retained to be Esquire in time of Peace. 344. esquires attending on Knights. 340 Ethiopian Emperor. 16. See in Tongues, and in Prester john. Etheling. 176. 177. 224 Exerif. 1. Serif. 96 Excellentia Vestra. 120 Excellent Grace. 122 Exercitualo. 272 Expeditio, Pontis extructio, & Arcis munitio, reserved always in the freest of Sax. Charters. 301 F FAtuitas tua Maxima, to the Pope in the French Kings letters. 117 Fez and Morocco Emperor his title. 103 Feuds, there beginning. 293. & seq. something like them in the old Roman State. 294. 295. whether the Lombard's were chief authors of them. 295. & seq. against common opinion. 297. whence transferred to other parts. 297. Nobility from Feuds. 295. & 296. Feuds in the Eastern Empire. 297. derivation of the word. 302 Feud: See Field. Feuds made hereditary. 295 Feuds not to be aliened. 297 Feuds in England before the Normans. 300 Fealty. 190 Fief: See Feud. Filz aisne de l'esglise. 79 Filius Ecclesiae Maior, Minor, Tertius. 79 Fitzhaimon: See Mabile. Fire born before the Emperors of Rome, and Persian Kings, in Praefat. Flavius, the forename of Lombardian Kings. 76 Florence, where PP. Pius v. would have made Cosmo di Medici's King: but the neighbour Princes would not suffer it. 30. The Crown Radiant given to the Duke by the Pope. 153. 206. & 207. the Inscription upon the Crown. 207 Flanders Earldom, its Dignity. 116 its beginning. 195 Foragia. 270 Fodrum. 270 Forinsecum. 283 Franks, the general name. 37. & 75 Frater Solis & Lunae, in a King's Title. 62 France: See in Augustus, in Anointing, in Dukes, in Bretagne, in Christianissimus, in Filius and Filz. A conjecture of one, why they admit no woman's Government. 176. see in Salic. See in Grecian. Frank Padischach, 1. King of France. 103 Frilingi, what. 177 Freeheeren. 283 Furca & Fossa: See in Pit and Gallows. G GAbriel the Angel, and his delivery of the Alcoran. 104. & 105 Gabriels' wing, cause of the Eclipse. 163 Gaurlar. 1. Christians. 100 Gaesi. 298 Gentry. See the preface. George S. what. 363. called Tropaeophorus. 364. and Chederle. ibid. Genius Caesaris. 64 Gelal. 110 Goe the Saxon particle. 222 Gelt. 264 Girding with the sword. 238. See in the Creations of Duke, Count, etc. Giul a Rose. 89 Gian Belul. 85 Giaen the Chaldè in Ethiopia. 86 Gloucester Earldom began 130 Gladius Comitatus & Ducatus. 237. & 312 Gladij jus & usus 312 Globe and Cross interpreted. 159. See in Crosse. Globe in the Turkish Banner. 378 Gower the Poet, buried, and how. 361. 362 Golden world a mere fiction. Gomman. 44 Gods of the Idolaters in Princes Names. so of the true God. 65. 66 Gods applied to Princes. 62. some styling themselves Gods, ibid. Reason why it's a denying of a Prince his Title, i● giving him the name of God. 63. jests on them which called their Princes Gods. 67 Grands. 206 Grafio, Grave, grieve, 221. 226 Grafia. 222 Greistock Baron. 283 Grace. 123 Grand Maistre of France. 244 Grand Escuyer. 342 Greece, the ancient State of it. 5. the name of Greece applied to some inward part of Asia. 75. & 76 Greek patches often affected by old Monks. 22. Greek affected in this Western part in the middle times. 198 Grithbreche. 390 Grecians styling foreign Dignities by the names of those Countries to which they were applied. 24 Grecian glory affected by the French Kings. 258. 298 Great King, by whom used 33 Gues, Guas, or Gais. 297. 298 Guassdewr. 298 Gylas a Dignity. 89 H Have, 1. Salue, whence. 53 Haudoni (Haudonni) in Plautus. 53 Hannibal, the name in Scripture. 67 Harmodius and Aristogiton, no bondman to be called so. 67 Haman in Esther, of what country he was. 75 Han for Chan. 89 Haidar Prince of Erdebill. 105. father to Ishmael Sophi, ibid. why he is called Arduclles and Ardebille. 107 Hautesse. Hastae for Diademata. 149 Halil, the Goddess Alilat. 165 Haeresis de Inuestitura. 201 Half-koning. 1. half king. 227 Haliwerk Folks. 248 Haut justice. 253 Hhabassia. i. Terra Ethiopia. 86 Hamilton, first Marq. in Scotland. 217 Hanses of the Goths. in Praefat. Hair long worn by the French Kings. See in the preface, Hairs of horse tails in ancient and late use in the wars. 378 Heptarchy of England under one. 30 Herbam Dare victos. 34 Helen, mother of Constantine. 37 Herus. 48 Henry 11. his conquest and title in Ireland. 55 Henry VIII. against Luther. 79 Hemiromomelin. 99 Hegira of the Mahumedans. 100 and its Root. 163 Helm Radiant. 140. Helm Gilt. 288. 289. Hehelguim. See Ailwin. Henty 1. See in Mabile. Hertzoghen and Hertochij. 208 Heriots. 225. 272 Hehgerefas. 225 Hexamshire its ancient names, and a County Palatin. 248 Heeren. 283 Herefordshire Laws. 233 High and Mighty Prince. 123 Highness. 123 Hypocrates rewarded for curing a great Plague. 137 Hidata Terra, & non Hidata. 271 Hide of Land. 271 Hidage, what. 270 Hippobatae. 333 Hlafe afford & Hlafford. 61. Hlafe-die for Lady. 61 Honour and Reverence, Parents to Majesty. 121 Honour and Virtue their Temple, in Praefat. Honorarij Codicilli. 185. 220 Holland Earldom when began. 194. & 195 Holds. 225 Holy Island. 248 Horse, from it the name of Knight in all languages but English. 332. 333. See in Hair. Hunggiar a Turkish Title. 103. given to a great fat Hog by Ishmael Sophi in dishonour of Bajazeth. 104 Humbert Dauphin. 172 Hugh le Bigod his surrendering the Earldom of Norfolk. 231 I javan used sometimes for Syria. 75. 76 jariffe, i. Seriph. 97 jacupbeg. 105 Ic dien. 272 Idolatry its beginning. 9 jews their honouring of the New Moon. 164. See in Sun, and in Childbirth. Their Oaths, Contracts and Seals. 328. 329 jewish Kings Crown. 153 Ilethyia for Lucina, whence. 165 Illustres. 383. 385 Imperator the name. 19 20. & seq. See Emperor. Imperator & Dominus to the Kings of England. 25. 26. 35 Imperatori Proximus, a Title. 172 Images of the Roman Nohilitie. in Praefat. Infulae. 149 Inferiors to superiors, their form of speaking. 114. 115 In Hoc Vince. 16● Infants and Infanta. 179 investiture of Provinces. 1●1. See in Duke, marquess, Count, etc. and in Bishops. judex Fiscalis. 221. 227 joannes cognomento Digitorum. 56 john an unlucky name to Kings. 205 joannes Belul, for Prester john. 15. 86 joannes Encoe. ibid. john of Sarisburie under Henry 11. requested the Pope to give Ireland to Henry 11. 56 john afterward King of England, made Lord of Ireland with a Crown of feathers sent from the Pope. 57 and afterwards would have been a Mahumedan, and sent for the Alcoran. 102 josuah Ben Nun remembered in old columns, erected by some that fled out of Canaan, into Mauritania Tingitania, in his time. 70 jochabelul, i. Prester john. 87 Ireland its Kings anciently. 31. 57 See in Dominus, in Henry 11. in john of Sarisb. in john King. Subject to Edgar a good part of it. 55 Ireland. Dukes of Ireland. 58 jupiters' Tomb in Crete, and his Epitaph. 12. See in Baal. His statue used to be had in Oaths. 158 jupiter Labradeus his statue. 155, his statue in Constantinople. 159 judith her story examined, with conjectures on it. 33. 34. not known to the jews, but from Europe. 33 julian Apostata forbidding to be called Dominus. 48 judas of Galilee Author of the Sect, which would not allow any Prince the name of Lord. 49 juliers made, of a Marquisate, a County. 214 Ius Aureorum disputed. 324. & seq. K Karolovitz. 78 Karm in Scythian. 90 Keshish. 110 Kelchyn. 286 Kessar, i. Caesar. 28 Keyser. 70 Kentishmens' Prerogative anciently to be in the Uantgard. in Praefat. kingdoms how begun. 2. 3. & seq. usque ad. 17 King and Emperor: their difference in the Roman Empire 20. & seq. See in Rex. Kings in Clientela Imperatoris. 28 Kings subject to the Empire properly no Kings. 29. & seq. King: whence, in several languages. 44 King crowned before born. 145 King's Friend. 185 Kings see in Swearing, in Crowns, in Anointed, in Sceptre, in Cross, in Knighting, in Dukes, etc. King's denominating their Nations. 74. 75. 76 Kissilpassa whence. 83. 106 Kissing the Emperor's foot. 38. kissing the forefinger or hand in adoration. 38. kissing the bands. 39 40 forbidden. ibid. Hands, Knees, and Feet. ibid. Pope's foot. 39 40. why the hand was kissed. 40. kissing at Farewells. 42. Head, Eyes, and Hands. 42. kissing of jacob by Esau. 42, A Statute against kissing the King. 43. Numidian Princes why not kissed. 43. after Prayers, and of Charity. 43. That Templars might not kiss a woman. 373 Kidermister, first Barony in England by Creation by Patent. 282 Knights and knighting. some Course in the ancientest times like knighting. 306. by giving the deserving arms, and having him sit at his father's Table. 307. 308 Knighthood received from whom. 308 Girding in knighthood. 309. 310. & seq. by giving a blow on the care. 312. first mention of a Knighthood in England. 313 Knighthood given by Churchmen. 313. 314. Holy Ceremonies in the ancient taking of Knighthood in England, and elsewhere. 314. Fees at the Knighting of a Great man anciently. 315. Kings knighted by their subjects. 315. by other Kings. ibid. Knighting by meaner men. 316. by a Knight, of his own power. 317. form of knighting now. 317. a supreme Prince may knight in any Territory. 317. No Knight to be made anciently unless descended of Noble Parentage. 318. a Knights Fee. 319. and Relief. ibid. by what value one may be compelled to take the Order. 319. 320 322. Knight with land, and without land. 320. a Knights Equipage, House, and Furniture, exempt from execution and issues. 321. 322. his Arms discendible to his heirs. 322. 323. Knight's seal. 323. if that were a Right of Knighthood. 323. Aids to knighting. 330. The Father being no Knight shall not have aid to make the son a Knight. 331. Knighting discharges Wardship, and how. 332. whence the name of Knight in several languages. 332. Knight's Bachelors. 336. & 337. Degradation of a Knight. 337. striking a Knight punished with loss of the hand. 339. See in Bath, in Banneret, in Orders. Knighthood to a Mahumedan by a Christian Emperor. 380 Knecht. 333 Knave, how it anciently signified. 341 Knape & Knabe. 341 Knesi, i Dukes. 27 Kneeling to Princes. 4●. the answer of Philip 11. of Spain in excuse being saluted with kneeling. 42 Konigin. 44 Kopach the Russian Emperors Cap. 152 L Law's wont to be sung, and thence called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 15 Laws Civil, when first professed. in Praefat. Laverd for Lord. 61 Lady. 61 Lar, Lartes. 59 Latins. 75 Lazar and Lazars. 78 Lamorabaquin in Froissart, what. 89 Laurel in Triumph. 139. whence it was taken, and of what tree. 148 for the Caesars. ibid. against Thunder. ibid. Lazi Kings might not wear purple. 144 Labarum, and its form. 161 Lazzi what. 177 Landgrave. 221. 222. 246 Lancaster made a Palatinat. 247 Lancaster sword. 31 Lairds of Scotland. 288 Letters. 16. Lewes' 11. See Basilius. Leo X. gave Henry VIII. the name of Defender of the faith. 79. Leshari. 105 Leuderique, Bishop of Breme, taxed of pride for using the name of Pastor and such like. 118 Lewes XIII. of France, born. 176 Leicester Earldom. 235 Leod Bishop. 225. 204 Leudes, what. 264 Leornung Cnechts'. 333 Leitou Palatins. 249 Lewhelin Prince of Wales. 275 Livery and seisin in some sort of England to the Normans. 34 Lilith what. 164 Limitum Deuces 183. & 209 Lithuania. 193. & 249 Livonia. 194. & 240 Lindisfarn. 248 Lord. See in Dominus, in judas of Galilee, in Hlafford. and of the derivation of the name. 59 60. 61 expressing a Baron. 284 Loverd for Lord. 61 Loof and Loef. 61 Lodovicus and Chlovis the same. 71. 72. 78 London custom. 265 Lords in courtesy. 284 Lombard's or Longobards. 294 Lucanicus and Lucanica. 72 Lucius first Christian King of Britain. 78 Lunus and Luna. 167 Lycosura first City according to Grecian vanity. 16 M MArnas a God of the Gazaeans. 12 Martyrs how they came to be worshipped. 13 Magnus Dux Moscoviae. 28. Lithuaniae. 194. See Great Duke. For Magnus see 382 Man the Isle, its Kings. 31 & 32 Maximilian his jest upon his subjects. 35 Martel of France. 35 Marian the Scot 36 Maranatha. 49 Mauritania Tingitana peopled by such as were driven out of Chanaan by josuah. 70 Maqueda the Queen of Saba. 86 Mar delle Zabach. 90. 91 Moeotis. 90 Mare Maggiore. 90 Mamaluches. 94 Mahumet and his Alcoran. 100 See Achmet and Abualtrazim. Mah. his Alcor. his flight out of Mecha. See Hegira, & 163. See Moon. Mahumedans superstition. 101. 105. See Ali: they allow the new and old Testament, but say that Mahomet's name was in it. 100 Mahumet Resul Allahe. 107 Magis & Magia, 108. Magic learned by the Persian Kings. 108. but they were not Magis, nor were their King's Magis about our saviours birth. 109. what Magus was. 109. Slaughter of the Magis, and a feast in remembrance of it. 109. a Magus had the Persian Empire again. 109 Majesty. 118 Maiestas, how it was used. 119. 120 Majesty the daughter of Honour and Reverence. 121. where Majesty was first used in England to the King. 125 Magnitudo. 119 marquess whence. 209. & seq. 212. first marquess mentioned, and the error of Crantzius. 213. Marquisats of the Empire. 212. 213. 214. his investiture. 214. 216. 217. his place in respect of Count 213. 214. first in England. 216. the name refused as new in England. ib. First in Spain. 217. and Scotland. ibid. Marchiones. 212. 215. 216 Marca. 210 Marc. 210 Marchisi. 210 Marchera Mulieris. 210 Marcshall, whence. 210. his fees at a Knighting. 315 Marchis. 211 Marchgraph. 212 Markgraves'. 213. 221 Marchers. 215 & 216 Margus. 209 Marggravius. 213 Mabile, daughter to Fitzhaimon, her discourse with Henry 1. about marriage with Robert his bastard son. 229 Marshals Earldom surrendered. 231 Marquisat of Austria. 192. and of other places divers. See in marquess. Magesetenses, who. 224 Martin the Saints Cap. 243 Maire du Maison, not the Count du Palais. 243. 389 Maioratus 244 Maioratus & Senescalcia. 244 Magnus homo. 260 Mall, what. 261 Mallobergium. 261 Machtosch. 285 Margogh. 332 Manumission; the form in England anciently. 327. and in Rome. 325 Marsa. 383 Mezentius. 62 Memento te hominem esse. 63 Melas for Nilus. 66 Metius Pomposianus put to death for naming his bondslaves. 66 Melech, salomon's son. 86 Melic Sa, or Melixa. 111 Melophori. 158 Messthegnes. 225 Mediocres Signior. 253. 288 Meinover, i manor 264 Mithra. 11 My Lord, Milordi & Milortes. 61 Minerva Belisama. 11. & Zosteria. 311 Mikel synods. 226. & 279 Missi. 251 Miles, and the different use of it. 334 Miles Terram habens, & Terram non habens. 321 Miramomelinus. 102 Minister Regis. See in Thane, & Thegne. Monarchy how begun. 23. See Kingdom. Moscovies Duke or Emperor, and to what Princes he useth the title of Emperor, and to what Duke. 28 Moscovitique Kings, called white Kings. 83 Moscovit his Cap, and ceremony, at the entertainment of an Ambassador. 152 Monsieur. 52. 110. 171. the Title of the Brother of France, and apparent successor. 175 Moon fell in two pieces for a miracle to Mahumet, with that tale. 1●3 Moon, why set on the Turkish Meschits, and in such honour with them 163. 164. & 378. much honoured by the jews also, and all Arabians. 164. whence that superstition, and how ancient and large. 165 & seq. little Moons worn by the Romans descended from Senators, on their shoes. 166. how Precedent of the Saracen Law. 166 Moving the Sceptre an oath. 157 Moldavia. 382 Mustadeini. 95 Mumilinus whence. 99 Mucharam month. 163 Musulmin, what. 103. 104. 105 Mufti. 105 N Name's to Nations from Kings. 74. 75. Of Princes, composed names of Gods usually. 65. 66. of Great men not to be given to slaves. 66. 67. For Names in Greece and Rome. See more in Praefat. and in page 229. 230. Of Mabile danghter to Fitzthaimon. See also in john. Naming a Superior by an Inferior, & è converso. 115 Naib and Naib Essam, what. 94 Nalka. 164 Narrator. 292 Nergal, what. 65 Nebo. 65 Negush Chawariawi. 87 Negush, i. King. 45 New Moon. See Moon. Nimrod or Nabrodes. 5. Ninus, not Nimrod. 5. & 6. Nimrod how long after the Flood. 7. Nimrod built Niniuch. 8. the same with Orion according to some. 13 Nicholas Breakspear. 55 Nicaulc. 73. & 74 Nitocris. 74 Nisan, an addition of Dignity. 111 Nigellus de Broke. 321 Nilus: See in Melas, and in Siris. Nones, or fairs on that day in Rome. 19 Notaries to he made by whom. 27 Nomophylaces their fillet. 148 Nostra Gratia, Nostra Pontificalis Dignitas, etc. 118 Nostra Peremitas, Eternitas, Maiestas, etc. 119 Normannus Princeps. 177 Normandy Dukedom made. 194. 195 the investiture into it. 198. called Margus Normanniae. ●09. and the Duke Marchio. 214. the Duke commonly written as well Dux and Consul. 224 Northumberland Dukes 'mongst the Saxons. 203 Nobility, Greater, and Less. 344 Nobility in other Nations generally. See in the Preface. O OChern. 286 Ogetharius. 286 Oil poured, etc. 129. sent from heaven to anoint the French Kings. 131. a like tale of Oil sent to our Kings. 134 Olbont. 383 Olboadula. 383 Olive to crown in the Olympians, whence, and what. 142 One Deity supposed by the Heathen. 3 Oracle to Brute. 36 Orpheus his last will. 3 Ordo secundus. 385 Orion, see Nimrod. he is the Prince of the South. 14 Order of the Garter. 362. 363. Round Table. 364. of the Nuntiada. 367. Of the Golden Fleece. 367. Of Saint Michael. 367. of the Holy Ghost. 368. of the Star. 368. of the Croissaat. 368. of the Corn-eare. 369. of the Porcupin. 369. of the Thistle by the Duke of Bourbon. 369 of the Band. 369. of S. Andrew in Scotland. 370. of the Eel phant. 370. of the Sword. 370. of the Burgundian Crosse. 371. of the Blood of our Saviour. 371. 〈◊〉 S. Stephen. 371. of S. Mark. 372 Osiris how painted by the Egyptians. 154. whence the name. 66 Osculum pacis. 43 Oaths broken how punished. 63. 64. by the Emperor, by God, per Genium Principis. 64. Oath of those which were bound to the Wars. 65. by the King's head. 65. how punished if broken. ibid. Oaths taken by the Mahumedans with what superstition. 104. by the Sceptre, and in moving it. 157. 158. and whence the Sceptre was sworn by. Oath of the jews. 329 Othomaniques hate to the Aliens. 105 Othman Ben-Ophen. 109 Otho the Great his making Dignitics Feudall. 19 P PAdischah. 45. 87. 112 Palibothra. 76 Paradogium in Praefat. Paluc. 90 Papa, i. Chalipha. 96 Paul found fault with by Amirelmumenin of Barbary, for not continuing in the Religion wherein he was born. 102. 103 Padischach Musulmin. 103 Pantheion. 142 Pastor & custos. 118 Pastoralis Baculus. See Bishops. Palatin of Rhin, his bearing the Globe and Crosse. 158 Panhypersebastus. 171 Patritiatus. 188 Patricius. 203. when begun for a Title. 350. & 351. & 385 Palatin. See in Durham, in Lancaster, in Elie, in Hexamshire, and in Comes Palatij. Palatini Archiduces. 193 Palatin, whence so called. 241. & seq. Palazins. 242. 246. Count du Palais. 242. 243. Derivation of the Nature and Name otherwise then the Vulgar. 244. & 245. Of the Empire. 246. of France. ibid. of England. 246. 247. 248. of Poland. See in Vaivods. Palatinatus. 249 Palatij Custos & Comes. 242. 388 389 Parliaments. 226. 227. 274. 278. and see in Barons, and Mikelsynods, and in Wittenagemots. Patro in Cicero. 259 Pares Baronum & Comitum. 275. 277 Pares and Peers in attainder. 285 Pares and Peers in Our Law. 345. 346. 347. and amerciament per Pares. 347. and Pares Regij. 348 Pares or Peers of France their number and Dignity. 349. See Peers. Parium conventus. 350 Pares Curtis. 348 Pagham or Paganham in Sussex. 301 Peleg. 7 Pentateuch in Greek before Plato. 15 Perseus King of Macedon his inscription of letters to P. Aemylius. 29 Persian Empire, the special honour of it anciently. 33. See in Salutations, in Ali, in Sophi, in Shach, in Ishmael, in Nisan, in Cafe, in Kissiplassa, in Othomaniques, in Aelamits, in Magi. Persian Kings Title at large anciently. 112. and the inauguration. 135. See in Eagle, in Tiar, in Melophori, in Sun, in Salchodai, in Mithra. Peacock's feathers Crown. 57 Peers at the Childbirth. 176 Peers. See Pares. Pesagium granted. 199 Peetermen of Lovan. 372 Pfaltzgraven. 221. 245 Phoebitius. 9 Philip of Valois his letters to Edward III. about not calling him King of France. 30 Phoenician letters what they were. 69. 70 Pharaoh. 72. & 73. the special names of those Pharaohs in holy writ. 73. the word what it is. 74. Pharaohs Diadem. 141 Phateme, Mahumeds' daughter. 100 Philetaerus his Crown and Coin. 145 Pit and Gallows of Scotland. 286 Plato if he read the Bible. 15 Plural number why used to or of a singular person. 114 Pope titled Doctor only, by the Moscovit. 28. if he gave him the Title of Emperor, ibid. See in Florence, in England, in Anselm, in Fatuitas, in Leo, in Kissing. No Emperor writes himself more than Elect or Rex Romanorum, till anointed by the Pope. 171. & seq. 387 Porphyrogenitus whence & what. 81. & seq. to whom given. ibid. Porphyra a house for the Empress to be delivered in. 82. 83 Pontus Euxinus. 90 Posoch, the Cross on the Muscovites Cap. 152 Porphyrius whence the name. 144 Pomum Imperiale. 158 Polack Nobility. 240. 249 Prometheus the first that ruled and was King, according to Greek vanity. 116. his having a Crown. 142. 143 Princeps & Principatus. 19 Prester john. 85. called Beldigian, joannes Enco, Belul Gian, jochabellul. 86. 87. not titled Emperor of the Abisens', but Ethiopians. 86. Presbyter joannes, and Prester jehan: how these names came to be given him. 87. the confusion of the names of the Asiatic Prestigiani and the Ethiopian Emperor. 87. his Title at large. 88 Prestigiani, i Apostolic. 87. 88 Pristijuan. 88 Priti joan. in Praef. Protosymbulus. 23. & 377 Provincial of Rome. 80. & 130. Princes of the Empire. 116 Pragmatica of Spain, touching Titles and Dignities. 126. 180. 206. 214 Princeps Iwentutis. 169 Princeps Senatus. 170 Prince of Wales when first in the heirs apparent of England. 177. 178 Prince of Scotland. 179 Prencipe de las Asturias. 179 Prussia given to the Duke. 191. Dukes in Prussia. 194 240 Protocomes Angliae. 239 Primus Comes Palatinus. 242 Protosebastus. 246 Principautes. 256 Punic. See in Tongues. Purple how a Note Royal, and when first. 83. See in Shoes. Purpureus what it signifies. 144 Punishment. See in Cross, in Oaths, in Pit and Gallows. Q QVen & Quena. 44. & 246 Queen whence derived. 44 Quirinus and Quirites whence. 149 R RAdiant Helm. 140. For Radiant see in Florence, and in Sun. Rabbins interpretation of the plural used in the beginning of Genesis. 114. learned of a maid ask her Mistress for a broom, how to understand a place of Scripture. in Praef. Ramsey Abbey sounded. 227 Rape of Arundel. 235 Radknights what. 334 Ralph Grey Knight his purposed degradation. 339 Rex & Regifugium. 19 & 20. & seq. Regillianus his being made Emperor by his name. 20 Reguli. 31 Rex Regum. 32. 34. See in King, and in Sicily. Reges hominum & Rex Regum. 35 Red shoes who might wear them. 24. & 156 Regiae Stellae. 67 Rex Credentium. 99 Regnum, i. a Crown. 151 Rex Romanorum. 170 Rex Italiae. ibid. Reges the general name of King's children. 176 Regum Amici. 185 Reliefs. 232. 272 Rheims Bishop. 132 Reversion of all Appenages, & Dukedoms, and Counties in France, upon default of heirs males in the Crown. 196 Resort & Soverantè. 196 Riga for Regem or Rex. 23 Ring to Henry 11. sent from the Pope as an investiture of Ireland. 56. & 57 Ring an ancient material in giving of dignity. 199. 200. See in investiture, in Duke, Count, Marquis, and Viscount. Rings of gold how and to what use in old Rome. 323. given at the giving of Ingenuity. 325 Right worshipful. 124 Richmond Earldom. 199. & 229 Ricos hombres. 289 Richard Earl of Cornwall brother to Henry III. 345 Riders. 332 Rosse Earldom. 179 Rothsay Dukedom. 179 Robert of Veer made Duke of Ireland, and Marquis of Dublin. 216 Rowland. 242 Robert Grostest his answer to Henry III questioning him whence he so well was able, to instruct young courtiers. in fine Praefat. Rodulph 11. Emperor his League with the Turk about their Titles. 113 Round Tables. 365. 366 Romanorum Imperator. 387 Rubeum Caput. 83. 84 Russia Alba & Nigra. 84 Russian. See Muscovir. S SAlchodai of the Persians, what. 11 Salutations twixt, Emperors. 38. 40. in Rome anciently twixt common persons. 47. flattering salutations forbidden by the Emperor. 40. Persian salutations. 40. 41. jewish 49. 52. Punic and Syrian, and Greek. 53. Turkish. 98. See in Pragmatica, and in Superiors. Sanctitas Regum. 65 Saba Queen whence. 73 Solomon, and Q. Maqueda. 86 Sabaei and Terra Sabaea. 86 Sarmatians planted in Europe. 91 92 Saxony Dukedom. 116. its Coat and investiture. 152 Sanctissimus. 121 Sacred Majesty. 123 Saturn Precedent of the jewish law in Astrology. 166. See Belus. Salic law whence, and when, and by whom composed. 175. & 299. Salica Terra what. 175. & 296 Saxon Nobility anciently. 177. 204 & 268 Sagibaro. 261 Sach or Sake. 261 Saccabor, Sathabor, etc. 263 Sagmaria. 291 Saumarius. 291 Sardanapalus. 6 Sanzacbegler. 355. 377. & 379 Scaligeran family. 92 Sceptre how anciently a token of Royalty. 154. Eagles born, and other birds, on the top of it. 155. an ensign of the Consuls. 155. swearing by it. 157. why and whence it was used in oaths. 158 Scutarius. 340 Scales. 263 Scilpor. 341 Scotland's King free as the Emperor. 27. knighted here in England, and his excepting against the Marshal's fees. 315 Sesostris, Sesoosis, or Sefonchosis. 32. 73. & 46 Septimius Severus why called Arabicus. 86 Semper Augustus, & Semper invictus. 89 Seat of the Great Chan. 92 Seals, who might use them anciently with us 323. how among the Romans. ibid. & 329. when they came first hither. 327. among the jews. 328. in white wax. in Praefat. Seleucia, Bagded. 93 Seriph or Seriffe. 97 Seithi. 97 Senior. 110. 111 Serenitas Nostra. 120 Sebastocrator. 122. 156. 171. 197 Senoi, Sansenoi, Saminegeloph. 165 Signior Suzerains. 207 Seneschal. 244 Setar, i. starra. 328 Selefey in Sussex. 301 Selden (anciently Selkeden) in Sussex. 321 Sexhendman. 334 Seruiens. 335 Semiramis built not Babylon. 8 Shinaghr. 5. & 32 Shach Sophi. 105. & 106 Shach, Schach, & Saa, etc. 52. & 111 Shoes with Eagles. 155. See Red. Gilt Shoes. 156. & 157. See in Moon. Shield-knave. 341 Shiregemote. 225 Shrifes. See Ealdorman, and in Vicecon. Viscount, & in Bishops. Sixtus Quintus his jest on himself for being born domo illustri. in Praefat. Sihri. 66 Sikerborgh. 264 Sigillum Magnum and Sigillum parvum. 330 Siris, whence so called the River Nilus. Sicily Princes had Rex given them hereditary. 24 Skioldungi, a Danish race. 74 Sultan, Saudan, Sultan, etc. 94. 96. & 383 Sophi whence in the Persian Title. 107. and in whom first. ibid. & seq. Sophi signifies not a Beggar. 108. See in Praefat. Sophilars a Sect. 106. 107 Soverraign Lord or Lady, 125 Somerset Earl. 217 Sops of wine given in making an Earl. 239. 240 Solidus duplex. 204 Snowdon. 215 Sommage and Somme. 291 Sons of Noble Personages, how some of them are accounted in Rank. 284. 342 Solidati. 335 Soldiers whence the name. 335. 336 Spain. See in Emperor, and in Pragmatica, in Dukes, Earls, Viscounts, etc. Spurs given in Knighthood. 317 Spectabilis. 383 Speaking or writing to Great Persons. 116. 117. 119. 120. 121. & seq. See in Salutation. Stafford Baron. 283 Statues and Idols how first worshipped. 9 Stuart, that name in Scotland, when first Royal, and whence. 285 Starra the jews written instruments of Contracts, etc. whence, and where used. 328 Sun and its Images, how worshipped by the jews. 10. by the Easterns General. 11. and Persians. 167 supposed with 12. beams. 140. supposed in Astrology Precedent of Christianity. 166 Sultan. See Sultan. Sultan Olen, i Lord of the world. 97 Sultan Gelal Eddin Melic Sa. 111. 112 Sublimitas. 120 Sultanlar money. 112 Superiors speaking to Inferiors. 114 Surname. See Names. Summon an Earl in his County. 233 Summarius. 291 Summagium. 292 Subuasores. 292 Sunni & Schia. 105 Suevians old Prerogative. in Praef. Suppani. 381 Superillustris. 383 Sword given in making a subject King. 29. For Sword see in Cinctura, and Gladius, and in investiture of Dukes, Count, or Earl, etc. and in Knights. Swearing. See in Oaths, and in Cosmas. Syro-Phoenician Grecian in S. Mark, what. 75 Synopsis Basilicon. 21 Syncellus what. 97 T TArtarean Empire. 87. 89. & 92 Taurica Chersonesus. 91 Tangergoglan. 93 Tanais. 92 Tetragrammaton name of the Almighty, whence, and how pronounced among the jews. 50. & 51 Teggiurlar. 77. & 381 Temerinda. 90 Tenure of the Crown, and of the King 266 Tenure of the I'll of Man anciently. 31. of the Tenants and Princes of the Empire. 300 Templars might nos kiss a woman. 373 Tecuytles. 372 Tiberius his dissimulation, 19 & 20. he would not be called Lord. 43. inclined to Christianity. 78 Themosis, Pharaoh that was drowned in the Red sea. 73 Thomas Apostle. 88 Tiara, what. 144. what kind of one the King only wore. 144. it was pulled off by the Persians in salutation. 144 Thrymsa, what. 240 Thanes and Thegnes. 225. 268. & seq. Thanus and Thainus. 285. & 272 Third part of the Counties profits to the Earls. 229. 232. 233 Tiptofts rule. 284 Thomas Becket. See in Anointing, and in Oil. Timariot. 380 Timaria. 381 Tongues variation of the European and Asiatic pronunciation. 5. & 6. Punic and Spanish. 52. Hebrew and Maurish anciently the same. 69. the Aethiopique Chalde. 86. Slavonique and Tartarian. 92 Tonosconcolerus. 6 Tosch. 285 Torniaments. 321 Toga Virilis, and the time of taking it. 305 Truchten, i. God or Lord. 61 Triumphal Ornaments, whence. 249 Tronagium granted. 199 Trinoda Necessitas, reserved always in Saxon Feoffments. 293 Tropaeophorus. 364 Troplelophorus. 364 Turks names. 67. for them see in Mahumedans. Turban or Tulipant. 144. 146. 147 Turkish Banner. 378 Tzaophi, i. Electus: whence Sophi. 107 Tzodki, i a beggar. 108 Tzaggia and Tzaggae. 342 V VAlecti. 54. & 321 Vashlu point, how superstitious the Arabians are in reading it. 102 Vacantes. 184 Value of Dignities. 232 Vaivods. 249. & 382 Valuasores, what. ●65. & 289 Maiores & Minores. ibid. & 290. 291. See in Vavasour. Vavassories. 291 Vavasours in France and England. 292. and of England in 389. & 390. whece the word. 298 Valuasini. 291 Vadiare legem, & amittere legem. 344 Vassi & Vassalli, whence. 297. 298. & seq. Velenno. 10 Vezir & Vezir azem. 23. 377 Veromandia. 71 Vitreus Ordinationis liber. 135 Viennois. See in Dauphin. Viscounts whence, and what in France. 250. 251. his investiture. 256. First in England, and Scotland. 256 Vicedominus. 253. 254 Viguiers. 251 Vicecomes, whence so called, for Sheriff. 252 Vicarius. 252 Vidames, whence. 253 Virgata Terrae. 272 Viro for Baro. 273 Villain knighted. 318 Vlu Chan, what. 88 89. 92 Vnchan or Vmcham. 86. 87. & 92 Unction. See in Anointing. Volteius Mena Libertus to Pompey. 325 Vrum Padischach, i. the Emperor. 103 Vsum Chasan. 105 W W common with Qu. and Gu. 298 Wardships. 54. See in Knights. Wardships first in England & Scotland. 302 Wales: See Prince. 173 Walter Bishop of Ely. 228 Werldthegnes, what. 225 White Kings. 83 White in the Diadem proper to Kings. 144. 145 Whitespurres. 343 Wiltshire-mens' Prerogative. In Praefat. Witiscalc, what. 262 Wite. 262. 263. & 389 Wittenagemotes. 226. 279 Wisemen of the East not Kings. 108 Wife, putting her away, and taking her again, one of the execrations in the Mahumedans Oath. 104 William Conqueror his arrival and stumbling at the shore. 34. his subjecting Church lands to the tenors. 183 Will: 11. his denial of the Pope. 26 Wight the Isle's Kings. 31 World's government according to Hermes. 3 Women and wives called Dominae, and Ladies. 53 Women thieves drowned. 286 Wool. 107 Worship and Worshipful. 124 Worshipful Prince. 124 X XA for Shach. 111 Xeriph: See in Seriph. Y Years: See in Computation. Z ZAga Zabo. 85. 87 Zamer Chan. 91 Zabergan. 91 Zelebi. 381 Zosteria Minerva. 311 Zuna. 111 The end.