THE Three Parts of Commentaries, Containing the whole and perfect discourse of the Civil wars of France, under the reigns of Henry the second, Frances the second, and of Charles the ninth. With an Addition of the cruel Murder of the Admiral CHASTILION, and divers other Nobles, committed the 24. day of August. Anno. 1572.  
Translated out of Latin into English BY THOMAS TIMME MINISTER.  
Seen and allowed.  DEUTERON. 32. 
Remember the days of old, consider the years of so many Generations, ask thy father and he will show thee, thy elders and they will tell thee.  
IMPRINTED AT LONdon, by Frances Coldocke.  
ANNO. 1574.   

R Regard not worldly wealth,  
I In Christ repose thy trust,  
C Consider well thy final end,  
H How thou art but dust.  
A Ask mercy for thy sin,  
R Rejoice in virtues lore,  
D Detract no time for to achieve  
B Beatitudes in store,  
A Above where Christ doth reign  
KING King of imperial power,  
E Each Angel his triumphant praise  
R Resounding every hour.  
T. T.  
 bookplate   

To the right worshipful, Sir Richard Baker, Knight, Thomas Tymme wisheth desired health and prosperity, with full perfection of Christian understanding and godliness.  
IN all Ages and times, there have been some godly and well disposed Fathers that employed their time and travail in describing the State of Christ's Church and of the common wealth of the Lords Israel: As for example, In the time of the law before Christ, Moses, Samuel, Esras, Nehemiah, and others: After the law, since Christ, S. Luke, Theodoret, Sozomenus, Epiphanius, Nicepho rus, john Sleidan, and in our time Master john Fox our Country man, (whose godly labour hath deserved great commendation.) As these fathers and godly learned men, in their times, by occasion have laboured and travailed to benefit the Church of Christ, which through ignorance hath been much endamaged: even so that notable, grave, godly learned Father, Petrus Ramus, the Author of these Commentaries of the state of the Common wealth and Religion of France (whereof this book is but the first part) hath taken no less pains to the same end: and shall profit in deed no less than the travail and pain of others, taken that way. For in his Commentaries (beside the godly lessons both concerning doctrine and manners, and otherwise) are contained many notable examples of Gods great mercies, in defending and preserving the Christian professors of his name in France in extreme perils, and also divers experiments of his severe judgements in overthrowing the cruel tyrants, and in punishing the persecutors. In consideration whereof, I thought is good to translate the same into our English tongue, both for that I thought it should generally profit our countrymen, (and not those alone which understand the Latin tongue, as your worship doth:) and also for that I thought it a meet occasion, whereby I might testify my good will and meaning towards your worship, for the friendly inclination and willingness to benefit me, that I have heretofore found in you. Desiring you to accept the dedication hereof, though not for the worthiness of the thing given, yet as a sure testimony of such a well willing mind, as by this which he here presenteth, declareth what he would do, if he had any thing of more price to give: and also to suffer my travail to pass forth under your favourable protection and guard, to the common profit of our countrymen, and the glory of God, who sand you long life, increase of worship, and the perfect felicity of the life to come.  
Your worship's  
Thomas Tymme.   

The Author's Preface to the Reader.  
WHat a great business and much ado there was of late years for Religion; & that in the Kingdom of France, there is no man but he knoweth▪ yea all men see the same to be such that it aught with diligence to be Chronicled for ever: and to be sent to the borderers of the utmost part of the earth for all posterities. But he which hath taken this labour in hand of good will, desireth earnestly that it may generally take effect and turn to the profit of all men. For (so far as I know) there is nothing extant to be read, but certain writings which were put forth and set abroad, as the matter required, and certain Commentaries in the French to●…gue: and if there be any thing, it is so obscurely written that the same of all men can not be understood.  
And truly there are certain reasons which stayed mamy men of great wisdom and experience in these matters from that public writing. For who, not knowing as yet what would come to pass, dare take upon him to set forth openly a whole Tragedy or Comedy, without manifest danger to lose his labour, or at the lest to seem to loose it? Furthermore, who seeth not, that it is a thing at this time full of peril, and procuring envy and displeasure? And beside all this, such labour at this time seemeth almost unprofitable. For those matters are as yet fresh in memory, and more sensibly felt of a great many, than were to be wished, and are noised abroad by others in foreign Nations. To conclude, this thing seemeth almost hurt full.  
For when as these controversies have been stirred up though rough divers opinions of religion, which controversies burst forth into so great perturbations and troubles, the rehearsal now of these things, shall not only seem pernicieus, but also untimely and out of order. The which also seem to be other causes which have discouraged learned men (who no doubt did diligently note and mark the reasons and falling out of those matters, which wonderfully happened in these our days) from labouring to set forth this history. For either the haste is unprofitable, or else the untimely coming forth ridiculous, of this so speedy & unseasonable labour  
Therefore lest any man should think that it is our purpose, to writ and set forth a just and true History of the state of the Church of France: we give to understand, that it is neither our purpose, nor yet agreeing to the time. Howbeit, hereafter more copions and plentiful works of better learned men, so soon as the troubles and lets of these times be taken away, will come abroad: and will also commit to those that shall come after, a perfect and full memorial and Chronicle of matters.  
Let this now be our beginning and entrance, and a certain declaration of a greater work: that we may show some part of that large and ample argument: and that we may reduce into these Commentaries a certain View of the several times of our Churches, both that we may stir up such of greater learning and experience, as may happily hereafter take this matter in hand more fully to handle the same: and also that in the mean time we may give some fast of the greatest matters to Christian men, desirous to know the truth of this thing, and to men of foreign nations, bewailing our estate and condition.  
And in these three first Books of our Commentaries, we set forth unto the reader, the first beginnings of the Church of France, being as yet but of tender years as it were, and in the fire, or at lest wise, even now by little and little coming out of the fire.  
Let the causes of the hatred and debate▪ by these very few things be considered, with the which the Bishop of Rome's men so outrageously & unjustly are inflamed against the faith full, & against the cause of the faithful. We must not look here to have a description of the faithful and professors of Christ, in arms, (as our adversaries do now object unto us) but rather of the unarmed & naked members of Christ most cruelly afflicted, only for this cause, because they prefer the true and pure doctrine of the Gospel now a growing, before the ancient customs & traditions of men. The naked Church in time past was vexed, and the Gospel did run as it were through the sides of poor men, and brought them to death: then Christians were accounted as liars, called heretics, and by all manner of means vexed & oppressed, then were they cast in prisons and in bonds, than were they whipped, then suffered they proscriptions and banishments, yea and cruel deaths, without favour.  
But now when it pleased the omnipotent God to appoint unto his Church a more clears and beautiful estate, and to qualify and quench those fierce fires, Satan not forgetting his old subtleties and sleights, deviseth a new accusation, whispering into the ears of kings, that the Gospel will pluck their Sceptres out of their hands: and because the faithful throughout the whole kingdom of France defend their liberty granted unto them by the King's Edicts, and by all lawful causes, with force of arms, a new crime is now laid to their charge, namely Sedition, rebellion, and treason to the king and country: & these crimes are objected against the godly, by those which (abusing the King's name and authority to exercise their own tyranny) ●…éeke most of all the destruction of the King's majesty: and because they have been let of their purpose by the faithful, therefore do they spew out all the poison of their hatred against them.  
By these beginnings it shall evidently appear how obedient the Faithful have been always to their Princes and Magistrates: that this thing being laid as it were the foundation, it may plainly be seen who they be, which are the true authors of so many troubles as have flowed through this whole kingdom.  
God truly hath armed and fortified his Church at this day with many external helps and fortresses: yet for all that, the cause is not changed: Christ is the self same Christ still, the Gospel is not changed, but it is the self same Gospel, which was unreverently handled and dealt withal in the people of the Faithful, by the sharp punishments of the wicked. The Faithful are the same men still in obeying their Magistrates, and in reverencing their Princes that they were before. But they are rebels which abusing the name and authority of Princes, and disloyally violating all Law persecute the Church, go about to extinguish the Gospel, and as if they were Giants, furiously fight with God.  
And by the reading of these Commentaries, the Faithful shall find many things which they may apply unto themselves, to stay and comfort themselves in the midst of these troubles.  
In these lamentable times, many dangers of most grievous calamities do compass us on every side, many difficulties and new troubles do daily burst forth also: But if we consider & weigh the times paste, we shall in very deed have a guess now, what will come to pass hereafter in our tyme. For seeing God hath afore time set and placed his Church in a strange and wonderful order: We may gather, that the same God being a perpetual keeper and defender of his servants, will apply his power and providence to dispatch us out of these our troubles: the which is a most firm and invincible argument.  
Let us call to remembrance the thick mists and dark clouds of the former night: let us set before our eyes in what state the Church was in the days of Francis, the first, Henry the second, and Francis the second. All things were then full of fear. Infinite kinds of punnishmentes, and pains were laid upon the Church, as banishmentes, proscriptions, and burnings: Then no man dared so much as name the Gospel, without he would be counted a manifest heretic: Few men or none, and that of the meaner sort, when they were in their secret corners, dared not once mutter of the Gospel: men could not then enjoy the liberty of the Gospel, except they would willingly banish themselves their country, and wander into foreign Nations.  
But who will not marvel hereupon at the issue and end of those afflictions? Look what things were then hard of a few, did openly ring in the ears of all men: Look what things were rejected in some places, and greatly punished, were publicly received of the greatest part of men: yea there were many of the Nobles which sealed that doctrine with their blood.  
By the deaths of Kings, the Gospel had passage, victory was got, Triumph was made, and within few days, the Gospel went through the greatest part of the Kingdom, by open sermons, by public Disputations, where most men were assembled together, so that the Gospel had got many and singular witnesses.  
The places which had seen the tormenting fires and ashes of the Faithful before, saw now great assemblies and multitudes of the Faithful gathered together to hear the word of God: and the Kings Edicts which were altogether made for the hurt and destruction of the faithful, were at the last, for all that the adversaries could do, made to preserve the faithful.  
To be short, these Commentaries did bring to our remembrance and consideration, such wonderful and strange matters (the like whereof we ourselves have not safely seen) that by the prosperous and happy issue and end of these perturbations, we ought to conceive a sure and undoubted hope. The matter was then tried by fire: but now by force of arms: he which quenched the flaming fires by the death and destruction of those which were fully purposed utterly to overthrow and destroy the Church, the same Lord of hosts & grand Captain of battles shall direct and order these wars to the liberty and peace of his servants. Therefore the examples of those things which were done in time past, do plentifully show, that whatsoever shall happen at the length (which in deed is not to be measured by human reason) shall fall out for our health and welfare: and that because God will not leave his work unperfected. Wherefore I trust it is evident by the consideration of the things which are set forth in this Book, what great profit shall come to those whom the boisterous waves of these tempests have touched. And because this is not a private matter neither appertaineth to every one man, but common to the whole Church of God dispersed throughout the whole world, we think also that the manifest & true knowledge of these things is looked for of many men of foreign nations, & that the first beginnings of those things in these our Commentaries shall not be read of them without some fruit. Neither do we doubt but that many when they have got peace and tranquillity after troubles, will behold our miseries, not as though they themselves were quite out of danger of the like, but being moved with the feeling of our afflictions, will truly bewail our estate. For whose sake also we have written these things in Latin, that they by some means at the lest, may be generally understood of all those which seek the glory of God, and the preservation of his Church▪  
Wherefore we trust if we be accused of rashness, as though we had unadvisedly set forth these things which should have been deferred till more convenient and better occasions, we have to answer for ourselves, and to make us clear from that fault. For if in a matter commendable and deserving praise, simple and small diligence aught not to be blamed, this may be a just defence for us against learned and indifferent men, namely, to will is sufficient in matters of weight. It shall be no reproach or shame to us at all, that there be controllers of a learned & perfect story. But this is the sum of our whole desire, that the very truth of those things which were done in France for religion, might be known to all men, as, what is the goodness of the cause of the Faithful and true churches, and what is the iniquity and injustice of their adversaries.  
Let all men know for a surety that the Churches of France are not guilty of sedition and rebellion, but are so called by the enemies of the truth and pure doctrine, for defending the liberty of the Gospel. Let all men know, that many thousands of faithful Christians, being spoiled of their goods, have, like banished men, forsaken their houses and country: let them know that by war, and by other means, they have become true martyrs, and by the fraud and deceit of the Antichristian Guises, are daily martyred, who violating and breaking the most straight law and faith of promises, have abused the king's name and authority to exercise their tyranny and wickedness. To be short, let all men know that France is fallen into these civil wars through the wickedness of aliens, not through the fault of the faithful.  
Moreover (gentle Reader, which desirest to be satisfied in the truth) we testify and affirm thus much for our selves, that we have written all things truly, simply, and uprightly, without any manner of partiality: not gathering any thing by rumours or reports, but by certain and undoubted arguments: in so much that we are not afraid to appeal to those that are yet alive, as too eye witnesses, yea and to the very time itself. Farewell▪   

Edward Grant Schoolmaster of Westminster, to the Book.  

WHo list's to learn the blustering broils, & frantic fumes of France,  
The troublous times in three kings reigns, that dolefully did chance:  
May here survey a perfect platt, of pageants played in view,  
That will enforce each Christian heart, most ruthfully to rue:  
To see and hear the true discourse, of superstitious times,  
That shattered pure Religion, with spiteful cankered crimes.  
Where error blind and ignorance, true Christians did suppress,  
And armed all her lungish louts, the godly to distress:  
To rage and fume against the Church, that lurking lay in fear,  
With spiteful hate and infamies, of those that did it tear.  
Christ's faithful spouse not suffered, through furious foes to shine,  
Through rancour lodged in Prince's heads, that did from truth decline.  
God's choose sheep and vassals true, raised up to do his will,  
In purity him for to serve, proud papists sought to spill.  
Their throats to cut, their heads to poll, their corpses in fire to cast,  
That to God's pure Religion, came flocking wondrous fast.  
Some choked with gibbets, gabbet at, some murdered spitefully,  
Some stabbed in with goting blades, and daggers wilfully,  
And all for hating Romish rites, and Belials bragging brood,  
For cleaving to the Chrrstian church, that sore astonied stood.  
Among the superstitious troops, of Antichristian foes,  
Stark blinded with the Pope's delights, (behedgd with wailsul woes)  
Start up some choose chieftains stout, of Christ's disperpled band,  
That did defy such beggary's, in France that famous land▪  
Which few at first did more allure, unto their sacred saws,  
To serve the Lord in Hymns and songs, according to his laws.  
And secretly to pray and preach, to set forth his due praise.  
In corners and in hidden holes (for fear) his truth to raise.  
Until the rage of hellish hags, the common blinded crew,  
Did spy and spite their godly ways, and many of them slay.  
Accused them as Lutherans, before the Pee●…es and Kings,  
(Of Luther that reuined the same) with fond invented things.  
Hereof came sects and taking parts, the people censt with rage,  
By might mayntaynd, did spoil the just, the godly▪ and the sage.  
Edicts were made to stay such broils, and Parliaments were held,  
To let the faithful be at rest, but yet the enemy swelled:  
And daily raged more and more, till faithful did increase,  
And this reformed Religion some noble minds did please.  
Whom God raised up to aid his flock, his choose sheep to guard,  
Against th'▪ assault of waspish wolves: when their loud cries he hard.  
For whose defence rose civil wars, and many a bloody day,  
The Popish crew by force did seek, Christ's patient sheep too slay.  
To root out this Religion (that planted) lurking lay.  
And feared not the scalding threats, of th' antichristian rout,  
But patiently abide the cross of Christ, with courage stout.  
Though Antichrist the Pope's proud grace, did rage and fume his fill,  
And all his cankered Cardinals did joy their blood to spill.  
They dread not all the Guisian guards, that fierce and mighty be,  
And perfecutors of the truth, that pine and poute, to fee  
Such valiant Captains of Christ's band, that do the truth defend.  
And with the gauging of their blood, their friendly aid do lend.  
A princely part here Conde played a prince replet with grace,  
And all his house true Soldiers stood, the truth still to embrace.  
Burgeus suffered loss of life, and feared not the fire,  
For Gospel's sake and truths defence, a jew of his desire.  
Survey his life and training up, his constant faithful heart,  
His zeal, and stout confession, he played a martyrs part.  
Chatillon shrink not here a whit, a chieftane of the troop  
Of Gods dispersed faithful flock, that made their foes to stoop.  
Three times for this rife civil war, the papists showed their spite,  
The true and trusty protestants stood stoutly in the right.  
Their cause they manfully mayntaynd, Christ jesus was their shield,  
Sometimes they foiled their fretting foes, that 'gainst them rose in field.  
Some Nobles slain, and valiant Knights cast down before their time,  
And all in fence of Christ his cause, accused thus of crime.  
Some gored with sword, some choked with rope, some battered down  
There many parents were despoiled of their beloved sons.  
Their tong●… cut out when they should dye, for fear that they should speak with guns  
And more entice unto their God. that always aids the weak.  
O France thou famous realm before, and eke most populous place,  
Thou art dispeopled, wasted, turn, thy own do thee deface.  
Thy Cities cracked, thy Towns bereft, thy men and nobles racked,  
Thy faithful subjects burned and slain, thy wealth and strength is sacked.  
Ah pity, pity for to hear, how altered is thy state,  
Through tyrannous popish, cruel carls, that Christ his truth did hate  
The Lord hath justly plagued thee, for so defacing his,  
Who in the end will aid his flock, thou mayst be sure of this.  
If ever land might loath her luck, and lamed lowering state.  
France thou hast cause for to deplore and wail thy cruel fate.  
One of thy own, a pearl of thine, by learned treaties loo,  
And true discourse, thy mangled state, let's all the world to know.  
Thy Ramus here, thy Phoenix (France,) thy worthy learned clerk,  
In volumes three conjoind, displaces, thy broils, that he did mark.  
And like a good and natrall child, (jest things should be forgot)  
Hath painfully here penned thy brunts, that do thy glory blot.  
And like enough through cruel spite, for these his learned pains,  
Among the Popish crew of late, dashed out was Ramus brains.  
Whose death each scholar may bewail, for learning had a fall,  
When Ramus fallen, replet with skill, thy chiefest clerk of all.  
What chief in France some may object? ther liveth better still,  
If I have missed, I pardon crave, I speak it for good will.  
That I did learned Ramus lend, for his sure grounded skill,  
In learning's lore: who for because he written in Latin stile,  
(Which only learned understand) well pew'rd with learning's file▪  
Tymme truly hath disrobed him, of all his Roman tier,  
And decked him in English clotheses, with zealous good desire,  
To profit all his country men, that they may see and view,  
The stormy tempests of the French, and parts of Popish crew.  
The whole three volumes painfully, Tymme hath absolved here,  
And offers them unto thy sight at last good Reader dear.  
Which doth contain the Civil wars, or true Religions 'cause  
The spites of Papists that repined, against God's sacred laws.  
Worthy the sight, worthy the view, a mirror to behold,  
Of Gods elect, of tyrants fell, of Papists proud and bold.  
How God his choose Church doth save among her perilous foes,  
And cankered, cursed, currish kind, that it oppress with woes.  
Therefore good Reader here embrace, the founder of this frame,  
And honour Ramus painful pen, the author of the same.  
Give time that Tymme doth well deserve, for Englishing this for thee  
Whose pains do merit worthy praise, let praise then be his see.  
And wail the wrack of frushed France, and give God h●…rtie thanks,  
That hath preserved this Royal realm, from such proud popish pranks.   
FINIS.   

Robertus Rollus in Historiam de Gallicae Ecclesiae statu recens editam.  
UExata est olim priscis Ecclesia seclis,  
Carceribus, flagris, ignibus, ense, cruce.  
Haud minor est hody cedes: tu Gallia testis▪  
Sis dudum paribus sanguinolenta modis.  
Qui fidei nuper multis fulsere magistri  
(Prôh pudor) indignam sustinuere necem.  
Quoque magis possent inceptum absoluere factum  
Nullum papicola preteriere scelus.  
Penè datur sceleri lex, hoc qui credere posset  
Vix (est tale nephas) unus & alter erit.  
Ante erat historia hec libris quasi manca duobus  
Nunc prodit numeris undique plena suis.  
Si authorem spectes plena est, si rem quota pars est▪  
Omnia nam tangi tempora nostra vetant.  
Ascraei verba illa senis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
Quàm sunt huîc mirè consona dicta libro?  
Nempe haec quae legimus quasi dimidiata supersunt  
Et quasi de domini clade relicta sui.  
Quaeque modò aspicimus librisque notata videmus  
Debemus scriptis (Rame desert) tuis.  
Sed neque (Tymme) tua merita fraudabere laud  
Cuique oneris pars est, pars & honôris erit.  
Τελοσ.   

The sum of those things which are contained in these three first books of Commentaries.  
IN these three first books of Commentaries, we comprehend the space of four years, namely from the year. 1557. unto the year 1562. which was in the first motions of the civil wars: beginning at that time which seemeth to be most fit for this purpose: the matter so aptly offering itself, that we may very near begin at the same time in the which john. Sleidan, that learned 
john Sleidan.  man, left and ended his Commentaries concerning the state of the Common wealth and Religion. First of all we set forth that great destruction and loss of men which is commonly called by the vulgar people, jacob's slaughter, which 
jacob's slaughter at Paris.  seemed wholly to deface, not only the Church of Paris, but also the Churches of France being now as it were, but in the swaddling clotheses: then we show what cruel afflictions came at that time upon the faithful, what the adversaries did then, and what our men also did. We declare also that 
New devices to abolish the Gospel.  while new devices and practices are sought for to abolish the Gospel quite, now beginning to grow in France, the whole kingdom being moved and troubled with new threatenings of Edicts and punishments, and the kings of France and Spain being now in council concerning this matter, in the very league, even in the midst of their consultation, when a scourge was a preparing for the Church by the solemnity of marriage, even at that time came the sudden death of Henry the king, of all men unlooked for. Then, how the ●…uises had the government of the Realm, during the time of the nonage of king Frances the second: how Annas Burgaeus a noble Senator of the Parliament of Paris, at that time, was cruelly burned, and what other persecutions there were also: among which 
The tumult of Ambaxian.  persecutions, how the tumult of Ambaxian chanced, the causes and effects whereof shall be declared. After this, the solemn assemblies had at the king's house at Fontisbellaquaeum, to mitigate the tumults, who agreed to call a Parliament, and a national Council or Convocation, to stay the controversies of Religion, of the which also we will entreat in order. Also how the king set forth an Edict, 
The king●… Edict of pardon.  promising them to forget and forgive all former offences committed for Religion's sake. Then, how the Guises went about to subvert and extinguish the Gospel, coacting an assembly to be made at Aurelia's for the same purpose: how the deaths of the king of Navarre and the Prince of Conde were conspired, the tumult and trouble of Ambaxian being maliciously and falsely laid to their charge.  
But while the Prince of Conde was straightly imprisoned, and his death a preparing, we will show, how the sudden death of king Frances the second happened, to the great amazing 
Sudden alteration by the death of king Frances.  and grievance of the Guises.  
Furthermore, we will declare what great alterations came to pass after this, the young King Charles coming to the Crown: As the great peace and tranquillity given and granted to the Churches by the benefit of the King's Edicts, the daily increase of the faithful, the flourishing of the Gospel in every place, the defacing of the Pope's doctrine by solemn Court of Parliament, the truth also embraced of many of the Nobles. And here we will show what seeds of dissension were sown by the subtle practices of the Guises between the Nobles: Then I will speak somewhat of the Acts of the parling of Possiacen. 
The King's Edict commonly called the Edict of Ianuarye.   
Last of all, I will declare the sum of the Edict of Ianuarye, by which greater liberty was granted to the Churches: And because about that time there were great troubles of wars, I will there make an end of this book, leaving the declaration of the rest until a more convenient time: Notwithstanding part thereof, (that is to say, the explication of the first Civil wars) shall be declared in our three latter books, we looking to have occasions offered to describe other matters which are behind.   

The book of Commentaries concerning Religion, under the reigns of Henry the second, France's the second, and Charles the ninth.  
THe doctrine of Religion, which in our time is amended and reform, came at the last into France. But they were hardly dealt withal which received that doctrine, they were banished, burned, and with all manner of torments vexed, they were also called Lutherans, which name then was made a common reproach to the godly. Notwithstanding all this, that doctrine did more largely and vehemently sprea●…e itself abroad: and the more that men 
The name of Lutherans.  were tori●…ented, the more they came ●…o the same by flocks. Many, to the end they might escape the cruelty of their punishments, ●… might enjoy the free use of religion, we●…t unto those places ●…n the which the same was purely & publicly set forth: am●…ng which the greatest part went to Geneva, 
Geneva a sanctuary for the godly.  From whence many bookens and letters being written, a great number were brought to the knowledge of that doctrine. The which daily increasing more and more, great matters afterwards came to pass: those things which were done in the beginning with fear and secretly, were afterward free, and common for every man to use, until such time, as punishments being repressed, torments taken away, and the fiery flames quite extinguished, that doctrine was received of noble men, of Gentlemen, and of all estates: but on the other side, the adversaries of the reform religion Resisting the same, there arose great tumults, which by mortal and civil wars vexed and much endamaged the great and noble kingdom of France. But these first beginnings are particularly touched in other books, in the which the noble and excellent triumphs of Martyrs are described.  
I will therefore begin at that year since the which, matters of Religion being more openly set forth, and more vehemently again resisted, have more happily and evidently appeared. And then, this was the state of the kingdom.  
After sundry and long wars between Henry the second King of France, and Charles the fifth Emperor, at the length both their Legates, when they could not by peace end the controversies, which were between them, concluded a truce or peace for five years, the which being shortly after broken by the Cardinal of Lorraine, the war began a fresh between the two kings. And France's Duke of Guise taketh his journey into Italy with a great army. And Philip king of Spain, and son of the Emperor Charles goeth into Picardy: who making haste to the town of Sanquintine, gave the Constable (which came out to meet him) a great overthrow, and took him with a great number of Gentlemen.  
This overthrow and great slaughter of men was called Laurence day, because it chanced at the feast of S. Laurence▪ After this, Sanquintine was taken, and certain cities near unto the same. So that what with the rumour of the sudden slaughter, & what with the fear of the enemy which now approached to Paris the chief city of the kingdom, all men were wonderfully afraid.  
While these things were thus a working, there began to be a great fame and rumour of the increase of the Lutherans, by reason whereof there followed a notable persecution against them, which by the popular and vulgar name is called, The winning of S. james street: and it was so called for 
Great persecution in the Church of Paris.  this cause: When the faithful perceived the great peril and danger that hung over the whole kingdom of France, by reason of this new plague and punishment, they gave themselves to prayer, and therefore congregated themselves together by a great number, the fourth day of September, 
Anno domini▪ 1557.  in certain houses of S. james street in Paris, and that in the night (for in the day time they might by no means come together) minding to hear the word preached, and to have the supper of the Lord celebrated. But they being bewrayed, the common sort of people with weapons in a great tumult ran with all haste to this stréet●… of S. james, where the faithful were assembled, who being in those houses before mentioned, and seeing themselves to be compassed on every side with the furor and rage of the multitude, had small hope to escape: howbeit, part of them when they saw a way to be made for them through a certain gate (which wonderfully opened for the safeguard of many, when the houses on ●…uery side were beset) repeated their former prayers, and escaped by flight without harm, even as though God himself had go before them: the greater part were taken of the Magistrates, among whom were many noble women, and women of great parentage, and as they were led away by the officers, were shamefully entreated and unhonestly handled of the people.  
Now, the matter being in question concerning this assembly, it was first found, that when the people were assembled together, there was a Lecture of the holy Scripture in the vulgar tongue: secondly, that all the congregation kneeling, prayers were made by the Minister: thirdly, that the Minister expounded the place of the eleventh Chapter of S. Paul's first Epistle to the Corinthians, in the which, the use of the Lords supper is declared: fourthly, that then prayers were made for the King, for Princes & Magistrates, for all estates of people, & for peace and quietness of the kingdom: and last of all, that the bread end wine of the Lords supper was communicated and given to those which were not judged unworthy. For these offences they were taken. Being therefore taken, and cruelly entreated of the people by the way, were notwithstanding very v●…courteously dealt withal in prison. For thieves and murderers, and such as by the law deserved to die, were taken out of their cold and noisome prisons, and these men put into the same in their stead, all men forbidden to have any recourse unto them. Notwithstanding, it was brought to pass by the singular providence of God, because every man could not have a prison by himself, that some of them were thrust together into one prison, & so it came to pass that one of them received comfort of another, in somuch that the prison in the which they were, sounded with the prayers & Psalms uttered & sung by them.  
But to make these men the more to be hated, divers rumours were every where spread, namely that the Lutherans did assemble themselves together in the night, and being on a heap together without candle light, did fulfil their wandering lusts one with another, killed their young infants, and committed other wickednesses. The Monks, they made exclamation of this thing in every place, to inflame the people to revenge the same. And not only the common sort of people were stayed with these rumours, but the same also of these things came even to the ears of the Peers of the realm, 
Wicked slanders devised against the faithful.  in so much that one of the Inquisitors, or Commissioners, dared avouch before the King, that Tables spread, and great provision of dainty cheer was found in that place, where the faithful had assembled themselves. The which report, so inflamed the King's mind, that he sought nothing more than the destruction of the faithful: yea, and the minds of all men did so boil in hatred against them, that he thought himself to excel that could best conspire the death and destruction of the faithful.  
At the last a commandment was given by the king, that some meet man should be choose to know & consider their causes which were taken. Now at Paris there was a Magistrate, a Citizen called Munerius, a man (as it was commonly reported) very apt for all manner of fraud and deceit. At this time this Munerius was as a Bat in the night, and did seldom openly show himself, because he was accused of falsehood, in the matter of the Countess of Senigana, or Seniguen, the which he pretended to have committed, 
Duke Arscotus a Brabantine.  that Duke Arscotus, who was then taken and in hold, might escape. Notwithstanding, to this man this office was committed. And because by this means he hoped to have pardon, and should be restored to his former dignity he was so forward in his business, that within few days, many of their causes which were taken prisoners, were brought to have sentence and judgement. In the mean time, those relics which remained behind of that vast and great shipwreck of the faithful, were cast into great distress and sorrow, notwithstanding, they thought it not good to faint or quail in those extremities. For they which were the chief governors of the Church, went about every man's house, exhorted every one to be of good cheer, & persuaded that nothing had happened without the singular providence of God, by which also it came to pass, that many escaped that danger: moreover, they said that they remained to defend the other parts of the Church which were left: and that this calamity should not be the ruin and quite overthrow of the Church: and on the other side, that the same is the way to increase and enlarge the Church, which God both by his word hath showed, and also by experience approved, for the gathering together of the Church. And thus when they had exhorted and comforted one another, and had committed themselves and all things else to the providence of God, first of all they appointed that in every house there should be extraordinary prayers made, and that those fa●…e rumours should be put away by Apollogies and answers of defence, and also that the brethren which were taken, should be confirmed and strengthened, so often as might be, with letters, and also with words.  
Therefore they writ letters unto the king, and bring to pass, to have them carried secretly into the King's chamber, by which they meant to pacify the king's mind, to remove the same from the evil opinion which it had conceived of 
An apology for the faithful captives.  them, and to obtain the hearing of their cause. They affirm in their letters that they are falsely accused and slandered with such slanders as are not newly devised, but with such as long before had been objected against the Church, by which Satan went about to make Kings and Princes to hate the same: and are now again put forth by those only which desire to have the truth oppressed, to the end they may freely enjoy the riches and goods which they have usurped and wrongfully got by wicked deceit. And that be aught to seek to have sure and undoubted proves of every matter, specially in business of so great weight. For if it were sufficient to condemnation to accuse, who should then escape an innocent? Wherefore, if he would vouchsafe diligently to search out the truth of this matter, it should well appear that they assembled themselves together for no other end and purpose, than to pray unto God for his prosperity and the peace of the kingdom. Also that their doctrine did not maintain sedition, neither was an enemy to the obedience of Magistrates: the which thing they had always hitherto showed, never refusing to obey, although they were many in number, when they were evil entreated, only for following the word of God. And that this was their only desire, that Christ might appear to be the chief and head alone: and that the inventions of men being abrogated, God might be obeyed and served according to his prescript will. Wherefore, if it would please him to understand their cause, he might, if he would, make some public disputation between some one of those that were in prison, and the Sorbonistes or others which might dispute of those things now in controversy. In the end, they do pray and humbly beseech him that he would not suffer the innocency of good men, their cause not being heard, to be condemned, seeing that wicked men, and such as do most deeply transgress, obtain so much liberty, as to show their cause, and answer for themselves. These letters were read before the king, and those also which were then present, but small fruit or profit came thereby, certain of the Cardinals then crying that they were lies and tales: so that notwithstanding their reasonable suit and request, they had not so much granted unto them as liberty to answer for themselves.  
After this, there was yet another letter sent to the king, the effect whereof was, that all men did confess that these calamities with the which the christian common wealth was vexed, proceeded of the just judgement of God, being offended that so many he resies and corruptions should take place: But the greatest offence to consist in this thing, namely, that none of those, to whom the care and charge of the Common wealth was committed, had any regard at all, to discern heretics, by the word of God, from Christian maintainers of the truth. And yet notwithstanding, that it did belong unto the King to apply himself to know this thing, according to the example of the good Kings Ezechias and losias. And after certain notes put down of true and false religion, it began in manner as followeth.  
Weigh and consider with yourself your estate, and you shall find that all things have happened ouertwha●…tly unto you, ever since you have go about to vex the Lutherans. When you set forth the Edict made at Cast ellobrian, then began wars. But when you inhibited and forbade the execution of that Edict, and were an enemy to the Pope, in sending a power into Germany for the liberty thereof, because of the afflicted religion, your business had very prosperous success. But what hath happened unto you ever since you entered into friendship with the Pope, taking the sword of him, by which, truce being broken, wars might begin a fresh? God undoubtedly shall turn thy felicities into those calamities which are now ready to fall upon thee and thy dignity. To what end went the army of the Duke of Guise into Italy, when he had served God's enemy for hire? went he not to this end, that when he returned home again; he might utterly destroy the Churches of the valleys of Pedemonte, and might so offer and dedicated his victories unto God? Surely, the end and success showeth, that God doth bring the devices and counsels of men to nought, when they turn to their own destruction: as appeareth by the slaughter which happened on S. Laurence day of late, at what time he derided and frustrated the proud threatenings 
The arrogant threatenings of the Constable.  of the Constable, which boasted that if he returned home again a victor or conqueror, he would root out and utterly destroy Geneva.  
Thus after the repeating of many examples, in the which the judgements of God did appear against the adversaries of his truth (whose memory also was yet fresh in the heads of all men) this letter at the length concludeth: that afflictions cannot abolish & destroy the Church of God, seeing that (as Tertullian saith) The blood of Martyrs is the seed of the Church: and that it is the office of a King to take upon him the care of religion, the which all men might see by divers ways to be contaminated and neglected, & that this might lawfully be done by calling a Council. In the mean time, that their cause as yet being unknown, & not certain, they may be peaceably, & not cruelly entreated, which protest that they follow God's truth: and that so holy a name cannot in such wise be contemned, but some inquisition must be made: also that judgement aught to be had, not from the devices of men, but from the word of God, the only and most certain rule of truth. Therefore (say they) if we be not convinced by God's word, it is neither fire, nor sword, nor any manner of punishment that can terrify us. These shall be the triumph and victory of our faith, that by being overcome, we shall be overcomers at the last: by this Chariot, we shall come at the length to the haven of everlasting life.  
But that Edict which was made at Cast ellobrian (of the which we have made mention before) was very strait and cruel against Religion, in the which, among many things these were the special sentences: First, that all former Edicts concerning the putting of heretics to death, should be confirmed: That no man should be admitted to any public office, before he had made his confession agreeable to the Catholic and romish faith: That in every Parliament, and in the third month also, there should be assemblies made, which are commonly called Mercuriales: and that first of all, matters concerning Religion should be handled, and that there should be special regard and eye had to the assembly of the Parliament, lest some corruption or heresy might secretly creep in.  
There was also another Apology set forth for all men to use, so written, that the ancient form and state of the Church being represented, and compared to that which is at this day, the ancient fathers themselves also by their own words and writings, might defend and maintain the very self and same cause which they now defended: and in such wise, that they which said, that they reverenced and embraced antiquity, might hear antiquity defending and supporting the cause of the reform Church (so called.)  
These things truly, are plentifully set forth in this writing, but the sum is this: That it was against right, that the faithful should be accused for well doing: but more injurious, that they should be condemned, their cause not being herded. Notwithstanding, that the Church of Christ before this time long since, had felt the same injuries: & therefore no marvel, if they, whose cause was like, were made equal to them in trouble: Howbeit, that Satan and his Ministers should so little prevail, that for all their force, the Church should arrive through the midst of their temptations to the safe and quiet haven: and the thick and dark Clouds being blown over, the light of innocency should appear, and the enemies of the same be found liars. After this, those slanders and reproaches which were objected against them, being particularly examined and considered by them, were also fully answered altogether out of the writings of the Fathers, that their Apology or defence might plainly appear to be true and sound. Furthermore, many letters were written to the brethren which were in prison, yea, and Churches of far Countries, bewailing their estate, did comfort them with their letters: so that hereby they were wondefrully confirmed. And among other Churches or congregations, the congregation of Geneva showed the duty of the faithful brethren, insomuch that they did not let, by all means possible, to do them good.  
While those things were provided for of the faithful, the adversaries on the contrary part sought by all means possible to work the death of the faithful which were in prison, so soon as they could: and in this matter Munerius the civil Magistrate was not a little diligent, and the people for their part greedily gaped, and continually looked for the same. Now, there came forth a commandment from the King, that all other matters set apart, for a time the senate should wholly apply themselves to understand the cause of the faithful, and to judge of them according to the evidence that should be brought against them by Munerius the evil Praetor. Notwithstanding, the King's commandment herein, the whole Senate or assembly of the Court refusing and rejecting this Munerius, both for that he withstood the ancient custom of the Court, and also because (as is before said) he was accused of falsehood, concluded that by the relation and report of any one man which should come forth and give evidence, the judgement and sentence of those judges that were put in trust, should be ordered. The whole Senate therefore, although they were not a little troubled with the great number of prisoners, yet notwithstanding, what by the express commandments of the King to them, and what with the old and 〈◊〉 spite they vare to Religion, so greatly prevailed within few days, that their causes in deed came to judgement. Of the which, they which constantly held the confession of the true doctrine, were condemned by great consent of the people to dye, and were burned with fire: and suffering most excellent Martyrdom by death, they wonderfully triumphed of the cruelty of their enemies. The which things, because they be specially touched in another Book, it shall not be needful here to speak any more of them.  
Many delivered themselves from death by divers means and ways that were not lawful. But they to whom this charge and trust was committed, boldly doing their office, and being nothing slow to exercise cruelty, certain of their friends which 〈◊〉 in hold, propounded causes of refusal against the judges, desiring that there might be other judges set in their places. This thing for a time stayed the rage of the persecution. Notwithstanding, the king being certified hereof, sendeth letters, by which he declaring those refusals to be nothing, commandeth that all other things set apart, they give their diligence only to intend upon this thing: and that the Nobles which were in authority, should choose out, according as they thought good, counsellors to supply the places of those that were absent: and that in the Praetor Munerius ●…oume (because for the causes before alleged he was removed) other should serve: & to be short, that final judgement might be given of those matters: howbeit, that he might have warning before any matter were ended. These letters did again displease and anger the minds of those judges, which took it heinously that they were refused. So that choler was then set on fire against many: & for this cause seemed as though it would rage's and burn in the new year following. For the adversaries went about of late to 
Anno domini. 1558.  establish & bring in the like inquisition that was in Spain, (which they thought was the only way utterly to overthrow the gospel) & letters at the last being obtained from the Pope, by which three Cardinals were appointed chief inquisitors, they went about all that they could to set forward this devise. The king for his part consented. Notwithstanding, the senate of Paris, having better consideration of the matter, greatly withstood this new practice, & alleged these causes to the king of their withstanding and prohibition, saying: If this thing should be brought to pass, look how much the power of the ecclesiastical judges and Inquisitors should be enlarged, so much should the supreme authority of the king be diminished: Secondly, that it was a matter of great weight, for the natural subjects of the king, to be made destitute, and after a sort, deprived of their King, and to be brought to the power of foreign judges, and to be made subject to an Offy●ciall or Inquisitor: thirdly, that it should be a defrauding of the kingdom, but specially of the subjects, to be spoiled of the help & safeguard of the king, and to be themselves, and all their goods, judged & disposed, after the supreme judgement of an ecclesiastical judge: Fourthly, that it would come to pass, that when they had got infinite power, and the greatest part of the kings authority, that is to say, when they had got power to judge of life & death as then listed, without further appeal to any higher Court, they might easily abuse their offices. For (say they) the liberty to appeal, is the only sanctuary and defence of innocency: Fiftly and last of all, they say that the King to whom the appeal should be made, is the revenger, and the defender of violated and wronged innocency, and that, injury should be done, if this thing went forward, not only to the people, but also to Princes, to Dukes, to Nobles, yea, and to the Kings near kinsmen, who also should be bound with this bond.  
By this prohibition and resistance, the matter was delayed for a time: at the length, when the King's Court was at Paris, the very same adversaries of the truth brought to pass that those letters were confirmed of the King, as he went to the Senate or Parliament, for this cause.  
Thus when they had got the law into their own hands, and had written new Edicts, appointing mortal punishments for the faithful, (whom they called Sacramentaries, Sectaries, and such like) every man looking now for grievous persecutions, it pleased God for a time to disappoint those cruel practices and threatenings, by troubling the kingdom with war and other business.  
Neither is it to be buried in silence, by what means God showed his vengeance upon many of those persecutors 
Certain examples of God's vengeance showed upon divers persecutors of the Church.  which were the chief Captains in S. james slaughter. That Munerius the Praetor which was the first that dealt with the causes of the faithful, and had many ways cruelly entreated them: being afterward at the length condemned of falsehood in the cause of the Countess of Senigana, suffered by the decree of the Senate punishment openly in divers places: and being thus led from place to place to be made an open spectacle for all men to behold to his great infamy and reproach, was also banished his country. This man while be was kept in prison, said, that he known that the punishments which he suffered, were a just reward and recompense to him for his evil entreating of the Lutherans: and that he would never after seek to do them any harm. In like manner one of the Counsellors which were appointed to understand and judge of the causes of the faithful, not long after died by sudden death. Another of them likewise being suddenly stricken with a most grievous sickness, and being also at the point of death, said, I see plainly that I have grievously sinned against the Lutherans, which so godly pray unto the Lord. In like manner, two other which were very cruel against the faithful in the slaughter that was made on S. james day, suddenly died in the sight of all men. Moreover, two other when they returned from the murder of the afflicted faithful, fallen at contention within themselves, and at the last were slain one of another. Thus the Lord showed many examples of his just vengeance upon his adversaries.  
Then the Church obtained peace for a time, and some 
Persecution stayed for a time.  occasion to rest and breath for a while▪ by reason of those tempests. They which were before, as it were discouraged through that former great slaughter, received now heart and courage again: many others which were either confirmed by the constancy of those blessed Martyrs which suffered, or else were lately brought to the knowledge of God, joined themselves to the Church: they also which to fly persecution went aside from out of the city, were not altogether unfruitful. Among these there was one which came to a town called Crucillum in Britain, near unto the sea coast, the which town was at that time greatly given to superstition, but it was brought to pass by his means within short time after, that many of the townsmen were called to the acknowledging of truth, insomuch that there was a congregation there. At the which good success Satan was greatly grieved. Therefore when the fame of this thing 
Examples of injuries done to the faithful.  was spread abroad, the Bishop of N●…auetensis or N●…auntes, with a certain power of his men, came thither, whom he had gathered together for this matter: he giveth commandment that clotheses of tapestry work and other ornaments be hung forth of every house, upon the solemn day in the which he with his wandering power should pass through 
16. leaf.  the City, thinking by this means to find out, who they were that were Lutherans: then he commandeth the Drum to be strike up, and a sign to be given for men to prepare themselves to sight, and thus he filleth the City with armour and tumult.  
There was then present a certain noble man, who was appointed by the King's commandment to press and muster men for the war: this man admonisheth the Bishop into what perils he may bring the City, the English men their enemies approaching near, who, if they had knowledge of these troubles, might easily obtain the Cuie: but his persuasion prevailed so little, that he was also in danger of his life, and hardly delivered himself from the mad rage of the common people. Therefore the frantic people through every corner of the City, are as it were drunken mad by the guidance and leading of the Bishop: and do besiege and forcibly set upon the houses, in the which there were nineteen of the faithful congregated to make their prayers unto God. But the faithful earnestly beseech the people to be quiet, and if there were any thing to be objected against them, they were ready to put themselves into the hands of the magistrate: The Bishop answereth that the cause of their coming was only to have the Minister, which they knew to be among them. The faithful entreat that the Magistrate of the City might be called forth, and he should understand the truth of the matter. When the Praetor or Magistrate of the City had entered the houses, and made diligent search through the same, he declareth that the Minister is not there. Notwithstanding the Bishop commandeth the soldiers to set upon and assault the houses: the which thing the people did with all the force they were able to make, seeking also to undermine the houses. But all in vain: for the faithful that were in the houses, affirmed that unless they would departed, they would drive them away. And thus they being nothing dismayed or troubled, commended themselves unto God in Psalms and songs. The Bishop hereat being more angry, commandeth them to yield themselves: the faithful refused not to come forth to him, if the people might departed, saying that they were ready to make answer to those things whereof they were accused. But for all this the guns and other instruments of war were set to, and bend against the houses. The faithful seeing into what straits and extremities they were brought, thought now within themselves, that there was no remedy but that they must defend themselves: but because it could not be done without great slaughter of the people, if they did rashly fall to offer stripes, they thought it good not so to defend themselves until the very extremity came. Notwithstanding, when the people ran with haste into the houses through the holes of the walls which they had made with Guns and other weapons, the faithful shot at them with Crossbows, by force whereof many of them being stain, the minds of the other were so discouraged, that by and by the whole multitude ran away, and great quietness was made throughout the whole City.  
They therefore being thus miraculously delivered, came forth singing the hundredth and four and twenty Psalm, as they went through the midst of the City, and so escaped. The next day following, the people being gathered together again, overthrew those houses in the which the faithful had been, yea, and their houses also whom they suspected to be favourers of their cause. The Bishop understanding that the Senate of Paris dislyked of this his fact, went to the King, and brought it so to pass by the means of them that were companiens and confederates with him in the same his wicked furo●…, that the King allowed all that he had done. So little was the equity of the cause of the faithful esteemed.  
And very near about this time also there seemed to be given a new occasion to scirre up affliction. For at Paris in a meadow or field near adjoining to the same, commonly called the Clerks field▪ many of the faithful, when others were busy at their sport and play, began to sing Psalms, little thinking that others would be stirred up to do the like by their ensample. Notwithstanding, at the length it grew to this, that when this▪ exercise had been used certain days, many, and men also of great estimation and fame, came together to hear the sweet and pleasant harmony of the singing multitude. They which could not sing, and which had not as yet the knowledge of God, went into the most convenient places of the field, to hear that which was song: and hearing the same, confessed that it was wickedly done to forbidden the singing of so honest & godly songs. But while this went forward, the adversaries, as though they were utterly spoiled, went to the king, and declared to him that the Lutherans had moved sedition at Paris: that they were ready to thrust his majesty out of his kingdom: that a great number of them were gathered together in armour to conspire against him: and therefore they requested him to provide for this mischief: for (say they) the Catholic Church, and your whole kingdom is in great danger. When the King herded this, he commandeth that there be prohibition and stay made by a public Edict, that men sing no more in that place, nor in that company: and also that there should be inquiry made of those which had soo●…g. They which were the chief of the reform Church, seeing into what suspicious those companies were brought, give admonition to their friends, that they never again gather themselves together in that place to sing as they did before: if they would sing, to sing at h●…me. In the mean time, many for this matter were apprehended, who notwithstanding afterward for the lightness of the cause were set at liberty. At the last, when the Bishop's preachers see that the king did favour them, they persuaded with the people, that it was an atteptable thing unto God, and a meritorious work (as they call in) for a man ●…o kill a Lutheran. And truly, the beastly rage and madness of that people by these persuasions, was provoked, insomuch that the reins of temperancy loosed, they ran headlong to commit what mischief they could: of the which matter, among many, we will bring certain examples▪  
On a certain day, after a Sermon, it so fallen out, that two men contended together by words in the Churchyard of S. Innocentes, the one of them, to the end he might stir and procure hatred to the other, by a reproachful and odious name, cried that the people might hear, which were now going out of the Church, a Lutheran, a Lutheran: when the people heard this, they fallen straight way upon him, and pursued him into the temple, whither at the length he fled as to a sanctuary and place of refuge. A certain Noble man by chance passing through the Church, with his brother with him, who was a Priest, and hearing that the people were about to kill a man, ran in all the haste unto them, and sought by gentle words to turn the minds of the people from their wicked purpose, that thereby he might deliver the man out of their hands. But a certain Mass priest crieth out, saying, that he was the man whom they sought for, being one that dared take upon him to defend a Lutheran, at the hearing whereof, the people run upon the Noble man, using violence, and at the first beating him with their fists. The Noble man's brother, which was with him, began to entreat for him: but the people were more vehement and mad, by his entreaty, insomuch that they bring them both violently out of the temple, lest it should be defiled with blood, or profaned. One of these two, namely the Noble man, being stronger and better able to shifted for himself than the other, escaped their hands, and fled into the Curates or Parish priests house hard by. The other, which was (as we said before) a Priest, was not so soon out of the Church, but he was thrust through with a dagger: of the which, he being now like to die, calleth upon Saints, and desireth to be confessed of his sins, (whereby it might have appeared of what religion he was) and at the length being wounded with other strokes, he was quite dispatched of lice. And yet this stayed not their rage and madness: for when he was stark dead, they did all to bemangle and cut his dead carcase: yea, and some of them thrusting their hands into the green wounds, did afterwards brag that they had dipped their hands in the blood. This man being thus dispatched, they beset the house of the Parish Priest round about, lest the other brother should escape away, being fled thither (as is said before) for succour and defence: saying that they would offer the like violence to the Magistrate, yea, and to the King himself, if so be he would help a Lutheran. But at the length the night coming, they forsook their siege, and so the noble man escaped.  
Not long before this time, there happened another thing, which also I thought good here to insert. There was a certain Sorboniste, or Popish Doctor, whom men called the Soul of Picardy: This fellow was a famous blower forth and mover of sedition: being oftentimes very vehement to inflame the people against the Lutherans, persuading them that it was a very good and acceptable work before God, to shed the blood of the Lutherans, and that they should no less deserve at his hands thereby, than did the children of Israel in slaying the Idolatr●…us Cananaeans: adding moreover, that in so doing, the hands of the godly Catholics should be consecrated and hallowed.  
Therefore as this man on a time, was preaching to the people, a certain devout man which canie to heat his sermon, upon some occasion, or conceit that he had in his mind, laughed unto his fellow that late next unto him. The which an old woman there present, see, who cri●…d that there was a Lutheran in the Church, which did deride & laugh the preacher to scorn. When the multitude that were there assembled, heard this, they suddenly start up, & reasoning no further of the matter, they drawn the man out of the temple, & putting forth his eyes, and pashing forth his brains, most cruelly flew him. These were the fruits of these seditious sermons preached by the Sorbonistes and Papistical Doctors. The 
The fruits of the sermons of the Papists.  faithful being thus miserably handled, were accused to the King, and to all the people, of sedition, and were accounted and taken for seditious people.  
About this time also, Andelotius the brother of the Admiral castilion, or Sha●…ilion, was taken for religion, and put in hold, by this occasion. At what time entreaty was made for peace, between the Kings of France and Spain, Granuellus Bishop of Atrebate●…sis or Artois, made complaint to the Cardinal of Lorraine (for these were the Ambassadors between both Kings) that France was greatly infected with Lutherans, in so much that the Noble men of the Realm also were polluted therewith: among whom, he said, that Andelotius had sent a book to his brother the Admiral, in the which book he did grievously condemn the Mass: the which talk and communication was carried by the same Cardinal of Lora●…e to Henry King of France: and France's Duke of Guise, going with an army to Thionuilla, said unto the King, that he did not look to have prosperous success of his army, if Andelotius were General of the footmen, which charge in deed was before committed unto him. When the King heard this, being desirous to retain the friendship of the Constable, he commandeth the Admiral Castillion, brother to Andelotius, and Marescallus Momorencius, to persuade Andelotius, that he should give unto him a reverent answer concerning the Mass. The King (as he was instructed by the Cardinal of Lorraine) demandeth of Andelotius, what he thought of the Mass. To the which question, he answereth freely, saying: Whereas the Mass is called a sacrifice for the quick & the dead, which only belongeth to the sacrifice of Christ (being once offered for all, and never to be offered again) I think that it is a detestable Idol feigned by the brain & invention of men. The King hearing this answer, took it in very evil part, and being angry, forbade him his presence, and commanded that he should be put in ward: and another to be made General of the footmen in his stead. But after the return home again of the Constable, Andelotius was restored to his former office, and reconciled into the savour of the King again.  
At the length the peace before spoken of, was concluded, between the two Kings, the chief and special point of the which peace was, that the two Kings should procure forthwith a general Council to be held, to the rooting up and destroying of heresies. It was reported among the common sort of people, that the Kings made a peace to this end, that they might join in force together to war against the Lutherans, who mightily increased daily in both their Realms. They were greatly confirmed in these opinions, by the Cardinal of Lorraine, and also by Granuellus Bishop of Atrebatensis▪ commonly called Artois who within a while after was made a Cardinal by the Pope. Notwithstanding, the number of the Lutherans newly increased from day to day, the blame and fault of the which increase was laid upon the judges, and specially upon the Senate of Paris, as though they had been to favourable in their dealing. For the which cause it was appointed that there should be a new assembly made to consider of the Edict of Castellobrian: 
The parliament at Paris.  (of the which we have spoken before, and that they should first of all deal with matters concerning religion. The company therefore being asse●…▪ bled & called together, the King's Solicitor propounded unto them these matters: First, that there were divers opinions in matters that concerned Religion, found lately in the Senate, disagréeing and contrary one to another: as, when some condemned heretics to be burned, other some would not have them to be burned, but mitigated the pa●…ne by banishment: the which would redound to the reproach and shame of the Senate: Wherefore he required that their sentences and judgements might be conformable and agreeing ever hereafter with the prescript and tenure of the Edicts which appointed the punishments of death. The which in deed was the most speedy and ready way to detect those judges that were suspected of religion, as after truly it came to pass. For when every man freely uttered his mind and opinion, as the custom is, there were divers judgements: some would have no punishment by death, but banishment: other some, before any thing was determined, would have it known whether they were heretics in deed, which were counted heretics. Also he said that it was the Kings will that heretics should be punished: and the office of the Senate to see and find out who they were that were guilty of heresy. And for this cause he willed them to make supplication unto the King, that according to the first article of the peace concluded, he would 'cause a lawful Council to be assembled, to judge of these controversies: and that they should in the mean time leave off to punish. But some said that it could not be hid, but was apparent for all men to behold what great corruptions had invaded the Church, and how needful and requisite it was, a reformation to be had, and that by the word of God, which is the only rule of verity, and not custom, antiquity, or the opinions of men. Furthermore they added, that there was danger, and therefore great heed to be taken, lest while they (whom they called Lutherans) were condemned, Innocentes also should be put to death. For (say they) the Lutherans (as we term them) have probable reasons to defend their doctrine withal: whose life is irreprovable, and without blame, using themselves oftentimes to pray devoutly and zealously to God, as it hath well appeared to the Senate: to be short, such is their constancy, that thereby they show themselves not to be such manner of men as they are said to be, among the common sort of people. Thus at this time, some spoke one thing, some another: howbeit, the greatest part, would have either the punishment to be mitigated, or else the men to be quite discharged. Many feared lest this sentence and determination of those that spoke in the behalf of the Lutherans, should take place: whereupon two of the Council (as it is credibly reported) namely Egidius and Minardus, went to the King, and declared the matter wholly unto him, before the Court had concluded what should be done (against both law and ancient custom) saying unto him that the matter was now come to such a strait, that great remedy must be provided for the same, otherwise great perturbations and trouble would ensue: adding moreover, that the boldness of some was such, that they dared arrogantly deride the ancient religion, and as for the Edicts of the King, they made no account of them at all.  
The King being inflamed and greatly stirred with this news, came the next day into the senate: where he declared that he having now obtained at the hands of God, the most excellent benefit of peace, & confirmed the same with the society & sure knot of matrimony, there wanted yet one thing which he greatly desired, namely, the setting of matters concerning religion, in a good & uniform order: & for this cause he said that he came into the Court, namely to understand, both in what state the matter stood, & also to comfort & encourage them by his presence. And so he signified by the keeper of the seals, that he would have them to follow that order which they had begun, in showing their opinions. Therefore of them which resisted, some were more cold, fearing some subtle practice to be in hand, other some notwithstanding▪ spoke their fantasies and opinions, with no less boldness than they did before, especially concerning the lawful calling of a Cruncel or Parliament. And among others, Anoas' Burgaeus, a man very godly & well learned, when he had first of all given thaks unto God, that he had so wrought in the heart of the Prince, that he would be a witness & indifferent judge of so weighty a matter, and when he had exhorted the King to bend his mind, and give good ear to so great & urgent cause (being in deed the cause of our Lord jesus Christ, which ●…ught to be defended by the patrociny & guard of Kings) very boldly and freely uttered his mind, affirming at the length that he d●…d wholly give his consent & agree that there should be a council called, & that the punishments then used toward the Lutherans, for that time should surcease. Others also after him, affirmed the like. When the King had herded thief men, he making first his preamble, said: that to his grief and sorrow he see corruption to be crept in even into his Court, being very sorry that any of his Nobles should be stained therewith: the good he known, as for the others, he said he would▪ so punish, that he would thereby extirp & quite pull up by▪ the roots that mischief which was now a growing. These threatenings ended, & talking a while with those that stood with him, he commanded that Annas Burgaeus & Lodovicus Faurus should be taken: the which his commandment was straightway executed by Mongomerie Captain of the Guard, After this, others also were taken, as Fumaeus Foixius, & many others. And those that were 
Foixius.  of these opinions, looking to be handled as they were, got them out of the city: but afterward they were openly proclaimed.  
About the same time almost, a Synod was held at Paris, many ministers of the Churches (which were then called the reform Churches) being then called together for this matter, in the which both the doctrine of the faith, and also Ecclesiastical discipline, were copiously & largely entreated of▪ & truly as the time required, the form of discipline which was already appointed, which was also afterward by many Synods and Counsels enlarged, and examined by the rule of God's word, and the approved▪ customs of the ancient Church brought much profit: all which matters here to declare, is not our purpose. Howbeit, these things following 
The first synod of the Churches of France.  were the principal points thereof.  

1 First, it is agreed, that the confession of the doctrine, which may testify▪ the common consent of the Churches, be registered, to the end that no strange opinions craftily be conveyed in.  
2 That all things be done in order in the Churches.  
3 That so often as might conveniently, there should be Counsels, Synods, or Parlings, of those Churches that were not far often.  
4 That there be diligent eye and heed given, specially to the doctrine, and also the manners of Ministers.  
5 That no Minister usurp superiority or principality by any manner of means among his fellow Ministers, but that all things be done indifferently, and soberly among them.  
6 That all offences and stumbling blocks be taken away.  
7 That the faithful be taught their duty, and also instructed in the purity of the word, and in the chaste rule of discipline▪  
8 That nothing in this discipline be rashly altered by one man, or by one Church without the authority of the general Council.   
But now when the most excellent and famous Princes Protestants of Germany, understood of the great punishments and intolerable afflictions laid upon the faithful for the Gospel's sake: they sent their Ambassadors with their charge and letters unto the King, beseeching him that he would inhibit and stay those grievous persecutions: of the which their letters, this was the effect and sum as followeth.  
When they understood and weighed with themselves, 
The sum of the letters of the Princes of Germany sent to the King.  that men in all ages, estates, and times, suffered imprisonment and bonds for professing the doctrine of the Gospel, which is contrary to those superstitions which are of the most part observed: and that for the same cause only, they were extremely punished both in body and goods: they also knowing themselves to be members of the same head Christ with them, whom they heard to be so cruelly handled, and being persuaded, that they were bound in conscience to help them so much as they might: they thought good for these causes to send their Ambassadors unto the King with those letters.  And that the King might not think that the matter is not thoroughly considered off of them, they signify unto him that they know for a surety, that those men which were restrained from their liberty, did maintain or defend no seditious opinions, nor any thing else that is contrary to the true and Apostolical articles of the Christian faith. And because they themselves did take no less labour and pain than the King himself, to root out and abolish all those things which were against the glory of God, and did only desire to defend the true invocation of his holy name, and the sincere doctrine of the Catholic Church, contained in the writings of the Prophets, Apostles, and Fathers: and also did severely punish the maintainers of false doctrine, and men of impure and unhonest life: and to be short, because they themselves did acknowledge and worship one God, as the hyest and Lord of all: these were the causes which had moved them to writ those letters of entreaty, for the releasing of those captives out of misery, whose doctrine they knew to be far from all falsehood, heresy, and sebitious opinions: the which thing might evidently appear by their confession, the which they sent unto the King to that end: There is no man but he will confess that many corruptions are crept into the Church, and have prevailed, partly by error, and partly by covetousness, to root out the which (say they) that divers good and godly men have taken great pain of late: and that not long since also, certain virtuous and singular learned men in the university of Paris, as William of Paris, Gersone, Westelus, and others, had done the like: and also that they themselves have reform errors in their dominions, for the which, they are not a little joyful: Moreover, that his father king Frances of happy memory, a Prince of singular wisdom and virtue, purposed to have made the like reformation, following herein the examples of his auncelors the Kings of France, who would oftentimes themselves find out the controversies that happened in the Church: The which way he aught to follow in ending these matters, rather than to suffer the cruelty of many against their brethren and his subjects: assuring himself of this, that he should so smallly prevail in suppressing the doctrine of the Gospel, by those sharp and cruel punishments, that contrariwise the blood which was shed for the same, should be the seed more and more daily to increase the number of christians: and furthermore▪ that by this means, namely, by shedding of blood, he should have the greatest part of his faithful subjects cut from him. Eeside all this, that God doth threaten to take vengeance of the blood of Innocentes unjustly shed, and will severely punish those which shall reject the perfect knowledge of his doctrine and truth. Moreover, they signify unto the King in their letters, that they did of late sue unto him, and require the self same thing of him that they do now, by their letters then, and Ambassadors also, and were almost persuaded by his answer again that he would never more suffer the miserable Christians so to be afflicted and appressed with those injuries: Notwithstanding, that they understood that the same affliction, by all manner of punishment was as great in his kingdom, as ever it had been before. Insomuch, that in this point they did greatly bewail, (so much as Christian Charity required) the state and condition of his good and faithful subjects, who for this cause were only afflicted, for that they followed that doctrine which they retained sure and firm in their Churches, and in the which they grounded their faith: The which wonderfully grieved them, not only because they saw that it was prejudicial and hurtful to them, but chief because they perceived the glory of the most mighty God to be defaced, and as it were derided. And because Charity with the which his subjects were beloved of men, did provoke them also to wish their peace and tranquillity, and above all things to desire that the King might behave himself in that thing which appertained to the glory of God and soul's health, that he might not provoke the wrath of God against him: they most heartily beseech him that he would prudently expend and weigh all the circumstances of this fact: and specially that he would consider the causes why his miserable subjects should be so greatly troubled: and that he would endeavour himself that the Church of God might be purged from all these corruptions with the which it had been a long time contaminated and infected: in so doing he should satisfy the honest desire of a great number in this point. And because he could not come to the knowledge of those things which were of so great weight, without the hearing of the judgements of godly learned men, they persuaded him so call unto him out of hand, men expert in knowledge, and desirous of God's glory, after the ensample of his Elders, by whom the matters now in controversy might be uprightly and peaceably decided and determined by the rule of holy Scripture. Also, that while these things were in hand, and until it were fully concluded of the matters in controversy, his subjects which follow the doctrine agreeing to their confession which lately they defended, might go untroubled, and unconstrained to do any thing against their conscience: that nothing might be devised to put them in peril of life and goods: and that they which were in prison, might be set at liberty. To conclude, they affirm, that they perceive that their earnest requests shall no less prevail with him, than the cryings and importunity of the adversaries of the truth hath done. The which, if it come to pass according to their expectation, he shall fulfil the commandment of the son of God, who specially committeth his Church, which he hath redeemed with his most precious blood to Princes: & also shall show great mercy and compassion, and be very beneficial towards his subjects, if so be he would give them leave to invocate and worship God aright. In reknowledging whereof, they testify themselves to be ready, and upon this condition, will constantly avide for ever the kings friends. 
To these letters subscribed the Earl of Palatine, the Duke of Sax●…nie, Marchio of Brandeburge, Wolfgangus Earl of Weldentsius, and the Duke of Wirtemberge.  
The king when he had suluted the Ambassadors, according to the manner and custom, maketh a very short answer, in this form, saying: that he will forthwith send such an answer, that he trusted thereby sufficiently to satisfy them. But notwithstanding, the Ambassadors of the Princes were as yet scarcely departed, but that the fire of persecution, which seemed to be extinguished before, by their coming, burned the faithful a fresh, Moreover, the 
Anna's Burgaeus examined, condemned, and judged to dye.  causes of those Counsellors, who (as we said before) were taken in the Senate of Paris, came now in question. judges also were choose, which should consider the cause of Annas Burgaeus, but not indifferent judges, but such as were great enemies to that which he defended. And among others, the Bishop of Paris, and Demochares the Inquisitor were choose for this purpose: the which judges when Burgaeus refused, desiring that he might be judged of the whole fellowship and assembly of the Senate, according to the ancient and accustomed law of the Senate of Paris, he was commanded by the King's letters patents to answer before those judges. The which letters when he had heard them read, he affirmed, that for obedience sake to the King, he would answer, otherwise he would have made no answer at all: therefore, they demanding of him, he made answer to all those principal points of Popish religion, which are at this day in controversis: as to the traditions of the Church, to invocation of Saints, to Purgatory, to the Mass, and to the rest. All the which he disliking and gaynsaying, was at the last condemned by the Bishop of Paris, for an heretic: and because he had taken certain orders (as they call them) the same Bishop giveth commandment that he should be disgraded, and so given over to the secular power.  
The which sentence as it was falsely given, so Burgaeus appealed from the same to the celestial judge.  
And now at this time those outrageous storms of persecution did seem to beat upon every corner of the church of Christ. The King sent new letters to every Parliament, in the which he commandeth that the Lutherans should be most severely persecuted. Heretofore (saith he) in the troublesome time of wars, the Lutherans greatly increased: but now that he had enjoyed and got peace, he would wholly bend himself and all his force utterly to race and destroy them: wherefore he exhorteth them to use the same diligence in doing the like. If they want power and strength, he promises that he will provide for them a band of soldiers, to be ready to aid them at all need. In any wise he willed them not to be cold in their business, as some began to be, for if they were, he would first begin with them, and make them feel the smart of punishment prepared for others.  
Therefore all the Courts, Senates, and Assemblies being with this general commandment of the King moved, they thunder out, and shake▪ both heaven and earth with new threatenings and Edicts. In the midst of this great distress and troubles of the faithful, there was great joy, triumph, solemnity, and feasting, for the peace confirmed between the two Kings by the knot of matrimony: all which joy and pleasure, was by and by, suddenly turned into great sorrow and wo. For King Henry to solemnize the matrimony, willed a justing or running at Tilt to be prepared, the which being done, and divers of his Peers and Nobles armed in a readiness, he himself desired, among all others, to run against Momgomerie Captain of his guard: who being very loath and unwilling so to do, was commanded earnestly of the King to run against him, the King himself putting a spear into Momgomeries' hand: and running together in a broad way that leadeth to S. Anthony's street, not far from the Castle into the which the two Counsellors (of whom we spoke before) were put, a piece of one of the Spears or justing staves, by the great force and violence of their running, strake the King through the helmet into the eye, and so to the brain, 
The death of king Henry.  wherewith he was sore hurt. Then the wounded King, after much bleeding, was carried into the house called the small towers. Many men report that he said in his greatest grief and pain, that he greatly ●…eared, that he had committed wickedness, and done injury against his two Counsellors: but the Cardinal of Lorraine did labour earnestly to turn his mind from that opinion, often crying and inculcating these words into his ears: The adversary of the faith tempteth thee: persevere constantly in the faith. The King by the earnest and continual persuasion of that Cardinal, had been very cruelly minded and bend against those Counsellors, in so much that threatening, he spoke these words: I myself will see the burning of Burgaeus. It was noted of many, that the King was wounded and stain by him, whom he commanded to carry Burgaeus to prison: who was (as is said before) Momgomerie, a mortal enemy at that time to the reform Religion, the which he vehemently persecuted upon the strait commandments and charge given unto him for the same purpose. But afterward he was brought to the knowledge of the truth, & become a very profitable member of the Church of Christ. And thus king Henry being weary of his mortal life, through extreme grief and pain, surrendered the same again to him that gave it, in the year of our Lord God. M. D. LIX. the. x. day of August.  
By this sudden chance, the joy and mirth was turned into sorrow and beavinesse, all men wondering to behold so sudden an alteration and change. The Court which was sealed, pergitted, sumptuously decked, and prepared for dancing, leaping, and other pastime, to make a pleasant and joyful marriage, was now converted to another use: namely, to keep the King's dead body. There, bewailings were made, with doleful and lamentable songs in black and mourning garments, the space of forty days, and forty nights.  
But notwithstanding this time of mourning and sorrow, the afflictions moved against the Church, which seemed by that wonderful chance of the King to cease, could not be assuaged by any means: neither did the adversaries cease to prosecute and follow the law against these two Counsellors. Therefore when Burgaeus had oftentimes appealed from them, his appeals being pronounced by the Court to be nothing and of no force, he was at the length condemned by the Bishop of Paris, from whom before he had appealed: and was also disgraded. The which he taking in very good part, as might appear by his cheerful countenance, spáke these words: To day (saith he) it is brought to pass by the singular goodness of God towards me, that to the end I might never more have to do with Antichrist, the badges and marks of that great beast are taken from me.  
divers thought Burgaeus used many appeals to put of his adversaries, that thereby he might delay the time & prolong his life: notwithstanding, he writing letters to the church of Paris, affirmed that he did it not to preserve or prolong his life, the which he would willingly bestow for the gospels sake, but rather the he might seem not to pretermit any thing which appertained to defend his right. And therefore thinking that he had not done sufficiently by his plain and manifest answers, he writeth also a confession, in the which he professeth plentifully and plainly what he thought of every special point of religion.  
Notwithstanding, afterward by the earnest persuasions and importunity of his friends, he was brought to that point, that he propounded and delivered to the judges a certain ambiguous and doubtful confession: in so much that then there was great hope that he should be set at liberty. Of the which thing when the heads & governors of the reform Church had intelligence, being very careful for Burgaeus, notwithstanding, being sorry that he should after that manner be delivered out of prison, and from death, commanded one of the Ministers, to put Burgaeus in mind of his duty. And certainly their friendly admonitions did so much prevail with Burgaeus, that he by and by earnestly acknowledging his salt, desired at the hands of God, pardon for the same: and quite altereth that which before he had done. Therefore he offereth to his judges again another suppliant book, by which he reveketh his doubtful and last confession, affirming that he standeth to his first confession, and requireth that he may have judgement of his cause thereby, and that the last sentence either of condemnation or deliverance may stand thereupon.  
That confession is truly more large, notwithstanding, so well deserving to be remembered, that I thought good here 
The sum of the confession of Burgens.  to insert the same▪ And first of all in that confession, he affirmeth himself to be a Christian, that is to say, such a one as embraceth the doctrine of God the father, and his true son jesus Christ, of one substance and coeternal with the father, and also of the holy ghost, who is all one with the father and the son, being the very power of the father and the son. Secondly, that God created man after his own Image and similitude: who notwithstanding by the suggestion of the Serpent, that is to say, of Satan, fallen from God, and made not only himself, but also all his posterity partakers of grievous punishments, sin also cleaving to his seed unto the end of the world. Thirdly, that there is but one way to salvation, namely jesus Christ, who being the very son of God, become perfect man, and took upon him all our infirmities, sin only excepted. This second Adam hath fulfilled the law for us, and made us thereby partakers of everlasting righteousness: he lived here a time on earth, died, and was buried, and after he had overcome death, he rose again the third day: ascended into heaven, and sitteth at the right hand of the Father, making intercession for us daily to him, until he shall come to judge the quick and the dead. Fourthly, that he doth lean and stay himself only upon God's word (that is to say, upon the books of the old and new Testament) penned, pronounced, and uttered by the holy ghost, the Prophets and Apostles being only instruments. And that this is the only and everlasting rule of truth: to add unto the which, or to take any thing therefrom, is great wickedness. Therefore all the laws and Ceremonies which Popes and others have made, cannot bind the consciences of men. And when he had laid this foundation, he saith that he doth detest the constitutions of the Pope, by which he would seem to be more wise than the most prudent and mighty Lord: being also most contrary to all truth: the which thing he maketh 
A comparison between the doctrine of the Gospel, and the romish doctrine.  more manifest, by comparing the commandments of God with the traditions of the Pope. God (saith he) commandeth us to work six days, and to rest the seventh day: but the Pope to add thereto his devise, exempteth certain days in the which he forbiddeth to works. God permitteth unto us the use of all meats with giving of thanks: but the Pope forbiddeth the same. Our Saviour Christ commandeth that they which have not the gift of continency should marry: but the Pope most severely forbiddeth his Clergy to marry, against the custom of the ancient Church. God forbiddeth Images to be set in churches, but the Pope commandeth the contrary. And therefore he concludeth that he is very Antichrist, and very lively described of the Apostle Paul so to be▪ After this, be answereth 
2. Thes. 2. 3.  to every one of the Articles of the interrogatories one by one: as to invocation of Saints: to the placing of Images in the temples: to the Sacraments: to Purgatory, and to the rest. I therefore (sayeth he) acknowledging by what superstitions and errors I have been hitherto led and blinded, do now affirm, that I do unfeignedly abjure and abhor them all, even from the bottom of my heart, as things contrary to the doctrine of my Lord and Saviour jesus Christ, which is the word revealed by the holy spirit of God, and written by the Prophets and Apostles. The which word, I receive and embrace as the rule of my whole life, even as in old time, the fiery pillar led the children of Israel through the Desert to the land of promise. I protest that I will direct and frame my whole life according to the prescript rule of that word, by the assistance of God's holy spirit, which shall be with me, & order all my ways: without the which I can do nothing, and by which all things are possible unto me. Insomuch that I am persuaded that all things shall happen to the glory of the Lord, to the enlarging of the kingdom of his son, to the building of his Church, and to my soul's health, which I commend unto him: to whom I give most hearty thanks: whom I most humbly pray in the name of jesus Christ his well-beloved son, that he will strengthen and slablishe me by his holy spirit in this faith unto the end: and that it will please him to grant me-strength, for his mercy's sake with my heart and mouth boldly to confess his holy name, both before the faithful, and also before Infidels, tyrants, and murdering butchers of Antichrist, even to the shedding of the utmost drop of my blood. All my desire is to live and dye in this saith, being fully persuaded that the same is grounded upon the word of God alone, and that all the Saints, patriarchs, Prophets, and Apostles, did live and dye therein. This is the only true knowledge of God, in the which the undoubted and eternal felicity of men is placed. This I say, is the faith in the which I will both live and die. To this confession I have subscribed with my own hand, being ready also to seal the same with my blood, for the defence of the doctrine of the son of God: whom I pray to open the eyes of your hearts, that at the length (if it be his will) you may know and understand the truth.  
Therefore when he had wholly confirmed that confession, and had with his own mouth plainly testified the same before his judges, than was there no hope left that Burgaeus should be delivered. For he had great and mighty adversaries, among whom, his chief and principal enemy was the Cardinal of Lorraine, who left nothing undone that might by any manner of means hasten his death. For he feared, lest at the length he should be delivered by the King. For many Noble men, as Frederick Earl of Palatine Prince Elector, and others, had very earnestly written to the King for him.  
All things therefore being so appointed, as we have showed, his adversaries thought that they had many just reasons, by which they might condemn him to dye. And therefore on the twenty day of December, they pronounce the sentence of death against him: namely, That 
The sentence of death against Burgaus.  Burgaeus being condemned of heresy, should be burned with firé, until his body were consumed to ashes. The which sentence Burgaeus herded, and received cheerfully: and when he had herded it, he gave thanks unto God that had suffered him to see so joyful and happy a day: and prayed also unto God, that he would pardon and forgive his judges, who had judged him according to their own conscience and knowledge, but not according to the true knowledge and wisdom of God. Many words be uttered unto them at that time, which were so rhetorical, weighty, and sententious, with vehemency uttered, that it might well appear, the holy ghost rather to speak than he: the which his words here to repair, shall be nothing from our purpose.  
Hath (saith he) that fraudulent message of hell full of all guile and deceit, and an abominable lie, with deadly hatred, still striving against the truth, so prevailed, that being accused unto you falsely for those men which we are not, shall so be condemned? We, I say, are the sons of God, whom we know to be our father, with whom there is no respect of people: with whom we are able to do all things, and without whom, nothing: he it is, whom you aught to hear, speaking now unto you, otherwise he threateneth unto you death and destruction. It is (truly) the part of great and intolerable boldness, for men to dare presume so much against the holy and in●…tolable commandment of God.  
Shall we suffer our redemption, and the blood so plentifully shed for our sins, to be trodden under foot? Shall we not obey that our most mighty King, who would have us to defend his cause, who seeketh us, who sustaineth us, who is also our▪ Captain in fight? What shall we do then? shall fear make us unconstant, or drive us from doing our duty? Not, we shall rather be strong and valiant, seeing we encounter with so weak an enemy. But behold what this wicked generation commandeth? that we suffer God to be blasphemed: that we betray the truth of God, and such like: the which because we will not do, we are counted execrable and wicked, yes, we are called seditious. You are (say they) rebels to Princes: and wherefore? because we will not offer unto Baal. O good God, how long will't thou suffer the unbridled lusts, and ambitions wills of men to have their sway. In the mean time, most merciful and loving father, till it shall please thee to restrain them, have mercy upon us: lead us forth, and govern us, in defending of thy truth, to the utmost of our power. Make it to be known (O Lord) that they themselves are rebels in deed to Princes: and I for my part while I have breath, will not let to tell them so. Is this to play the part of a rebel, for a man to give unto his Prince both body and goods and whatsoever else, to be at his pleasure? Is this the part of a traitor and Rebel, to pray unto God for the preservation and prosperity of the King and the kingdom, and that he and his Ministers, Counsellors, and Magistrates, may truly and faithfully do their duty, that all false worship being taken away, God may be glorified alone, and of all men purely worshipped? Is not this rather, rebellion, to deface God's glory, and to give that honour due unto him to creatures, and to follow the devices and fantasies of men in worshipping him, to count it a virtue, to rend and tear the name of God with blasphemous oaths, to suffer brothel houses and common stews, and an infinite number of wickednesses mother? I appeal here unto you you Senators: if you bear the sword of the Lord only to revenge his cause, to the punishment of wickedness and vice, take heed I advise you what you do. Will you give judgement and pro●… condemnation against yourselves? Weigh and consider I pray you a little with yourselves, the wickedness that is laid to our charge, and first of all judge whether it be more meet for us to obey you, rather than God. Are you made so drunk with the Cup of the great beast? Do you after this sort bring the people from falling into sin, whom you bring from the true worship of God? If you reverence and fear more the opinions of men, than you do the judgement of God, consider with yourselves what the people of forroine nations and kingdoms shall think of you, when the cruelty of your judgements shall be spoken of in every place▪ yea, and that before so famous Princes.  
How many wickednesses do you commit, by the commandments of that ruddy purpuled Phalaris, (canst thou 
By the tyrant Phalaris he means the Cardinal of Lorraine.  O cruel tyrant, by the cruel death cease our sobbing sighs?) who at his own pleasure, for his proper advantage and gain, advanced the authority of certain rulers, to the destruction of the King and the whole kingdom. At his commandment you so rack and torment our bodies, that you yourselves are constrained to pity the same. How great is your cruelty? But me thinketh I see tears fall from your eyes. Why weep you? Can you hide the burden of your consciences. Fear not, hardly, the judgement of God, although you be constrained to tremble thereat. They which are condemned of you to die, rejoice, accounting death to be unto them life: they are nothing abashed or dismayed at your cruelty, they regard not the injuries offered unto them, and as for death, they count it a sleep, according to the Proverb: The conqueror dieth, and he that is conquered, lamenteth. What should it grieve me to be hanged? I know Lord, that if ever any wickedness deserved punishment and pain, the wickedness of those deserveth it even to the full, which reject and contemn the benefit of thy son Christ. I embrace (O Lord God) that saying which thou hast put into the mouths of certain of thy Martyrs, namely, that he is worthy of double punishment which receiveth not the offered redemption of our Saviour. No man shall separate us from Christ, what snares of traps soever are laid for us, and with what pains soever our bodies shall be tormented, I know that we were appointed long ago as sheep to the slaughter. Let them therefore kill us, let them grind us to powder and ashes: yet notwithstanding, they which die to the Lord live still, and shall so rise again at the resurrection of the just. Whatsoever come to pass, I am a Christian, & a Christian will I be. very earnestly will I cry, that I may be heard, dying for my Lord and saviour jesus Christ. Since the matter standeth thus, why do I stay? take me hangman & carry me to the gallows. And repeating these words again, and that with such vehemency, that he made the tears to come out of the eyes of his adversaries, he spoke these words to the Senators which were then present, namely, that he suffered death, because he would not acknowledge, justification, grace, sanctification, merits, intercession, satisfaction & salvation to be in any other, than in Christ: & that therefore he died for the doctrine of the Gospel. And after many other words concerning this matter, at the length he concluded with these words: Put out, put out one day those your flaming fires, come unto the lord in newness of life, that your sins may be done away, let the wicked man forsake his ways, & the wicked cogitations of his heart, and then the Lord will have mercy. In the mean time, meditate and consider these things in your minds. Behold, I go now unto the death.  
When he had thus uttered his mind, the hangman tied his hands, and bound him to the Cart, in the which he was carried to the street commonly called San-Iani Grevaei, above four hundred armed men guarding him: beside this, the whole City of Paris, as though it been at the coming of their enemies, was furnished with armed men: the ways that led to the place of execution were stopped up, & the frequented places kept. Yet for all this, this godly Martyr, was nothing abashed, but abode courageous and constant. When he came to the place of execution, he put off his clotheses himself, and being strippeth naked, fetching great and deep sighs, he looked up steadfastly into heaven. And at the length uttered these few words only to the people: I am not come hither, either for theft nor murder, but to suffer only for the Gospel's sake. For he had the liberty of his tongue granted unto him (which liberty other of the faithful had not when they came to suffer, having their tongues first cut out of their heads) upon this condition, the he should not speak to the people. The which he promised to observe, that he might the better pray unto God. Therefore when he had made his prayers to God, and should now be sacrificed, he oftentimes repeated these words with a loud voice: O my God, forsake me not, lest I forsake thee. And being strangled, he was cast into the fire, sealing that with his blood, and death, which before he had subscribed with his hand.  
This was the end of that good and godly man being of great fame among the learned, both for his wit, and also his learning, and being also of honourable calling and great wealth: who had no doubt in short time attained to greater honour and dignity in this life, had not God reserved him, by the pure knowledge of his name, to this greatest preferment and dignity of professing his truth, which the world counteth reproach. For Burgeus came of an honest family and stock, being born in Rionssius, a town in Auvergne, and brought up in good letters, who had so given himself to the study of the law, that he become famous in the profession thereof. Afterwards, being choose to be one of the Senate of Paris, he left great fame of wit and learning behind him, among the most noble men. Being therefore in the way to come to greater honour and preferrment, behold, God endueth him with more pure knowledge of his word, whereby he fearing no perils of times, joined himself to the reform Church, and would be present at the sermons which were then secretly made: and thus daily he was fervent more and more in godly zeal: Insomuch, that he had not been partaker of the lords supper passing once or twice, when he spoke his mind so freely before king Henry in the Senate house in the defence of the Gospel: by whose commandment he was cast in prison, and from thence (as you have heard) carried to execution. A singular example of the efficacy and force of the knowledge of God, and also of godly constancy in so worthy a man, at the which, the godly hereafter shall justly marvel. His blood truly was the seed whereby the Church of Christ in France did greatly increase and grow, as may plainly appear by those things which follow.  
Touching the other Counsellors, whom we said before were taken together with Burgaeus, this was the end: after a while, they had divers judgements given of them, by which they were delivered. And the causes why these so escaped are these: namely, either the new judges, who to understand their causes, examined them after another manner than the other was examined: either the diversity of times, in which chanced many troubles: or else truly the very inconstancy of the captived Counsellors themselves, relenting somewhat to their adversaries.  
About this time, Nicolaus Durandus, (who altering his name, called himself Villegagno, that is to say, a Conqueror of Cities, as though he had been a new conquering Ulysses) obtained of the King a navy of ships with men and victual accordingly, to sail to the South Indians, taking with him many men which professed the reform religion: to the end (as he said) that the Gospel might to them be preached, and there planted. And when he was arrived into America, he sent to Geneva, that Ministers might be sent unto him from thence: the which his desire was granted, insomuch that he obtained two, namely, Peter Richerius, and George Charterius. who came unto him with a great number of those faithful Protestants that fled out of France in the hot time of persecution. These men when they were come, began to preach the word of God, and to appoint an order of discipline. There was also among the rest, a certain man called janus Contachus, not long before, a Sorbonist or Papist, who came thither after Villegagno. This man being ambitions, desired greatly to be made a Bishop. Therefore he thought this a very good way to obtain his purpose: namely upon the day appointed for the ministration of the lords supper, to move certain questions: as, whether Copes, and Surplesies, and such Priest like garments were necessary to be used in that ministration: also, whether unleavened bread and the mixing of water with win●…, should not in the same be used. The which he did in deed. Howbeit, for all this contention moved by him, the Supper of the Lord was then purely celebrated. But the controversies increasing daily more and more among them, it was told unto Villegagno, that there was a fame and report in France, that many Lutherans were come into America, by his means and guidance. At the hearing whereof Durandus Villegagno being made asearde, quite altered and changed his former mind and purpose, concerning the bringing in and establishing of the Gospel in those regions. And when as on a time Richerius ministered Baptism, and said that all those things which were by the Papists joined to Baptism, after the institution of the Apostles, were depraved and corrupted additions, Villegagno made open proclamation, saying that Richerius lied, and straight way affirmed that he had rather follow the ancient rites and customs of the Church made a thousand years ago, than the new opinions of Calvin, and other new-fangled people: adding also to this, that 〈◊〉 would never more have to do with them. At the last, after long controversy, it was concluded among them, that the articles which were in question, should be sent to the Churches of France and Germany, to judge of them, whose judgement and opinion they agreed to follow. For this cause Charterius was sent into France. But when Villegagno understood by rumours that great persecution continued still in France, he plainly uttereth his mind, and declareth that he would stand to none of all their judgements and opinions, but would embrace the doctrine of the romish Church, and forbiddeth Richeri●…s to preach or ●…o gather together the congregation to pray any more. This was the cause why Richerius and Pontanus returned into France, notwithstanding, the lets and impediments which Villegagno objected unto them: who in deed went about to bring to pass, that so soon as they came into France, they both might be delivered into the hands of the magistrate. Many in like manner of the faithful which abode in America, were very evil entreated for religion, some for this cause being drowned, left a sign and remembrance to the utmost parts of the world, of their sufferance for the Gospel. And this truly was the issue and end of the rash and undiscrete zeal of Villegagno,  
But now let us here bring in that, which we left behind unspoken, concerning the death of king Henry. After that he was buried, & his funerals celebrated according to custom, & the new king Frances set in his room, the Guises (having got authority and favour with the King, by the means of the Queen of Scots his wife) left nothing undone to advance them to dignity: seeking all they could to remove others, to whom the government of things appertained, but specially in this time of the King's nonage, and at their pleasure placing whom it pleased them, to the great detriment, loss, & reproach of those Princes that were the Kings near kinsmen, being of the same family and line that he himself was of. But this their authority & power happened unto them chief, to the destruction of the Church. Therefore that persecution which seemed to end by the wonderful chance 
Great affliction of the Church after the death of king Henry.  of king Henry. begun now to be more vehement than before. And the chiefest persecutors were the Guises, both for the old cankered spite they bore to religion, and also for the unbridled and ambitious desire they had to bear rule, and to get authority: the which they see by no other means could stand. For the Cardinal of Lorraine who also joined with the Guises, was greatly dismayed and made afeard by new rumours, which were daily brought from foreign Nations, namely, that a conspiracy was made against them, by many men which could not bea●… their tyranny. And therefore the Guises thought it best to proclaim open war against the Christians.  
Then was there new Edicts devised and set forth more cruel than the other that were before, with new punishments added to the same. In these, it was forbidden so make any secret or privy assemblies upon pain of death: and also promised to the bewrayets of such as should make the assemblies, the one half of the confiscation or forfeiture of their goods, beside many other great rewards. There was also commandment given to the overseers and searchers out of such, to receive diligently the accusations brought unto them: to take those that were accused: daily to search houses: and to certify the Senate of the City what they had done in the premises.  
Furthermore, there was authority given to the Praetor, to hung and draw, at his pleasure: that he might giu●… sentence of death against such as were before him accused for heresy, the benefit of appeal denied and taken away from such as were condemned.  
The U●…cars and Curates also of every Parish were commanded not to be slack in excommunicating those whom they knew to be Lutherans. Besides this, there was impunity and pardon given to the accusers, if so be, it fallen out that their accusation were found false.  
About this time Satan (who séeket●… all that he may the 
An example of two false brethren.  destruction of Christ's Church) to the end nothing might be left undone that might by any means hurt the same, taketh new ways in hand: as you shall hear by this which followeth. So it was, that two false brethren fled from th●… Church of Paris. One of them was a goldsmith by his occupation, whom the Lord had sometime used (as he doth oftentimes other hypocrites) as a mean in bringing many men to the knowledge of him: the other was a certain Painter's servant. The first of these two, which was the Goldsmith, being for his wickedness and evil life excommunicate from the Church, came to Democharis the Inquisitor, and told him that he knew many things concerning the Lutherans, and that he for sook their company for this cause, that he might so much as lay in him, work their destruction. And so whatsoever he knew might be hurtful to the faithful, the same he declared to the Inquisitor: giving unto him the names of such as were chief of the church, and burdening them with grievous crimes. To be short, he left nothing untold, that might serve any manner of way to be hurtful unto them. To this fellow, the Inquisitor gave diligent ear, and encouraged him with great commendations to proceed in his well doing, promising unto him great things: and to the end he might not seem to dally, he gave unto him a sum of money for an earnest penny: and for the news he brought him, he called him Saint Paul the Convert. To be short, this fellow perceiving some fruit and profit to come unto him for his treachery and playing the judas part, added yet to his former wickedness another mischief. So many as he known to be weak, and not fully se●…led in the Christian profession, he persuaded to go to the Inquisitor, and to desire his friendship, that they might be absolved and discharged of the punishment ensuing. Also he carried with him Catchpoles to so many of the houses of the faithful, as he known, that by them they might be apprehended. By this his secret treason he made all the chief of the Church to flee. Now the other, which was the Painter's servant, envying his master for due correction ministered unto his deserts, went and told the judges that he had frequented the Lutherans company by the commandment and will of his master. Whom the Judges seeing to be so ready to accuse, enticed him by many fair promises, to bewray such as he knew to be Lutherans: The which request of there's he satisfied to the uttermost, saying that the common report was true, namely, that they satisfied their filthy lusts one with another: and saying also that he himself had to do with divers young maidens, whom he named. For the which cause he required that those Maidens with their mothers might be brought before the Judge face to face, and the matter thoroughly examined. The which matter at the length being manifestly proved false, this wicked accuser was constrained to confess that he was procured by Democharis the Inquisitor, and one of the chief of the Senate, to forge these things. Howbeit, this slanderous rumour did much harm, for it was noised abroad, that all manner of wickedness was committed by the Lutherans when they came together. The same whereof being brought to the ears of the young King, made him more cruel against the faithful. And so persecution waxed hot and vehement again, the judges Flies (for so were the Inquisitors called) flying abroad in every corner. Insomuch that for the space of nine months the faithful were cast 
Grievous affliction.  in prison, banished, murdered, and their houses and goods confiscate. Notwithstanding all these things, God preserved the remnant of his Church: and suffered not, for all this, the preaching of his word to be taken away. Many therefore were then burned for the Gospel's sake, whose constancy won many to the same. And among the rest which suffered for the testimony of the Gospel, there was one 
Margaret Rich.  woman, called Margaret Rich, a book cellar's wife, of wonderful constancy. This woman by the falsehood & deceit of her husband was betrayed into the hands of the Judges, who notwithstanding was the first that instructed her in the truth, & brought her to know & reject her former errors. Anna's Burgaeus affirmed that he was much encouraged by the constancy of this woman, which was kept in bonds when he lived.  
Thus, the Kingdom of the young King Frances being governed as it pleased the Guises, who having got the superiority, thought and devised now how to bring two things to pass, which seemed to be so necessary for them, that without the obtaining of them, they could not get their purpose: the which two things were these, the extinguishing and taking away of the liberty of France, and the liberty of the Gospel. But while they went about to bring these things to pass, many complaints of them, and libe●…s that touched the practice of these things were cast abroad: namely, that the Guises did not secretly go about to conspire against the kingdom: that they went about in the days of King Henry by subtle & sinister means, to subvert and waste the Duchy of Andegavensis and the County of Province: that they oftentimes complained that the King had do●…e them injury in this thing: that they went about to prove by learned men whom they had taken to search the Chronicles, that they came by true lineal descent of Carolus Magnus: that Hugo Capetus (of whom come the kings of Vales that now reign) usurped the kingdom: that they said that they hoped for a time to come at the length, when they should have more convenient time to reason & judge of this matter: And therefore that the Guises having practised these things in the days of Henry the King, had now greater hope in these days of the young king, to bring their purpose to pass: that it was done against all the laws of the Realm, that they should arrogate to themselves the government of the Kingdom, seeing the same pertained to the Princes which were the Kings near kinsmen, whom notwithstanding they had excluded from that lawful dignity appertaining to them: that the kingdom could not be committed unto them without great danger, specially seeing they contended for the same: that it wanted not great suspicion, that they banished the ancient kinsfolks of the king from the Court, to the intent they might do all things as then listed: that they did change the governors of Provinces and Cities, to the end such might bear office as would be ruled by them: that it appeared by many things that their government was pernicious and hurtful for the kingdom: as both by the fresh memory of the late wicked act done in the days of King Henry, concerning that notable voyage to Naples, by which the one was minded to make himself Pope, and the other purposed to make himself King: and also by the sundry exactions with the which the people were oppressed, when they should rather have been eased, considering the great wars and charge that they had been at before, being charged with war a fresh, carrying the soldiers that were wearied in the former wars into Seotlande, and all under the pretence of religion. And here for example's sake, the dealings of those were brought in, who under the colour of custody, protection, and wardship, had invaded the kingdoms of Orphantes. These were the contents of those libels dispersed abroad, concluding also that it was no offence at all, but well done, with the sword to resist the tyranny of the Guises.  
While these things were published abroad, and on both sides writings of defence dispersed, many rumours were brought from far Countries to the Guises, but among the rest, this in especial, namely, that many had made a conspiracy to set upon them even in the kings house. The Guises therefore being moved with these writings and rumours, laid the cause of all these things to the Lutherans charge, and went about to persuade the King that the Lutherans disdaining to be so greatly afflicted, had made a conspiracy to destroy him. And for the more safety of the 
The description of the tumult of Ambaxia.  King, they carried him to Ambaxia, being a little town, and fortified with a Castle: appointing watch and ward to be in every place through which the King should pass to Ambaxia, commanding also to take so many as they found armed, or by any manner of means suspected. This done, the King's power and authority was committed to Frances Duke of Guise, to supply the King's room, for confirmation whereof, he received the King's letters patentes. Notwithstanding all this, the Guises as yet were uncertain of the reported conspiracy, as, from whence, after what manner, by what way they would come, and who the conspirators were, until the Cardinal of Lorraine was plainly certified thereof by a certain lawyer of Paris: to whom were given for his reward in revealing this matter, ten thousand French Crowns, out of the King's treasury.  
But now, what manner of conspiracy or practise this was, you shall hear: There were very many which disdained and repined at the authority committed unto the Guises, but specially the Noblemen, which took it in evil part, that the liberty of France should be defaced by the tyranny of strangers. Again, many of those which were of the reform Churches, being wearied with sharp and grievous afflictions, and laying the burden and blame of all these cruelties upon the Guiles, as the chief and principal enemies of religion, thought if they might be repressed and put down, they should find the King more merciful and ready to hear their petitions: and they should defend their cause before the Magistrates, if they were there unto lawfully called. Yea, the matter came so far, that they thought they had just causes to put down the Guises, the which should turn to the profit both of the King and country. And this counsel and practice was enterprised at Nameta, which is a town in the lower Britain, by certain which came thither, under the colour of meeting together at a marriage. The chief persuaders and procurers of which matter, were Godfridus, Barreus, Renaudius, and Garreus, being Noble men. Whose determination and purpose was to compel the Guises to give an account bow they had discharged their offices: and to remove them from that dignity, which (they said) they had usurped, and to place the Princes which were the Kings near kinsmen in the same. To bring the which thing to pass, they determined, if need should require, to take the sword in hand. And thus they concluded their purpose, the sum whereof was: That nothing should be done against the King, against the King's kinsmen, and against the state of the Realm: and that their dignity, and the liberty of the country should be defended so much as might be from the violence of strangers. And to bring this thing to pass, Renaudius was choose Captain, to whom they joined six other, whose counsel he might use in any matter: and thirty men also very skilful in feats of arms, to attend upon him in service of war. The time and place also of meeting was appointed. And so every man diligently went about the thing concluded: they provided money and artillery, and appointed soldiers.  
Notwithstanding, the manifold rumours of their doings, and the exquisite diligence of the Guises (or rather the providence of God which had a greater work to finish) bewrayed their counsels & devices. At that time the Earl of Sansserrensis was lieutenant of Turon: who hearing that the Lord Castelnovan and certain valiant captains with him, abode there certain days, came to them, & seeing the Lord Castelnovan, whom he known, very earnestly enquired of the matter, but at the last they fallen together by the ears. Howbeit, they escaped, and fled to the castle called Nozeus, to the which, they had before determined to come: & there, by the industry of Renaudius, were gathered together the number of five hundred horsemen. But the Earl of Sansserreus went without delay to Ambaxia, & told there all the whole matter. Whereupon captain Nemorosius was sent to Nozeus with prepared soldiers, to take a view, & also to know their intent and meaning. Wither, when he was come, he desired to talk with them. The which being granted, he demanded what cause they had so to deal, ask also, if they by their disloyal disobedience would bring infamy & reproach to all their countrymen, who were well known to be ever faithful and true to their Kings. To this they answer by Baron Castelnovan, that they meant nothing against the Kings majesty, but were armed to defend the King, & the state of the Realm, & intended to show his Majesty the fraud and deceit of the Guises, which they practise to destroy the King and the kingdom: and that they were therefore gathered together with a great company of Nobles, to resist the tyranny of the Guises, their manifest violence & oppression both of laws and ancient institutions: Affirming also that they would retain the name of faithful subjects in the midst of these troubles, whatsoever they were thought off. To this Nemorosius replied, saying that it become not Subjects to come unto their Prince with weapons and armour. They on the contrary part said: that they did not bear armour against their Prince, but against the Guises, his undoubted enemies, who will suffer none of his subjects to have recourse unto the King. And therefore they said they were armed, that they might have access unto the King's majesty: to whom they knew and would give due honour and reverence.  
This communication passing between them, Nemorosius at the last fell to entreating & beseeching them, promising that if they would upon trust yield themselves into his hands, and go unto the king without armour, they should sustain no harm. Who at the length being persuaded, yielded themselves into his hands, counting it a great good turn, if so be they might have free access unto the King, without the use of weapons and armour. Notwithstanding, so soon as they were come to Ambaxia, they were cast into prison, & handled, even as they had been traitors to the king's Majesty. The day following, the band of footmen, not knowing what had happened, went through the woods to Ambaxia & being every one of them enclosed and taken by an host of horsemen, were the same day put to death, some being hanged, and some drowned in the river. The third day, the band of horsemen (among whom came Renaudius) having travailed all the night, by the conducting and skill of Champdeus, a Noble man, came by the break of the day, to the Castle gates of Ambaxia. But being betrayed, they fled away, & were scattered here & there. And this was the end of this enterprise, & thus it was stayed. They whom Nemorosius had persuaded to yield, which were taken, were diversly put to death, some had their heads chopped off, some were hanged out of the Castle windows, and some cast into the river. And among others that were taken, Castelnovanus was one, of whom we spoke before, being a man of great fame, both for his birth, and also for his bringing up. This man hearing himself to be pronounced guilty of treason against the King's majesty, cried out, that he was guilty in no respect of that crime, neither that he could so be proved by any means.  
This one thing he confessed to be true, that he went about to resist the tyranny of the Guises, with a great number of the Nobility of France: if this were to offend the King's majesty (said he) they must be called Kings, before I and they can justly be condemned of treason. And seeing they might not have liberty to appeal to mortal judges, he said that he appealed to the celestial judge for so unjust judgement given upon him, the which ere it be long, will take vengeance on innocent blood so unjustly shed. The like also many others affirming, and committing their innocency to God, caused many to lament their state with tears. And among the rest, one whose name was Villemongius, 
Villemongius  bathing his hands in the blood of his fellows which were newly slain, lifted up his hands imbrued with blood to heaven, crying: Lord this is the blood of thy servants: thou shalt take vengeance.  
Now therefore these horrible slaughters, a man would think had been sufficient to make Renaudius forsake his former purpose, but he notwithstanding continued in the same. Wherefore he went about to gather together again his men which were dispersed, as you have herded even now: the which while he assayed, he met with a horseman of his enemies side, who shot of at Renaudius his dag, but missing him, was at the last by Renaudius slain. But Renaudius by a soldier standing by, being the servant of the horseman that was slain, was also wounded to death with the shot of a Dag: whom notwithstanding, before he died, Renaudius also manfully slew. But straight after by the grievousness of the wound he died. Whose dead carcase being brought to Ambaxia, was hanged up with this title: RENAUDIUS captain of Rebels, and Author of Sedition. After this, it was divided or quartered into four parts, and set up in divers places, and his head set upon a fork. A wonderful and strange thing it was, that so many men should come together from all parts of the Realm, and yet be seen of none. But this was not the end of this tumult. The Guises, against whom this conspiracy was made, made great search and inquiry for those that were suspected to be guilty of this conspiracy. Moreover, the King of Navarre: and the Prince of Conde, in this contention took part against the Guises, as hereafter shall be declared. The Constable, at the commandment of the King, went to the Senate of Paris, and there opened the whole matter concerning the tumult of Ambaxia, commending the great diligence of the Guises in pacifying of the same: But because he said, that this conspiracy was made against those that were in chief authority about the King, the Guises took the same in very evil part, who would have had all men persuaded, that it was made for the destruction of the King and the whole Realm, that all good order being taken away, every man might rule and govern as him lysted.  
At this time, Olivarius the Kings high chancellor, who had condemned those that were taken in the tumult of Ambaxia, was grievously taken with sickness: and being very extremely handled therewith, said that he had justly deserved the same, for that those whom he had condemned, had great injury done unto them. Moreover, he made exclamation against the cardinal of Lorraine, (who hearing of his extreme sickness, came to see him) saying: Thou (O Cardinal) art he that bringeth destruction to us all: And so fetching deep sighs & grievous groans, be ended his life.  
Now there came forth a new Edict very cruel against those which followed the new Religion, as they termed it. Notwithstanding the late conspiracy being found to come through the cruel punishments laid upon men, whereat they boldly repined, brought to pass that the Guises being afraid, thought it best to temper and mitigate those punishments. Therefore there were sent abroad letters of pardon, in the which the King declared that he would not in the first year of his reign begin with the miserable 
he King's ●…rs of par●…n.  slaughter of his subjects (although they had deserved the same) but would rather follow the example of our heavenly father, to retain his servants by his lenity & mercy, than by severity and punishments. Therefore he said he sorgave all offences concerning religion, and gave general pardon: notwithstanding, upon that condition that they which enjoyed the benefit thereof, should live catholicly as others did. Moreover, the same that came by the conspiracy, troubled also the Cardinal of Lorraine, being a man by nature very fearful and wavering, insomuch that now, after a sort he showed himself very gentle toward the favourers of the Gospel: yea, and heard willingly many of the Ministers of God's word, which were not afeard to talk with him concerning the chief points of the Religion now in controversy, affirming also that he himself did agree with them in many points.  
But the Queen, to the end she might understand the true causes of the tumult of Ambaxian, and might see also what remedies might be had for those troubles which were now ready to come upon the kingdom, sent for one called Planchaeus, because he was said to be a man that had by long use, great experience, who being come, and brought into her privy chamber, she declared that she had sent for him to this end, that she might understand by him what were the causes of the troubles now at hand, and also what remedies might be provided for the same. Of which, she said, no man could better satisfy her than he. Who, when he could by no excuse shifted off or deny this request, at the last affirmed that for his obedience sake, he would take this thing upon him, and so far as he could satisfy her request. First, therefore he began thus, saying: there are two sorts of them, who having their names altered, were no more called Lutherans, but huguenots. I say of 
Spiritual ●… guenotes a Temporal Huguenote  these, there are two factions: the one of religious people, the other of Civil or politic people. Of the which two factions, the first for their afflicted Religion, the other, for that the government of the Realm was put into the hands of the Guises (the Princes, the Kings near kinsmen being defrauded of the same) were greatly displeased. These were the very causes of these troubles: to remedy the which, there is no way, but to satisfy both their wills. The first, namely, the religious people may easily be persuaded, if so be, godly and learned men were gathered together, and disputation made of those articles now in controversy. But the others, which were of the Temporalty, can not be so easily pacified, because they think that they have just occasion to put themselves in armour, and to resist. This therefore is the only remedy, if the Princes the Kings near kinsmen be kept and set in their own proper degree and dignity: and the Guises by some fair and gentle means removed from governing the Kingdom. For the Nobility will not suffer the Princes which are the Kings near kinsmen, to be in less estimation than Strangers. And although the Princes through their humanity and great modesty would suffer themselves to be so abased, yet notwithstanding, the Nobles would not bear it, nor abide the government of Strangers. And to confirm this which he had spoken, he brought in many examples, that the Guises being Strangers, were neither in the number of Princes, nor at any time so accounted: 
The names of Princes did not appertain to the Guises, in the kingdom of France  and that therefore it was not lawful for the Guises, to arrogate unto themselves the titles and authority of Princes, which only appertained to the King's blood, as the ancient custom of the kingdom would declare. This (saith he) to pacify those of the temporalty, whose doings were the more to be feared, for that the greater part of the Nobility was of that side, saving such as were won and procured away by the Guiles for the King's money.  
Thus Planchaeus largely and freely uttered his mind. But all the while that he had this talk with the Queen, the Cardinal of Lorraine, was hid behind the tapistry clotheses that h●…ng before the brickwall of the Closet. Who, when Planchaeus had leave of the Queen to departed, came forth, and talking with the Queen, appointed that Planchaeus should be called again, and commanded to proceed in his former declaration, and to show who they were that were the authors and Captains of she late conspiracy: the which, except he would promise' to do, that he might be carried to prison. Therefore Planchaeus being called again, began to utter his mind as freely as he had done before, showing the parentage and stock of the Guises, and also how they were Strangers, and nothing appertaining to France: adding moreover, that it was very evil done to commit the government of the Realm to Strangers, and specially to such, as did contend ambitiously for the Kingdom, and thought it should appertain to them. The Queen being offended with his boldness, and specially, seeing he affirmed that he knew nothing of the conspiracy, commanded that he should be carried to prison.  
All which Planchaeus spoke, was even as it were the voices of the people speaking by the mouth of one man.  
After this Michael Hospital the King's chancellor, after the death of Olivarius, of whom we spoke before, a man very well learned and wise, was sent to the Senate of Paris, to consult with them about many matters that belonged to the government of the Realm, and among the rest, concerning the providing such remedies as might take away the tumults already begun. And thus afflictions waxed 
Afflictions after a sort cease.  more easy than they were before: and remedies were provided for so general a mischief. But the fame and report of the increasing of the multitude of the faithful daily, was in every place of the Realm: and because great troubles seemed to be at hand, all men had regard unto them, more than to the report of the increase of the faithful, the most part endeavouring themselves to stay and pacify these troubles.  
And at this time, this was the state of France: the Guises 
A description of the Scotres war for Religion.  sent the same provision of war, with the which they withstood the religion in France, into Scotland, over the sea, to the intent they might there deface and put down the religion newly begun. For the Nobles of Scotland with a great multitude of the people beside, had cast off the Pope's yoke from of their necks, & had plucked down their Images, their altars, and abolished the ceremonies of the Papistical service: causing the Queen to get her into a little town by herself, for that she was sore offended at that which they had done. Therefore lacking help, the Guises brought to pass to have an host of men sent out of France, to the number of four thousand. Of this band of men, Brossaeus was General, with whom was joined the Bishop of Ambianensis, to the end, the one might fight with the sword, and the other with Papistical power. Therefore they took their journey with these commandments, namely, that they should severely punish the Rebels, and the chief authors of sedition: and that they should restore the wont and usual obedience of the Pope.  
Wherefore, so soon as they were come into Scotland, they made proclamation that every one should go to Mass, & detest and forsake the new religion. The Bishop written unto the King, that he would bring all the people within few days to the catholic faith. Brossaeus written, that he would destroy all within six months which would not come to the ancient Religion. But it came otherwise to pass.  
For after the death of Marie Queen of England, the Guises made claim and title to the Crown of England, for their niece the Queen of Scots, as though she had been the lawful heir. Whereat the most gracious Queen Elizabeth having great disdain, sent word to the King of France, of this great injury done to her Grace by the Guises, and biddeth battle.  
Now the Scottés to the end they might abide the foreign power of the Frenchmen, feeling also that they stood in need of help and aid from some other place, went to the Queen of England, beseeching her that although they were her old enemies, yet that she would vouchsafe to aid them in so just a cause of Religion, saying that they had rather to abide any extremity, than the tyranny of the Pope. To whom the queens majesty willingly and gladly promised and granted help. The Scots therefore being encouraged by this aid, did so withstand the French power, that they made great slaughter of the French men, and drove them to such a straight, that except the matter had been taken up by peace, it should seem that they had been all utterly destroyed.  
Peace therefore was concluded, and the reform Religion there established. And so that tumult was turned to the peace and quietness of the Church, notwithstanding, the subtle practices and cruel threatenings of the adversaries.  
There were also at that time grievous afflictions laid upon the Church in another place. For in the towns of Sixtus, and Guardia, in the country of Calabria, there were 
Calabria, a country joining to Naples.  many, yea, to the number of a thousand, which by the Pope's commandment were put to death for Religion's sake: and many horrible cruelties also committed, by the means of one Marchion Buciane.  
In the Kingdom of France also in divers places, as at Paris, and Rhone, many of the faithful were murdered, upon the solemn feast day of the Bishop's deambulation. For the faithful began more and more to assemble themselves together: and exhibited unto the King a little book containing the confession of their faith, requiring to have liberty granted unto them, to declare their cause. Wherefore, it shall not be disagréeing from our purpose, to put down here the same their confession: to the end we may thereby see what a notable consent and agreement there was in the doctrine of faith, among the Churches of France, notwithstanding the ●…oysterous tempests of the first afflictions.  

A Confession of the Faith made by the Churches of France.  
WE belcue and confess one God, which is the only and simple spiritual essence, eternal, invisible, immutable, infinite, incomprehensible, unspeakable, omnipotent, only wise, good, just, and merciful.  
2 This only God showed himself to be such a one unto men, first both in the creation of his works, and also in the conservation & governing of them: secondly, in his word, & that more evidently, the which word in the beginniing he revealed unto the fathers by certain visions and oracles, and afterward would have it to be written in those books, which we call the books of holy Scripture.  
3 All this holy Scripture is comprehended in the Canonical 
The Scripture.  books of the old and new Testament, the catalogue of the which books, is this: First, the five books of Moses, namely, Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, Numeri, Deuteronomium: then joshua, judges, Ruth, the two books of Samuel: the two books of Kings, the two books of Chronicles called Paraly pomenon: the book of Esdras, Nehemias, Esther, job, Psalms, Proverbs of Solomon, Ecclesiastes, otherwise called the Preacher, the book of Canticles, otherwise called the Ballets of Solomon: the Prophecy of Esaias, jeremias with the lamentations, Ezechiel, Daniel: the twelve lesser Prophets, namely, Oseas, joel, Amos, Abdias, jonas, Micheas, Nahum, Abacuc, Sophonias, Aggeus, Zacharias, Malachias: the holy Gospel of jesus Christ, after Matthew, after Mark, after Luke, and after john. The Acts of the Apostles: Paul's Epistle to the Romans, his two Epistles to the Corinthians. his Epistle to the Galathians, Ephesians, Philippians, Colossians: his two Epistles to the Thessalonians, both his Epistles to Timothy, his Epistle to Titus, to Philemon, to the Hebrues: james Epistle: both the Epistles of Peter, the three Epistles of john, the Epistle of Jude▪ and the Apocalyps, or Revelation of john.  
4 These books we confess to be Canonical, that is to say, the Rule and stay of our faith, the which we have not only by the common consent of the Church, but also much more by the testimony and inward persuasion of the holy ghost: by the instinct and motion whereof we are taught to discern them from other Ecclesiastical books, the which, although they be profitable, yet notwithstanding, they are not such, that we should ground any article of our faith upon them.  
5 We believe that the word comprehended in these 
The word.  books, came from God alone, from whom only it hath his authority, and not from men. And seeing this is the sum of all truth, containing whatsoever is requisite for the worship of God and our salvation, we say that it is not meet, neither for men, nor yet for Angels to add or detract any thing from the same word, or to altar any thing in the same. And hereupon it followeth, that neither antiquity, nor customs, nor multitude, nor human wisdom, nor Judgements, nor Edicts, nor decrees, nor Counsels, nor Uisions, nor Miracles, aught to be compared or set against that word of God: but rather that all things ought to be brought and examined according to the prescript rule thereof. Wherefore also, those three Symbols or Creeds, as the Apostles Crede, the Nicene Crede, and Athanasius Crede, 
The three Credes.  are allowed of us, because they are agreeing to that word of God.  
6 This holy Scripture teacheth us, that in that singular and simple divine essence, there are three people, the Father, 
The Trinity.  the Son, and the holy Ghost. The Father is the first cause in order, & the original of all things. The Son is his wisdom, and eternal word. The holy Ghost, is the virtue, power, and efficacy of them both. The son was begotten of the Father before all worlds. The holy Ghost proceeded from the Father and the Son from everlasting. The which three people are not confounded, but distinct, and yet for all that, not separated, but coessential, coeternal, and coequal together. To conclude, in this mystery we allow that which those four ancient Counsels did determine and do detest all those sects and all others what soever condemned by those ancient holy Fathers, namely, by Athanasius, Hilarius, cyril, Ambrose, and others, by the word of God.  
7 We believe that God, (the three people working together) by his power, wisdom, & incomprehensible goodness, made all things, that is to say, not only heaven and earth, and all things in them contained, but also invisible spirits, of which some fallen to perpetual destruction, and other some abode still in their obedience. The first, as they are by their own wickedness depraved, so are they perpetual enemies of all goodness, and therefore of the whole Church. But the other being preserved by the mere grace of God, are Ministers of his glory, and appointed for the salvation of the elect.  
8 We believe that God did not only created all things, but also ruleth and governeth them, and disposeth also and ordereth at his pleasure whatsoever is in the world. Notwithstanding we dame him to be the author of evil or of those things that are done amiss in any wise to deserve blame, seeing that his will is the chief and most certain mark and rule of righteousness and justice. For he hath rather admirable than speakeable reasons, by which he so useth all Devils and sinful men, as Instruments, that whatsoever they wickedly do, the same as he did justly ordain, so also he turneth it to good. Therefore when we confess that nothing is done without his providence and ordinance, we do humbly adore the secret mysteries that are hidden from us, neither do we curiously inquire and seek after those things which are above our capacity. But do rather apply that to our use and profit, which the Scripture teacheth for our quietness and tranquillity: Namely that God, to whom all things are subject, doth with fartherly carefulness watch for us, in so much that not one hear of our head shall fall away without his wil And as for Satan and all our enemies, he hath them in such hold and bonds, that except they have power given unto them from him they can do nothing at all unto us.  
9 We believe that man being created pure and perfect and according to the Image of God, fallen through his own fault from the grace which he had received, and therefore cast himself from God the wellspring of all righteousness 
Man.  and goodness, in so much that his nature is altogether corrupted, and his heart defiled, whereby he hath lost all his former integrity without exception. For although he hath some discretion of good and evil: notwithstanding we affirm that whatsoever light he hath in him, the same is turned into darkness, when he seeketh after God, in so much that no manner of way he can come unto him, by his own understanding & reason. Moreover, although he hath a will, by which he is named to do this or that, notwithstanding, seeing that the same is captived & made subject unto sin, it hath no liberty at all to will or desire that which is good, but only that which it receiveth by the grace & gift of God.  
10 We believe that all the progeny and offspring of Adam, is infected with this contagion, the which we call original 
Original sin.  sin, the which cometh by propagation and not of imitation, as the Pelagians have thought, all whose errors we do detest & abhor. Neither do we think it necessary to inquire how this sin may come from one to another by propagation. For it is sufficient to know that whatsoever God hath given to Adam, was not given to him alone but to all his posterity: and therefore we in his person are spoiled and bereft of all those benefits, and are fallen into all this misery and malediction.  
11 We believe that this depravation or corruption is very sin, & maketh all men, yea the very infants as yet in the wombs of their mothers, to be guilty of everlasting death before God. We do also affirm that the same, after Baptism is ministered, is very sin, in respect of fault, how beit they which are the children of God shall not be condemned therefore, because God of his free mercy & goodness doth not impute the same unto them. Furthermore we say that this evil doth always show forth some fruits of wickedness & rebellion, in so much that they which are the most holy, although they do resist the same, yet nevertheless so long as they live in this world they are defiled with infirmities and offences.  
12 We do believe also, that out of this corruption & universal 
Election.  damnation, into the which all men by nature are cast & drowned, God hath taken some, namely such, whom he hath elected and choose by his eternal purpose and everlasting counsel, of his own mercy & goodness in his son Christ, without any respect of their merits. And othersome he hath left in that corruption and damnation, in justly condemning of whom, when time cometh he will show his justice, even as he declareth the riches of his mercy upon others. For some are not better than other some, until God make the one to be known from the other, by that his everlasting purpose, which he determined in Jesus Christ, before the foundation of the world: neither can any man by his own strength attain unto that blessedness, since that by nature we have no good motion, neither are we able to think a good thought, until God by grace assist us and guideth us unto that which is right and good.  
13 We believe that whatsoever is requisite and necessary for our salvation, it is offered & given to us in Jesus Christ 
Christ.  alone, who is given to us to save us, and is also made unto us or for us, wisdom, righteousness, sanctification and redemption, in so much that whosoever forsaketh him, forsaketh the mercy of the Father, that is to say, our only refuge.  
14 We believe that Jesus Christ, the wisdom, and everlasting son of the Father, took upon him our nature, in so much that in one person, he is both God and man: a man, 
God and man.  passable both in body and soul, and in all things like unto us, sin only excepted, whose flesh is very seed of Abraham and David, although by the secret and incomprehensible power of the holy Ghost, he was in his time conceived in the womb of the virgin Mary. And therefore we detest and forsake all those heresies with the which the Churches in time past have been troubled, as most contrary to the truth, and namely those devilish Imaginations of servettus attributing to our Lord Jesus Christ, a fantastical deity and such like.  
15 We do believe that in one person, which is Jesus Christ, those two natures are so truly and inseparably conjoined, 
Two natures in Christ.  that they are united together in one, and yet both of them retain still the distinct property of their natures, in so much that as in this conjunction, the divine nature of the word retaining his properties, abode uncreate, infinite, and replenishing all things: even so also the human nature abode & shall abide for ever comprehensible, having his natural form, measure, and property, from whom the resurrection, and glorification, or assumption to the right hand of the father shall not take away the verity of his human nature. Therefore we so consider of Christ in his Deity, that we spoil him not of his humanity.  
16 We believe that God hath showed his unspeakable love 
The death of Christ.  and goodness toward us in this that he hath sent his son to dye and to rise again and to fulfil all righteousness, that he might purchase for us everlasting life.  
17 We believe that by that only sacrifice which Jesus christ 
The Sacrifice of Christ.  offered upon the Cross, we are reconciled unto God, and are counted just in his sight, because we cannot be acceptable unto him, neither obtain the fruit of our adoption, except we have forgiveness of sins at his hands. Therefore we affirm that Jesus Christ is our full and perfect redeemer, in whose death we have full satisfaction, by which we are delivered from all our sins, and from the which we can be absolved by no other means.  
18▪ We believe that all our righteousness is placed in the 
Remission of Sins.  remission of our sins, the which, as the Prophet David testifieth, is our only felicity. Therefore we reject openly all other ways and means by which men think that they may be justified before God: and laying aside all trust of our own merits and righteousness, we rest and stay ourselves wholly upon the obedience of Jesus Christ, the which is imputed unto us both that all our sins may be thereby covered, and also that we may attain grace in the sight of God. To be short, we believe that if we decline never so little from this foundation, we can not find where to rest, but shall be rather always unquiet, because we can not have peace with God, until we are certainly persuaded of this that we are loved in Jesus Christ, because in ourselves we are worthy of all hate.  
19 We do believe that by this only means we have liberty to call upon God, with certain trust that he will declare himself to be our Father. For we have no access unto the Father, but by the means of the mediator.  
20 We do believe that we are made partakers of this righteousness 
Faith.  by faith only, as it is written that he suffered to save us, that whosoever shall believe in him might not perish. And it is thus appointed to this end, because the promises of life offered to us in him, are then applied to our use and profit and are made effectual to us, when we embrace them, nothing doubting of the having of those things of the which we are certified by Gods own mouth. Therefore the righteousness which we obtain by faith dependeth upon the free promises, by which God testifieth and declareth that we are beloved of him.  
21 We believe that we are endued with the light of faith, 
The grace of the holy ghost.  by the secret grace and working of the holy ghost, the which faith is the free gift of God, & proper to them alone to whom it pleaseth God to give the same: that the faithful might have nothing in themselves to boast of, when as rather they are two fold more bond to God than others, in that they are preferred before others. Also we believe that faith is given to the elect, not that they should once only walk in the right way, but rather to continued in the same all the days of their life: because as the beginning is of God, so is also the end.  
22 We believe that we which are by nature the servants of 
Newness of life.  sin, by the same faith are regenerate into a new life. For by faith we receive grace to live a holy and godly life, when we embrace that ●…uangelicall promise, that the Lord will give unto us the holy Ghost. Therefore faith is so far from taking away the desire to lead a godly life, that it doth rather inflame the same in us, from whence good works necessarily do follow. But, although God doth regenerate us 
Good works.  to the end he might fully save us, notwithstanding we affirm that the good works which we do by the assistance of God's holy spirit, are not so regarded of God, that we should be justified by them, or deserve to be counted the sons of God, because we should always doubt and fear if so be that we had not that satisfaction, by which Christ Jesus hath delivered us from all harm.  
23 We believe that all the figures of the law are taken away 
The figures of the law.  by the coming of Christ, although we know that the truth and substance of them remain in him in whom they were fulfilled. Howbeit we must use and exercise the Law and the Prophets, both for the framing of our life, and also 
The doctrine of the law.  that we may be the more confirmed in the promises of the Gospel.  
24 We believe that seeing Jesus Christ is given to us to be 
One only advocate.  our only advocate who also commandeth that we should boldly come to the Father in his name, and seeing it is not lawful for us to pray in any other order and form than in that which God himself hath appointed in his word, what soever men have devised concerning the intercession of dead 
Intercession of saints.  Saints, it is nothing else but the deceit and craft of Satan, to draw men from the right and true form of prayer. We do also reject all those means whatsoever, that men have invented to deliver themselves from the wrath of God, for so much as they do derogate so much from the death and sacrifice of Jesus Christ as men give and attribute unto them.  
To conclude, we think that Purgatory is a fable, brought 
Purgatory  forth of the same shop, from whence also came Monastical vows, pilgrimages, prohibition of Matrimony, & the use of meats, the ceremonial observation of certain days, Auricular confession, juduigences, and such like abominations, by which, some think, that they merit grace and salvation. All which things we do reject, not only for the false opinion conceived of meriting adjoined unto them, but also because they be the inventions of men, and a yoke laid upon consciences by the authority of men.  
25 We believe, because we can not obtain Christ, but by the Gospel, that the holy and inviolable discipline established 
Ecclesiastical discipline.  by his authority in the Church aught to be observed: and that therefore Pastors aught to be in the Church, to whom appertaineth the office of preaching the word, and the ministration of the Sacraments, whom men aught to honour and reverently hear, if they being lawfully called discharge their duty: not that God of necessity needeth such inferior helps, but rather because it thus seemeth good unto him to rule us, as it were with a bridle. And therefore we do detest all those fanatical people, which so much as in them lieth seek to abolish the holy ministry, that is to say, the preaching of the word, and the administration of Sacraments.  
26 We believe therefore that it is lawful for no man to 
The unity of the Church.  withdraw himself from the Congregation, and to trust in himself: but is rather the duty of all men to defend and keep the Unity of the Church, submitting themselves to the common Institution and yoke of Christ wheresoever God hath appointed the true and Ecclesiastical discipline, although the Edicts of Magistrates be against the same: from the which order, whosoever separate themselves, they resist the ordinance of God.  
27 We believe that with great diligence and discretion the 
What the Church is.  true Church must be discerned, by the name whereof many are too much abused. Therefore we affirm out of the word of God, that the Church is a company or congregation of the faithful, which do agree in following the word of God, and in embracing true Religion, in the which also they daily profit and go forward, grounding and confirming one another in the fear of God, who although they receive never so great profit, yet must they daily of necessity seek for remission of sins. And yet for all this will not deny but that many hypocrites and reprobates are mixed with the faithful, but yet their wickedness can not take away the name the Church.  
28 Therefore in believing of this thing, we also openly affirm that where the word of God is not received, nor no profession of that obedience showed that belongeth thereunto, nor no use of the Sacraments, there (to speak properly) we can judge no Church to be. We therefore condemn the Papistical Church because the pure truth of God is banished out of the same, in the which the Sacraments of faith are corrupted, falsified, or else quite abolished: in the which all superstition & Idolatry is to be found. And therefore we think that all they which do join themselves to such actions and do communicate with them, do separate them selves from the body of Christ. Notwithstanding because in the Papacy remains some Imitation of the true church, 
The Papacy.  and specially the substance of Baptism, the efficacy whereof dependeth not upon him that ministereth the same, we grant that they which are baptised in the same Popish Church, have no need to be baptised again: howbeit, because of the corruptions with the which Baptism is there mixed, no man can offer his child to be of them baptised but he must pollute himself.  
29 We do believe that the true Church ought to be governed with that discipline, which our Lord jesus Christ 
Discipline of the Church.  appointed, and to have in the same, Pastors, Ministers, and Deacons, that the pure doctrine of the Gospel may be preached, vice bridled, and poor & afflicted people (so far as need shall require) comforted.  
30 We do believe that all true Pastors, wheresoever they be placed, have power and authority all a like, under that only head, and chief universal Bishop jesus Christ: And therefore that it is lawful for no Church to challenge unto itself empery or rule over another.  
31 We do believe that it is unlawful for any man of his own authority to presume to take upon him the government of the Church, but aught rather to be choose to the same by lawful election, if so be the same may be had. We add 
The lawful election of there nisters.  this (if) because sometime (as in our time also) when the Church hath been troubled and persecuted, many have been constrained without ordinary calling, by the motion of God's holy spirit, to take upon them to repair the ruinousness of the decayed Church: notwithstanding howsoever the matter be, we do believe that this rule aught to be followed, that all pastors and ministers may have sufficient testimony of their calling.  
32 We do believe it to be necessary that they which are choose to be the chief overseers of some one Church, do diligently way and consider among themselves, by what way or means, the whole body of the same Church may be best governed. Notwithstanding so that they swerver in no point from that which our Lord jesus Christ hath appointed. And this letteth not but that certain places may have their peculiar and special institutions to them appertaining as it shall seem best.  
33 And we do exclude all human inventions and laws which under the pretence of the worship of God do bind the consciences of men, and we do only admit and allow those which tend to the maintaining of concord, & the keeping of every one in due obedience, in the which thing we think it meet, to follow that which our Lord & saviour 
Excommunication.  Christ appointed, concerning excommunication, the which with the circumstances also we allow & think necessary.  
34 We do believe that there are Sacraments joined to the word, for further confirmations sake, as pledges and seals of the grace of God, by which our infirm and weak faith may be stayed and helped. For we confess these external 
Sacraments.  signs to be such, that God by them worketh, with the power of his holy spirit, that nothing there might be set before us in vain. Notwithstanding we do think that all the substance & verity of them rests in Christ jesus, from whom if they be separated, they are nothing but vain shadows.  
35 We do confess that there belong only two Sacraments to the whole Church, of the which the first is Baptism, 
Baptism.  given unto us to testify our adoption, because thereby we are grafted into the body of Christ, as being washed with his blood, and are also renewed to holiness of life, by his spirit. This also we affirm, that although we are but once baptised, yet notwithstanding the fruit of Baptism doth appertain to the race of our whole life, to the end that this promise might be sealed in us by a sure and certain seal, namely, that Christ will be always our sanctification, righteousness, and redemption. Furthermore, although Baptism be a Sacrament of faith and repentance, yet notwithstanding seeing God doth reckon and account the children with the parents to be of his Church, we affirm that infants born of holy and godly parents, aught, by the authority of Christ to be baptised.  
36 We affirm that the holy Supper of the Lord, which is the other Sacrament, is a testimony unto us of our union 
The Lord's Supper.  with our Lord jesus Christ, because he did not think it sufficient for us, only to dye, and to be raised again the third day, for our sins, but also feedeth us still▪ and nourisheth us with his flesh and blood, that being made one with him, we may be partakers of life with him. For although he be now in heaven, and shall abide there until he come to judge the world, yet notwithstanding we believe that he doth by the secret and incomprehensible power of his spirit nourish and quicken us with the substance of his flesh and blood, apprehended by faith. And we say that this is done spiritually, not that we go about to put fantasy and imagination in stead of efficacy and verity, but because this mystery of our union, and knot made between Christ and us, is sudden and far passed our reach, that by no means we are able to comprehend it. To be short, seeing it is a thing so divine and heavenly, it can not be by any means apprehended but by faith only.  
37 We believe (as it is said before) that the Lord as well in the Supper as in Baptism, doth give unto us in very deed, that is to say, truly and effectually, whatsoever is therein figured Sacramentally, and therefore we join with signs the true possession and fruition of that thing, which is so offered unto us. Therefore we affirm that they which bring a pure faith as a vessel, with them, to the holy table of the Lord, do verily receive that which the signs do there testify: for the body and blood of jesus Christ is no less meat and drink to the soul, than bread and wine is the sustenance of the body.  
38 In like manner we say that the element of water, although it be corruptible doth truly testify unto us the inward washing of our soul in the blood of jesus Christ by the efficacy of the holy Ghost. And therefore we reject all those fanatical people, which reject these outward signs, when as our Saviour Christ himself spoke these words saying: This is my Body, and, This Cup is my Blood.  
39 We believe that it is God's will that the world should be ruled and governed, by laws and politic government, that there may be some means by which the immoderate 
Magistrates.  desires of the world may be bridled and restrained: and that therefore he hath appointed kingdoms, common weals, and other kinds of dignities, whither they come by inheritance or otherwise? and not only that, but whatsoever pertaineth to right and equity, the author whereof he himself would be counted. Therefore also he hath put the sword into the hands of Magistrates, to punish offences not only against the second table, but also against the first. Wherefore we must for his sake which is the author of this order, not only suffer that they may rule whom he hath set over us, but also honour and reverence them as his Ministers appointed by him to take that lawful and holy office upon them.  
Therefore we affirm that laws and statutes aught to be obeyed, tribute and taxes paid, and all other burdens discharged, and voluntary subjection yielded to magistrates, yea although they be infidels, so that God be not dishonoured. Therefore we detest all those that deny rule and government and refuse to obey, desiring a confusion and to have all things common, and going about to overthrow all law and good order. This therefore was the plain and simple confession of the faithful Christians of the reform Churches of France, and a plain explication of that Doctrine for the which they were so greatly persecuted by the Popish Bishops.   
Thus endeth this first Book.   

¶ The second Book of Commentaries of the state of Religion in the kingdom of France.  
IT was provided and appointed (as we have showed before) by the king's Edict, that there should be a Parliament, by which, the great perturbations which at that time all men saw to be imminent and ready to fall on the kingdom, might be appeased and mitigated. Therefore at the day appointed, divers of the kings privy counsel & other noble men came together. The which assembly being made, the King declared the cause of their coming together at that time, and commanded that every man should freely declare his mind both for his own profit, and for the benefit of the kingdom also. The rest (he said) they should hear more at large of his chancellor, of the Duke of Guise, and of the Cardinal of Lorraine. Then the chancellor stood up & made a large discourse concerning the state of the kingdom, showing that all men aught most chiefly to endeavour themselves to find out the causes of so great peril & mischief as the whole Realm now stood in, the causes whereof being known, the remedies might be the more easily provided for. And, to this end and purpose he said, this assembly was made, namely, to find out the causes of this mischief, & to provide remedies for the same. Adding moreover that all things were done for the safety of the people, for whom the King had most deep and especial care. And after him the Duke of Guise briefly showed the cause of his gathering together of an Army.  
These things only were done that day: the next day those which before were assembled, came together again into the same place. And then the Chancellor declared that it was the king's pleasure that every man should freely utter his mind, but first of all they of the privy counsel, that by their example and beginning the rest might more boldly and cheerfully go forward. Then janus Monlucius, Bishop of Valentia, the last counsellor being commanded first of all to utter his mind: Gasper Castillon the Admiral straight way stepped up, came to the king, and when he had reverently saluted him, he delivereed unto him two supplications, written in their name, which called themselves, 
The supplications of the faithful delivered by the Admiral to the King.  The faithful Christians dispersed through divers places of France. Both the which supplications at the kings commandment were read, the sum and effect whereof was: that they had good occasion offered them by this their assembly to offer their supplications and their humble requests to the King, praying and beseeching him that he would have regard to the greatest part of his subjects, who were evil entreated even until that present time, and that for this cause only: for that they minded to frame their lives according to the prescript rule of the pure word of God. affirming also that they sought for nothing else than to have their doctrine examined by the same rule of God's word, and that their cause might thoroughly be weighed and considered: that all men might know for certain how greatly they did hate and abhor those seditious and heretical opinions with the which hitherto they were falsely burdened. Seeing they were thus evil entreated and oppressed, they flee unto his majesty for succour, beseeching him that he would not disdain but vouchsafe to behold and way their cause, & in the mean time that it would please him to omit the punishments, by which their blood had been shed in every part of the kingdom, by the wickedness & cruelty of many of the judges: who having no regard to the peace and welfare of the Subjects, but seeking rather to satisfy their own fantasy, lust, and desire, had shed the blood of poor men undeservedly and most unjustly, & had brought to pass to make a stay, that their requests and supplications might at no time come to the king's ears. Wherefore they humbly beseech his grace that he would maintain and defend his poor subjects against the wicked cruelty of these men: for which cause, they acknowledge him to be their King, and will tender unto him, according to God's commandment, all due and serviceable obedience: and do commit themselves wholly with all there's, under his patrociny and safeguard, and also do accounted him, their bulwark, refuge and stay. Protesting before God and his Majesty, that they never intended any thing against him, or to omit that loyal duty and obedience, which they own unto him, for whose prosperity, they daily make their prayers unto God. Adding moreover that they sought for no evil liberty, or to have sin unpunished: but rather that they might have liberty to live so near as they could, according to the Gospel which they professed: and that in this thing they might not fear the judgements of their chiefest adversaries. Again therefore they beseech and pray his Majesty that it would please him to grant them leave to hear the word of God, and to receive his Sacraments, until the matter were more fully weighed and considered of the Counsel: and that to this end and use, they might have Churches granted unto them, lest their congregation or assembly being private and secret, might come into false and evil suspicion.  
This libel being read, the Admiral desired the King that he would take it in good part, bringing in divers testimonies of his faithfulness towards the king's Majesty: As, when he was in Normandy to provide things necessary for the Scottish war, and was appointed by the queens commandment diligently to inquire out the dealings and behaviour of those which were called Faithful▪ and perceiving that they rendered certain reasons of their doings, he promised unto them to offer their supplications unto the King's majesty. To this the King answered, that he had divers good and notable testimonies of him, and of his deserts, and also that he did take all things that he had done in very good part. And then the King commanded again the Bishop of Valentia to speak his judgement. Who in effect uttered this which followeth.  
DIOCLESIAN was wont to say, that the state and 
The sentence of the Bishop of Valentia.  condition of those Princes was miserable, which were often deceived by those, in whom only they reposed their trust: because they forsaking the government of the common wealth, and being as it were, drowned in their pleasures, might so be easily deceived. The which hath not happened unto the King, forasmuch as there was diligent provision made against those perils by the prudent wisdom of the Queen, and by the diligence and care of the Guises; by which it was brought to pass, that the tumults already raised were suppressed. The which being appeased, the King did wisely foresee how to provide for the like to come, and that for this cause he had caused this assembly to be made, in the which there were so many good men that sought the King's quietness and profit, that it could not be but that his majesties desires should be satisfied in every point. For so great is the confusion and trouble in every place of the Realm, that it could not be more expressly described by the Prophet Esay, to be the dissipation of all things, of all orders and government, than it is. The doctrine which hath so drawn away the minds of men, was not s●…wne lately, as it were, two years ago, but for the space of forty years since, or thereabouts; by many Ministers of the same doctrine, being men very expert in the knowledge of holy Scripture: who, by their great modesty, gravity and godliness, hating all vice, and specially covetousness, and contemning their own life for the renseruation of their doctrine, and having always in their mouth that most sweet name Christ jesus, finding also the people going astray without a shepherd or guide, were easily heard, and received, and brought great increase to their doctrine: and no mar●…ayle, seeing they left nothing undone, that might be done either by preaching, by writing, or by any other means, to publish and spreads the same abroad. But to come unto those usurped means and ways which were attempted to ●…ynder and suppress●… 
Bishops of Rome.  that doctrine: if we shall begin first of all with the Bishops of Rome, we shall found that they have very diligently go about to sow discord, and to make war between Kings and Princes. But our Kings, moved with godly zeal, have appointed pains and punishments by Edicts, thinking by that means to drive away those opinions, and to bring the people to one only kind of Religion: but in vain. For the judges, both greatly abused those Edicts, and also oftentimes executed them after their own evil disposition and pleasure, to gratify those which craved the confiscation and spoil of their goods which were accused.  
Of this matter we have a manifest example showed not long ago, of a man of no mean calling, which desired to have the confiscation and spoil of one which was accused of heresy, whose judgement he took upon him to order and appoint. If any Magistrate, Counsellor, or Lawyer, 
Lawyers.  had been an evil or wicked person, to the intent he might hide his former faults and wickedness, his manner was, by and by to seek that these causes of Religion might be brought before him, and that he might be put in office and authority to deal in these causes: the which authoriti●… when he had rashly abused, under the colour of zeal, he should straight way have a name, and all that he had done before, should be forgotten and forgiven: as though that Religion aught to be defended by these supportations. So that it aught not to seem strange unto us, that these executions have no better success, and also if the people cannot abide and suffer such wicked and cruel practices. On the other 
Bishop●….  side, the Bishops have been slothful and negligent, and have had no consideration and care, to give an account of their flocks committed to their charge: but have rather sought all that they could to maintain and increase their yearly revenues, which they consumed upon filthy, vain, & unprofitable things: insomuch that at one time forty Bishops together were at Paris, banqueting, & satisfying their filthy pleasures, and living ydly, while all disorder and wickedness increased in their Dioceses. Moreover, we know that bishoprics, or the office of a Bishop, hath been bestowed upon children, upon Infants, yea, before they were born, upon unlearned and simple men also, which neither knew how, nor would discharge their office. And thus the eyes of the Churches, that is to say, the Bishops, were blinded, and the pyllers of the Church cast down to the ground. The Ministers therefore of this and that sect, using the occasion of these perturbations and troubles, have omitted nothing to win the people unto them. And as for Curates, they are covetous, 
Curates.  unlearned, and conversant in all things saving in doing of their duty: and as the most part of them have got their Priesthood by wicked means, so do they most ungodly retain the same still: for Cardinals and Bishops let not to make their servants, their Cooks, and horsekéepers, Priests, whereby Ecclesiastical people, are become a jest and laughing stock to every man. But the only mean and way to provide for, and to remedy these mischiefs, is to flee unto God, who in his just judgement is wroth with Ecclesiastical people, insomuch that he seemeth to intend their destruction, as he did once the destruction of the jews. Also, certain godly men must be sought for, and called together from all parts of the Realm, to consider of these and the like wickednesses, and to devise means and ways to extirp and root●… them out: and the King for his part must see with all diligence that the name of God be not polluted and blasphemed, as it hath been hitherto: and that the holy Scriptures may be purely and plainly expounded to the people: and also that they may have daily in their houses godly sermons, and exhortations: the which shall be able to stop the mouths of slanderous people, which shamefully said, that God was not once named or spoken of in the presence of the King.  
And you (saith he) O Queens, grant me this one thing, 
He speaketh to Queens, namely to the King's mother and the King's wife.  I beseech you (if I may be bold to beseech you) that you would bring to pass, that in stead of profane and unseemly songs, all your train and retinue may sing godly and virtuous Psalms to the praise of God: Know you for a surety, that God doth allow or like of no company or congregation, in the which he is not praised and extolled. To this he added much more, by which he proved▪ that it was against reason, that the singing of Psalms should be 
The singing of Psalms.  forbidden, if the interpretation of them, which was noted about them, were not allowed, he said, it was better that the errors were noted, than that the whole work should be so rejected. And he showed also that the Psalms were made, not only for the public use of Churches, but also to be daily and privately used. And therefore in forbidding the singing of Psalms, there is just occasion offered to seditious people to calumniate and speak evil: For now in this we strive not against men, but against God, whose 
The second remedy to appease troubles.  praises are so hindered and let. The second remedy is a general Council, the which the Fathers always used as a remedy to pacify and appease the dissensions of the Church. I see not how the Pope's conscience can be quiet, nor to be in rest the space of one hour, seeing he seeth so many souls to perish through the diversity of opinions, and yet for all that seeketh no means how to remedy the same. But if it should come to pass, that the General Council should be let or hindered, than the King shall do his duty in calling a Council of his own Nation, after the ensample of his ancestors, the Kings of this Realm, as of Carolus 
The example of the kings, Carolus Magnus and Lodowicke.  Magnus, and Lodowicke his son. Now, they must be called to be of this Council, which are counted to be the best learned men among them of that sect: and learned men of the contrary part also, that they may dispute together of the principal grounds of Religion now in controversy. Thus did Theodotius the Emperor at Constantinople, against the Arrians and Macedonians, although they were justly condemned by the Council of Nice and others: and afterwards the Emperor would have the acts of the Council handled before him, to be openly published abroad.  
But concerning the pains and punishments which were 
The Gospel of divers men diversly received.  hitherto appointed, this (he said) was his opinion▪ and judgement: That doctrine, for the which, all this trouble ariseth, is of divers men; diversly received. Some, so soon as they heard of the same perfect and approved doctrine, and had in no point embraced & received the same, thought it sufficient to know this one thing, namely, that no man aught to hear Mass: and that it was lawful to eat flesh in Lent: that men were not bound to Auricular confession: and that it was lawful to speak evil of Priests. These men undiscreetly went about to defend that doctrine by force of arms: but to be short, these men under the pretence of Religion, were mere seditious, and are by no means to be excused. For if these kind of men were Christians, or by any manner of means true receivers of the Gospel, they aught to remember, that the Apostle commanded to pray for Kings, and to tender all obedience unto them, yea, though they were cruel and wicked: also they aught to call to mind, that never in the Church, specially in the time of the twelve great persecutions, in the which an infinite number of Christians were put to death, there was any one man found, which went about to defend his cause by force of arms: but rather overcame the cruelty of their Emperors, with their patience. Another sort of men there are also, which embrace this doctrine, and retain the same, with such zeal, love, and obedience towards God and the King, that they would in nothing offend them. By the life and death of these men, it is manifest, that they have a desire to attain salvation, and to find the way that leadeth to the same: and when they have found that way, they neither fear loss of life and goods, nor any manner of punishment, but to the utmost of their power prosecute that way. Wherefore, they are not to be counted among the number of those wicked professors before spoken off, nor to be numbered in the company of seditious people. As yet we see it plain enough that those punishments which have been devised, have done no good: but on the contrary part, their patience which they manifestly showed in the midst of the fiery flames, hath stirred up many to have a liking, and to favour their cause. Hereupon it came to pass, that they which never heard of the same doctrine for the which they suffer, were desirous to understand what doctrine it was, and at the length having intelligence of the same, they did receive it with no less affection & zeal, than others had done, being ready by the ensample of others, to suffer death for it. Therefore set before your eyes and consider 
With what weapons in time past the Bishops resisted heretics.  the examples of the three hundred and eighteen Bishops, in the first Council of Nice: of the. 150. in the Council of Constantinople: of the 200. in the Council of Ephesus: and of the 630. in the Council of Chalcedon: who never used any other armour than the word of God, against the Arrians, Macedonians, Nestorians, and other heretics, convicted of blasphemy against the holy Trinity.  
Constantinus, Valentinian, Theodosius, Martian, being Christian and godly Emperors, did use no greater punishment against the authors of sects, than banishment. And, as touching assemblies and multitudes gathered together, they were always forbidden, for the danger that seemed thereof to arise: the king also hath sufficiently provided for this thing by his Edicts. And thus this Bishop made an end of his oration, adding this one thing: (by the King's leave) that it was meet in punishing to have a prudent consideration of the place, of the time, of the wills of men, & of the compani●… called together.  
After this man, Carolus Marillacus. Bishop of Vienna in Dolpheny, uttered his opinion in manner and form following.  
Although that matter which is propounded unto us to deliberate 
The oration of the Bishop of Vienna.  upon, is very hard & long: because it is left at large, and is general, & therefore the more uneasy to be concluded, seeing we must come from that which is general, to particularities: in discussing whereof, the diversity of judges will bring (as it is likely) great variety of opinions: yet notwithstanding, we must hold this as a sure & certain rule in the discussing of all matters: namely, that after long consultation & debating of things, some certainty at the length must be concluded: & that there cannot be a more pestilent mischief, & mortal plague in the government of common weals, than to wander among the diversity of opinions, & to appoint and retain no certain thing. And if this rule, so greatly commended of wise men, & so prudently observed of Kings, of common weals, & of Princes, which ever at any time flourished, aught to stir us up to follow the same way and rule: truly, the necessity & the extremity in the which we are, hath brought us into such a straight, that we cannot do otherwise though we would▪ And as all men of sound judgement will confess, the matter cannot abide in that state, in the which it is now, any longer. But jest I be tedious unto you▪ I will come to the matter. The tumults which of late have happened, the fear of new things, the complaints and displeasure of many men, and the fear also and dread that is among men, aught to stir us up to seek and provide for remedies in time, which may defend us from these great troubles, which else will make a great alteration of the state. And that I may briefly conclude this matter, I think that there are two things, as it were two pillars, by which, the 
Two pillars of the kingdom  state of the kingdom may be fortified and born up: namely, the integrity of Religion, and the good will of the people. The which, if they were stable and firm, we need not doubt the safety of things: but if they be once cast down (as it is to be scared) there must needs follow great ruin and destruction of that high and notable building. These two things therefore must be established and confirmed to prelient that ruin which is like to come: and to this end (as both common profit and necessity requireth) all our Counsels, reasons, devices and deliberations aught to tend: seeing hereupon both the due obedience to the King, and the conservation of the people dependeth. The which things are so joined together, that the one of them by any means cannot stand without the other. As concerning necessity, we must measure and weigh the same by having a respect and consideration of the King, and of his principal members or ministers, which under him govern the people, and of others also who aught to obey. First of all therefore, it is the 
The office of a King  King's duty to weigh & consider whereunto he is called, & wherefore the Lord hath given unto him the rule of so great a people. In so doing, he shall found that the Lord hath choose him to be a King to this end, that he might keep the people under the knowledge, fear, and obedience of God, that he might govern them by good and wholesome laws, and also to save and defend them from the enemy: and in all things to show himself so studious and careful for the common wealth, that he may be honoured and be beloved as a father of the people. For this is the only difference between a King & a Tyrant: The King reigneth and ruleth with the 
A Tyrant.  good will, love, and consent of the people: but the tyrant ruleth by violence and force. In a King therefore a man may behold the ordinance of God, the author and preserver of Common wealths and humane society: In the tyrant the force and violence of the Devil, who goeth about to pervert that end to the which God hath ordained Kings and Potentates. Hereupon it cometh, that as the King is loved of all men, and hated of none, but of wicked men and Rebels: so the tyrant is feared of all men without exception, and therefore hated of all, according to the old Proverb, Quem metuunt, oderunt, him whom men fear, they hate. Therefore if the King will be loved, and obey the commandment of God, and retain the obedience and love of his subjects, he must of necessity stablish Religion, he must hear the complaints of the people, and must provide for them remedies, as a father provideth for his children: seeing that he is set in the kingdom to that end, neither can he do otherwise, except he will make himself unworthy of the grace of God, by which he confesseth that he doth reign: as both examples of holy Scripture, and domestical examples also do plentifully declare.  
The first bond therefore which confirmeth, knitteth, and 
Religion.  retaineth the obedience of kings, is Religion: the which is nothing else than to know God, as it becometh us, that is to say, according to his prescript wil And now seeing we aught to acknowledge him, to be the creator, author, & preserver of all things, it must needs follow, that all our actions aught to tend to the setting forth of his glory. Whereupon it cometh to pass, that Religion, which is that most assured bond of human actions, and of the true obedience of subjects towards their Kings, aught to be reform, preserved, & maintained. But because that bond is dissolved and broken in these our days, both by the malice & wickedness of some, and also by the doting madness and folly of other some, and by the corruption of our time: it is no doubt, an evident demonstration and token of the wrath of God, which threateneth unto us great destruction, not far hence, unless it be provided for out of hand. For besides the variety of doctrines, who ever saw the ancient discipline of the Church so miserably abused, contemned, and dejected: errors so dispersed and rooted every where, offences and stumbling blocks so common, the life of Priests so corrupt, and so much to be reprehended, and also so many and great tumults among the people. The way to remedy this great evil and mischief, is a general Council, the only ancient & usual mean: but as it plainly appeareth, that is not to be hoped for, and that 
Why a general Council is not to be looked for.  for two causes: The one is, It is not in our power to bring to pass, that the Pope, the Emperor, the Kings, and the Germans, should by & by agreed, of the time, the place, and manner of holding of a Council: in which things there are oftentimes great controversies. The other cause is this, Such is the disease and mischief, & it so grieveth every part of the kingdom, that there is small hope of any remedy: Like as if a man troubled with a continual fever, or with some other grievous disease, which requireth letting of blood, or some other present remedy, cannot tarry to have the Physicians help which dwelleth far of, because of the great uncertainty of his coming. Therefore we must bring to pass to call a council 
A Parliament.  of our Nation, as it was before concluded, the which also the King hath already openly promised: And this parliament must of necessity be called, both for the necessity which so urgeth the miserable Church, being brought to so great extremities, & also for the king's estimation and credit, who by his own letters hath openly given forth & declared the same: but specially because there hath nothing happened since that time which might let or hinder the same: but on the contrary part, there grow new things & occasions daily, which do urge and drive us to seek to call a Parliament, unless we could be contented to loose all that we have. The Emperor Charles the v●…lately deceased, when he came to Bononia, and had conferred with Pope Clement concerning matters of the Church, he willed his Chancellor to talk with that Pope 
The controversy between Charles the u and Pope Clement.  concerning the calling of a Council, both to reform the manners of Church men and also to establish the doctrine which was in controversy. The Pope vehemently withstood this thing, affirming that there was no need to call a Council, neither for doctrine, seeing that all new opinions are refuted & condemned of the ancient Counsels, neither yet for Ecclesiastical discipline, which was so well appointed, that it was sufficient only to observe & keep the decrees written concerning the same. But the Emperor being not satisfied with this answer, replied again, that it could not be, but that the great assembly of the general Council, should bring great profit, & do much good, both to cut off that evil which daily increased more and more: and also to repair and confirm those things which were very well already received and allowed, & to hinder & cut off that which might abolish them by discontinuance and want of use. And in this mind concerning the procuring of a Council he continued, so long as he lived: In the which matter he found no greater adversaries than those, who should have set him forward in so commendable an enterprise.  
Our ancestors were wont every five years to call general Counsels, as it is to be seen in the decrees. But as touching private Counsels, or Counsels assembled out of our own Nation, we shall found in the histories of the Kings of France, that they were called in every King's time, beginning at the reign of Clodovaeus, until the time of Charles the great, and so forth, until we come to Charles the feve uth his days. The which parliaments, or assemblies, were sometimes gathered together from every part of the whole kingdom, sometimes from one half of the Realm, sometimes but out of certain Provinces only. By which Parliaments it was seldom seen but that there ensued great fruit and profit to the reformation both of doctrine and manners.  
Let us not stay therefore any longer at the matter, but follow the examples and ways of our elders: and let us not be afraid to be accused to be bringers in of new customs, seeing that we have so many examples to follow: but let us assure ourselves, that there must needs follows thereof prosperous success, seeing that God is always present with those which assemble themselves together in his fear and name. Neither let us defer the time any more, seeing that necessity doth so urge us, and seeing speedy remedy 
Forewarnings of delolation to come.  is so greatly required. We have many sorrowful and lamentable examples to set before our eyes, which are forewarnings unto us of great desolation to come, as the miserable state and condition of the Churches of the Jews, of the Greeks, of the Egyptians and Africans, the which in time past flourished, but at this day they scarcely retain a christian name. For these causes I conclude that we must defer the time no longer to call a Parliament, to remedy these things, without having any consideration or respect to those things which the Pope may object as lets against the same: seeing that both it is lawful for us so to do, and also because our conservation & safety is now in hazard. For if any one part of the kingdom were lost, it is not in the Pope's power to restore the same unto us again. Whatsoever my happen or befall, we must not perish to fulfil the Pope's mind: but must rather follow (at this time specially) that rule which God hath given unto us, and which our elders have so oftentimes followed. But yet truly while this Parliament shall be a preparing, I think it shall serve very well for the purpose, if we provide three or four▪ remedies, which may greatly further this our enterprise. The first is, of the Churches that Prelates may remain and abide in their Dioceses: and in this point let no man be born withal. And here I think it good to put you in mind of the Italians, who enjoying and occupying the third part of the benefits & spiritual promotions of this kingdom, draw unto 〈◊〉 selves great profit, & like horseleeches suck out our blood, having no care at all to dwell upon their benefices. And laughing us to scrone, we are so blind that we cannot see it: And if we chance to espy it, we are pacified again by their flattering words. If the King should hire a great multitude of soldiers, and give them wages, and if they should abide still at home, & have no care of their martial affairs in the war, had not then (think you) the King just occasion to deprive them of their wages, & to dismiss them? And thus truly do our Prelates behave themselves, who in the troublesome time of the Church, when heresies & such like wickednesses were in divers places sown abroad (the which in deed is the greatest war of the Church, being so much greater than the earthly war, as the health of the soul surpasseth & excels the health of the body) sat notwithstanding in the midst of their pleasures, void of all care of their flocks committed to their charge. The second remedy is, to show & declare by some notable & manifest act, that we are fully persuaded, & bend seriously to seek a reformation, lest the adversaries should cavil & say, that we call a Council, not to reform the Church, but to seek our own advantage, & to stablish and confirm our own prerogatives & privileges. In the which matter nothing seemeth to me more meet & convenient for us, to declare that we have an earnest care for the reformation of the Church, than if we look diligently about that nothing be done in the Church for money and bribes: to the end that Babylonical beast Covetousness, which hath 
Covetousness the Babylonical beast.  brought so many evils & corruptions into the Church, may at the length utterly be overthrown. And so we shall find a more easy way to controversies: and shall also stop the mouths of those that slander & backbite us. If any man object & say, that so great a matter cannot be brought to pass by so small a number of men as we are, without the determination of the General Council, we make unto them this answer: namely, that there is no new or unwanted thing brought in by us, but we seek to bring those things to pass which Christ hath plainly commanded, Counsels determined, & Kings the executors of Counsels confirmed, & which in our time also they which have been the best learned in the Romish Church, by their judgements have allowed. The authority of this voice abideth for ever, Freely you have received, 
Math. 10.  Give freely. Spiritual things are given freely: therefore it is not lawful to buy & cell them: and are in that order that they were given to be distributed, that is to say freely. Hereupon they are called Simoniakes, which take unto 
Symoniakes.  themselves that unlawful and forbidden game: of the which simony or forbidden gain, we have so many examples both in the scriptures, & also in the history of the ancient Church, that we shall not need at this time, to make any longer discourse of the same. And to say somewhat of the Counsels, how oftentimes was this forbidden, namely, that not only corruptions, but also suspicion of corruption, should be taken away? Inso much that they which distributed & gave the alms, were forbidden to give it in the time of the sacraments, lest they should seem to give their alms for the receiving of the sacraments, as you may read in the Council of Ancyrane, and others. In like manner king Lodoicus, seeing that confusion creeping by little and little into the Church, commanded that the Clergy should abide and devil in their Dioceses, and that no money ever after should be carried to Rome: showing how greatly this chopping and changing did displease him: & yet there was never any man that was counted a greater Catholic than he. Also Pope Paulus the 
Pope Paulus the third.  third, himself, in our time, seeing that many departed & forsook the Church of Rome, and fearing that this mischief would grow more & more, was constrained by the continual cries of the Protestants, to confess that there were many errors got into the Church, & therefore commanded certain men that were counted notable in learning, to note diligently what things were worthy of reformation, & sworn them to hide nothing thereof from him: threatening them, that if they did not discharge their office thoroughly, they should incur the penalty of excommunication. Among the rest to whom this charge was committed, were these, Contarenus, 
Contarenus.  who was made Cardinal in Germany, for his dealing in the notable controversy: cardinal Theatinus, who after the same Paul the third was made Pope: Cardinal Sadoletus, & cardinal 
Sadoletus.  Pool the Englishman: & five others also, which for 
Cardinal Poole.  their great learning were choose to this office. These men, when they had diligently examined the matter, gave forth their sentence & opinion in public writing, the first article whereof was this: Nothing aught to be done for money, in the use and administration of the keys, that is to say in the power of the Church. Notwithstanding, that Pope Paul the third which was so hot in the matter with his thundering threatenings, did nothing at all therein when it came to the pinch. Neither would Pope Paul the fourth his successor, when he was yet but Cardinal, establish that which he thought to be meet & necessary. I omit that which Bernard & other learned fathers have said: only this I say, except we aply our minds, & put our hands to the tearing up of this root of all evil, Jesus Christ will descend from heaven with a whip in his hand to 
Math. 27. The third remedy.  expel us as buyers & sellers out of the temple. The third remedy shall be, to confess our faults, the which in deed is the first step to health, & to make the same manifest by public & general fastings: the which manner was always observed in the old Church, whensoever any great peril or danger was like to come upon the Church, as plague, famine, or war: the which three evils in these our days invade the realm together. For what greater plague can there be, than that which slayeth men's souls? What greater famine can there be, than the famine of God's word? Or what war can be more mortal or cruel, than the corruption of pure doctrine? By which we being drawn from God, are deprived of the eternal kingdom which Christ by his blood hath purchased for us. Let us therefore turn us unto those old accustomed remedies, as to C●…mmon prayer, to fasting, and to weeping: 
Old accustomed remedies.  and first of all, we must take into our hands the sword of God, that is to say, his word: the scahard whereof we scarcely retain: neither must we think that miters, Crosier's, Caps, Garments, and other ornaments (the which in old time were outwardly worn, to show that which was inward, that is to say, that godly doctrine aught to be joined with a godly life) can deliver us from the contempt of the people: seeing that which is eternal is wanting, & there only remains an outward show & feigned sight. Let us set before our eyes this horrible sentence which John the Baptist pronounced against the Jews, saying: Now is the axe put to the root of the trees, every tree therefore that bringeth not forth good fruit, is ●…ew ●…e down and cast into the fire.  
The fourth remedy shall be, while the Council is a preparing 
The fourth remedy.  & gathering together to stay seditious people, & so to restrain them that they break not by any means the common peace & tranquillity: & let this be kept as a law ratified and inviolable, that it is not lawful for any subject, upon any occasion, or for any cause, to take arms, & to lift up the sword without the commandment or leave of the Prince, the only moderator & governor of wars. This I speak for the sorrowful examples sake which happened, & are like to hap, except we take heads. Of the one part we see the tumult of Ambaxia: on that other part, there were certain Preachers, which stirred up the people to tumult, & violently to set themselves to destroy & banish those protestāns, under a pretence of godly sedition: as though that Religion could or aught to be established by sedition. And thus there was great offence committed on both parts, insomuch that many were slain, which were thought to be Protestants. Moreover, those protestants did greatly offend, enterprising many things rashly, to put away these injuries offered unto them, taking arms, thereby violating the law of the magistrate, which belongeth to no private person For the end of the law is, to live according unto God's will, to hurt no man, and to obey the law of Arms. Therefore the king is the maintainer of God's law, and the moderator of wars, the which he may and aught to use to the authority of the law, and to the punishing of rebels and traitors. To be short, he counteth himself a king, who, although he be not ordained of God, yet of his own will and authority moveth war. And truly hereupon it followeth that he aught to be counted of all men as an enemy, and to be punished as a breaker of God's ordinance and public power. For this cause I think it good that commandment be given to inferior Magistrates, that they diligently attend upon their charge and offices, lest some new thing happen by their careless negligence. Hereby therefore it evidently appeareth that the first bond to preserve the king's estate is, so to establish Religion, that no man may abuse the same at his own pleasure, against the authority of the law, and the end thereof, which is, that both God and the king may be obeyed.  
But now to come to the second principal point, as concerning 
The second principal point.  the ordering and keeping of the people in due obedience, we think this to be the way, namely, to hear the complaints of the subjects, and to use convenient remedies for the same. Notwithstanding there is great difference between private & open complaints, for if the complaints be made of private people to private people, the diligence of the Judges which are appointed to ordinary government, is a speedy way to remedy and help them.  
But when there are general complaints, or when either the confirmation or alteration of things cometh in question, we must strait way have recourse to those ancient 
The state of the kingdom which consists of these three, namely of the n●…bilitie, clergy, and communa●…tie.  constitutions and orders by which the safety of the kingdom standeth: the which are nothing else than those three orders which we call the states. That is to say, that those things being made manifest and opened which may bring any confusion, and the remedies which were provided to put away the same, being diligently sought for, the king for the loves sake that he beareth to his people, may determine and appoint that which is justly required to the honour of God and the common profit of all men. Of the which thing, the good will of the people wholly dependeth, that having done that duty which he oweth unto God, he may in like manner satisfy the minds and wills of his subjects.  
And so he shall not only keep the name of a king, & the gifts of nature appertaining to a kingly name, but also may rule and govern by peace: seeing that gentleness may allure them of their own good wills to do more, than force or violence can extort from them.  
And to the end it may evidently appear that the complaints are such that they aught to be herded and examined of the assembly of the States, I will show unto you a general reason, namely this: The extraordinary taxes, tallages, & 
Tributes.  tributes have so increased, that now the subjects not only are not able to bear this great burden, but also not able to satisfy & discharge those old duties which were before time accustomed to be paid. Is not this a complaint to be considered & talked of in the assembly of States? Seeing the greatest part of the people complaineth of the same, and are by no manner of means any thing disburdened: but specially seeing that to hear the afflicted & oppressed, is the beginning of consolation, & to declare a readiness and good will to ease them, is the greatest & principal point to heal: the which at the lest may stay them least despairing they should seek an alteration & remedy. If on the contrary part, the king allege for himself, the calamity and trouble of the long continued wars, the divers and manifold charges and costs that grew thereof, the scarcity and emptiness of his Treasury, and also the great arrearages and debt in the which he found the Crown when he came first to the same: Is not this a complaint to be considered and talked of in the assembly of States?  
If the people allege that the King ought to maintain himself and his train by his yearly revenues, and that he aught to hold and maintain wars with his subsidies, and to set forth armies with his customs and tributes, the which things were for this cause granted in time paste.  
If in like manner the king declare that he found almost all his demeines distracted, divided, and conveyed away, the greatest part of the subsidies taken up before hand, and yet he himself, greatly burdened and indebted, to the end he might obtain by the consent of the people, that those burdens being somewhat eased, might remain as yet for a time, until means and ways, which are daily devised to recover again his demeines, may be brought to effect.  
But is there no other better way to be had to bring things to pass than by the assembly of the States? To speak briefly, if there be any manner of complaint whatsoever, pretenced or otherwise, where can it be better put forth than in the general assembly of the States? and if it be a just 
The commendation of the general assembly of the States.  complaint, where can he have a more present remedy than that which shall be devised by so many men? but if it be unjust where can the same be sooner found out than in the assembly?  
There is also another consideration of necessity, whereof there arise great dangers, seeing in these straits and ext●…emities, there is no ordinary remedy used. First of all, the King is scarcely obeyed in his Edicts and statutes: the which is one of the greatest signs of sedition. For when the people are not herded in those things whereof they do complain, it cometh thereupon that they cast away all hope to have redress, and so they fall into such desperation, that they dare enterprise to ease and unburden themselves, without the having of any consideration of the king's commandment or his officers: yea they arm & prepare themselves against all perils, as though nothing were more sharp & intolerable.  
On the other part, they which say that they are grieved, captiously take this complaint of the people, & increase the same: & do all that they can, to amplify and enlarge that with new lies which they have once falsely told and reported for a truth. Hereupon cometh the unhonest publishing and casting 
Slanderous books.  abroad of slanderous books and public writings. And the people being exulcerated and vexed with their own disease, willingly receiveth that which appertaineth to their disease, and by the ignorance of the king's matters, do flyde and fall into these sinister and wrong opinions. Of the which things to have so great and manifold destructions arise, is great danger, many examples whereof we see daily. To avoid which destructions, it seemeth most necessary to call an assembly of the states. And although the causes hitherto spoken of show no necessity, yet not withstanding the necessity of the assembly of these men is such, that it aught to be wished for of all men. For what is more to be desired, & meet for a young King to govern his kingdom, than to be taught the things that concern his kingdom, that he may know the manners of his people, and those things also which 
A lesson for Kings and Queens.  belong to the order and governing them. Therefore let him learn to spend as he may and not to exceed: and let him play the part of a good shepherd, who in shearing of his sheep doth not flea and pull of skin and all, but leaveth the skin that he may receive the fleece at another time again, and let him consider that whatsoever he spendeth more than his ordinary revenues, tribute, custom and tallage, is as it were the substance and blood of the people whom he is set to govern by God's appointment.  
Hereupon shall come honest and godly education: hereupon shall come, both good beginnings and happy success of all things: and at the last the king shall get unto him that Magnificent name with great glory, as, to be called, Pater Patriae, The father of the country, as King Lodowic the twelfth 
Lodovicus. twelve. pater patriae.  was, which leaveth a notable memory behind to all the posterity, & is more to be desired than the Laureate crown for victory in war. Another commodity also will ensue and that is this. The people of France, being chéered up and comforted by this demonstration, they will seek all that ever they be able to ease those burdens: for they once understanding their king's business and need, will employ all that ever they have to do their king service. But we must take heed lest that prompt willingness, being to often stirred, do not turn at the last to impatient and brutish madness.  
And these commodities are joined with great honesty, for that the king, if it please him, may in the beginning of his reign, examine old customs and laws, the which is the only way to correct and amend matters that are out of order. For although the king alone be the author of the law, & he only can rule, yet notwithstanding those things which he hath constituted and ordained by this assembly of the states, are of greater force and efficacy: and those will the people more willingly obey and keep, because they understand that they were confirmed by many men's opinions and Judgements: whereas otherwise, only a few being assembled together, they Judge that the matter was done according to the mind and fantasy of a few, the reasons not examined & weighed which might have been brought against the same. For by these means the Frenchmen have preserved themselves and the kingdom unto this day: neither is there any well ordered kingdom, in the which this order of assemblies is not observed: the which aught to be of great weight and highly esteemed.  
For seeing so many kings do confess that they feel and perceive so many commodities to spring and grow of this good order, and that they do count the same the stay and strength of their sceptre, we can not certainly well and honestly depart from so ancient & commendable a custom. And as for the contrary reasons which were wont to be brought to hinder these assemblies, they can prevail nothing at all, seeing the peril of those things which happened at another time are by no means to be feared, the King's authority at this day being so firmly established, and confirmed by the counsel of the Queen, and by so many consents of Princes and Nobles, that if these reasons might be received and take place, there is no doubt but that all their practices would be void and frustrate which think it good and persuade themselves that it is necessary to have a new alteration of the common weal, and should be a most speedy remedy to mitigate & take away all perturbations. The 
The end of this oration.  which one thing we must with all diligence possible provide for.  
And thus he made an end of his oration: In the repeating whereof we have been some what long, but yet for all that the matter is worthy of repetition, and not disagreeing from our purpose.  
The day following the rest declared their Judgementes, and first began the Admiral, and the Cardinal of Lorraine, 
The sentence of the Admiral.  made an end. But this was the sentence of the Admiral Shatillion▪ namely: that he would have had that those supplications which he had offered to the king, should be subscribed of those in whose name they were put forth: who answered, that they were ready either in a small or great number to subscribe those supplications which they had exhibited: yea, they said that they would assemble themselves together to the number of fifty thousand before the kings Majesty, if so it pleased him. But there can nothing be devised more pestilent, than the Prince to stand in fear of his subjects, & to be in peril of them: & in like manner the subjects to have an evil opinion of their Prince, and to be suspected of their king. Also he said that it was ill provided to bring up a young prince in that fear, & also to give those occasions to the subjects of fearing. At the last he concluded that his sentence was, that the errors of the Church should be taken away, that the guard lately given to the king should be removed, and that there should be called forthwith an assembly of the States.  
Thus when the Admiral had made an end, the Duke of Guise taking occasion upon that which he had spoken, began thus, saying, that it was not well said of some that the 
The sentence of the Duke of Guise.  king aught not to be so & so brought up, when as he is so excellently ordered, & specially by the Queen his mother by whom he is endued, as it were with a certain fullness of all virtues. And as touching that which was spoken concerning the increasing of the Guard, he said that he himself did mislike always of the same, until certain did move a sedition & put themselves in arms, which seemed to be intended altogether against the king's majesty. But whereas it is commonly reported that this sedition was not moved against the king, but against many of his ministers & officers, that is a vain cloak, & nothing answering the matter. For there is not any one of us that ever hurt one of them by private offences, or harms. But they bear all that hatred against us for the executing of our offices, which we have by the king's authority and leave: and therefore to speak more truly, they hate not us but the king.  
Wherefore he said, he saw no reason, why that number which was newly added to the Guard should be removed and taken away.  
And as touching Religion, he said, that he stood to the Judgement of more learned men than he himself was: how beit this one thing he would protest & profess, that no counsels at any time should so prevail with him, that they should bring him from the ancient Religion of his elders, & specially from his belief of the holy sacrament of the Altar. Finally, he said concerning the assembly of the States, that he wholly referred the same to the king's majesties will and pleasure, & to like or dislike of the same with him.  
The Cardinal of Lorraine begun his sentence upon those confessions which were offered to the king by the Admiral, saying, that they were nothing less than obedient & faithful, howsoever they boasted themselves. For so long as the King will like 
The sentence of the Cardinal of Lorain.  of their opinions and sects, or at lest wise suffer them, they will show themselves obedient to the king.  
But I appeal (saith he) to the Judgements of all men in this matter, whether it be more meet to follow the opinions of these Jolly fellows, than the authority of the king. To grant them Churches, were to allow their Idolatry, which the king could not do without manifest peril of destruction. And as concerning a general Council, or a Council assembled together out of our own Nation, I can not see (says he) by any means how it should be necessary, seeing that it should be called only to reform the manners of certain ecclesiastical people, the which might be done with less business a great deal, namely by particular admonitions. And as touching that which else appertained to Religion, he said that the same had been so oftentimes established and confirmed, that he wished that only to be followed which had been hitherto observed and appointed, for so much as all assemblies of Counsels whatsoever, can appoint no more than the observation of those things that have been kept already. And where as it was said that they which should subscribe their names to those supplications which they had put forth, would assemble themselves together to the number of fifty thousand, to that he answered, that the king might set against them ten thousand men of his Religion. But it is manifest (says he) of what mind they are, by their railing libels which they scatter abroad in all places against every man. Among which great number of 
The Cardinal of Lorraine hopeth to get honour & fame by keeping libels that were scattered abroad.  libels, he said, that he had in his hands five and twenty, which he diligently kept, as a testimony of great honour, because he was evil spoken of by those villainous knaves, trusting that they should be Monuments of his eternal and everlasting praise. Therefore he wished that those seditious & troublesome people might be most severely punished, and specially they which would put themselves in arms as many had begun. But, he said he thought it good that they should sustain no punishment which frequented those sermons without armour, and only for consciencs sake of Religion, which sang psalms, & went not to Mass, and such like: Adding moreover that he was very sorry for the sharpness and cruelty of those punishments which had been hitherto used, protesting that he would most willingly spend his own life, if it might do any good, to bring them into the right way. Affirming also that Bishops and other learned men ought to endeavour themselves to bring this thing to pass, according to the commandment of our saviour Christ in the Gospel, saying Reprove thy brother between 
The reformation wished for by the Cardinal of Leraine.  thee and him. etc. Also he wished that the Governors and other Lieutenants of the Provinces, would diligently attend upon their offices, to see that none seditiously put themselves in armour: in like manner that the Bishops and curates, and other Ecclesiastical people, would have a care and diligent eye to their charge, to note and mark the abuses and errors of the Church, and to cert●…e the King 
A national counsel, is as much to say as a counsel gathered only cute of the French nation, which I gasle we may call a convocation of the clergy, whereas a general counsel consists of divers nations.  within the space of two months of those things which they know, that thereby it may be known how necessary it is to have either a general counsel or a national counsel. For it is very profitable to call and assemble all the states together, that all men may perceive and see how well the Realm is governed. And thus he made an end.  
When they had thus uttered their sentences and minds, the King and Queen gave thanks to the whole assembly, whose Counsel they said they were ready to follow, granting unto them that, whereupon they had concluded, namely, That all the states of the Realm, should be assembled together, and that if there could not be a general council, there should be with all speed a national Council. Therefore they determined and concluded that the states of the Realm should be at Meldis, the tenth day of the month of December next coming, except it should please the king's majesty to appoint some other place. And that the States belonging to every province should make in their province, an assembly and consultation particular before that time, to the end that those things which should be debated of in the general assemblies, might be understood. Also that because it was in a manner agreed, of a general Council, between the Pope, the Emperor, and the Christian princes, the Bishops should come the tenth day of january next coming to the king, that they might agree & conclude of the sending to the general Council, or else of the having of a particular and national Council.  
And that in the mean time the Bishops should get them to their Dioceses, both to prepare themselves, and also diligently to note and mark those things which lack reformation. In like manner that the Civil and substituted Magistrates, should keep the people in peace and obedience, sparing and omitting nevertheless, pains and punishments due to offenders, except it be to such as put themselves in arms and move sedition: and yet notwithstanding the King to reserve unto himself his power and authority to punish those which are counted the authors of seditions and tumults.  
This was the conclusion of that consultation, the which shall appear wonderful if we consider the state of the former times. For that liberty, which as yet is but little, but before less, being restored from fiery flames, and from death itself, so prevailed before the King, that it increased more and more.  
But for all that the adversaries ceased not their wicked Counsels and practices, what fair and painted words so ever they used, who by and by again burst forth & showed themselves, by these occasions.  
There was a certain servant belonging to the King of 
A tumult against the Prince of Conde.  Navarre, whose name was Sagua, who being come to a place called Fontisbellaquaeum, and meeting with a certain soldier called Banna, talked with him, & earnestly persuaded with him that he would not serve under the Guises, for (saith he) there are ways devised, to punish and handle them as they have deserved: and at the last made rehearsal of certain things more particularly.  
Banna the soldier hearing this, went and told the whole circumstance to Martial Brissacus, who exhorted him to go to the Duke of Guise. To him therefore he went, and told him all the whole matter in order. Then the Guise desired him to feign friendship and familiarity toward this Sagua, and to fawn upon him, & often times to repeat their former communication, also to show him to one of his household servants. The which this Banna did. And Sagua was apprehended by the Guise. There were also taken in the 
Letters sent to the Prince of Conde taken.  hands of Sagua, certain letters of Monsier Vidam of Carnutum, to the Prince of Conde, in the which he declared: That if the Prince would take any thing in hand, worthy of kinglike service, he was ready to serve him, and for his sake to spend both goods and life. Upon the only occasion of these letters, the king gave commandment that Monsier Vidan 
Monsier Vidan apprehended.  of Carnutum should be taken. The which was with all diligence brought to pass by the Guises. In the mean time, there came from Lions from the Abbot Savignius, letters concerning the bewrayed & frustrated practices of Malignius, who was said to go about to take Lions. Savignius for his reward received the archbishopric of Orleans.  
By the means of these new tumults the king came from Fontisbellaquaeum, to the City Sangerman. But the cause and mischief of all these things was laid upon the Prince of Conde, who was openly accused to seek the alteration of the state of the common weal, and also to be the author of the tumult of Ambaxian. Then was Cursolensis sent 
The king of Navarre, and the prince of Conde are sent for to the king.  to the King of Navarre to command him to come unto the King, and to bring his brother the Prince of Conde with him.  
In the mean time Monsier Vidame although he was very sick, yet was he very straightly imprisoned, in so much that his own wife might not come to visit him. And being straightly sifted by those which were appointed to examine him concerning the meaning of his letters, he still made this answer, namely: That he did writ expressly of those things which appertained to the obedience of the king, and of whatsoever else that should be done by the king's commandment: Also he said, that he was a near kinsman and friend of the Duke of Guise's, yet for all that, if there were any private controversy between him and though King of Navarre, and the Prince of Conde, he would rather take part with them than with him, in so much that for them two, namely for the King of Navarre, and for the Prince of Conde, he would spend both life and goods.  
On the other part, the familiar friends of the Prince of Conde, with whom he was thought to have conference and consultation, were daily cast in prison: and the suspicions of the huguenots daily increased more & more, for by this new and strange name were the faithful of the reform Church then called.  
Then was there a new Edict made That no Prince, or 
A new edict against the reform Religion.  any other man whatsoever should contribute money, armour, horses, and such like to the setting forth of Soldiers: and that he which should be found to do this, should be counted a Traitor to the King.  
There was yet a second messenger sent to the King of Navarre, that he and his brother should come with all speed. This Messenger was Cardinal Burbonius their brother. Public supplications for the peace of the kingdom, were every where forbidden.  
And whereas the assembly of States was determined before to be held at Meldis, it was now translated and removed to Aurelia's, marshal Termensis, being sent with two hundred armed men to keep the city.  
At the feast of Saint Michael's order, Monsier Vidam, being one of the foresaid order, put up a certain supplication by the Cardinal of Lorraine, as by the Chancellor of that order, desiring that according to the ancient custom he might be judged of all those that were of that honourable order of Saint Michael, and that for those causes only for the which he deserved, to be dismissed of the same.  
This thing at the length was granted through the earnest suit of the Constable: and the self same day that Monsier Vidam was dismissed of the order of Saint Michael, there were xvij. into the same honourable order, by a new and unaccustomed manner choose by the travail and means of the Guises▪ to the intent they might bind many unto them by that benefit or promotion.  
While the king of Navarre, and the Prince of Conde, were looked for, commandment was given to the Governor of Poitiers, to go to Pictavium, and not to suffer the King of Navarre, and the Prince of Conde, his brother to come into the City. But for all this, at the length by the king's letters and commandment, the King of Navarre was received of the Marshal Termensis into Pictavium, with all his train: being nevertheless on every side beset with armed men: the which suspicions the King of Navarre took in very evil part.  
Then the King came from Sangermane to Paris with a great 
The king cometh to Aurelia's.  army both of footmen and horsemen in battle array, the Duke of Guise and the Cardinal of Lorraine attending upon him. From thence he went to Aurelia's, with the same army, and in warlike order entered into the City: being reported abroad that the King came thither for two causes, the one was to keep the City from the treason of the king of Navarre, the other was, to call and summon a Parliament.  
Many therefore were made afeard, but specially they which were choose to be of the assembly or Parliament, when they heard that so great an army of men came with the king. Then commandment was given that every one should rehearse & confess the confession of his faith according to the prescript & rule of those articles which were set forth by the Papists, in the year of our Lord God, M. D. XLII. and it was reported for truth that the Cardinal of Lorraine had drawn forth in writing those things which should be enacted and established in that assembly. There was also watch and ward throughout the whole City appointed to be kept, even as if the enemy had come to assault the same.  
Again commandment was sent to the King of Navarre, that he should come with all speed, and bring his brother the Prince of Conde with him, many also were sent into divers parts of the Realm, to take the names of all those that were noted to be of the reform Religion.  
At the length the king of Navarre, & the Prince of Conde his 
The prince of Conde taken at Aurelia's.  brother came to Aurelia's, there to salute the King. But so soon as they had saluted the King, the chief & principal of the kings guard, as they were commanded laid hands upon the Prince of Conde & carried him to the next hold prepared for the same purpose. The which holds were forthwith fortified and made strong with Iron grates in every window, & a Castle was hard vy the same erected & built to receive the footmen.  
Then were there certain men choose to watch & keep the King of Navarre, whose Chancellor also was taken, & by & by with all speed was the Lady Roye, mother in law to the Prince of Conde, taken and arrested & brought to the city Sangerman, to whose charge it was laid that she was guilty of treason.  
The Magistrates were ready to take & receive her & opened the prison doors to bring her in. Strait after this also was Hieroine Grostotius the Governor of Aurelia's taken, in whose house the king lodged, being accused of negligence and stouth in searching out the heretics: Howbeit he was quit and discharged of this matter by the decree & judgement of the Senate of Paris. But the Andelote, when he had saluted the King and the Duke of Guise, & had excused himself by the disobedience of the French host of footmen, departed in very good time, otherwise as the most likely report went, he should have been taken with the Prince.  
In the mean time there were subtle devices and crafty means invented to assault and trouble the Prince of Conde. And when judges were choose out of the Senate of Paris, as Fagus, and Viollaeus, & the Lieutenant of Thou, the king's Solicitor was commanded to open the case now in controversy, and to proceed with the same. But the Prince alleging for himself his noble blood & princely state, standeth with them upon this point, that he aught not to be judged of them, but rather of the king himself & of no other, in the Senate of Paris, the Peers and Nobles of the Realm being assembled together. Therefore he said that he appealed to the King. Then the appeal was brought unto the privy Counsel, the which appeal, they said was nothing, and of no force: And this was done often times. But at the last they concluded, that except the Prince would answer before those judges, he should be condemned of high treason.  
Then the Prince of Condes wife desired of the King that so much liberty might be granted to her husband, as to consult with learned counsel. The which was granted unto her, in so much the he was permitted to take the counsel of two lawyers, namely of Petrus Robertus, & Franciscus Marillacus, counlellers in the court of Paris, but he was no otherwise permitted to have them, than upon this condition, that whensoever he consulted with then the king to have umpires & indifferent men, to be present at their talk. The Prince also required the it might be lawful for him, beside these two counsellors, to consult & confer with his two brethren, the king of Navarre, & the Cardinal of Bourbon, & also with his wife, & to join with them what umpires & witnesses soever it should please the King, affirming that he was very loath to do any thing without his brethren, specially in a matter of so great wait. The which request notwithstanding was denied him: only he obtained leave to writ unto them his mind. At the length being come to the matter in controversy, he said to his counsellors that were present, that the affliction which he now suffered, was not laid upon him by God, for that he had go about to work any thing against the kings majesty, but rather that by this affliction he might try his constancy. Also he said that he did not think himself to be Captive, seeing that he enjoyed the freedom of mind, and a pure and sound conscience: but rather that he thought those to be captives which had their minds & consciences bond and clogged with the burden of their sins and wickednesses in a body set at liberty.  
When he had thus spoken he gave certain notes of the defence of his cause unto his Counsellors. For king Frances by the subtle means and false persuasions of the Guises, was fully persuaded that the Prince of Conde conspired his death, and that therefore he was guilty of treason and worthy to suffer condign punishment for the same.  
Therefore while the bloody slaughter was a preparing, and whilst all men looked to see great things come to pass, behold sudden and vnloked for alterations happen. For the king had a ceataine pain and disease in his ears: Of the which after he had been sick a while he died, the fifth 
The death of king Frances the second.  day of December in the year of Lord God. M. D. LX. At the which sudden alteration the Guises were not a little dismayed.  
When King Frances was dead, the Queen his mother sent unto the Constable, (who had detracted the time to come to Aurelia's) assuring him of her friendship, and promising unto him that never hereafter none should intrude himself into an other man's office, and praying him also that he would come unto her with all speed. There the Constable came to her to Aurelia's, without delay with martial Momorencius his son, and saluted the new King. Nevertheless the Prince of Conde was kept in hold still, but not without great reverence of his keepers showed towards him, and continusd in prison after the death of the King by the space of ten days, denying to go out of prison, until he knew his adversary in this matter laid to his charge. But all the matter was laid upon the King deceased. Therefore by a wonderful and strange way or mean, as by the death of the King, the subtle practices of the adversaries were brought to nought: whose funeral was so slenderly celebrated, that he was deprived of that usual pomp which Kings commonly have at their burial, all men wondering that the Guises would suffer the same: the which also was very well noted by a public Epigram or libel sent abroad.  
There were truly, within a short time, wonderful & manifest signs of Gods just judgement against many Princes: the which all men at that time did plainly see & acknowledge. Concerning the which, these verses following were made.  

Charles a Tyrant King, of all kings that before him went, 
1   
Most craftily by counsel 'gainst Christ, his force he bend,  
Till that his foolish madness, of children being espied,  
In midst of all his mischief, most suddenly he died.   

And thou O Henry eke, by men that wicked were & naught, 
2   
Wast too much led, and therefore greedily hast sought  
The blood of godly men, thereof to drink thy fill,  
But he that sits above, restrained thee of thy will.   

For in thy witless mode, thy rashness great thou didst declare, 
3   
& therefore wound of death, by spear thou hadst ere thou wast ware:  
And so thy bleeding corpse imbrued the earth with blood,  
Because to kill the Saints, to thee it seemed so good.   

Frances that was his son (unhappy child) did so direct 
4   
His feet in his ill ways, that Christ's voice he did neglect:  
He stopped his ears as deaf, when Christ to him did cry,  
And therefore putrefacted ears did cause him straight to die.   

Be warned therefore (O Kings) by these examples just,  
wisdoms doctrine to receive, or else to turn to dust.   
Thus rumours were spread everywhere abroad, that so wondrous a thing had happened, the like whereof was never herded of before: namely, that they which were brought to that pass, that they should have been put to death, were now 
A wonderful alteration after the death of King Frances the second.  advanced to great honour. And contrariwise that it was come to pass, that they which thought their authority to be confirmed for a long time, saw the same taken away, and were brought to their former state and degree.  
They which were of the assembly of States, trembling and quaking before for fear, took now unto themselves a bold courage, and with one consent make petition that the king of Navarre may be the ruler & governor of the kingdom during the time of the King's nonage & minority: & also that the Princes the kings near kinsmen, with the Constable, the Admiral, the Andelote, & with the rest of the Nobles, might be always of the kings Counsel●… & that Cardinals & Bishops should be sent to their dioceses, to discharge their Ecclesiastical offices, according to the rule of the canons in that behalf.  
The kings mother took it not in good part that so great 
The privy displeasure of the Queen, against the Prince of Navarre.  good will and favour should be showed to the king of Navarre, whom she deemed not long ago to be her enemy: & they increased these suspicions, which went about to confirm their authority by their dissensions, working hatred & spite against the king of Navarre, through the sentence of the assembly of the parliament, which wished him to have the rule of the kingdom. And thus the minds of the Nobles being divided into two factions: one part held of the Queen, & another part with the king of Navar. Insomuch that a man might see, the Constable, the Admiral, & his two brethren always in the company of the king of Navarre: On the other part, the Guises, Nemorosius, the Marshal Santandrae, & the Marshal Brislac, & the cardinal of Turnon always were about the Queen, & stood wthir.  
So that now, there was great danger of present sedition: 
The King of Navarre yieldeth authority to the Queen to govern the Realm.  but the king of Navarre, by his courtesy & sufferance, put away all this danger like to arise, yielding unto the Queen authority to govern the kingdom. Then the Queen being somewhat appeased, plainly said, that she known now the causes of all the troubles past, namely, that all the Princes which were of the King's bloods, were displeased, that they were not accounted off, according to their worthiness, which thing, she said, she would see reform ever afterward. By this occasion the stomacking and taking of parts between them, seemed somewhat to be repressed.  
There followed therefore a wondered alteration & change: and all men began to talk one to another, & to say, that the companies of armed men were prepared & gathered together to some other use & purpose, than for the safety of the King: & that their counsels and meanings were otherwise, which had arrogated unto themselves authority: also that their 
The peace of the Church after long affliction.  practices should not so easily have success now. But the churches now, which before were in great perplexity & fear, obtained peace: and all men hoped now for a better state.  
For amidst those sundry troubles and manifold afflictions which happened under the reign of king Frances, the administration of the sacraments, & the preaching of God's word never ceased in the reform Churches, although the number that were assembled, were but small, & though also the same was not done without great danger & wariness. For at that time there were cruel conspiracies against the Church, which would have done great harm to the same, had not the Lord by his providence turned them away. Then did the reform Churches command solemn prayers with fasting to be used: and they which were the governors and chief of the congregation, exhorted their brethren to be of good cheer, and comforted them, willing them patiently to look for help from the Lord. So that after so great afflictions and fear, there followed exceeding joy, and the suddenness of the chance made the matter to seem more wonderful.  
Then was there news brought of the death of Monsieur Vidame of Carnutum, who was kept at Paris in hold for 
The death of Monsieur Vidame.  those causes whereof we have spoken before. Whose death many of the Nobles took very heinously.  
Then were certain things appointed and determined, concerning the government of the kingdom: & the empery and rule was divided between the Queen and the King of Navarre: and that in such order, that the chiefest authority to govern the Realm, was given to the Queen, against all law and ancient custom of France. Wherefore by reason of this sudden change, the assembly of States were interrupted and broke up for a certain space.  
But they were assembled together again in the same 
A convocation of States, or of a Parliament in king Charles the. ix. days  place, the. xiii. day of December, Charles the King, the Queen, and the Princes, according to the manner accompanying them. Then the Chancellor at the commandment of the King declared, that there was no less willingness in the King, than there was in his brother before him, to 
The oration made by the chancellor.  have an assembly of States: and that the rather because the King himself was newly come unto the Kingdom. And he proceeded speaking very seriously and plentifully, of the cause, end, and use of calling an assembly of States: and why the same being omitted for the space of eight and twenty years, should now again be brought in use. And when he had showed the King and the Subjects also their duties, he came to speak of those causes more particularly, which brought to pass, that there should be an assembly of States: that is to say, of the Seditions, which he wished might be taken quite away, for that they were like to bring so great troubles to the whole Realm. And to find out speedy and profitable Remedies for the same, he said, the causes of so great evil must first of all be noted and known.  
We must (saith he) in every respect and condition, disallow 
Sedition what it is, and where of it cometh  and utterly condemn sedition, the which is nothing else but a separation, and a pulling away of the subjects from the Kingdom and Common wealth. And it springeth of divers causes: First, of fear of some imminent evil which may come by injury and oppression: and also of the expectation of great things, to put away penury and scarcenesss. But the special cause is Religion. And this is very strange, and most wonderful: because God the only true author and preserver of Religion, as he is an enemy to dissension, so is he the defender and preserver of peace. Christian Religion needeth not the defence of Arms: neither doth the beginning, or conservation thereof stand upon force of arms. Neither is their answer to be allowed, which say, That they take not arms and force in hand, to offend any man, but to defend themselves. For by no means is it lawful for the subject to rise against the Prince, yea, it is no less unlawful for him so to do, than for the children to resist their parents, whether they be good and courteous, or sharp and cruel. Thus did the godly Christians in time passed set forth and maintain Christian Religion, namely, by long sufferance and patience, & also by devout prayer for wicked Emperors, which overcame their cruelty. The very ethnics truly praised & highly commended those, which had suffered injuries and reproaches for their country. But we which are Christians, aught not to allow the opinions of the Greeks and Romans, concerning the killing of tyrants.  
If men were such as they aught to be, there should never come any strife or contention for Religion. But it is manifest, that there is no greater force than the first conceived opinion of Religion, whether the same be good or evil. There 
The force of Religion in the 〈◊〉 of men.  is no peace to be hoped for between men of contrary Religion. There is nothing that doth more violently assail the hearts of men, and that doth more invade them: there is no affection that is of greater power, and more violent, either to bring friendship, or to bring hatred, than Religion. The Jews hated all other Nations as profane: And all other Nations hated the Jews. But wherefore? for Religion. What and how great hatred was there in time passed between the fathers, and the Arrians? But I omit such ancient examples, and I will come nearer, even to ourselves England, and France, embracing all one Religion, shall be more surely linked and knit in friendship and love one towards another, than they which disagréeing in Religion, are of one Country, kindred, and name. Diversity of Religion dissolveth all the bonds of love: it setteth the father against the children, and the children against the father: brother against brother, the man against the wife, and the wife against her husband: according to this place of Scripture, I came not to send peace▪ but a sword. Hereupon it cometh to pass, that in all Realms there are oftentimes grievous seditions. For if it come to pass, that there be variance & disagreement between those that are by nature so fast linked together, by the means of Religion, what may we think of others? Not the diversity of tongues but the diversity of Religion, maketh division of Kingdoms, and of Common weals. Hereupon cometh that old Proverb, una Fides, una Lex, unus Rex, that is to say, One faith, one Law, and one King. Among these divisions and discords, how can it be that violence and force of arms should not be used? For war followeth always discord and dissension, according to these verses.  

Discordia, that Lady of strife and of woe, 
Bellona is the Goddess of war.   
hath with her, Bellona her handmaid also:  
Who always doth carry a most bloody scourge,  
the undoubted revenge of strife and of grudge.   
Therefore the principal and chief cause of this disease and mischief, is the discrepance and variety of Religion. To cure the which mischief, there is not a more present remedy, than to have a Council, as it was lately concluded at Fontubellaquaeum, and we have now great hope to obtain the same at the hands of the Pope. In the mean time let us show our due obedience unto the young King. Let us not, for God's sake, receive new opinions according to our own fantasy. Let us in time with wisdom consider of the matter, and let us diligently seek to understand the same. It is no trifle that we have in hand, but it is the salvation of our souls that is in question. If it may be lawful for every man at his own discretion to receive what Religion him listeth, take heed that there be not so many Religions as there be men. Thou sayest that thy Religion is better than mine, and I defend that which I embrace, whether is it more meet that I follow thy opinion, or thou mine? Who shall end our controversies, but the holy Council? In the mean time let us not altar any thing rashly, lest by seditions we bring war into our Kingdom, and so there follow a confusion. The King and the Queen will leave nothing undone that may procure a Council, and if this remedy may not be had, they will seek other remedies. And now our Prelates and Ecclesiastical people (if they well consider the weightiness of the matter) will look better unto their office and duty than they have done heretofore. Let us know, that the dissolution of our Church, was the first beginning of heresies: but it is to be thought, that a Reformation will take them away again. This victory must not be sought for by violence, or by force of arms, but by godly exhortations, and by godliness of life. With these weapons, the Heretics in times past, were overcome. We must not hate the men, but the vices and wickednesses that are in men: and we must go about, all that we may, to bring them into the way that are in error. Let us therefore put away all factious and seditious names, as the names of Lutherans, huguenots, 
Factious names.  Papystes, and such like, and let us retain and keep still the names of Christians. But because there are many found, which will not be satisfied, desiring tumult and confusion, enemies to peace and the common wealth (and as it appeareth) contemners of God and Religion: the King which otherwise of himself is gentle and long suffering, hitherto hath bene constrained, and peradventure shall be hereafter urged, to endeavour himself to punish the froward obstinate. It may seem a very sharp remedy, but if we look well upon the disease and mischief yet a growing, we shall found it very necessary for the same. Notwithstanding, it is so come to pass as yet, by the goodness of God, and the clemency of the Prince, that there hath been no greater punishment laid upon any man, nor no greater destruction followed, as the subversion of Cities, the burning of houses, the disfraunchizing of Cities of 
The accusation of foreign Princes.  their privileges, and the restraint of their liberties: the which, other Princes that devil about us, have oftentimes used, even within the compass of our remembrance, for the punishing of seditious people. And because it is to be feared, lest the armies of soldiers being dismissed, the seditious will begin to practise and conspire a fresh, of two things the one is to be done, namely, that either the armies be kept and maintained still (which cannot be done without the great cost and charge of the Subjects) or else that the Citizens of every City, endeavour themselves to punish such seditious and seditious people: and he that shall be first found to go about to altar the state of the common wealth, let him by his severe punishment be an example to all the rest. The King to this end and purpose will give you a power of armed men. Consider with yourselves which of these ways is most for your profit, either that you maintain garrisons of soldiers to keep the cities for the king, or that you yourselves in your own people, do it at your own costs and charges. As for all other things the King will provide and see unto them by his officers.  
In the mean time, let such as are Ecclesiastical people, do their duty by prayers, by Sermons, and by diligent instructing of the people. And so it will come to pass that the King shall be obeyed, and you shall enjoy peace & tranquillity. When the Chancellor had proceeded thus far forth, and had spoken somewhat concerning the King's substance and great erpences, exhorting the Court of Parliament to ease the same, he declared that it was the King and the queens pleasures that every man should freely put forth his complaints and suits: for that their majesties intended with all clemency, as it was meet, to provide for all things. And this only was done the first day.  
In the next meeting the assembly of States chose out three men to speak for them, the which three stood before the King and made their several orations. The sum whereof I will briefly repeat, so far forth as they shall seem necessary for our purpose.  
The speaker for the third order of States, that is to say, for the Commonalty, was named Angel, a Counsellor and 
The oration of the commenaltie, made by Angel.  a pleader of causes in the Senate of Bordeaux in Gascoigne. This man declared by many reasons, that for the due putting away of perturbations and troubles it seemed good and most necessary to the people, first of all to remove and to take away the causes. Which causes (he said) were partly the corruptions among Ecclesiastical people: among which corruptions (which were very many in number) there were three notable and more pernicious than the rest: namely, Covetousness, Ignorance, and Luxury. Ignorance (he said) 
The ignorance of prelate's.  was so manifest that no man need to doubt of the same: and so great also that among that sort of men it was to be seen from the hyest to the lowest. Which ignorance is the mother and Nurse of all errors, as both experience, and also the testimonies of learned fathers abundantly declare.  
To remedy this, he said, Canons and decrees would be provided but in vain. For so great is the contempt and negligence of preaching and instructing the people, (which is notwithstanding the office of a good pastor) that Bishops at this day count it a shame and reproach unto them to feed the flock of Christ.  
And such as are Curates, and other mass priests, following the evil example of Bishops, do also even abhor their office, and do commit the same to unlearned vicar's: who singing Masses for their reward, have only some one slender bosom collation or other, which they always use without discretion, as one plaster to all manner of sores. The second vice is Covetousness: the which as it is no 
Covetousness.  less pestiferous than Ignorance, so is it no less to be seen as well in the heads as in the inferiors.  
And as for Luxury & the pomp and pride of Prelates, he said it was such, that it was a great stumbling block and offence to all men. For they are painted and set for the as though by an outward show in the world they should represent the majesty of God: when as they should rather express the same by godliness and integrity of life. How greatly have our Bishops of late days degenerated from the mean estate, purity, and godliness of the true bishops of old time? All these corruptions (says he) must be taken away by a godly, and lawful Counsel called, and also by the king's authority.  
The speaker for the Nobility was one jacobus silius. 
The oration for the nobility.  This man began first to speak many things concerning the power, authority, and office of Kings, and largely also concerning the order of Nobles, which he said was very profitable and necessary to preserve and maintain the dignity of the king.  
In speaking of matters concerning Religion, he found this fault above all others, namely, that hitherto there had been great oversight, in suffering Ecclesiastical people to have so great power and authority, and so large living and revenues: who have encroached unto themselves the houses of Noble men, & do wickedly abuse all that ever they have. Wherefore (says he) it is necessary that these sorts of men should he reform. Also he wished that it might be diligently foreséen that the office of an Ecclesiastical person might not be committed to an unlearned, unapt, and ignorant person, affirming it to be unlawful for them to devil from their flocks in other places at their own pleasure, and so giving themselves to worldly business, wholly to neglect their offices: but (saith he) it is the King's duty to call them to their office again.  
And in the end he made earnest petition that there might be ways taken in time to stop the seditions at hand: and also that it would please the king to have regard & consideration to his nobles, as his ancestors had done before him. When he had thus spoken he put up a Supplication, in the which petition was made in the name of the nobility that temples might be granted, for the use and service of the reform Religion.  
After this man, one Quintinus Heduus, who was choose 
The oration of the Clergy.  to be the speaker for the Clergy, when he had commended the king and Queen to their face, saying that the kings of France, were specially choose, even as if they had been born and appointed, to be defenders of the Church of Rome, and that therefore they had that most ancient name from all ages, as to be called Most Christian Princes, he said that this assembly of States or court of Parliament was very well called. The causes of the which assembly (says he) is that the complaints of the people might be heard and helped, and that means and remedies might be prepared for the scarcity of the king's treasure and substance. But this (says he) is the greatest cause of all, which I speak with great sorrow and grief, and yet notwithstanding must needs speak the same, namely, that the corruptions and notable faults of Ecclesiastical people might be reformed and amended. For (saith he) the matter is now come to this pass, that they themselves which should declare this Ecclesiastical holiness by their life, are more afraid 
The faults of people Ecclesiastical.  of the king's Edicts than they are of God's word, and of the Gospel of Christ. Notwithstanding we must therefore think (says he) that the reformation of the Church is sought for, which hath not erred, neither can err: but a correction only of those most grievous faults in those men which were the chief governors of the Church, which correction must proceed from the king: but so notwithstanding the king must use correctien, that he follow the steps of those kings that have go before him, who always favoured the Church. Adding to this also that those kings his ancestors would never have suffered the wicked practices of these new fellows, which falsely and wickedly of late time take unto themselves the profession of the Gospel, that they might thereby both refuse all ecclesiastical order, and also abolish, if they might, all Civil power and authority. For (says he) the king aught to this end specially to exercise his authority, and draw his sword to punish and utterly to root out all heretics guilty of criminal punishments.  
Therefore he desired that Churches might not be granted 
Churches.  to those horrible men (for so he termed them): and that they also might be counted & punished as heretics, which dared offer the supplications of Heretics to the king. This truly (says he) hath been the old subtle practice of Satan to bring this liberty to heretics, that they might the more securely and without fear of punishment destroy the Gospel, the which subtle practices he hath now also in hand, and therefore the more diligent heed (says he) aught to be taken. In like manner also he desired the king that according to the doings of his Auucetours, and also according to the example of Charles the great (whose name he bore) he would constrain all his subjects to live according to the Canons & rules of the fathers. For detestable (saith he) is the boldness of these new heretics, which scoffing at the authority of the fathers, and rejecting the doctrines and Canons of the Church, say that they will have nothing but the true Gospel only: as though the promise of Christ were vain and to no effect, who promised that he would never forsake his Church: and as though that they were wiser than so many Fathers, which left so many godly Canons behind them in writing: also as though they alone understood the word of God. Horrible boldness & reebllion is that (saith he) which casts of the yoke of the Church: and what else will they do at the last but murmur and grudge also against the power and authority of the Civil Magistrate?  
Moreover he said, that the notes & badges of the Church were not obscure, which these new men wanted: as the everlasting and continual succession from the Apostles time, and the Canons and rules which the Fathers left behind them: which badges the Church of Rome hath.  
Therefore (says he) that they may never hereafter abuse the name of the Church, we must plainly pronounce and affirm. That the Church of Rome is the Catholic, or universal Church. But if these new men take unto them the name of the Church, we will not deny it them, but we say that they are not of the True Catholic Church, but of the Malignant Church. Also he made petition that they which had fled the Realm for Religion's sake, might be banished men for ever: that they might lose all manner of privilege, and that they might, be handled even as if they were foreign enemies.  
Furthermore he said, that above all things, that drowning flood which had flowed out of the diches of Geneva, was most pernicious: and therefore he exhorted the king that he would to the utmost of his power root out all such as came from that place, and not to hold the young child excused, if so be he came from thence: seeing that God would call him to an account for the doing of his duty: And persuaded 
Euse book 51. 〈◊〉 the life o●… Constantin.  Queen Katherine also (the king's mother) by the example of that Katherine of whom Eusebius maketh mention, to overthrow and root out these new Heretics. Therefore he said that this was the only cause of the great mischief at hand, that there were so many heretics in every place to the destruction of the Realm and all estates. Moreover he desired of the King that Ecclesiastical people might be defended and maintained, according to the commandment of God, because they are The Lords Christ's, or anointed, 
shaven crowns the badges of Christ's an●….  as their badges, that is to say, their shaven crowns do declare. Also he complained that the authority to choose Prelates was taken from the Clergy and given to Kings, saying that it was done against God's word, against the holy Canons, and against the approved examples of the Elders: and that ever since that time, (namely, from the year of our Lord God. M. D. XUII when the same was first usurped) all things have had evil success.  
For (says he) in that very year, in the which that lawful right was abrogated from Ecclesiastical people, began that damnable heresy of Luther, which afterward soak such rooting in every place: and hereupon followed an infinite number of mischiefs. He entreated therefore that the same authority might be restored again to Ecclesiastical people: and that the king would take away no more the revenues of Churchmen, for that they were consecrated and hallowed, and could not be taken away without some manner of sacrilege, seeing that men of the Church aught carefully to be fed and maintained. This thing if the king would do after the ensample of Charles the great, he should get a most glorious name, and at the length be called Charles the greatest.  
And last of all he made petition that all the Clergy might neither pay tribute nor tax: for that was the prorogatiue of the Church which ought not to be taken from it. For says he it is the chiefest part of the King's duty to defend the Christian faith and doctrine, and to maintain Ecclesiastical people. The which if he did, (he said) that he promised unto him in the name of the clergy, all prosperity in this world, and in the world to come everlasting life.  
Thus much concerning his oration, which we have truly reported according to the written copy of the same. Many marveled what he meant so undiscreetly to inveigh against the protestants of the reform Church, seeing that he himself sometime had approved the same, and for that cause was constrained to departed from Pictavium.  
Moreover because he wished them to be taken and punished as new Heretics which should offer supplications to the King, (all men at those words looking upon the Admiral as though he had openly noted him) the Admiral made complaint hereof to the king and Queen.  
Therefore Quintinus was called to come before the king, to give an account of that which he had spoken. Who excusing himself by the instructions given to him of the clergy, promised that he would openly in the assembly or court ask the Admiral forgiveness: the which also he performed. But after this, ballets, and scoffing Libels were set up against him in many places in so much that he was openly derided. Whereupon at the length, partly 
The death of Quintinus orator for the Clergy.  by the impatiency of these contumelyes and reproaches, and partly by the grief of his own mind for his evil deed, he fallen into a sickness and gave up his life.  
After this there began to arise certain quarrels, complaints and controversies against the Guises. For the burgesses of the Parliament that were choose for Burgundy and Dolphiny, of the which Provinces the two brethren the Guises were governors and chief, went about to bring to pass that the Guises might be counted as honourable, as any of the Princes the Kings near kinsmen were: to the which notwithstanding the greatest part of the burgesses of other Provinces would in no wise consent. At the which, the Guises being offended, called those that hindered their estimation, seditious people. They on the other side, misliking to be so called, complained thereof to the Queen, who only gave them this answer, saying, that the Guises, did so call them, adding this condition, that if the burgesses did enterprise any thing against the king's Majesty, and not otherwise: and thus by and by they were sent away.  
Then were there certain days spent in bringing the assembly of the Parliament together again, and in debating of divers matters. At the length, by earnest suit of many 
The parliament breaketh up.  the Parliament was prorogued until another time, namely until the first day of May next following. And so with thanks given to the king and Queen, the Parliament broke up.  
Then commandment was given to all the prelate's of the French Church, That they should prepare themselves for the Counsel. Also that all Magistrates should set them at liberty both in body and also in goods, which were kept in prison for Religion's sake. And that no manner of punishment or injury should be offered for Religion, or factious names.  
Then, when the rumour and fame of Religion increased daily more and more, the Constable attended with all diligence upon the king of Navarre, in so much that he was seldom from him.  
In the mean time, the Bishop of Rome, hearing of the king's pleasure concerning the calling of a national council, and fearing lest the same would be hurtful unto him, urged by and by that there might be a general Counsel held at Trent, summoning the same incontinent and declaring 
Trent in Italy.  it by public writing. Against the which one Paulus Vergerius sometime a Bishop & a notable papist, but at the length for taking the Pope's doctrine, become a member of Christ's Church. This Paulus (I say) written letters in the Italian tongue to the Bishops of Italy. In the which he declared 
The letters of Paulus virglus to the Bishops of Italy.  that the Pope had given forth a Bull, for the calling of a general Council, the which Bull when he had seen, he had great sorrow and grief of mind and that for weighty causes. Namely, for that the Pope went about to disperse and scatter, and to overthrow & destroy the Churches of Christ, and to bring the same again to the former state of desolation. Adding hereunto, that the Pope was greatly offended with the light of reformation, which God had caused to shine in earth the space of these forty years to men that were blinded and overwhelmed in thick darkness of errors.  
As though (saith he) you Bishops were judges, & should be umpires in the Counsel to determine and end matters. So soon as you be come to Trent, you shall hear some profound disputation or other by Monks: but you shall hear no man that dare truly reply against them.  
Then shall be song very solemn songs of ceremonies, you shall be brought into the Temple of S. Vigil, you shall have fair and sumptuous clotheses of Tapisery hung before you, you shall have Mitres put on your heads: you shall sit upon marvelous fair chairs, which the Cardinal of Trent brought from Milan. And being there thus placed you shall hear solemnly read out of a Pulpit, the decrees, which the Pope, an unlearned and foolish man, with the help of some one monk or other hath devised. But as for you, you must do nothing but how down your mytered heads to the Pope, and say to whatsoever you hear Placet, very well: and so to approve the same, as though at the first sight you did understand and consider of the matter very well.  
Then will the Pope every where publish abroad, That the Bishops of the Catholic Church, have judged the Lutherans to be Heretics. Whereas you never so determined or judged of them, but he alone which sitteth in Peter's Chair. And yet notwithstanding, you shall be the cause of all these eu●…ls. Also shall that be called a general counsel, in the which neither we ourselves, whose cause is in hand, are heard, neither yet the Bishops that are present do any thing of themselves, but stand only for sifers in agram? And the Pope will send the Canons which were made at Rome, to Trent, that they may be counted the decrees of the general Council. And to the end that you might not doubt of this, what say you to that which was done by Pope Paul. iij. and also by Pope julio. iij. Of the which matter I myself can be a sufficient witness, and my testimony the more worthy to be received, for that I myself for bewraying this coloured deceit, was constrained to departed from Trent.  
Who knoweth not that here upon came this proverb: The holy Ghost is brought from Rome in a chest. I myself was once a Bishop, as you be, and that way bend, that you are, until I forsook the Pope, and got me to the Church of Christ. The which I count the greatest benefit that ever I received. But truly those toys and deceitful flights, are appointed now out of time in these days, soing the clear light of the Gospel so brightly shines throughout the whole world, and seeing the deceits of the Pope are so openly●… known. Is this your general Counsel, from the which, we that are the contrary part, and for whose cause the same is assembled, are excluded? Is this I say the order of your general Council, that the Pope shall command patriarchs, Archbishops, Bishops, and Abbates to be at the Council, & shall exhort Kings and Princes also to send their clergy and prelate's thither which are our adversaries, and seclude us which aught to make answer before we be condemned. And whereas the Pope would seem greatly to desire that Kings and Princes should either they themselves be present, or else their Legates and Ambassadors, what a jest and ridiculous thing is that? seeing they have no definitive voice in the Council, but are only lookers on. Therefore in your Counsels, not wisdom, not godliness, not gravity give Council, but your Mitres. This and much more he written, which for brevities sake we omit. Thus the Pope went about to bring to pass to have a Council at Trident.  
And now at this time the Electors and Princes of Germany which were protestants, met together at Numburgh, that they might deliberate and consult of the Confession made at Augusta, and offered to Charles the fifth in the year of 
Augusta, is ●… city in Germany called Augsburg.  our Lord God. M. D. XXX. and that because they herded that they were many ways misreported of before the Emperor Ferdinando. And writing letters to the Emperor, they declared that they did hold fast & embrace with one consent that confession made at Augsburg, & that they were ready to give an account of the same confession out of the word of God.  
While the Princes were thus occupied, there came two 
The Pope iwiteth the Princes of Germany to the general Council.  Legates from the Pope, to entreat the Princes of Germany to come to the general Council. The which two declared their message as followeth. The one of them began thus, saying: That the most high bishop so soon as he was called to the most holy & revereud office of governing the Church, to the end he might do the duty of a true pastor, he had this care above all others, to correct and amend whatsoever was amiss: that the Church might be quiet, & that all nations might be of one consent & mind, and embrace one doctrine. To bring the which thing to pass, seeing he see no better way or remedy than an assembly of a general Council, by due advise & deliberation, & by his own authority also which he hath from God, hath ordained & appointed a council, which shall be held at the feast of Easter next coming. And that the Princes might be the more fully certified of this matter, & to the end they, joining their endeavour with the Pope's carefulness, might be willing & diligent to procure the tranquillity & peace of Germany, they said that his holiness, greatly desiring & seeking the peace & quietness of the country of Germany, had sent his legates, to pray & exhort all men to come to the holy assembly: in the which it should be lawful for all men to speak what they would. Also they entreated those Princes by name, that they would not by any means hinder that godly zeal and peace of the Church, the most holy Father being ready to give unto all men a most large Charter of the public faith, and most solemnly to be bond to perform the same: his holiness exhorting all Princes to sand their Ambassadors to that holy counsel with their commissions: to the end the controversies of the Church, (in the which there are so many opinions as there are heads, and so many Gospels as there are teachers) may by their industry and diligence be speedily ended: and that they also giving that honour which is due to the Church, one Faith may be kept, and one God alone adored and worshipped.  
Thus when the first Legate had very copiously uttered his mind, the other also begun in manner & form following, saying that he would not repeat those things whereof his fellow before him had spoken, seeing that they had all one charge and commission from the holy Father.  
There is no man (saith he) that can be ignorant of the most grievous calamities of the Church, and into what misery the same is cast one evil and mischief following another, occasion being given to the enemies of Christ's name to calumniate and speak evil of the same: Insomuch that of necessity, so great confusion must be provided for, & a remedy sought. For the dangers do require these things, the opportunity of the time persuadeth to the same, and the clemency and godly zeal of the holy Father, allureth men thereunto: so that there could never be a better consent, and a more fit occasion offered: the Christian common wealth being pacified, & God's grace so plentifully being given to the most holy father, who is not only very careful for Princes, but also for souls health, & the peace & tranquillity of the church, 
The answer of the Princes of Germany to the Pope's Legates.   
Thus they both made an end of their Oration, to whom this answer was given: The most honourable Electors, Princes, Ambassadors, and Counsellors, of the most sacred Empire of Rome make this answer to the proposition of the Legates: namely, that they doubt not, but that a great sort of learned, godly, and wise men, of all ages and conditions, have wished a long time, that the Church might be in better state: praying that at the length the pure doctrine of the Gospel might be restored, and that the wicked errors might be taken away. Of the which matter Bishops of Rome aught to have a special care, for that they have of long time attributed to themselves the titles of Pastors of the Church: but (say they) experience hath hitherto declared, that they have been rather occupied in establyshing of their Tyranny, and in bringing errors into the Church, than in amplifying and setting forth the glory of God, and in curing the diseases of the Church. The which truly is most manifest, by too too many sorrowful effects, as the best friends that the Pope hath cannot but confess, if there be any shame in them.  
Also they said that they did not a little marvel what moved the Pope, and what hope he had of them, that he sent his embassage unto them, and that he would call them to this Council: as though he were ignorant what Religion the States of the Empire followed: who of late, that they might reform their Churches according to the true doctrine of the Gospel, were constrained to pluck their neck out of the Pope's yoke, that is to say, to separate themselves from their fellowship, which went about to oppress and destroy the true doctrine of the Gospel.  
We would therefore (say they to the Legates) that you should know for a surety, that the most noble Princes of Germany, will by no means obey the Pope, nor acknowledge that he hath any power, either by God's law, or by the law of man, to call a Council: specially, being such a one as maketh dissension & strife in the Church, and most cruelly warreth against the truth. Furthermore, they affirmed, that they were misreported of & slandered, as though they retained no certain faith, but that there were now among them, So many heads, so many opinions, So many Gospels, so many teachers: whereas they retained the plain and manifest confession made at Augsburg, and offered to the Emperor Charles the. u in the year of our Lord God. M. D. XXX. in the which not only all the principal grounds of faith are distinctly contained, but also the celestial truth many ways thereby set forth and published. Also they said that the general complaints of all men did sufficiently declare with what errors the Church of Rome was filled, and with what filthy superstitions the Gospel was there suppressed: in so much that the same is rather like to the traditions & vain inventions of heathen men, than Christian Religion. Wherefore (say they) because we have of late separated and divided ourselves from the Church of Rome, (not by any rashness or vain curiosity, or being led by any lewd affections, but by the only commandment of God which willeth all men to flee Idolatry) we protest that we will so abide most constantly, and not be subject any manner of way to the Pope. For we acknowledge no manner of jurisdiction, besides the jurisdiction of the most renowned Emperor Ferdinandus.  
And as touching the two Legates, the Princes said, that were it not for the Pope's embassage, on which they came, they being worshipfully born in Venice, they would show unto them so great courtesy, favour and friendship as might be: both for that they loved the country of Venice, and also because the Legates themselves by the dignity of their birth, were worthy, as they thought, to be well entertained. And thus the Pope's Legates, with lost labour, returned from Germany again.  
Then began Religion and the great number of the faithful to increase more throughout every province of the kingdom of France, but the devil envying that notable increase, there were then many perturbations and troubles raised up in many places.  
In Province (which was sometimes called Narbon) there 
Persecutious in Province.  was great a do and much trouble. And the Gospel being much preached in the region of Langres, almost in every city with great assemblies of people to hear the same, at the last ensued great affliction by the Earl Villarius.  
Daulphenie also (which is called the Region of Savoy) embracing the same doctrine, felt the like persecutions. And by the means of one Mottaegondrinus, who was Lieutenant to the Duke of Guise, there was grievous persecution at Valentia, in so much that a Minister of God's word, and certain honest citizens with him were beheaded. Moreover garrisons of soldiers were placed throughout every city, to the great annoyance and detriment of the faithful, who notwithstanding wonderfully increased both in number & in zeal daily.  
The Prince of Conde being sent for of the King, came to him to the Court, which was at Fontisbellaquaeums, with 
The Prince of Conde sent for to the Court.  a few only attending upon him. The day following, he was called before the privy Council, and being come, he openly demanded of the Chancellor if he had any thing to say against him, who answered that he had nothing to object against him: the like answer also made all the rest. And then he sat him down in his accustomed place. Then the King declared before all the assembly, that the Prince of Conde had given unto him due proofs and testimonies of his innocency: (for as we declared before, by the practices of the Guises he was accused of treason) the which he said's he did in no wise doubt of. And therefore he gave commandment to the Senate of Paris to give leave to the Prince of Conde to have larger testimonies of his innocency. And to the end the judgement of the privy Council might be known to all men, commandment was given that the same should be registered in the Register of the Senate, and sent also to the Ambassadors of other Nations. Therefore for because of these things, the Prince of Conde went to Paris.  
In the mean time there arose new cont●…tions between 
The contention and ●…lling out be●…weene the Queen & the king of Nauar●…e.  the Queen and the King of Navarre, he complaining to the Queen that he was not well dealt withal, for that he was ill requited for that great good will and courtesy which he showed towards the Queen in yéel●…ing unto her the government of the Realm, the Duke of Guise being in office and authority advanced before him, who had not only the keys of the Tower to keep, but also by the queens will did what him list: Saying also, that the matter was very ingratefully handled, that he which had been always his enemy even in the days of King Henrye and Frances, should as yet be advanced before him. Also that if he were contented for the queens sake to dissemble all things, and not to bewray his grief, it was the more unmeet that he for his facility and tractableness should be abused by her. In fine he said, that either he, or else the Duke of Guise must needs forsake the Court: adding also that he could by no means abide with the king, except the Guise departed. To this the Queen made answer, that she did mean to gratify the king of Navarre, so much as she might, and so much also as equity should require: but seeing as then she saw no just cause, she said that she would in no wise expulse the Duke of Guise from the King, because those offices that were committed unto him, of necessity required his presence about the King. She said also that she well perceived that these complaints of the king of N●…uar were continual, and that one thing being granted, she must daily grant more and more, and that there should never be any measure or end of these complaints▪ Notwithstanding for his sake, and to yield unto his complaints, she said that she would give commandment that the keys of the tower might be delivered unto him: although they pertained to the Duke of Guise, because he was Lord great Master: as may appear also by the example of the Constable, who heretofore bore the same office. To this the King of Navarre that the Constable did it not upon the same consideration a●…d in that order, but in respect of his office of the C●…nstableship, the same thing properly appertaining to his office. But hereupon was kindled a more fiery contention, and sharp and bitter words passed on both parts: and in such sort that the next day the king of Navarre made himself ready to departed, and his ca●…iage and sumpter horses being sent before, he himself was now ready to mount on horseback, and with him were ready to go all the Princes, the kings near kinsmen, the Constable, the Chastillions, and the greatest part of the Nobles, the which if it had come to pass, the Guises, and they of their part should have been left only with the King. And the report was that they would go no further than Paris, that there calling the assembly of states together, they might fully determine concerning the government of the kingdom. The Queen being very sorry for this sudden intention and purpose, by the advise of the Cardinal of Turnon, called unto her the Constable, and to the end she might stay and defer his going, she brought to pass that king Charles her son (two Secretaries being called to make record) commanded and charged the Constable in this necessity to abide with him as one of the chief officers that might not be spared. This charge so stayed the Constable, that he never dared (as he had promised) follow the king of Navarre, for all the persuasuasions that duke Momorencius could use, who persuaded him to the same. Therefore the king of Navarre was let of his purpose. But it was every where reported, that the Queen for the hatred she bore unto the king of Navarre, made much of the Guises. The which rumour brought to pass, that they which should come to Paris to the particular assemblies 
Deliberation●… of the particular assembly of states at Paris.  of the States (as in other provinces of the realm they did also) came the more speedily. In the which assembly many things were moved, concerning the order and manner of governing the realm: as, concerning the removing and placing some from and to the most honourable offices: concerning the Guyses' account to make of the money which was spent in the time of king Frances the second: concerning their evil behaviour in the time of king Henry: and concerning their bribery and unlawful receiving of money: In the which crime also the Marshal Santandrae, the Duchess of Valentien, and others were guilty. All which were forbidden to be of the King's privy Counsel, until such time as they had made their account. Then they which were for this cause assembled together at Paris (as it is declared before) were forbidden to do any thing concerning the government of the kingdom: but they notwithstanding, go forward with that which they had begun, affirming that the same did specially appertain to the assembly of States to be talked of, and not to be left to the determination and will of the Princes and kings kinsmen only. When the Queen herded this, she was out of mea●…ure troubled, and finding no better way or remedy, than to be reconciled to the king of Navarre, she desired the Constable that he would endeavour himself all that he could, to bring the same to pass. And at the length, the Constable 
Reconciliation between the Queen, and the king of Navarre  being a mean, there was a new covenant and league made between them: namely, That the King of Navarre should be taken for the Vicegerent, or Regent throughout the whole Realm: And that the Queen never after would do any thing without his counsel and will.  
This and the rest which tended to this effect, were confirmed and fully agreed upon both by words and writings, and Registered by the King's Secretaries in public record.  
These conditions being concluded and agreed upon, all the Princes the King's kinsmen, and the Prince of Conde, being for this cause sent for from Paris, subscribed to the same. The Duke of Guise in like manner subscribed with them, promising from thence forward to show himself mor●… obedient to the King of Navarre. Then commandment was given to the Marshal Momorentius that he should with all speed 'cause the states particularly assembled at Paris, to be revoked and called back again, and that the same which was done at the first concerning th●… order of governing the kingdom, should be quietly amended, and corrected. The which thing was wisely brought to p●…sse by him, to the great pleasure of the Queen, and also without any offence to the king of Navarre.  
Among the Ambassadors of foreign Princes and nations, which came into France, to gratify the new king Charles, there was the ambassador of Denmark, called Georgius Gluchus. For this man the king of Navarre made a feast, and desired him to tell his lord the king of Denmark, that be would before a year came came about, bring to pass, that the Gospel should be openly and freely preached throughout the whole realm of France▪ For the which thing, when thanks was given to God, and the good intent and purpose of the king of Navarre commended, Georgius Gluchus the ambassador prayed him that he would take heed that the doctrine of Caluine, and of the Heluetians might not be received in France, but rather the doctrine of Martin Luther. Which doctrine the king of Denmark his Lord, and the king of Suevia, and many other kings and Princes (whose dominion and power is no less than there's which acknowledge the bishop of Rome and his Church) do follow.  
To this the king of Navarre answered, that Martin Luther and john Caluine did wholly disagree from the Pope in forty Articles, and of those forty Articles, they agreed between themselves in nine and thirty: So that there is but one between them in controversy. Wherefore (sayeth he) both parts must endeavour themselves mutnally to bend their minds & force first of all against the Pope, that he being once overcome, they may seriously together consider, confer, and come to agreement, in that article in controversy: and so the Church at the length may be brought to his former purity.  
But the Constable when the Queen and king of Navarre were made frendeu, obtained great favour on both sydis, persuading himself that he had not been a l●…ttle beneficial to both of them: by this means he was very familiar with them both. But when he see that in Le●…t flesh was commonly eaten, and openly vought and sold: and that there were lermons openly preached in the prince of Condes chamber: & herded also the Queen openly say, that it was the king's pleasure and hers also, that there should be godly Sermons every day in the king's house, he began to suspect that the king of Navarre and the Queen had secretly agreed together concerning religion. And there preached before the King one Ianu●… Monlucius, Bishop of Valentine, at whose preaching the Constable and the duke of Guise were ●…euer but once: and the Constable being very angry with the bishop 
The Constable is drawn away from the p●…nce of 〈◊〉, and from others o●… the reform Church.  of Valentine, said that it was enough for him to come once and no more to such a matter. To whom the Bishop said, that he prayed God that his word might profit and take place every where. The day following, the Constable and the Duke of Guise went together to a sermon of a certain Monk, and from that time their mynd●… began to be altenated and drawn away. After which time the Constable was angry with the Admiral his nephew openly, because he did freely and publicly profess the Gospel. And the wife of the Constable greatly pricked him forward to this evil, who was greatly offended that the family and stock of the chastilion should be advanced, her brother the Earl Villarius being not in that estimation that she would have had him. Therefore she moved & provoked him with these pricks, saying, that the Admiral went about to deprive him of that benefit which the Queen had bestowed upon him: that he did instantly persuade the Queen to promote & set forth the true religion, for the king of Navars' sake: that the Constable aught not to suffer the authority of the church of Rome to be diminished, he being not only the chief officer o●… the king, but also such a one as had his original & offspring of the first Christian of the kingdom of France, as the poelie of his arms did very well testify, which was this: Protegat Deus primum Christianum: that is, God defend the first christian. Also the Marshal Santandrae, a subtle, crafty and malicious man, blew in his care that by the subtle procurement of the Admiral, he was put up by the assembly of States to be a briber and an extortioner.  
By this means he thought to stay him: for he feared that the Constable would not easily be brought to their wicked religion, except it were by these persuasions. Therefore he proceeded, saying, that he which came of so noble a stock and had done such worthy and notable service in the kingdom of France, governing the kingdom forty years, ought not to suffer new religions to be brought in, to the hurt of the catholic church.  
The like persuasions also used the Earl Villarius his wives brother, bearing no less spite and malice against the Admiral than his sister did: and that because he understood, that the Admiral did disprove before those of the kings privy counsel that which he had done in Narbon against Religion. Therefore they withdrew the Constable all that they could. The which thing Martial Momorentiu●… fearing, and foreseeing a dangerous tempest like to arise by the means of these dissensions, he showed to his father the Constable so much as he could, what he thought needful to be done. And lest he should be drawn away from the greatest part of his strength, least he should change away certain friendship for that which was uncertain: and least he should join himself with new reconciled friends, he repeated unto him their old enmities and fallings out. Adding moreover, that he should pervert and overthrow the greatest foundations of his stock and kindred, when he should alienate and withdraw himself from the Prince of Conde, from the Chastillions, from the Earl of Rupefocaldensis, and from the rest which profess the reform Religion: beside this, he should lose thereby the good will and favour of the king of Navarre, and peradventure the queens favour too. It is better (sayeth he) to suffer the Chastillions and the Guiles to contend together, than for you to take part, and yet nevertheless you shall keep your faith. Affirming also, that if the Guises were overcome (as it is most likely, because they have procured the hatred of all the assemblies, against themselves) then should his prudence, experience, and goodness bring to pass, that he should be a moderator and a judge of the reformation of the Church: the errors of the which Church he aught not to defend, because he was the chief officer under the King, and the successor also of the first Christian that was in France. Also he said, that he aught not to count it an injury that mention was made of him by those that were of the Assembly at Paris, seeing that he had done nothing but by the authority of Kings, and of the highest powers: and seeing also that he had received so little of king Henrye, that there was no man but he would judge him worthy of greater rewards, both in consideration of the office, which he had so long, and also for the money which he bestowed in the King's service. Moreover, he said, that it appeared by the Books of account, that the gifts which the king gave him, were not so much by the seventh part as those gifts were, which were bestowed upon the Marshal Santandrae, so far they were from being compared with the Guise's gifts, and with the gifts of the Duchess of Valentien.  
To these persuasions only of Momorentius, the Constable made answer, saying, That Religion could not be altered without the mutation of the state, & civil regiment: that he was a faithful servant of the king, and of his brethren also: that he feared not to be found guilty: that notwithstanding he would not suffer the acts and deeds of the kings deceased to be reproved, and disallowed: That he desired that his nephews the Chastillions might be so good Christians in very deed, as they seemed to be in words: also that he did willingly forgive those that had offended him whatsoever they had done.  
After this very shortly, the Chastillions, Odetus the Cardinal, the Admiral, the Andelot came oftentimes unto him, protesting that they bore no hatred in their hearts against the Guises, but went only about to frustrate their practises and devices, which (as it evidently appeared) tended both to their destruction, and of the realm also. Whom the Constable (say they) ought to resist above all others. But they persuaded in vain: for his mind was drawn away, and was linked in the friendship of the Guises, by divers that alured him thereto.  
Thus dissensions grew daily more and more by the means of Religion, and openly burst forth: insomuch that both parts sought to injury and to reproach one another, the favourers of the Pope's doctrine, calling the professors of the Gospel, huguenots: and the Protestants calling them again Papists. Hereupon came a rumour abroad of Seditions, the Pope's chaplains in their Sermons moving and pricking the people forward to the same. Wherefore the king sent his letters to the Magistrates of every Province: the sum and effect whereof was:  
That no man should call another contumeliously by the 
The king's Letters.  name of Huguenot or Papist: that no man should abuse that ho nest liberty which every man aught to enjoy, either in his own house, or when he is in his freds' house: that no man should enter ei there with great or small number upon other men's houses, under protence of the former edicts which prohibited & forbade unlawful assemblies. That they which were kept in bonds for Religion's sake, should be by and by delivered and set at libe●…e, before the first edict made for their deliverance. That they which had fled the Realm for Religion's sake, should have leave to return home again, with full and safe liberty to enjoy their goods and all things else that they had before, so that they would be contented to live catholicly and without offence. But if they would not, that it should be lawful for them to cell their goods and to get them to another place.  
These letters, the Senate of Paris went about to let and stay, but in vain: neither could their admonitions (as they term them) which they sent to the king, prevail so much, but that these letters were every where published abroad, which also almost in every place were diligently observed. They were delivered which were kept in prison for Religion. And many, which for the Gospel willingly choose to live in exile in other lands, returning now home again, greatly increased the Church: The Church more and more flourished, the Gospel was confirmed: All men, as though they had quite forgotten all other things, talked only of the Gospel: Every one of what estate and degree soever he was of, only reasoned of the Gospel: Sermons were made every where both in the Cities and in the fields: All men diligently resorted to hear them: yea the very rude and ignorant sort of people, because of the newness of the thing, came also to hear them of which a great number by this means were brought to the knowledge of God. But the adversaries, they stood amazed, wondering and musing at so great a matter: The service of ancient ceremonies began every where to wax cold, yea and in many places to be derided: yea very many casting aside the Pope's badges and marks, came into the Churches of the faithful, and were made as one with them. So great alterations came to pawn in so little a tyme.  
The Prince of Conde, (as we have declared before) came to Paris, that his innocency and guiltlessness might be farther tried by the Senate. He therefore, the Cardinal of Bourbon, and many other noble men attending upon him, pleaded with the Senate of Paris, concerning this matter as followeth: many men marveling that he was thus dealt withal. It is (saith he) a special token of God's providence, by which I being delivered from the platforms and secret traps of my enemies, shall get unto myself an everlasting testimony of my innocency in those things laid to my charge. The lying in wait and mischievous practises of wicked men, do nothing at all hurt those which have their hope & trust in God. I have always wished that my cause might be thoroughly weighed and understood of the Senate, which is the most notable place in France for the executing of justice. I should (saith he) be injurious to myself, unless I should bring the equity and integrity of my cause against the slanders of my adversaries, before so worthy an assembly, that the matter being worthy of the laudable and honourable sentence of the Senate, may by the gravity and upright judgement of the same be defined and ended. Wherefore he prayed them to consider of his estimation, which to him was more dear than his life. Then when he had required of the Senate that Petrus Robertus his man of law might be peaceably and quietly heard in making his declaration, he so departed.  
Then Petrus Robertus by and by made his oration, saying, 
The oration of Petrus Robertus, the man of law for the Prince.  That it had pleased God to try the Prince of Conde with that trial of affliction, with which▪ he doth oftentimes try his faithful servants, which affliction he doth oftentimes send to those that are his, but specially to those that are set in high degree, and that for two special causes: First, that Kings and Princes, and men of great calling might know that they have their power & dignity from God alone, upon whom dependeth either their preservation or destruction. Secondly, that the innocency of his servants may more evidently appear, by false accusation, & that by that means there may be perfect trial of their integrity.  
When he had thus spoken, he declared what things were wrought against the Prince at Aurelia, how his appeals were not received, how he was condemned his cause not herded: and therefore he said, that the sentence pronounced against him was void and of none effect. At the length when many things were debated & reasoned of between him and 
The conclusion of the Senate of Paris.  the King's Solicitor, it was concluded: That all matters that had been brought in against the Prince, should be referred to the Senate: And if nothing could be found that should deserve or require an extraordinary way then by and by the Senate should pronounce the full and absolute sentence of absolution and discharge: But if the Senate should found any matter of greater weight, that then it should be lawful before those testimonies and proofs were received and credited, to examine the witnesses again, and to consider the matter more deeply: and that the sentence pronounced by the former judges should be void, seeing that it appertained to the Senate alone, (which is the court appertaining to the king & to the nobles of France) to examine and judge the causes of the king's kinsmen, if any criminal cause were objected against them.  
The which point Petrus Robertus the prince of Conde his advocate, expounded and opened at large: lest the Prince should seem by the weakness of his cause to forsake that former judgement of the judges which were choose by king Frances the second, of purpose to give sentence on him. He declared therefore, that the Prince did refuse those judges, because they were far unmeet to judge him: besides that so it should have been prejudicial to the privilege & right of the princes, the kings kinsmen, for that they being accused of any matter, may appeal to be judged of the king only their chief lord, and the head of their stock, in the Senate of Paris.  
To this the king's solicitor answered, That he did not only allow the sentence of the kings privy council, concerning the innocency of the Prince of Conde, but also earnestly desired that the same might be ratified and confirmed by the judgement of a parliament: notwithstanding says he the same must be established by an ordinary and lawful way.  
Therefore the Prince of Conde was made playntive, and the King's Solicitor the defendant▪ and it was concluded, That for so much as the Prince of Conde was put upon his further trial & purgation, the whole assembly of the Senate house would receive any manner of accusation to be made against the Prince of Conde, and duly consider of the same: to the end if nothing could be brought against him whereby he might be found guilty, ●…e might straightway by public sentence, be declared and pronounced to be innocent and guiltless. Wherefore all the Senators commanded, that if any man had any manner of accusation against the Prince of Conde, he should come into the Senate house, and then he should be heard. Yea every one of the prince Council were asked by name if they had any thing to object against the Prince of Conde: Who affirmed in general by a solemn oath that they had nothing to object against him.  
Then was the final sentence of the Senate given in manner & 
The decree of the senate concerning the innocency of the Prince.  form following, that is to say, That the Prince of Conde had done nothing against the king's Majesty but was pure, innocent, and guiltless of all those crimes laid to his charge▪ that all actions commensed against him were void. Also that he should have liberty to arrest and sue whom he thought good, that he might be satisfied according to the dignity of his person. With proviso also that this decree should be proclaimed in the highest Courts of the king, and registered in public Records.  
This ordinance and decree was pronounced and openly read▪ by the chief judge of the Senate, the gates of the Senate house being set wide open, and all the Senators assembled together solemnly appareled in their Scarlet Robes, according to order. And also at the Reading hereof, there was a great multitude of people, and the greatest part of the Nobility of France, as the king of Navarre, the Cardinal Bourbon, Monpensier, and others of the Princes the kings kinsmen: and with these also were present the Dukes of Guise, Nemorosius, the Constable, Momorentius, the Marshal of Santandrae, the Cardinal of Lorrayn, and the chastilion. Others also, which were accused for the same cause with the prince of Conde, received the sentence of their purgation openly read.  
And undoubtedly, the Prince of Conde always denied, that he was the author, or of the counsel of that ●…umult of Ambaxian, howsoever the Guises maliciously interpreted that counsel and way which was devised to keep them under, to be intended against the king's majesty, and the state of the realm.  
By these and such like practises, those two brethren the Guises inflamed the young king Frances against the men of Bourbon, leaving nothing undone that might seem to prove their accusations. Accusers were diligently sought for, and matters of accusation enquired after: By gifts & by threatenings all things were attempted. And in the judgement of the Prince of Conde, they leaned specially to one witness, whose name was Sagua, a servant of the king of Navarre, of whom we have made mention before. That Sagua being taken and apprehended by the Guises, was diligently examined concerning the Prince of Conde, if he knew whether he had conspired against the king or no. Sagua at the first denied this, saying that he known no such matter. But at the length Frances the duke of Guise brought it to pass, (having with him a hangman and a halter) by threatening death unto him except he would plainly accuse the Prince of Conde of conspiracy against the king. But at the length being escaped out of the Guyses' hands, he most constantly said both by word and writing, that the accusation against the prince of Conde was extorted from him by force.  
This public sentence therefore of the Senate took away from the Prince of Conde, that spite and slander whereby he was said and thought to be guilty of the tumult of Ambaxian. But if the sentence of the Senate had not cleared and purged him, yet the effect and sequel of that which followed, may be sufficient to approve that he never conspired against the king: As his only study and most undoubted good will in defending the young king and the realm also, being in great peril, from the mischief and lyings in wait of foreign enemies. The which he would never have done, if he had intended to hurt the king any manner of way.  
The Cardinal of Lorrayn complained to the Queen that 
The complaint of the Cardinal of Lorrayn.  the matter was every day worse and worse, and that the people presumed and took too much liberty upon the king's Edicts, and also that the negligence and carelessness of the judges increased more and more: affirming that there was no wiser way to be found, than in such troublesome matters, to take counsel of the Senate of Paris. (It was reported that he went about this thing, being assured and certified before of many of the minds of the Senators, that by this prejudice he might help the national Council shortly at hand.)  
Therefore the King and the Queen and all the privy Council came unto the Senate to deliberate with them of those matters which appertained to Religion, and the government of the realm. The Chancellor briefly declared, that they were therefore called together by the king's commandment, that they might show certain ready and exquisite ways to qualify those perturbations and troubles, which would every day more and more increase by reason of the diversity of Religion: to the end the King's subjects might peaceably live under his obedience. To the which matter (he said) it pertained nothing at all to talk of religion, because the civil government was only now in hand: as for religion (he said) it should be reserved to be handled in the national Council, to whom it belonged to discuss the same. When the Chancellor had ended his oration, every man spoke his judgement: Some wishing punishments 
1.  for religions sake to ●…e st●…yde, until the C●…uncel had determined of the same: Other some wyshing to have punishment 
2.  by death, which was contrar●…e to the ancient c●…nstitutions of the Bishops of Rome. Other some deeming it 
3.  best to have the whole matter left to the author●…tie of Ecclesiastical jurisdiction: In the mean time they thought good to forbidden, that there should be no conventicles or assemblies either private or public▪ either with arms, or without arms: allo that there shul●… be no sermons, or administrations of Sacraments otherwise than according to the usual manner of the Church of Rome. And thus the whole assembly were divided into three ●…eueral opinions. Very many were of the first opinion: how beit the last opinion and ad●…iss pr●…uayled, having three voices more than the other had, for the which cause, there arose contention, many men suspecting that the Notary being corrupted, wrought deceytfully, re●…koning the names of some which came vulooked for, while the assembly were uttering their opinions: the which was against all order and custom of the Senate. Nevertheless there was an edict made, which was called, the edict of july. The effect whereof, 
An Edict called of the month of july.  was this.  
That all men should live peaceably: that there shouled be no injuries done under the pretence of religion: That all disturbers and breakers of the peace should suffer death: 
The sum of the Edict.  that there should be in no wise any manner of elections, or any other things, which pertained to factions or divisions: That preachers should use no words of offenc●… that might breed sedition among the people, but should rather modestly instruct them, and that also under pain of death: That there should be no sermons made, or sacraments ministered either privately or publicly, either with arms, or without arms, after any other manner than that which was used in the catholic Church set forth by the king and his clergy of France, & that under the pain of death & confiscation of all their goods, which offended herein. Also, that the knowledge and examination of heresy should be left to Ecclesiastical people: and that whosoever was found guilty thereof, should be committed to the secular power, and sustain no other punishment than exile. All these things to continued until the determination of a general or national counsel: Pardon and full forgiveness of all crimes for religions sake being granted to those that had offended, upon condition that they would ever afterward live peaceably and catholicly. Besides there was in this edict severe punishments appointed for false accusers. And last of all straight commandment that no man should wear armour.  
It was also agreed and concluded in this assembly, that the Prelacy or Clergy should be forth with gathered together, and also the ministers of the reform Religion, being waranted from the king to come without harm in peace to that assembly. The Cardinal of Lorraine bragged, that he would confute them by the authority of the ancient fathers, and so made many men to hope to see wonders. Therefore the Queen seeking to hasten this triumph, and fearing lest the States of the realm would once again make request to have Temples, gave forth commandment, that the Clergy of the Church of France should be at the town of Possiac, near to Sangerman, the tenth day of August following.  
France being in the midst of these troubles, there was warr●… also about that time, occasioned by the means of Religion, between the Duke of Sabaudi●…, and the Inhabitants of the Ualleys of Pedemount, of the which to make relation, being occasioned for one and the self same cause, and in the next region, it shall not be greatly beside our purpose.  
Pedamount near unto the mountain Vesulus, is called the valley of Lucern, of a little town called Lucerna, near adjoining to the same: To this there is also an other adjoining called Angronia, so called of the River Angrone, near to the which the valleys of Perossa and Samnartine do lie. Those valleys have dwelling in them fifteen thousand inhabitants. Of which number the greatest part profess the Gospel: also, there were some in those places long ago, which abhorring the Pope and his doctrine, had some knowledge and taste of true religion. But after that the light of the truth in our time braced forth and more clearly appeared, than it had done before, it began also more clearly to shine in those valleys. Therefore when they were better instructed 
Wars between the duke of Sabaudia and the inhabitants of the valleys.  in the doctrine of the Gospel, than did they more vehemently profess the truth: and that specially in two little towns above the rest, where the same was openly professed. These men of the valleys had many noble men appointed to rule and govern them: but among the rest, they acknowledge the duke of Sabaudia, their chief Prince and governor. Therefore these inhabitants being hated for religions sake of the noble men that dwelled about them, were divers and sundry ways by them vexed. And their chief Prince the duke of Sabaudia was sore aggrieved, that Religion began to flourish among them: in somuch that he oftentimes commanded them to forsake the religion: and to warn their ministers to receive the Mass and the ancient religion, otherwise he threatened them cruelly to punish them as rebels. They being careful by reason of these new commandments, send at length their Ambassador to the Prince with a supplication and confession of their faith, protesting that they believe all things contained in the old and new Testament, the articles of the Christian faith, called Symbolum Apostolorum, the Nicene creed, and the Creed of Athanasius: also the four first Councils, and the doctrine of the ancient Fathers, so far forth as they with the word of God. Humbly beseeching him to give them leave to live according to the rule of God's word, and not to constrain them to do any thing against their conscience, affirming that they were ready not only to give an account of their Religion, but also to acknowledge and confess their error if they might be brought unto it by the word of God. Adding hereunto that this doctrine had continued a long time among them, as they could well approve by great testimonies received from their ancestors. Desiring him also to inquire how they behaved themselves towards their governors, and in what order they lived: protesting that their only desire was to tender unto him all obedience as unto their chief Lord and Prince, and that if they should 
The Edict against the inhabitants of the valleys.  be found otherwise, to be sharply and severely punished. This was the effect of their embassage to the Duke, but it did nothing at all prevail. For the Duke gave straight commandment that no man should come or resort to those sermons which the Ministers of the inhabitants of the valleys made: if any did resort unto them, their first punishment was the loss or forfeiture of. 100 Crowns, and the second punishment was to be a Galley slave. He commanded also all the Nobles and Magistrates that had authority to punish, severely to execute the same against the offenders. Therefore the Noble men began to wax fierce against the inhabitants of the valleys: in so much that when they had taken certain of them, they burnt them: among whom were two preachers of God's word. All men used violence against the men of the valleys, even as if they had been mortal enemies: great damage and hurt was done to them: and those which dwelled about them, making an army made havoc of them and spoiled them. The men of the valleys were contented with all this injury, and by the exhortations of their Ministers and preachers bore these things patiently for a time. But at the length being overladen and wearied with these troubles, they purposed to defend themselves, in so much that they flew many of them which came to pray and spoil them. Whereupon the Duke gave forth a commandment that they should leave off to spoil them any more: and sent unto them Ranconensis and Trini●…aeus. 
Ranconensis & Trinitaeus.  two of his gentlemen, to entreat them friendly. Notwithstanding they returned home again as they came, because they would have bound them to send away their Ministers and Preaches. The Duke being angry with this, intended to make open war against them. Whereupon he sent against them Trinitaeus with five thousands soldiers (the greatest part whereof were gunner's, and some horsemen) commanding him that except the men of the valleys would do as they were commanded, he should deal with them as with mortal enemies, to spoil their goods and to put them to fire and sword.  
First of all therefore Trinitaeus assaulted Agronia, with a thousand and a half of gunner's: certain of the Townsmen to the number of thirty being slenderly armed with flings and Crossbows, straight way went against them, and withstanding the first front of the Army, were strait way rescued with two hundred out of the valleys adjoining unto them: and so by and by they put their enemies to flight, and slew three score of them, three of their own side only being lacking.  
When Trinitaeus saw that he had assaulted Agronia, in vain, he assaulted the villages thereabouts as Comba and Tagliaret: but at their hands he received the repulse also with loss of thirty of his men. Seeing therefore how hardly he should obtain his purpose, and that he little prevailed by open violence he sought to practise by subtlety and craft. And sent to the inhabitants of the valleys, promising them peace, if they would unarm themselves, send men to the Duke to crave pardon for their rebellion, and give unto him sixteen thousand Crowns. The people desiring peace and to be eased of all their troubles, easily yielded to these conditions. And sent choose men for the purpose to Trinitaeus. saying that they would fulfil his commandment: and so they put off their armour, which by and by was taken from them by the soldiers. They sent in like manner in their own name to the Duke two men to confirm the obedience of the people unto him by an oath, so that they might have liberty to use their Religion. In the mean time there was a great sum of money required, the one half being paid, and a day appointed for the payment of the other half. Within few days after the Duke sent for the two Legates of the valleys, and the Pope's Legate sitting by him, and a great multitude of people being present, commanded them, kneeling on their knees, in the name, and on the behalf of the inhabitants of the valleys, to confess their faults, and to crave pardon for the same: first of the Duke, and then of the Pope in the person of his Legate there present: and to swear both of them ever afterward to be loyal and obedient. This thing being extorted from the Legates by fear, the Duke by the means of these promises, commanded the men of the valleys to put away their Ministers, and to receive such as he sent unto them, and to come to the Mass. The inhabitants of the valleys, blamed the inconstancy of their ambassadors, saying that the same should not deceive them, neither that they would consent unto that which they had done, being against their wills and commandment. They would (they said) obey their Prince, but so notwithstanding that they would have the liberty of their conscience.  
Wherefore they desired that they might have leave to exercise that doctrine which before time they had followed. So soon as the Duke heard of this, he sent an army again, and that in the deep of Winter, invading all the country, burning houses, spoiling goods and Cattles, and showing so much cruelty as might be.  
The men of the valleys therefore being constrained, forsook their houses, and fled to the tops of the Mountains with their wives and children, being covered with snow. From thence they saw their houses on fire, their trees cut down, their cattle taken away and sp●…yled. And yet for all this everyone of them, yea even their women shed no tears for the same, but gave praises unto God who had made them worthy to suffer for his name, and had made their houses ashes to throw in the eyes of Antichrist. Therefore when they saw whereabout their enemies went, they despaired not in the midst of so great affliction, but made their prayers unto God: and said with one mind and consent, that in so just a cause they would spend their lives, thinking it better to dye than to receive such horrible superstitions, being fully persuaded, that in so good and just a cause God would not fail them. And thus they bended themselves to seek their own defence: appointing scouts and watches in certain convenient places, making certain holds: stopping the ways against their enemies: and setting all things that was necessary for them in so good order as they could. There was therefore daily skirmishes on both sides, and within a few days there were a hundred men slain on the Duke's side, and on the other side not forty. Among other valiant Captains there was one called Carolus Truchetus, a very expert fellow in the war, and of great estimation and authority with the Duke. This fellow sought how he might win the Castles and holds of their enemies, and therefore by the skill of the places and by the knowledge that he had of their situation, he brought to pass by coming on the back side of the mountain, that he brought a thousand soldiers and placed them on the ridge of a hill: and having quietly possessed the same, he put his soldiers in comfort to have the prey: and after he had fortified the same, he made haste to win another hold. Of the which, when many were ware that kept a little hill hard by, they told the rest of their fellows: of the which, part went to repel their enemies: and part with all speed gave warning to all those that dwelled there round about, with the sound of a Trumpet. And at the last two hundred men being gathered together, they easily put their enemies to flight. And making hast to remove those soldiers which were placed on the top of the hill, they saw certain troops of their enemies making haste to get a forte near unto them of great force. Therefore when they had altered their purpose, leaving their former assault which they had meant to give against those on the ridge of the hill, they made haste to encounter with the other part: and setting upon them before they were ready, they slay many of their enemies, and had made a greater slaughter, had not a certain preacher of God's word by his admonitions stayed their force. But Truchetus being strike with a stone on the leg, was carried away by two soldiers. The 
The slaughter of Truchetus.  which when a certain Cowherd which fed oxen there see, he threw a stone at him with a sling, with so great violence, that he falling to the ground, and being left of his soldiers, was slain with his own sword by the same Cowhearde. And now for want of Guns, the men of the valleys had made them crossbows of wood, which would deliver stones with great force: and therefore the men of Sabaudia being on the lower ground were very much annoyed with this new kind of shooting. Wherefore the men of Sabaudia, to save themselves from the force and violence of the stones that were thus shot at them, devised great Targets, with which they might cover their whole bodies. Therefore they sending before them forty men shéelding them and defending them from the force of the stones with their Targets, marched on in haste with all their armies.  
The which when the men of the valleys perceived, they set upon them on the one side, and slew many of them, and put all their armies to flight. And at the length the enemies vnloked for, took the town Taglaretus, and there some were slain. But they which were ●…n the edges of the mountains, set upon the enemies, & slew many of them, & put the rest to flight. And thus Tr●…aeus having no hope to prevail by wars against these men, certified the Duke what a hard matter he had taken in hand. Afterwards the men of the valleys were called to parley, with whom these covenants were made, namely, That they should use their accustomed exerci●…es 
The agreement an●…●…uce between the Duke of Sabaudia & the inhabitants of the valleys.  of Religion: that they should by no manner of means be accused or called to accounted for this war: that they should have free liberty and intercourse to buy and cell through all parts of the Duke's dominion: that they should tender unto the Duke all duty and obedience belonging unto him: that they also should li●…e without offence. There were divers other particular matters, which because they serve not for our purpose, we omit.  
While these things were thus handled, Philip King of 
Persecution in Spain.  Spain, on the other side, left nothing undone to punish & vex with all manner of torments, so many as embraced the Gospel in any part of his dominions but specially in Spain, & Belgio, the murdering inquisition in every place most cruelly was executed: the houses in the which the faithful came together were burned: they which were taken were speedily put to death, some being burned, some drowned, & some torments with new kinds of death: yea, there was no respect of people had, were he poor or rich, gentleman or noble man, he was not free from these torments. The king being greatly inflamed & 
He might rather be called Granvillan, or great villain.  pricked forward hereunto by the Cardinal Granuellan, who a little before was made Cardinal in Belgio, at the creation of new bishops. Nevertheless the faithful of the p●…rsecuted churches offer their confession to the king of Spain, and publish the same every where abroad: & by public writing open their 
The confession of the Church of Flanders offered to the King.  cause to the magistrates, show how injurious a thing it is to condemn a man before his cause be herded, beseech that they might have liberty to be herded, that their confession might be read, which would manifestly declare that they were unjustly condemned: these troubles (say they) do arise of two sorts of men, The first are such as are led by rash & undiscrete zeal 
〈◊〉.  to defend their errors, which have long time continued in the Romish Church: The second are such as are afeard to have 
New●…rs.  the Gospel prevail, because they know that the doctrine thereof reproveth their wicked doings & affections. It is great arrogancy to condemn those that lean to the word of God, & to prefer the inventions of men before the same. Wherefore they desire that before they be condemned they might be convinced by the word of God, & that the disputation might not be with fire and sword, for (say they) the word of God is the undoubted & certain rule of truth. But this was the sum of their confession. We believe in one true God, which by his glorious names & titles, may be discerned from false & counterfeit Gods: which may also be known by that most mighty work of the whole world, but specially by his word: we also im●…race & receive the only word of God by faith, not so much because the Church receiveth the same, but because it is sealed in the hearts of the faithful by the holy ghost. We believe that one God in essence is distinguished into three people, which are, the father, the son, & the holy Ghost, reserving notwithstanding to every person his special property. We believe that God which hath created the world doth govern & preserve the same by his providence. We believe that he created man after his own image & likeness, that is to say, holy, good, & perfect: & that he fallen by his own fault, & hath wrapped his prosteritie in the same guiltiness of sin, & corruption, that he himself was in. We believe that jesus Christ, both God and man in one person, is a true mediator, & the only mean & way to salvation.  
We believe that he being promised long before unto the Fathers, and represented and shadowed under the Ceremonies and figures of the law, came in his time, and fulfilled all things that pertained to our salvation: and that without great sacrilege and robbing him of his honour, no other mean can be taken: also that the faithful are partakers of these benefits, which are the Church of God, which is governed by the holy ghost, and not tied to places or perfons.  
We believe that the pure and sincere preaching of God's word, the pure Ministration of the sacraments, and the discipline, by the which the Church is governed according to the rule of God's word, are notes and marks of the visible Church.  
We believe that the Sacraments were ordained to confirm our faith, and do then profit when they are joined to the power of the holy Ghost.  
We believe that there do belong only two sacraments to the Church: namely Baptism, which is a seal of remission of sins, and of our regeneration, and therefore a testimony of our entrance into the Church: And the Lords supper, which signifieth that we are truly made partakers of the body of Christ, and of all his graces and benefits, that is to say, that our souls are nourished to everlasting life by his flesh and blood, even as our bodies are nourished with bread and wine: but we must bring faith to receive the truth of that Sacrament, that is to say Christ: therefore we believe that the Lords Supper doth only profit the faithful, & bringeth to the unworthy, that is, to the unbelieving, condemnation.  
We believe that God to defend and preserve the society of men, hath ordained laws and politic government, which all men aught to obey: & that tributes, custom, and other taxes aught to be paid to Magistrates, who aught to be reverenced, and for whom we aught to pray unto God.  
We believe also that Christ shall come again with all power, majesty and glory, in the latter day to judge the quick and the dead. Thus much concerning their persecution.  
But now to return to ourselves again.  
When the Duke of Guise had been at no small variance with the Prince of Conde, he purposed with himself, partly by his own mind, in hope of profit & partly by the Counsel of his friends, to come into his favour and friendship again, 
The reconciliation of the Prince of Conde & the Duke of Guise.  the Queen and the Constable, exhorting him there unto and helping him to have his purpose. Therefore the King, when he had called the Prime Council together and all the Princes being present, he called both of them before him: and when the matter was opened he commanded the Duke of Guise to declare the whole matter to the Prince of Conde.  
The which the Duke of Guise did, protesting that he never caused nor counseled the King (which was departed) to apprehended the Prince of Conde. To which the Prince of Conde answered that he did count him a wicked and naughty person, which went about to work him that mischief, what so ever he was. The Duke of Guise said, that he thought him in like manner to be no less, but he could not help it. At the length by the King's commandment they embraced one another, and promised to put away all grudge and malice, and to be ever afterward true and faithful friends. This reconciliation gave the Constable occasion more freely to join himself and to keep company with the Guises, and to begin afresh to suppress Religion, the which he had always obstinately resisted.  
We said before that the assembly of States, or Court of Parliament was delayed and put off until the month of May.  
Therefore they resorted again in the month of August to Pontosia a town in Picardy: and by and by there arose dissension between the Princes and the Cardinals about the order of sitting: the Princes denying to sit below the Cardinals. Whereupon the Cardinals Turnon, Lorraine, and Guise went away very angry. But when the Earls and Nobles were gathered together, the Chancellor proposed the matter according to custom, showing the cause of their coming together, and willing every man freely to utter that which he had to say.  
Therefore the Legates or Speakers for the three estates made their several orations: in the which they spoke much concerning the duty of the King, and of the subjects, and of those matters which are commonly handled in Civil convocations, the which we mean not to repeat, for because they appertain not to our purpose. Notwithstanding this is not to be pretermitted, that the Legate for the commonalty complained very much of the corruptions of Ecclesiastical people: because they aught to teach the people and to exhort them both by their doctrine and also by their example to a pure and honest life: but foul and filthy ignorance was among them, and their corrupt and unchaste ly●…e was a great offence to all men. Moreover he said, that they were hirelings, and careful for nothing less than for ●…oyng their duties, but were wholly given to filthy pleasure: and this thing (saith he) ariseth hereof, for that they be more plentifully fed and fatted, than their offices will bear: what hath been the cause (saith he) in times passed of all the corruptions in the Church, but the too much ease and living of Ecclesiastical people. Also he made petition in the name of the third state, which we call the commonalty, that the King would reform these great faults, and would so temper and order the livings and revenues of Ecclesiastical people that they might not live too licentiously at their ease.  
Moreover he declared that it was the office of a King to take upon him the defence of Religion, and because so many troubles daily did arise for this cause throughout the whole Realm, he said it was a present remedy to pacify them, to call forthwith a national Counsel, and to give to all men leave to come under safe conduct: and that it would please the King also with the Princes his Kinsmen to be present at the same, and to call for learned and godly men to come to that parley, and also to remove all those that might be suspected.  
Furthermore that they which think that they can not with a safe conscience come to the Ceremonies of the Church of Rome, might have liberty freely and quietly to come together into some temple or other public place, where they may be taught the word of God in their vulgar tongue, and may have the rites of their Religion Ministered.  
And because many things may be said to be done amiss in those assemblies, he wished that the King would command certain of his officers to be present in those assemblies to see what should be done.  
Also he said, that they ought not to be counted for heretics which were condemned, their cause not heard, but should be tried and judged by the word of God.  
finally, he made humble supplications that it would please the King to grant such reasonable requests: the which also the Nobility with one consent required, but the Ecclesiastical order or Clergy sought diligently by all means possible to defend their cause.  
But to the end it may more plainly appear what 
Certain Civil acts worthy to be noted.  great alterations have happened within a short time, it shall not be amiss to repeat certain things which were done in that assembly concerning matters Civil, and yet those things only which also seem to be more near to Religion, the state whereof to show we mean.  
Therefore these remedies were devised to discharge the King of that debt and payments of money with the which we said before the King at that time was greatly burdened: first, that they which had had the occupying of the kings Treasure, should come to account: In the mean time that so many as were of the King's privy Counsel should be forbidden to come into that assembly, until they had plainly made their accounts: also that all should make an account (the Queen only excepted) of all exceeding gifts, rewards, and doles. That so many as in their own people, did not discharge their Ecclesiastical offices, should lose all their revenues saving some part which should be left them for the divine service, and for aims deeds. That all the revenues of Benefices in controversy should be brought to the king's Treasury. That so many Benefices as had their pastors resident, if they were worth five hundred pound in money, should pay unto the King the fourth part: if they were worth a thousand pound, the third part, if they were worth three thousand pound, that then they should pay unto the King the one half. Also that they which had in yearly revenues coming unto them twelve thousand pounds, should have only remaining to them of the same, three thousand, and the rest to be paid to the King.  
That from the Cartusian Friars, the Minimi, the Mathurines, and the Moniakes should be taken all their revenues that surmounted and came to more than would find them ordinary meat, drink and cloth: because by the order of their rites and vow, they aught to have no more.  
Also, (they said) they had yet a better and more compendious way, and that was this: if all the lands of Ecclesiastical people belonging to their benefices and spiritual promotions, saving only a house for the Bishop, Canon, Master of the College, or person to devil in were sold.  
And of some part of the money for the same, the King's debts should be paid, and the rest to be distributed to Ecclesiastical people that had more need of the same. Also to the end the king with the rest might perceive how profitable a way this would be, they declared that the revenues of those ecclesiastical lands would be worth forty thousand pound, and their proper living and remainder nevertheless twelve hundred thousand pounds. And they said that these lands would the sooner be sold because they were free from tribute, & were all most lords within themselves. Adding moreover that Ecclesiastical people should sustain no harm hereby for they should nevertheless have enough to live upon, and the king of the overplus of those yearly revenues should both pay his debts, and also have every year a great sum besides, towards the maintaining of garrisons of soldiers, the fortifying of Cities, and other such like uses to the great profit and commodity of the people. They made Supplication in like manner that the Edict of july, of the which we made mention before and in the which the faithful were forbidden to assemble themselves together, might be taken away: that also there might be used peaceable and quiet means in matters of Religion, and yet notwithstanding that no Heretics, Libertines, Anabaptistes, Atheists, and such like seditious people might be born withal: And that there might be called out of hand a national Council to reform the errors of Ecclesiastical people. Furthermore they requested that the King with his kinsmen the Princes would be at the counsel: that all men might have free liberty under the kings warrant to come to that convocation: that they might have Churches for the administration of their doctrine and Sacraments, granted unto them, which affirm that they cannot with safe conscience come to the Ceremonies of the romish Church: that they might openly and plainly profess and maintain their Religion, and put away all occasions of slander and reproach.  
Last of all they required, that all jurisdiction might be taken away from Ecclesiastical people, and restored to the King to whom the same truly appertained: that Ecclesiastical people might have no place in the Civil assemblies of parliaments: and also that Civil or temporal people might not have benefices or spiritual promotions. These things were spoken by the orators and speaker for the States, according to their commission.  
Moreover at the length motion was made unto them ●…o help to confirm the covenant made between the Queen and the king of Navarre concerning the government of the kingdom. To the which they answered that it seemed unto them very unmeet and strange, that a woman should rule the Realm of France, which was plain against the law thereof, called the law Salic.  
After long contention, by the earnest persuasion of the king of Navarre, (who sought to have the Queen's favour) and said that he did willingly give place unto her, the speakers answered, that if the king of Navarre would depart from his right, and that the king and Queen could so agree they would not be against it, nor hinder it.  
But it was said that those speakers did not well in that they swerved from their Commissions: and therefore that their assent to be void and of none effect: neither was the facility and mildness of the King of Navarre well liked of.  
Now the Pope feared (as we said before) that national 
Cardinal Ferrer, sent from Rome to hinder the national Counsel in France.  Council which the king had promised, lest it would be greatly hurtful unto him: therefore so much as he could he made haste to have a general Council. And for this cause he sent the Cardinal of Ferrer, to the king. This romish Cardinal called himself the Protector of the Churches of France, for the which names sake many presents and gifts were given to him in France.  
At the next coming together of the States, it was concluded that the Pope should never afterward have authority to give any benefice or spiritual promotion in France. Therefore the Cardinal, when he was come, would have used his accustomed power and authority, but being let by the new decree of the States, or Parliament, he railed up great controversies. Then the Chancellor 〈◊〉 affirmed, that it was a thing not to be suffered, that so new a decree of Parliament should be infringed and broken. Notwithstanding the matter came to that pas●…e by the daily complaints of the Cardinal, that the king gave straight commandment to the Chancellor to seal his letters. The Chancellor said, that it was against law and equity so to do, howbeit he sealed his letters with the king's seal, and subscribed these words with his own hand, without my consent and will. Then these letters, according to custom were sent to the Senate of Paris, that they also might confirm them.  
But when the Senate had read these words of the Chancellor, they made this answer, They cannot, neither ought they to be received. Which words they always use when they mean to note any unlawful or unjust matter. Therefore Cardinal Ferrar was without hope of his letters, and was very sore aggrieved to see the Pope's authority so sore diminished and shaken in France, beside this, ballets and rhymes were made ●…f him, and having his Crosier going before him (as the manner is) he was deryded of boys and children that followed him: also pretty Libels were set forth against him, and the image of Pope Alexander his grandfather finely painted with a lively description of his wickedness out of the words of the Poet Pontanus, was held forth in every man's hand against him. The Cardinal taking this in very evil part, departed out of France, looking for better occasions to have his purpose the which in deed he got afterward.  
But shortly after this, the Pope's authority was cut off more and more in France, and all the people almost every where said, that now the authority of men must not be weighed, but the substantialness of reason and truth: that the great errors which long ago were grown, were now spread abroad: that the Covetousness and Luxury of the Church men was insatiable: that they were more outrageous and cruel against those which followed the contrary opinion in Religion. All estates and degrees had these and the like communications oftentunes in their mouths: yea, and they which as yet were on the Pope's side came not so often to their own Churches as they had wont, but came often to the sermons of the reformed Church, kept company with the faithful, and had often conference with them concerning Religion, and said that for this cause there aught to arise no trouble, nor breach of friendship or brotherly love. They which more obstinately leaned still to their old opinions, kept themselves so close within their doors, that they scarce dared to come in any company. Many were daily allured to the company of the faithful, in so much that the alteration of Religion seemed now without all doubt to be at hand. The greatest part of the Nobility also embraced the doctrine of the Gospel: And the Queen seemed to prefer Religion very much, and openly to favour those of the reformed Religion: whether to please the king of Navarre, or to serve the time, I know not: and written very earnestly to Pope Pius the fourth, desiring him that he would provide remedies to stay those troubles. 
The effect of the Queen's letters sent to Pope Pius the fourth.   
And when the time of the parley appointed was room, she written very large letters to him the fourth of August, to this effect as followeth.  
If (saith she) the state of the Kingdom of France may be expressly described to the holy Father (for so she was wont to call him) in what and how many straits and perils the same was, by reason of the divers opinions of Religion, he would provide with all speed for it, and would help to stay these troubles both with his presence and authority, and also would bend all his Counsel, wisdom, and power, to find out remedies for the same.  
On the one part he might set before his eyes the infinite multitude of souls which run headlong, as it were, into 
Multitude.  destruction, because they know not well the way of salvation.  
On the other part he might see part of the kingdom to be distracted and drawn away from the communion and fellowship of the Church, which consisted of the greatest part of the Nobles, of learned men, of the best citizens, and most civil sort of the common people, who want neither force, nor counsel, or any other means to achieve their 
Quality.  purpose: seeing there are among them men of great wealth and riches, which will not let to spend their goods and substance in their cause. Furthermore such is the concord, consent and unity, among them, that it is wondered to see how 
Concord.  carefully one of them do defend an other: in somuch that they can neither be drawn from that concord, neither can they be overcome by force of arms: And without present peril this kingdom can not be cast into those straits which threaten unto the same no doubt great ruin and extreme destruction. Seeing therefore the matter standeth thus, and seeing there is a manifest token of great troubles as hand, 
The increase and force of the faithful.  the number of those men increasing and waxing strong every day more and more, she also being persuaded, that the holy Father being mindful of those benefits which he had received of the French kings, would carefully endeavour himself to provide remedies to ease these troubles: for this cause she was bold●… to flee unto him as to a refuge, that he would apply all his counsel, wisdom, and power, to procure the unity of the Church. It may please him therefore to understand, that this thing might the more easily be brought to pass, because by the goodness of God there are not in the whole realm of France, any Anabaptistes, heretics or any that speak against the Christian Articles of the faith, nor yet against the declaration of those Articles made 
Doctrine.  by the sire general Counsels. And (she said) this was the opinion and judgement of certain learned men, with whom she had conferred, that the holy Father might receive them which confessed that catholic profession of the faith, plainly confirmed and expounded by those six general Counsels, into the Communion & fellowship of the Church, although they were of divers opinions: And that other opinions can not let the union of the Church, even as in time past the diversity in celebrating the Passeover, the divers and sundry 
Diversity of rites.  observations of fastings, and rites in sacraments, and other parts of divine service, did nothing at all hinder the union of the Church: and that the same way then used, should be very profitable now to stay the controversies of the Latin and Greek Church.  
Therefore they trust the controversies being at an end, that God will be with them, and that the dark & misty clouds being driven away at the length, he will show the true and perfect light of the truth. And (saith she) if this general way shall not be approved and allowed, although it ought to be referred to a general Council, yet notwithstanding it is necessary that the holy Father do provide a speedy remedy before that time, considering the present necessity. For delay will bring such great inconveniences with it, as can not easily by any means be recovered again.  
But the remedy seemeth to consist in two things: 
The remedy  First that they which have already separated themselves from the Commmunion of the Church, might be called and brought to the same again: Secondly, that they which as yet have not withdrawn themselves, might be kept in this communion still. To win the first, it may seem very necessary, to use often admonitions, and to have mutual and quiet conference on both parts. Bishops and their ministers must diligently preach God's word, and exhort the people to mutual peace and concord: and names of reproach on both sides must quite be taken away. The which she hoped, was a speedy way to bring concord and love. The which also (she said) she had given in commandment to those that were separated from the Church, and was hitherto obeyed. But as touching those which as yet had not separated themselves from the Communion of the Church: there are many (sayeth she) which as yet purpose not to depart from the same, and yet notwithstanding they stand continually in doubt, and specially in these three principal points.  
The first is, that they understand, that the primitive 
The first point of offence.  Church had no images. They know that God hath expressly forbidden to worship them, or to set them in those places where they may be worshipped: They know also that Gregory hath foribdden the same: and that divers good men in like manner, which since that time, received them into the Churches, expressly declared that they were ordained for no other use, than to put the ignorant people in mind of their Gods which were absent. Notwithstanding, many errors, deceits, and lies have prevailed and crept into this kingdom and realm of France, and many deceivers, contrary to the doctrine of the ancient Fathers 
Worshipping of images.  have most wickedly abused the worshipping of images to their own lucre and gain, in so much that the cousciences of many men for this cause are greatly offended, and therefore will not come into the Churches, lest they should bow their knee before the Images.  
The matter therefore being well examined, if on the one part the inconveniences which may arise hereof, and the fruits and commodities which are like to come, be wy●…ely weighed, it shall be found that it is better to remove them, than to worship them with offence of many: specially seeing the same is neither the commandment of God, nor yet hath been received of the Church upon any necessity. Therefore to cut away all occasions of slanderous report, and to keep those still, of whom we speak, in the fellowship of the Church, let it be considered if it be profitable to remove these Images from the Altars: and to place them about the Temple, either within or without: the causes being declared, namely that certain ungodly men seeking their own gain on the one part, and on the other part certain ignorant and unskilful men, also will bring to pass, that the people shall abuse them against the ordinance of the Church.  
2 The second principal point is concerning the administration 
Sacraments.  of Sacraments, of Baptism, and of the Lords supper. In the administration of Baptism, it seemeth strange 
Baptism.  to many good and godly men, that Exorcisms, and many forms of prayers should be used: the which may somewhat profit those that understand them: but seeing the greatest part of the people do not understand them, it seemeth better to omit them. And where as it is believed and taught that these things are necessary to be done before Baptism, they say that it is done against the pure and sound judgement of the Church, which hath decreed and appointed Water and the word to be only necessary in the Sacrament: but as for Exorcisms and Prayers not to be necessary to the Sacrament. Furthermore they say, that in Baptism 
Catechisms.  the words of the ancient Catechisms are retained still, the use whereof is now go, and therefore at this time is used in vain in Baptism. Also many do very much mislike that a diseased or infected priest should spit his unclean spittle into the mouth of the infant: whereby some great evil and peril might arise. All these inconveniences (she said) might be remedied if it might be left in the choice of all men, either to use Exorcisms and prayers in baptizing their infants, or else purely and simply without any additions to keep the substance of Baptism, that is to say, water and the word: and to have the same ministered in the vulgar tongue that the people may understand it. The which liberty were more tolerable, than either the offence, or separation of many men: and so no infants shall be baptised out of the Congregation of the romish church.  
3 As concerning the holy communion, many good men do mislike three things in the same: Of the which, the first 
The holy communion  is, that it is given to communicate only under one kind: Whose consciences in this matter can not be quieted and stayed, either by the authority of the Council of Constance, or by the observation of custom, received not many years ago: seeing that jesus Christ plainly saith, Take ye, eat you, drink you, Paul the Apostle also saith: Who soever 
The custom of the ancient Church.  eateth of this bread, and drinketh of this cup. To the which express word of God is joined also the ancient custom of the Church, constantly observed for a thousand years and more. And although for reverence sake which they own unto the Church, they will not condemn the council of Constance, yet notwithstanding, seeing through fear of erring, they lean only to plain testimonies of Scripture, and to the ancient custom of the Church, it is to be feared, that while there is controversy about this matter, others which are weak will easily be brought to their opinion, and so withdrawn from the fellowship of the Church of Rome. For the objection of the adversaries seemeth to be of great force, seeing they bring both the express word of God, and also evident reasons for that which they allege. May it please him therefore to consider whether it be not best to give liberty that the communion may be ministered under both kinds, although the council of Constance be against the same.  
2 The second thing they mislike in the holy Communion 
The second point that is misl●…ked.  is this: Many are afeard to come to the holy communion, being ministered in such order as it is in the romish Churches, that is to say, to one or to a few alone, using no prayers that may be understood of the common people, neither yet expounding the use of the Sacrament: the adversaries on the contrary part saying, and openly showing in very deed, that they have restored in this point, the approved manner of the ancient Church. The which matter, when divers reasons and ways of communicating, are alleged on both sides, can not be told how many of our countrymen it doth pierce and move, in so much that there is no doubt but that very many shall be constrained for this 
The sun●…ie r●…ceiuing of the Sacrament.  cause to departed from the Church▪ For when ●…n the one part they see some one alone, or a cer●…ain small numbered, without prayers, without a sermon, without giving of thanks, to 〈◊〉 any part of the sacrament, and that in an v●…knowne tongue: on the other part a congregation of a great number of men, together plainly to make confession of their faith, publicly to confess their sins, to give thanks unto God, to pray unto God, to sing Psalms in the vulgar tongue, to come to the Sermon, by which they may be instructed to li●…e a godly and a chris●…ian ly●…e, and to prepare themselves al●…o to receive the Sacrament: it is hard to say, but that they which take our part only for a zeal and true desire of Religion, will take these occasions to fall away from us.  
To remedy this inconvenience, let the Pope himself consider, if it shall not be well done to suffer the holy c●…mmunion 
times to re●…eiue the communion.  to be ministered every month, according to the manner of the primitive Church: that the Pastors and Elders of Churches, may call all those together, which will communicate, the first Sunday of every month, or oftener, if they be required, and that there, in the vulgar tongue, & Psalm may be song, and a general confession of faith, and of sins likewise to be made, public and common prayers also for the preservation of Magistrates, for the pureness of the air, for the fruits of the earth, and for such as are afflicted, devoutly to be said. And to them, thus assembled together, some place, either of the Evangelists, or of Paul's Epistles, which concerneth the use of the lords supper, may be read: and so to be received to the communion under both kinds. And although this seemeth to be new, and not customably heretofore to be used: yet notwithstanding seeing the Apostles, and they which strait after succeeded them, did so, it can not be said, that the holy father hath done, or appointed any thing against the commandment of God and the manner of the Church. And to the end he may understand for what cause they urge and so earnestly desire this thing, it may please him to know, that there is nothing that so much troubleth and burdeneth their consciences, as the fear of not rightly receiving the Sacraments. And here the adversaries triumph, and cry that the commandment of God is broken: and thus by little our ministery and all our doctrine groweth out of credit: insomuch that the shame and reproach hereof will redound to the holy Father himself at the length, except it be foreséen. For the which they think that there can not be a better & more present remedy found, than if the lords Supper be celebrated in that order, as is before declared. The which thing she herself, so much the more urgeth and earnestly craveth, that he might help and remedy so great troubles in tyme.  
3 The third special point of offence is this: There are 
The third point that is misselyked.  many men of the more learned sort in all the realm, which are offended at that rite or feast, which is commonly called Corpus Christi day: at which yearly feast the body of the Lord is carried about the Cities: to the which solemnity they say they can not with safe consciences come, and that for these causes: first because it is against the express institution of the Sacrament, Take you, eat you, drink you, Also, Do this in remembrance of me. That is to say, Do ye as I have done. And therefore they say, that there is so great difference between the giving of bread to be seen, and the eating of bread in deed, even as if a man should not receive that wholesome medicine given unto him for his health, but should 'cause it very sumptuously to be carried 
Spiritual worship.  up and down the chamber. They say also that Paul said not, Carry this bread about the streets: but, Whosoever eateth of this bread and drinketh of this wine. Furthermore, they say, that Christ is in heaven, and that therefore there is only required a spiritual worship. Whereupon they say, that great ini●…rie is done to him by those corporal and external worships, seeing he exalted 〈◊〉 from earth to heaven, to the end he might be worshipped and adored with true and spiritual honour. And last of all they say, that this rite of carrying the Lords body up and down, was brought in, and by little & little established, not by any authority of Scripture, but by the devotion of some singular man. Also that neither Clement nor Gregory bishops of Rome, which appointed the same to be a solemn feas●…e, have not spoken one word of that deambulation, and that therefore our sacrifi●…ing Priests do err and offend against their will and institution, seeing that no other day hath such freedom and liberty to commit all kind of wickedness as that hath: the which truly is not the way to knowledge and worship Christ, seeing that he requireth of his disciples pureness and newness of life, and in his holy word utterly detesteth all sinful liberty: The which things seem hurtful, not only to those which have separated themselves from our fellowship, but also to those which will not leave the same. They do perceive that hereupon many things are done amis●…e, as the polluti●…n of the Sacrament against the word of God, and the approved customs of the Church. Also that by the occasion of this day, many men are a●…used and led to commit wicked and hor●…ible things: and that the same day is a ver●…e pr●…uocation of most 〈◊〉 sedition, as we hitherto to our great grief have felt. Therefore, except this thing be foreseen, and a reme●… proui●…d for the same, at the length experience will show that it is better to seek a more devout way to worship God withal, than to refeyne & keep this rite to the hurt and offence of many.  
The Mass also is an other great cause of offence. All 
The Mass 〈◊〉 of great offence.  men cry out that the Mass is a great offence & slumbling block to the Church, the same being sold of ignorant, dissolute and most ungodly Priests: and yet no man seeketh to reform and amend the same.  
This thing truly, hath of late diminished the devotion of the people very much: yea, and many of our fellowship do proceed further also, & ●…o doubt of the Mass, both touching 
In the substance of the Mass.  the substance, and also touching the form. In the subs●…ance they do note, that the Churchemen af●…irme, that the priests do offer Christ: and do more esteem of their own sacrifice, than they d●…e of the sacrifice of Christ. And that certain of the Doctors do say, that the same sacrifiice which the Priests offer, is only a monument and sign of the true sacrifice which Christ offered for us once for all: but the ignorant people are taught by ignorant priests, that he aught to be counted for an heretic which thinketh otherwise. The which truly, seeing it seemeth to be most absurd, it giveth great occasion to the adversary to speak evil. But in the form of the Mass they note four principal things. 
In the form of the Mass.  First that all things are done in the same in a strange & an unknown tongue: the which in deed is unprofitable and dangerous, seeing no fruit cometh thereof unto the people, but are only fed with certain outward shows. Whereas on the contrary part (say they) it is necessary that the confession of the faith should be plainly and evidently understood of all men: and seeing the Latin tongue must needs be used, let the same yet be expounded into the mother tongue that it may of all men be understood. And seeing the prayers 
A strange language.  which are there made, appertain to the common profit of all the hearers, who understanding not what is spoken, shall answer, Amen? Furthermore they say, that the consciences of the Clergy do accuse them, and tell them that they do amiss, seeing no part of the use of their Mass is declared: without the which notwithstanding the administration of the Sacrament seemeth to be but vain. Thirdly, seeing those things which are spoken in the Mass do belong to the whole congregation, and not to the Pries●…es alone, and specially those things which concern the Communion, and yet nevertheless one Priest only communica 〈◊〉, the people s●…anding by, and looking on: it seemeth ius●…ly to be ver●…e far out o●… order, and not agreeing to the truth. Wherefore they thi●…ke it 〈◊〉 that it should be reduced and brought to the ancient manner of the church, agreeing to the first institution▪ Fourthly they mis●…yke the order of the divine service. In the which is to be co●…idered what great profi●… the singing of Psalms, and the ma●…ing 
Singing of Psalms.  of Prayers in the vulgar tongue hath brought in time paste. And truly our adversaries of late days using these means have alured and drawn many unto them. Wherefore let the holy Father consider, if it shall not be best to give liberty to have the Psalms song, and Pray●…rs also made in the vulgar tongue, that they may be 〈◊〉 of all the people.  
These are the principal points which they sa●…e, are needful to be amended, ●…en they which have separated themselves from our fellowship, which they 〈◊〉 to have taken in good part, seeing they go●… not about to violate the Apostoli●…ie authority of the holy father? and 〈◊〉 per●…ct in these two things: namely that nothing be altered ●…n d●…ctrine: And also that if the Minis●…ers of the Church done offend in any thing, the Ministe●…e therefore should n●…t be taken away, but the authority thereof always to remain preserved and safe.  
These two things being firmly held, they think it no absurdity if diligent inqui●…ition be made of other matters which have need of re●…ormation. Therefore she doth humbly beseech the holy Father that he would provide for these things, for that greater inconveniences no doubt would follow if so be that there were not remedy provided in tyme. As for other things, the Queen promises that she herself, with the counsel of good men, and with her diligence and i●…deuour, will look unto so much as she may, both for the peace and quietness of the Church, and also for the dignity of the Pope's holiness. These things have been by us faithfully gathered out of the Copy of her own letters.   

¶ The third Book of Commentaries concerning the state of Religion, and or the common wealth of France.  
IN the mean season the Prela●…es and Clergée came from all parts of the realm to a town called 〈◊〉, near to Sangeiman at the ●…ay appointed in the month of August: to reason and freely to dispute on both parts of the principal points of Religion now in controversy. ●…bertie was granted unto all 〈◊〉 of the reform Church, freely to come to hear 〈◊〉 sam●…: and that under safe conduct by the king's 〈◊〉. Certain men were choose to be of that Council▪ 〈◊〉 of the r●…rmed: Churches▪ being 〈◊〉 conducted at the king●… cōman●…ment by his guard, from Paris to the town called Sangeiman▪ Among whom, the principal were these, namely (Peter! 〈◊〉, ●…rofessor of divinity in the Tygur●… Church and The ●…tore 〈◊〉 ●…ho were chief in this disputation) 〈◊〉 of God's word ●…t Geneva, wh●… were procured to 〈◊〉 thither by the king of Navarre, and by the reform Churches▪ There were also ●…icolaus Gela●…us, Augustinus Marlora●…us, johannes 〈◊〉▪ Franci●…cus Morellus, and johannes▪ Malo: with whom●… also came 〈◊〉, a lesr●… man, which a little before, abjuring and forsaking the Pope's religion, embraced the doctrine of the Gospel. 
The beginning of the ●…putation at 〈◊〉.   
They therefore to begin the matter, offer to the king a supplication, in the which they desire that this disputation might be begun forthwith by his authority: and that these might be the conditions to be observed in the same: first, that those prelate's, which were of the contrary opinion, might not be set as chief judges in this disputation, but that the king with his counsellors, should by his authority moderate and rule the whole matter: Secondly, that all controversies should be referred and ended by the word of God only. Thirdly, that what soever should be determined and concluded in that disputation, should be registered in the kings public commentaries by his notaries. To the which the king made answer, that he would consult of this matter with his council, that if it might be, all the matter might by some means, with the consent of the Prelates, quietly be ended. But the Prelates complained and said, that this liberty of disputing ought not to be granted unto them, which were long ago condemned. Whereupon they deferred the matter for certain days, being busied in the mean time to ●…ynde out the scruples and doubts of these questions, namely, concerning the dignity of Cathedral Churches: Concerning Regulars, and their exemptions: Concerning Cures and their ordinary presentation: Concerning the exceeding number of inferior Priests: Concerning the reformation of Monasteries. Concerning pluralities of Benefices, and such like: seeking to help the disordered Church in due time with these inquisitions. But this one thing they specially pretended, that they should have great injury, if authority to judge were taken from them.  
But now it shall not be disagréeing from our purpose to make mention of certain communication had, between the Cardinal of Lorraine and Theodore Beza, before the solemn di●…putation began.  

Certain communication between the Cardinal of Lorraine, and Theodore Beza Minister of Geneva.  
BEza came into the bedchamber of the king of Navarre, being so commanded by him, to the intent he might salute the Queen. And at that time there was also the Cardinal of Lorraine. Then the Queen began to talk with Beza concerning his books. Upon which occasion the Cardinal then said to Beza as followeth.  
Card. Lorraine. I have seen a book, the author whereof you are said to be, in the which are contained these words: christ is to be sought in the Supper, after the same manner that he was, before he took upon him our flesh. I have herded also that you have written another most absurd saying, which is, that Christ must be sought for in the Supper, as in the mire and dirt. At the which saying the standers by, greatly marveling, Beza answered.  
Beza. If the books were here, I could the better tell whither they were mine or no: but concerning the first saying, it may seem very absurd as you repeat it: but the place being diligently weighed, it shall be found to be most true. As for the second it is blasphemous and wicked, neither shall it be found written in mine, or in any of our books.  
Card. Lorraine. No doubt I marvel, that any man dare 
Concerning our co●…muniion with Christ, and of the fathers under the law.  affirm, that we have no more than the ancient Fathers had i●… the time of the law: and how could they speak of the flesh of christ, which as yet was not.  
Beza. Do you think that there was always a Church from the first creation of the world? Do you think that the Church which was from the beginning of the world, was called a Church by him which was a Mediator between God ●… men? And do you think that jesus Christ was that Mediat●…ure.  
Card Lor. It is my opinion.  
Beza. Therefore the communion of the faithful with Christ, ought not to be restrained to that time, when he joined his divinity in very deed to our nature▪ for the which was not as yet by the order of nature, was notwithstanding 
john. 8.  always by the force and efficacy of faith. Is it not said, that Abraham saw the day of Christ, and rejoiced? And Paul saith: That the fathers did eat the same spiritual 
1. Cor. 10.  meat, and did all drink of the same spiritual drink, whereof we have droonke, namely Christ.  
Card. Lor. It is very true: For he is the Lamb that was slain from the beginning of the world.  
After this when Beza had brought in many places concerning the difference between the old and new Testament, there began a new disputation concerning the presence of the body and blood of Christ in the Supper. Card. Lor. We do disagree in the explication of these words, This is my body,  
Beza. We disagree in very deed, for which we are very sorry.  
Car Lo. I teach the children of my diocese, when they are demanded what the bread in the Supper is, to answer, that it is the body of Christ: do you disallow this?  
Beza. Not truly, for they are the very words of Chris●…e. But I demand, how the bread is called the body of Chris●…? For all that is, is not after one fashion or manner.  
But the Cardinal urged these words, The rock was Christ. which words Beza had cited before, against the 
1. Corin. 10.  which he set these words of S. john, The word become fl●…she. To the which Beza answered. 
john. 1.   
Beza. There is great difference between that substantial communion and the Sacramental communion: And this question (saith he) doth cons●…st of four principal 〈◊〉. The first is of ●…gnes: the second, of the thing signified: the third of the conjunction of signs, & the thing signified: the fourth is of the participation of signs, and of the thing by them signi●…ied. Concerning the first, we differ in this, that 
1. Sacramental signs.  you appoint in the Supper only accid●…nts for signs: but we for signs put the substance of brea●… and wine as the nature of Sacraments doth require, and the Scripture universally teach. here the Cardinal interrupting Beza in his talk, said:  
Card. Lor. I think truly, that I am able to prove & descend Transubstantiation: but I think that the same was not greatly needful to be found out by the divines, neither do I think that there ought to be in the churches any divisions for this matter. Then Beza proceeding with his former purpose, said.  
Beza. Concerning the second, we do not say, that the 
2. The th●…ng sign●…fied.  m●…rites of the death and passion of Christ, are only signified by the outward signs of bread and wine: but also that the very body of Christ which was cru●…ified for us, & his blood which was shed for us, is by them represented. Also that jesus Christ very God and perfect man is offered unto us by visible signs, that our minds being lifted up by faith to heaven (where Christ now is may spiritually behold him, & receive & enjoy all his graces to everlasting life, and that so certainly and truly as we see and receive, and eat and drink the corporal and visible signs.  
To this the Cardinal of Lorraine agreed, affirming that he was glad to hear those words, for so much as he perceived that the doctrine of the Faithful was otherwise than he thought it to be.  
Beza. Concerning the third, there is great difference 
3. The co●…nction of signs, and the ●…ing signifi●…d.  between common water, and that with the which we are washed in baptism: between the bread and wine which we daily use, and that which is used in the Supper. For the water of Baptism, the bread and wine of the Supper, are Sacraments, that is to say, visible signs and Testimonies of the body and blood of the Lord. But we deny (says he) that there is any such mutation in the substance of the Elements: but we affirm that the change is in this, that they are applied to an other use than that which is natural, because they serving of themselves & by their own nature, for the nutriment of the body, & being Sacraments, they signify that thing which doth feed our souls. Furthermore we do not assign the cause of this mutation to the words, or to the mind and purpose of him that pronounceth them, but to the virtue and power of God, whose will is revealed in his word. Therefore because the thing signified is offered unto us, and so truly given unto us as the sign itself, we must also acknowledge by the same reason, the conjunction of signs with the thing signified. And by this means the body and blood of jesus christ, in that they are truly given unto us, are in the administration of the Supper, and not with, under, or in the bread, or in any other place than in heaven, where, as he is ●…an, he is contained, until he shall come to judge both the quick and dead. The Cardinal also agreed to the same, and affirmed that he did not allow Transubstantiation: but thought rather that christ should be sought in heaven. Notwithstanding as one in doubt, he added other sayings of certain Germans, to the end he might thereby seem not to have greatly traveled in this matter, excusing himself to be let from the same by other business.  
Then said Beza: I grant that we and certain Germans do disagree in this third Article: but in this notwithstanding we agreed that we altogether, jointly with one consent deny your Transubstantiation.  
Card. Lor. Do you confess that we are truly and substantially partakers of the body and blood of christ?  
Beza. This is the fourth principal point, which before 
4. The participation of the signs, & of the the thing signified.  I noted, and rests to be declared. In sum therefore we do affirm, that the visible signs, which are naturally eaten and drunken, are touched with the hands: that the matter of the Sacrament, that is to say, the body & blood of christ jesus, is offered truly and without deceit to all men, that the same is received by faith, and not by natural reason, but yet, that the same is so truly given unto us by faith, as if we were naturally joined with Chryst.  
Then the Cardinal affirmed that Beza had satisfied him in this point, and very friendly and lovingly desired B●…za that he might have conference with him. Notwithstanding it was reported, that the Cardinal had confuted B●…za by these first small tryalles and assays. And so they fully persuaded themselves to have the victory.  
But when they which were the choose men of the Churches 
The ministers desire to have the disputation and obtain it.  to dispute, law that new delays were found out day by day, they urged that their petitions, whereof we spoke before, might be granted unto them, and they desired also to understand the King's mind in writing. At the length they received this answer of the Queen, that the Prelates should not be their judges, but that there should be granted unto them certain of the King's Secretaries: that the matter should be ruled wholly by the word of God: and that the King with the Princes his kinsmen, would be at the disputation.  
And herewith she admonished them to behave themselves modestly, and to seek only the glory of GOD, which she thought (she said) they greatly desired. But to grant them any thing in writing, she thought it not expedient, seeing their words might serve well enough.  
When the choose men of the Churches had received this answer, and were departed, there came straight way unto the Queen certain Papists, beseeching her that she would not hear these men of the new religion: and if she were minded to hear them, that she would at the lest beware and see, that the young king came not to their disputations: because it was dangerous, lest he in his young and tender years, should be taken and snared therewith. For (say they) it is not meet that they should be heard, which not long ago were convicted of heresy.  
To whom the Queen only answered that she would do nothing without due Counsel and advise, and that they should well understand that the matter should not be handled after the will and pleasure of those men of the new doctrine, as they termed them.  
The next day after, which was the ninth day of September, 
The first session o●…●…is disputation.  was the time appointed to begin the disputation. Therefore the King and the Queen his mother, the Duke Aurelian the Kings brother, Margare●… his Sister, the King and Queen of Navarre, the Prince of Conde, with the rest of the Princes the King's kinsmen, and the Privy Counsel, and a great number also of Noble men and Gentlemen, were assembled together, in a very large hall, which men commonly call, the H●…ll of the holy Virgins of Posiac. Hither came also the Pope's chief Prelates the Cardinals, the Archebyshoppes, and Bishops, to the number of fifty, beside a great many substitutes and deputies in the places of those that were absent, a great many divines and men of learning counted, standing about them. In the highest place sat the King, and hard beside him, according to custom, the Princes his kinsmen: the Bishops sitting all a long on both sides the hall upon gréeces one above another. Then were brought in the choose men, for disputation, of the reform Churches, which were twelve Ministers, and twenty others, which were sent also of the same Churches: whom the King's Guard at the commandment of the king had brought from Sangerman thither, lest there should be some tumult raised against them.  
When every man kept silence, the King spoke in manner and form following: All men (saith he) know well 
The proposition of king Charles the ix.  enough, what and how great perturbations and troubles are in the Realm: for the which cause I have appointed you to come together at this time, that those things which you know have need of reformation, may quietly of you be declared, without any manner of affection, having no consideration or care for any thing, but for the glory of God, and the peace and quietness of consciences: The which thing I greatly desire, in so much that I have determined not to suffer you to depart hence, before you have made some end of all controversies, that at the length all dissensions being taken away, mutual peace and concord may be had among all men. This thing if you bring to pass you shall give me occasion to maintain and defend you with no less care than those kings my ancestors, that have been before me, have done.  
Then he commanded his Chancellor to declare his 
The proposition of the Chancellor.  mind more at large. The Chancellor therefore began to show that the kings will was according to the wills of his predecessors that had been before him, in staying the controversies of Religion, the which, when those Kings of happy memory went diligently about to bring to pass, they had in their labours very small success, in so much that daily more and more new troubles arose: wherefore he would that all men should the more diligently, wisely to apply themselves to pacify in time these troubles, for the which cause he had caused them to come together, and minded in his royal person to accompany them, that disordered matters in Religion which concerned both doctrine and manners might be reform: he understanding that this was the only cause of all troubles, would diligently provide for them as his office required.  
The remedy which now he intends to use, seemeth to be a present remedy, as it was of late deliberated and considered of in the most noble assembly of the Princes & Council, namely, that by this peculiar and particular conference, the matters of Religion in controversy between both parties, might be quietly reasoned and disputed of▪  
But to look or seek for remedy by a general Council, it is 
General Counsel a vain remedy.  even as vain as if a man having good and sufficient remedy at home, should notwithstanding travail to the Indies, to seek the same. For (saith he) we ourselves shall better provide remedies for ourselves, than men of strange and foreign countries can do, which know neither the state of our cause, nor the condition of our people: of which kind of strangers notwithstanding the general Council shall consist. Greater fruits and profit have often times come by national Counsels, than have come by general Counsels. As may appear by that general Council of Ariminum, the 
Ariminum oh therwise called Remino, an old city in Flaminia in Italy.  which Council openly favouring and maintaining the sect of the Arrians, was reproved and corrected by particular Synods. Also, in this our realm of France, Hilary Bishop of Pictavia, by his industry and faithful dealing, in Synods, banished the heresy of the Arrians out of these parts. Therefore (saith he) there is no doubt but that there shall arise great profit and commodity by this assembly: specially seeing it pleaseth the king to take such pains himself, who no doubt will help both with his power & authority. Wherefore he wished the disputers on both parts only to be careful to do their duty, both of them jointly to seek concord, the greater part not to despise the lesser: not to use curious disputations without profit: and to judge & examine all matters by the word of God only, which being well understood, few other authors shall serve: also that they which say they follow the new doctrine, would not count the prelate's of the contrary part for their enemies, seeing by Baptism they retain the name of Christians.  
For the king (saith he) hath therefore given you leave to come together, that men might see what reasons you have, and that the Prelates on the Pope's side, might seek by strong arguments to confute them: that the disputation at the length being published abroad, all men may evidently see, that they are condemned for just causes, and not by the vain authority of men. Therefore, take heed in any case, that you do nothing ambitiously: know you, that you are not judges: and endeavour yourselves to find out and manifest the truth. So shall you both glorify God, and also profit your country: and God himself shall bliss your endeavours, and the most constant mind of the king, in this matter.  
The matter being thus propounded by the Chancellor, the 
The exception of Frances Cardinal of Turnon.  Cardinal of Turnon, in the name of the Prelates, gave great thanks to the king, to the Queen, and to the Princes: that it pleased them to come to this holy assembly, and for that the Ch●…uncelor by the king's commandment had put forth these matters: the which he desired to have given unto him in writing, that they might deliberate and consider what was needful to be done in these things. Then the chancellor said that he would not give the matter in writing, seeing it was plainly enough declared. And thus they could get nothing at the hands of the Chancellor, although the Cardinal of Lorraine required the same.  
Then the ministers, which sat overagainst them, having leave to speak, Theodore Beza, began thus. Seeing that all 
The oration of Beza in the name of the protestants.  things (O king) both great & small, & specially those things which belong to the worship of God, and which do far surmount our capacity, do depend upon the same God, we think it not troublesome to your majesty, if we begin with prayer unto God. When he had spoken these words, he falling on his knees with the rest of his fellows, began to pray unto God in that form of confession of sins which is used in the reformed Churches, pronouncing the same with a loud voice: and that done, strait way he added unto the same these words. For so much as (O God) thou hast been 
Beza his prayer.  so favourable this day to thy unworthy servants, as to grant them leave to profess the knowledge of thy truth before their King, and this most honourable assembly, we most humbly beseech thee (O father of lights) that it may please thee, according to thy accustomed goodness, so to illuminate our minds, to govern our affections, and to make them apt to be taught: so also to direct our words, that whatsoever knowledge of thy truth thou shalt give unto us according to our capacity, we may both with heart and mouth utter the same, to the glory of thy name, to the profit and prosperity of our King, and of all his subjects, and specially to the peace and tranquillity of this Christian common wealth & realm.  
When Beza had thus ended his prayer, turning his speech to the king, he uttered these words in manner and form following: They which do faithfully serve and obey their 
Beza directeth his speech to the king.  Princes, (most noble King) do think themselves most happy in this thing above all other, if so be they may behold the faces of their Princes: the which representing as it were a certain visible majesty of God, can not choose but stir up and delight the minds of faithful subjects. For such is our nature, that those things which we see ourselves with our eyes, do more effectually move our affections, than those things which we feel and perceive by the bore and simple apprehension of the mind.  
But and if it come to pass, that not only the subjects may see their Prince, but also may be seen of their Prince, and that which is more, may be herded, & at the length approved of him, than they think that they have all that they can wish or desire. Of these four things (O king) it pleased God to deprive many of your faithful subjects, for a time, to their great sorrow & grief, until the same God in his infinite mercy & goodness at our sorrowful tears & continual sighs forgiving somewhat, so spared us, that he hath given unto us this day a benefit more of us wished, than hoped for, namely liberty to behold your majesty, that of the same we may both be seen & hard, in this most noble assembly, almost of the whole world. If we had never received any other benefit, neither should hereafter receive, all the rest 
How great a benefit it is for subjects to be hard & seen of their Prince  of the race of our life should not be sufficient to celebrated and set forth so great a benefit of God, and to give immortal and condign thanks to your Majesty. But seeing we do join this also to those former benefits, that this day doth not only give unto us access, but doth also invite us, with one mind and consent, to profess●…the name of our God, and the obedience due to your majesty: we must no doubt confess that our minds are far unapt to conceive so great benefits as these be, and our tongues also l●…sse able to utter and express that which we feel in our minds. Therefore this benefit surpassing all humane eloquence, we had rather by modest silence, to confess our imbecility, than with the bareness of words to diminish the greatness of the same.  
But this one thing we wi●…e, that our dutiful obedience may be acceptable to your majesty this day. The which we hope will come to pass, if so be our coming together may end not only the miseries of our afflictions passed, (the remembrance whereof this most happy day doth quite banish) but that thing also which always seemed unto us more bitter than death: which was, the great troubles raised in this Realm for Religion to the great destruction 
Troubles foe▪ Religion.  of many. But now there are many occasions, which even at this day, will not suffer us to enjoy so great a benefit, and have also taken clean away from us all hope to enjoy the same, except by other means we be stayed and comforted. First of all, there are many men, which (by what mischief I know not) are thoroughly persuaded of us, that we are troublesome people, ambitious, wholly wedded to our opinions▪ & enemies to peace & tranquillity. There are also other some, who although they do think us not to abhor peace & concord, yet notwithstanding they do think that we do require the same upon such unlawful & strait conditions, that we aught by no means to be received, as though we would invert the whole world, & after our own fantasy make it new again, & deprive many from their goods that we ourselves might enjoy them. There are also other such like great impediments: but we had rather to bury them in silence, than in speaking of them, to rub and renew old punishments: specially at this time, when complaints are not to be made, but rather the remedies of complaints to be sought and provided for.  
But who doth encourage us among so many lets & stays? We are destitute of help (O King) seeing of all men we are the most base sort. But this maketh us bold, namely our good conscience, which is a help unto our cause, the which we trust, God will defend, & revenge, by the means of your Majesty. In like manner your clemency (O king) which most dilectably is to be seen in your mouth, countenance, and talk: the equity and uprightness of your mind, most excellent Queen: the goodness of your mind and of the minds of the Princes the king's kinsmen, most noble King: the occasion also which you have given us to think well of you most honourable councillors (who agreeing in one, do yourselves no less desire to give unto us necessary and pure concord, than we earnestly desire to receive the same) do give unto us great boldness and hope. What should I use many words? There is also an other thing which maketh us to have some hope: and that is the rule of charity, which we trust will so moderate you, with whom we must enter into disputation, that you will rather seek with us, (according to our slender capacity) to manifest the truth, than to obscure the same: to teach, than to contend to expend and weigh reason, than wilfully to refuse reason: and also that you will rather restrain evil, that it go no farther, than to lose the reins to the same, and to make it incurable. This truly is our hope, and persuasion of you. And we pray and beseech you, by the name of the mighty God, which hath gathered us here together, which shall be a witness of our cogitatious and words, that▪ whatsoever hath been written or spoken for the space of these 40. years) you will with us put away all prejudicial means: which may possibly hinder the fruit and profit of this laudable way, now taken in hand: and that it will please you to hope and to assure yourselves of that in us, which by the grace of God you shall found, that is to say, a mind apt to be taught, and to receive whatsoever shall be showed out of the pure word of God. Think you not that we are come hither to defend and maintain any error, but to the end that wherinsoever you or we have offended, we may acknowledge the same and amend it. Think you ●…ot, that we are so arrogant, that we would abolish the Church of our God, which is sempiternal. Think you not, that we seek means to bring you into this vile & miserable condition, in the which notwithstanding, by the great grace of God, we are very well quieted & contented. This is that, which we seek for, namely that the ruin of Jerusalem may be repaired: that the spiritual temple may be builded: & that the same house of God being builded up with lively stones, may recover his former excellency: & also that the scattered & dispersed sheep, may be gathered & brought again into the sheepfold of that only & most excellent Shepherd Christ jesus.  
This is our purpose, this is our will, this is our desire: the which if you as yet believe not, we trust you will then believe, when we confer with you, with all patience and meekness. But I would to God that in stead of our disputations & arguments, we might with one voice and consent, sing a Psalm unto God, and shake hands as friends: as once it came to pass between the Infidels, the field being pitched, and both armies ready to meet and encounter together. At which thing truly we might be ashamed, if both of us preaching the doctrine of concord and peace, should easily be divided, and made enemies, and hardly reconciled again. But what need these words? These things aught and may be wished for of men, but it only belongeth unto God to bring them to pass: the which he will do when it shall please him with his goodness to cover our sins, and with his light to drive away our darkness.  
And here (O King) to the end it may appear, that we simply and plainly mean good sooth, we will (if it so seem good, and if leave may be granted) briefly declare the chief and principal points of this Conference or Disputation: notwithstanding in such order that no man shall have just occasion to be offended. There are some which think and would also persuade others, that we disagree in matters of small weight, and in those things which are indifferent, & not appertaining to the substance of our faith. And there are other some, which having no knowledge or understanding of those things which we believe and defend, do think nothing less but that we agree with the jews and Turks. The purpose and thought of those first sort of men, we trust shall be approved by us, to be no less commendable than the other is to be rejected. And yet certainly neither of their opinions are firm and true. For if we should believe the opinion of this last sort, the one part could not stand by any means without the destruction of the other. But if the first opinion be received, many matters shall be left so raw, that occasions of greater troubles will thereof by and by spring and arise. Therefore we grant (the which we can scarcely do without tears) we confess (I say) that as we do agree in certain articles of our faith, so in certain of them, we do wholly vary and descent.  
We confess that there is one God, in one essence, infinite 
In what things the Papists and Protestants do agreed, and in what they do disagree.  and incomprehensible, distinguished and divided in three people consubstantial and coequal in all things: namely into the Father begotten of none: into the Son begotten of the Father before all worlds: and into the holy Ghost proceeding from the Father and the Son. We confess that there is one jesus Christ, perfect God & perfect man without confusion of the two natures, or separation of the Prophets. We confess that Christ, as he is man, is not the son of joseph, but conceived by the secret power of the holy ghost in the womb of the virgin Mary: a virgin I say, both before the birth, and after also.  
We confess his Nativity, his life, his death, his burial, his descending into hell, his Resurrection, and his ascension, even as they are contained in the holy Gospel. We believe that Christ is now in heaven at the right hand of God, from whence he shall come to judge the quick & the dead. We believe in the holy Ghost, which doth illuminate, comfort, and defend us. We believe that there is one holy Church, Catho lique, that is to say universal, which is the company & fellowship of Saints, out of the which there is no salvation. We are persuaded of the free remission of our sins in the blood of jesus Christ: by whose power, when our bodies being raised up from death shall be joined again to our souls, we shall enjoy with our God, most happy and everlasting life. What then? (will some say) are not they the articles of our faith? In what therefore do we disagree? First of all we disagree in the interpretation of some of these articles. Secondly, because it seemeth unto us (& if we err therein, if it can be proved, we are ready to acknowledge our error, that many things are added unto those articles as though they were not sufficient: & so as though the edifice should never be builded, the new inventions of men have daily been brought in. Furthermore we say, that whatsoever hath been builded & set up more, was not (so far as we can perceive) builded upon those ancient & first foundations: & therefore they do not only, not set forth & beautify the building, but also wonderfully defile, deform, and disgrace the same: & yet notwithstanding greater credit and authority hath been given unto those feigned inventions of men, than to the pure word of God. This is the sum of those things which we believe and teach.  
But to the end our purpose may be the better understand, these things which we have touched generally, we will (if it may seem good) declare particularly. Therefore we do affirm, 
In the manner of obtaining Salvation.  and are persuaded that we may defend with all sobriety and modesty out of the word of God, that the true God in whom we believe, is spoiled and rob of his perfect righteousness, if we set against his wrath and judgement for sin, any other satisfaction or purgation, either in this world, or in any other world, than the sound and perfect obedience, the which can be found in no other, saving in jesus christ only. In like manner also, if we shall say that God doth forgive only part of our sins, that we may bring unto him the other part, we spoil him wholly of his mercy. Hereupon it followeth, that when we speak of the manner of salvation, we must stay ourselves in the passion and death of christ jesus our Saviour and redeemer only: or else we must appoint in the place of the true God, some strange and feigned God, which is neither perfectly just, nor perfectly merciful. Hereupon also dependeth another special point, and of great force, concerning the office of jesus Chryst. For except he above be wholly our salvation, that precious name jesus, that it to say, a Saviour, being given to him of the Angel, doth not appertain unto him.  
In like manner also, except he be our only Prophet, which hath so fully declared unto us the will of his father, as should be expedient for our salvation: first by the mouth of his Prophets: then by himself with his coming at the fullness of time, and after that by his Apostles: except also he alone be the spiritual King of our consciences: and except he be our everlasting Priest after the order of Melchisidech, and by that sacrifice of himself only, once offered for all, and never to be offered again, hath reconciled men unto God: and doth also now alone in heaven make intercession for us to God, even to the end of the world: And to be short, except we be complete & perfect in him, that name of Messiah or christ, that is to say Anointed, and appointed of God the Father, for us to be a Saviour, doth nothing at all belong unto him. Therefore if the preaching of his word out of the books of the Prophets and Apostles be made insufficient, he is spoiled of his prophetical office: if new laws be made, and laid upon the consciences of men, he should be deprived of his kingly majesty: And if he be offered again for remission of sins, & other ways also be found out to pacify the wrath of God, although it should not be sufficient to have one Advocate and Mediator in heaven between God & men, he should be defrauded of his Priesthood. thirdly we agree not, neither in the defiinition, neither in the original, nor in the effects of faith, which by the authority of the Apostle Paul we call justifying: by which only, we affirm that jesus christ with all his graces, is made ours.  
As touching good works, if there be any that think we contemn them, they are utterly deceived: For we separate no more, faith from love, than we separate light & heat from fire. And with john we say, He which saith he knoweth God, and keepeth not his commandments, is a liar. But in these things we confess we disagree in three special points. First of all in the original of good works, 
In the matter of faith and good works.  that is to say, from whence they come: secondly, what those good works are: And thirdly to what use they are good. As touching the first principal point, we find no other free-will in man than that which is made free by the grace of christ, and we affirm that our nature, being in that state, into the which it is fallen, hath need not only to be helped and sustained, but rather to be mortified, and as it were killed by the power of the holy Ghost: which found our nature not only weakened in grace, but also destitute of all strength, and enemy to all goodness, and dead, yea and putrefied in sin and corruption. And this honour we give wholly unto God, neither do we think that in this matter we aught in any wise to be joined with God. For we assign to his grace and mercy, the beginning, the middle, and the end of working in us. Concerning the second point. We acknowledge no other rule of righteousness and obedience which may stand before God, than his commandments which are faithfully described and put down to us in his word: to the which we think it not meet, that any creature should add any thing that apertaineth to the building of men's consciences, or detract from the same. Concerning the third point, namely to what use these good works are profitable. We confess that so far forth as they come from the spirit of God working in us, having their beginning from so good an original, they are good, and aught to be called by that name: howbeit, if God would examine them according to the rigour of his justice, he should find many things in them worthy of condemnation. We say also that they are profitable for an other use: because by them our God is glorified, & men brought to the knowledge of him: but we are persuaded that for so much as the holy Ghost is within us (for he is certainly known by those effects) we are of the number of his elect, and of those that are predestinate to salvation. But for so much as it cometh in question to know by what title the kingdom of God appertaineth 
Rom. 5.  unto us: we say with S. Paul, Eternal life is the free gift of God, and not a due reward of our merits. For by this means Christ jesus doth justify us with his righteousness only, which is imputed unto us, sanctifieth us with his holiness only, given unto us, & redéemeth us with his only sacrifice imputed unto us, by true & lively faith of the grace & liberality of our God. All these riches & treasures are given unto us by the power of the holy Ghost, using the preaching of God's word, & the administration of the sacraments to this end: not as though it hath need of those means (for God is omnipotent) but because so it pleaseth him to apply & conform himself unto us, & by these ordinary means to created & nourish in us the most precious gift of faith, which is as it were at hand to apprehended & take hold of those gifts, & as it were a ve●…ell to receive Christ with all his riches, to salvation. Moreover we receive only & embrace for the word of God, the doctrine contained in the books of the Prophets & apostles, called by the 
The authority God's word, & of the Fathers.  name of the old & new Testament. For who can assure & certify us of our salvation, but they which without exception are the greatest witnesses? And as touching the authority of the doctors of ancient time, & general counsels, before they be received without any examination: first they should be compared with the scriptures, & then themselves, with themselves, for so much as the holy ghost is by no means contrary to himself. 
He speaketh to the Prelates.  The which (my Lords) I think you will never take in hand, & if you do, give us this leave that we may see the matter before if we believe that you will not do it. But what? Are we of the progeny of that wicked Cham, which uncovered the privities of his father No? Do we think ourselves to be better learned than so many gréek & latin doctors? Are we so wise in our own conceits that we think that we are the first which have opened the truth? Are we so arrogant, as to condemn the whole world of error? God forbidden, yea that be far from us. notwithstanding my Lords, we trust you will grant, us this, that every ancient council & every doctor aught not to be received rashly, for so much as there have been long ago many false prophets in the church of God, as the Apostle in many places teacheth us. Secondly, as touching those doctors 
1. Timo. 4. Act. 20.  which are to be received, seeing all truth which may be found in them, necessarily aught to be drawn from the scriptures, what sounder way shall we find to profit in their writings, than to examine all things by that touchstone, namely by the welwayed reasons & considered testimonies of scripture, by which we aught to interpret them? No man truly can give unto them more, than they would give unto themselves: And these are the very words of Hierom writing upon the Epist. of the Gala. The doctrine of the holy Ghost is that which is contained in the Canonical books of scripture: against which to decree any thing by counsels, is not lawful. And S. Aug. writing to Fortunatus says 
Aust. ad Fortunatus.  we must not so much esteem of the disputations of men, although they be catholic & of great authority, as we must esteem of the Canonical Scripture: except it be lawful for us, saving the reverence due to those men, to mislike and reject somewhat in their writings, if it be found that they have judged otherwise than the truth will bear, which we or any others by the grace of God do know. This is mine opinion in other men's writings: and such do I wish the readers of my works to be. The like words also he hath in his. 112. Epistle: Also in. 37. cha. of his second book against Crescon. In like manner S. Cyprian saith, We must not have regard what this or that man doth before us, but what Christ jesus hath done, who is before all. Like unto this is the rule which S. Augustine gave to Jerome: And in an other place also when he disputeth against those which would use the Council of Ariminum: Neither will I (says he) allege the Council of Nice against you: nor shall you allege the Council of Ariminum against me. By the authority of Scripture let us weigh matter with matter: cause with cause: and reason with reason. Chrysostom was of the same opinion, as may appear in his. 49. Homely upon Matthew. For the Church is founded upon the foundation of the Prophets & Apostles.  
Therefore (to conclude this matter) we embrace the holy Scripture for the f●…l and perfect declaration of all things, which appertain to our salvation. But as touching that which appertaineth to general counsels, and to the books of the fathers, we mean to use them, and we forbidden not you to use them so far forth as that which you shall bring from them, be not disagreeing with the word of God. But for God's sake bring not in their bore authority, until all things are examined by the Scriptures. For we say with S. Augustine in his second book De doctrina Christiana: the. 6. chapter. If there be any difficulty in the interpretation of Scriptures, the holy Ghost hath so tempered the Scriptures that what soever in one place is obscurely spoken, in another place is more plainly and evidently revealed. And thus far concerning that Article, the which I have prosecuted the more largely, to the end●… all men may know that we are enemies neither to general Counsels, nor yet to the auncien●… Fathers.  
There remain yet to speak of two articles, namely concerning the Sacraments, and Ecclesiastical discipline. The first truly deserveth a copious and long tractation, by reason of the often and great controversies even at this day concerning the same: but because it is not our purpose to dispute, but only to declare the specia●…l points of our confession, it seemeth enough to me to e●…plicate the sum of our faith. We agreed as I think, in the description of the 
The opinion of the reform Churches concerning the Sacrament.  name of the Sacrament: namely that Sacramente●… are visible signs, by the means and help whereof, the conjunction which we have with our Lord jesus christ, is not only simply signified or figured, but is also truly offered unto God, and is confirmed, sealed, and as it were graven by the power of the holy Ghost in their minds, which with a true faith apprehended that, which is so signified and offered unto them. I use this word, Signified. not to weaken or abolish the Sacraments: but to the end I might distinguish the sign from the thing signified. Hereupon we confess, that it is always necessary in Sacraments, that there be a heavenly and supernatural change: for we say not, that the water in Baptism is simply water, but a true Sacrament of our regeneration, and of the washing of our souls by the blood of Christ. Neither do we say, that the bread in the holy Supper of our Lord jesus Christ, is simply bread: but a Sacrament of the precious body of Christ jesus, which was given for us, and that the wine is not simply wine, but a Sacrament of his precious blood, which he hath shed for us. Nevertheless we deny that there is any change made in substance of the signs, but in the end and use for the which they are instituted. We deny also that the same mutation is made by the efficacy of certain words pronounced, neither by the intention of him that pronounceth them: but by his will only which hath ordained this heavenvly and divine action: the institution also whereof, aught evidently and plainly to be expounded in the vulgar tongue, that all men might understand and receive the same. Thus much concerning external signs. Now to come to that which is showed and exhibited by those signs. We say not that which many do, who not well understanding our minds, have supposed that we have taught: namely that in the Lord's supper there is only a commemoration of the death of our Lord jesus Christ. Neither do we say, that we are partakers of the fruits of his death & passion only in that thing, but do join the ground itself with the fruits which do come fro him to us: affirming with S. Paul▪ The bread which we break according to the Lords insti●…tion is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
Coinonian.  that is to say, the participation of the body of Christ, which was crucified for us: The cup which we drink is the participation 
1. Cor. 10.  of his very blood which was shed for us, yea ●…uen in the very same substance, which he took in the womb of the virgin: & which he carried up into heaven. Behold I pray you, can you find any thing in this Sacrament which we seek, & found not? But me thinks I hear some body make answer. For many would have us to confess the the bread & the wine are changed, not into the sacraments of the body & blood of our Saviour jesus Christ, but into the very body & blood of our Lord Other some peradventure will not so urge us, but will have us confess that the body & blood is really & corporally in, with, or under the bread & wine. But here my Lords, I pray you hear me patiently a little, & for a time suspend your judgements. If either of these opinions shall be proved unto us out of the word of God to be true, we are ready to embrace it, and wholly to retain it. But it seemeth unto us (according to the measure of our faith,) that this Transubstantiation cannot be revoked or brought to the analogy 
Transubstantiation.  & substance of faith, and to sound doctrine, because it is wholly repugnant to the nature of Sacraments: in which it is necessary that there remain substantial signs, that they may be true signs of the body & blood of jesus Christ. Furthermore it doth evert and confounded the verity of the human nature in Christ, & of his ascension. And as my opinion is of Transubstantiation even so is it also of Consubstantiation: 
Consubstantiation.  which hath no ground in the words of Christ, neither is it necessary to this, that we be partakers of the Sacraments. But if any man demand of us if we make Christ to be absent from the supper: we answer that we do not separate him from the supper. But if we have respect unto the distance of places (as we must of necessity when we speak of his corporal presence & of his humanity distinctly considered) we affirm that his body is so far absent from the bread & wine as the heaven is absent from the earth, f●…r so much as we & the sacraments are in earth, but he is so glorified in heaven, that his glory (as S. August. says) hath not taken away the 
August. ad Dardanum.  verity of his body, but the infirmity of his body. If any man hereupon gather that we separate Christ from the Supper, he gathereth amiss. For we do bring this honour unto God, that although the body of jesus Christ be in heaven & no where else, and we in earth & no where else, yet notwithstanding we are no less partakers of his body & blood, by a certain spiritual manner & instrument of faith, than we truly see with our eyes the sacraments, touch them with our hands, taste them with our mouths, & are nourished & sustained in this corporal life with their substance. This truly, in few words, is our faith in this point, that which we think, is not repugnant to the words of Christ, nor to the Apostle Paul, & destroyeth not the human nature of Christ, neither the article of the ascension, nor the sacramental institution, it giveth no occasion to bring in curious & obscure questions: it doth by no means derogate from the conjunction which we have with Christ, which is the special end of ordaining of sacraments, not to the end that it might be either worshipped, laid up, carried about, or to be offered unto God for a sacrifice: to be short, (except we be deceived) it giveth more to the power and to the words of the Son of God, than their opinion, which think that his body must be really joined with signs, to the end we might be partakers of him.  
But concerning the administration of Baptism we say nothing at all. For I believe that there is none of you that accounteth us in the number of Anabaptistes, because they have no greater enemies against them than we. As touching certain other particular questions in this argument of Sacraments, we trust God willing, that the special articles being brought to some order, by this modest and quiet conference, the rest shall of themselves easily follow. As touching the other five Sacraments, as you call them, thus we think, that until we be better taught by the Scriptures, they cannot be called by the name of Sacraments: but notwithstanding, we think that we have brought in the true confirmation, which standeth in this, that so many as are baptized 
Confirmation  in their infancy, and all others, whatsoever, before they come to the lords Supper▪ may be instructed in the catechism.  
We teach also true repentance, which consists in the true acknowledging of sins, and in satisfaction either publicly or privately, of the parties offended, also in absolution which we have in the blood of jesus Christ, and in amendment of life.  
We do allow Matrimony according to S. Paul, in all those which have not the gift of continency: and we think it unlawful for any man to bind himself with a perpetual vow to lead a continent life, and never to marry: and we condemn all fornication & lightness in word, gesture, and deed. We allow the degrees of ecclesiastical offices, even as God hath ordained them in his house. We allow visitation of sick persons, as the special parts of the ministery of the Gospel. We teach, with S. Paul, that no man aught to be judged for choice in days, & meats, for the kingdom of God doth not consist in those corruptible and external things. The last point to speak of, is of external order and government of the ecclesiastical State, of the which we think it lawful for us to say, by your leave, that all things are so corrupted, that very hardly, the notes and prints of that ancient building very well ordered & appointed by the Apostles can be seen. Of the which matter 
Ecclesiastical discipline.  you yourselves may be witnesses, which took some pains not long ago herein. But we omit these matters, the which we think better not to disclose than to utter. And to conclude this Oration, we protest before God and his Angels, before your Majesty, (most Christian king) and before this honourable assembly, that our purpose and meaning is nothing else, but to bring the state of the Church to that purity and perfection, in the which it so greatly flourished in the Apostles time: and that so many of those additions, as should be found either superstitious, or else manifestly against the word of God, might quite be abolished and counted superfluous: also that all things might be taken away which (experience teaching) bring men to superstition. But if certain things be found profitable and necessary to edification, first consider of them wisely by the ancient Canons and authorities of the Fathers, then let them be observed and kept as it shall be thought expedient and meet for the times, places, and persons: that so with one consent God may be worshipped in spirit and truth, under your obedience (O King) and the obedience of those whom God hath appointed to your Majesty to govern the Realm. For if there be any yet which think that the doctrine which we profess, doth withdraw men 
Obedience to Magistrates.  from their dutiful obedience to Kings and Magistrates: we have to answer them. For this we teach that the first and principal obedience is due unto God, which is King of Kings, and Lord of Lords. But if our writings may not suffice to clear us of that crime laid to our charge, we will bring forth many examples of principalities, of rules, and of kingdoms, that have been reform by the prescript of our doctrine, which may be sufficient witnesses of our innocency. To be short in this point we say with S. Paul, Let every soul submit himself to the authority of the higher powers▪ Yea and Chrisostome writing upon that place, faith, Yea, let him submit himself though he be an Apostle or Evangelist, because that subjection doth not derogate from the glory of God. Wherefore if it shall come to pass hereafter that any man falsely professing our doctrine, shall be found to rebel, but against the lest of your officers, we protest before God and your majesty (O King) that such kind of men shall not be of us, neither shall they find more mortal enemies against them than we. Therefore (O king) our desire to advance the glory of God, our obedience & love which we own to your Majesty, our love also towards our country, & specially to the Church of God, have brought us into this place, trusting that the most mighty God according to his accustomed mercy and goodness, will bless you no less than he did the young king josias: & that by your most happy government (O Queen) & by your counsels (most honourable Princes, & counsellors) the ancient memory of the famous Queen Clotilda, shall be renewed: whose diligence the Lord used as a mean to make himself known throughout this Realm. This is our hope (most mighty king) for the which we are ready to spend our lives: that obeying your majesty in this so godly a matter, we may see the golden world, where our Lord and Saviour jesus Christ reigneth with all honour and glory for ever and ever.  
Thus far Beza proceeded in his oration: who with his fellows fallen on their knees, and standing up strait way again, offered unto the king the confession of the Churches of France, and then he spoke thus unto him: We beseech your Majesty not to regard our rude and barbarous speech, but our well wishing minds wholly consecrated to obedience. But, because the principal points of our doctrine, are more plainly and copiously contained in this confession of our faith, we beseech your Majesty to receive the the same: and we trust (by the leave of God) it will come to pass that when we have conferred together with all sobriety and reverence we shall come to some agreement. But if our iniquities be the cause that we may not obtain so great a blessing, we doubt not but your Majesty will consider of all things, and provide for them accordingly, without prejudice of any party.  
And here we think it not good to let one thing pass, namely, that when Beza entreated of the Lords supper, and spoke these words, As touching the distance of places, the body of Christ is so far from the bread and wine, as the heaven is higher than the earth: the Prelates were so moved, that by and by they began to make disturbance, and to murmur, but this being somewhat quieted, Beza made an end of his oration. After whom the Cardinal of Turnon, having great indignation, and shaking and trembling for very anger began in the name of the Popish Prelacy (of which he was chief) to declare unto the king, that the Cardinal, Bishops, and the rest of their fellowship, by reason of the king's commandment, gave their consent that the new Evangelists (for so he termed the men of the reformed Churches) should be heard what they could say, but notwithstanding, not without some offence of their consciences, because they perceived that they might speak many things not meet for a Christian Prince to hear: which might also, (and that not without cause,) offend the minds of many good men▪ Therefore he said, that the Prelates suspecting that it would so come to pass, had given him commandment to entreat the King, that if any such matters fallen out he would not in any wise believe their words. And that therefore he would reject both the words and sentence of that fellow, that had spoken in the name of those of the new Religion: staying and suspending his judgement until the Prelates had otherwise opened the matter: the which if it might please him, he trusted that both the king, and the whole assembly should understand & see▪ what diffenrence there was between the truth and a lie.  
He required also, that he might have a day given him to answer. Adding that had it not been for the regard they had unto the King, and to his commandments, they would not, at the hearing of those horrible and abheminable words which that other fellow uttered, have suffered him to have proceeded any further. At the length he beseeched the King that he would follow the faith and footsteps of his ancestors: the which he prayed all the Saints in heaven, and the Virgin Mary to grant.  
To this the Queen answered that nothing was done in 
The Queen answereth the Cardinal of Turnon.  this matter without due advice and counsel, by the deliberation of the Princes, and the privy Council, and by the judgement and consent of the Senate of Paris. The which (she said) was not done to altar any thing in Religion but to quiet the troubles that were risen through the diue●…sitie of opinions in Religion, and by these means to bring those that were go astray into the way again. Which (saith she) you and your fellows aught to seek, specially at this time, by using good and strong arguments.  
Thus the minds of the Popish Prelates being galled, and very much grieved at the first meeting, with the words of Theodore B●…za, the day following, he written unto the Queen, saying, because he feared that she was not fully satisfied, by reason of certain words whereat the Prelates were offended: therefore he earnestly desired of her, that he might have liberty more plainly & largely to discourse that matter, which then he could not copiously declare. The occasion therefore (says he) of those words by me uttered, was the opinion of certain men, which not well understanding our minds, thought that we went about to exclude Christ from the Supper: the which to do were manifestly wicked, seeing we have the contrary to be found in the word of God, namely, that, that precious Sacrament was therefore ordained by the son of God, that he might make us more and more partakers of the substance of his very body and blood, whereby we might more straightly be united unto him and might grow to everlasting life: And unless it should be so, it were not the Supper of jesus Christ. And therefore it is so far from us that we should say that Christ is absent from the Supper, that none of all others, more resist that blasphemy than we. But we say that there is great difference between these, to say that jesus Christ is in the Supper in that he giveth truly unto us his body and blood, and to say and affirm, that his body & blood is joined to the bread.  
That first I have affirmed, because it is the principal & chief, the second I have denied, because I think it to be repugnant to the truth of Christ his nature, and to the article of the ascension, as it is in Scripture, and as the ancient fathers expound the same. This sentence and opinion giveth more dignity and authority to the word of God, than that, which teacheth that Christ is really and corporally joined to signs. This therefore is the declaration & meaning of that which we spoke, which I desire may satisfy you: being ready to be taught if better be showed. To this also he added certain testimonies of the Fathers. As of S. Augustine, writing upon the. 5. Chapter of S. john, where he says: When our Saviour Christ said you shall not have me always with you: he spoke of the presence of his body. For, according to his Majesty, providence, and invisible grace, that which he promised in another place, is fulfilled: I will be with you to the end of the world: But according to his human nature which he took, according to that, that he was born of the virgin Mary, that he was crucified, & buried, and rose again, it is said: Me, you shall not have always. Wherefore? Because according to his body, he was conversant with his disciples forty days, and as they went●… with him, ascended from them into heaven, neither is here any more. Also the same Saint Augustine says, writing to Dardanus. As he is God, he is every where: As he is man, he is in heaven. And Vigilius, which written against E●…yches in the year of our Lord God. 500 saith, The son of God in respect of his humanity is departed from us: but in respect of his divinity he says, I am with you to the end of the world. He is with us, and he is not with us: for he hath not forsaken those, in respect of his divinity, whom he hath forsaken, and from whom he is departed in respect of his humanity. Moreover he saith, When his flesh was in earth, it was not truly in heaven: but now because it is in heaven, it is not, no doubt, in earth. Again he saith, The only son of God, which was also man, is contained in one place, according to the nature of his flesh: And is not contained in any place according to the nature of his Divinity.  
Now in the mean time, while these things were thus a working, the Prelates came together, and certain of the P●…pisticall doctors of the Canon law, being made acquainted with the matter, did deliberate and consults together what answer they were best to give to the reformed Churches. Here it is reported that the Cardinal of Lorraine said, I would to God that either he were dumb, or else we deaf and could not hear. The matter being diversely reasoned and considered of on both sides, at the last it was concluded, that answer should be made, to t●…o special points of the oration: the first point concerning the Church: and the second point concerning the lords Supper.  
They did also deliberate, whether it were not good to have a confession made, which should be offered to the protestants, but if their choose men, which were appointed to dispute for them had denied to imbrate the same, that then they should have the sentence of condemnation proncunced against them as heretics: & so the disputation sh●…ld end. But this their devise was not fully concluded upon, for that many of them would not agree unto the same And when the ministers of the reform Churches herded of this devise, they complained to the king & Queen that the matter was not indifferently handled, beseeching them that the fruit and profit of the conference might not be hindered by these plat forms and subtle devices.  
Therefore the conference began again the sixteen day of 
The second session.  September the king & Queen, the king of Navarre, and the Princes the king's kinsmen being present. And here the Cardinal of Lorraine first of all spoke very largely in the behalf of the Prelates, concerning the obedience of his fellows 
The oration of the Cardinal of Lorraine.  towards the king, the which they acknowledged to own unto him by the commandment of God, & confessed that they would gladly give the same unto him. Notwithstanding that the king aught to have great care to defend the Church, not as head, but as a member of the same: and, that in those 
Note here the subjection of Papists.  things which appertain to doctrine, he aught to be subject to the Church, and to the ministers thereof, as the express testimonies of scripture, and the examples of the ancient fathers do declare. Therefore (says he) we do make this the ground of all our reasons, that all obedience aught to be given to the King. But coming more near to his matter, he declareth that the assembly whose cause he had in hand did consist of Archbishops, of Bishops ordinarily made, of Priests, of Canons, & of a great number of others. Whose leg●…te (says he) I am, & this is the sum of my embassage. Where as many to my great grief were fallen from the Church not long a go professing the contrary Religion, neither submitting themselves to their own constitutions, being within these few days called thither by the king's commandment, had declared some good will to profit: if they would come again into their country and into the ancient house of the Fathers, they shall be received, and have nothing that is past cast in their teeth: if so be that they will show themselves penitent, and will become obedient children to the Church. Therefore I will frame myself according to their infirmities: being glad that they profess with us the articles of our faith: and I heartily wish that as in words so in judgement we may agree together. Therefore I will answer them in the spirit of love and modesty. But I will handle only two articles, because it will be to tedious to entreat of every one of them particularly.  
And the two articles whereof I will speak, are concerning the Church, and concerning the lords Supper.  
Wherefore, concerning the first, it is not true I hat the Church doth consist only of the Elect, because in the Lord's barn the chaff is mingled with the wheat: and yet notwithstanding the Church cannot err.  
But if some part of the Church should err, the whole body aught to be preferred before one corrupt member: if any evil should creep in, than we must have recourse to antiquity, and must have respect to the chief and principal Churches, among which the Church of Rome hath had always the principal place. If any thing were found to be amiss in some particular place of the Church, we must set against the Ignorance of a small number of men, the decrees of the ancient and of the general Counsels. But if this thing may not suffice, we must diligently seek for the judgements of the approved fathers of the Catholic Church: notwithstanding we must specially give place to the testimonies of Scripture, being expounded by the true voice and interpretation of the Church, lest heretics should brag and say that they alone have the word of God. For the Catholic Church must give authority to the word of God. The which order, because the Arrians kept not, they fallen into great mischiefs: into which destruction they also are like to fall, which seeing not the beam in their own eyes, are very busy to pluck out the moat in other men's eyes. As touching the second point, which concerneth the Sacrament of the lords Supper, I must needs confess that I and the whole Clergy are greatly grieved to see that the blessed Sacrament of the eucharist, which the 
The opinion of the Cardinal of Lorraine concerning the Sacrament.  Lord left unto us to be a bond and pledge of peace and unity, should by curiosity of searching out of deep matters, be after a sort, an occasion not only of infinite controversies, but also of forsaking the truth, which may scarcely be kept among these controversies. For in the Eucharste we aught to consider four things. The first is the union and 
1  concord, which aught to be among the faithful, according to, that which the Apostle says, that We are one body, and partakers of one cup. The second is the union with Christ 
2  jesus, as it is said, He which eateth my flesh and drinketh my blood abideth in me, and I in him. The third is remission 
3  of sins, which is purchased by the effusion of Christ his blood. The fourth is, the hope of everlasting life, according 
4  to that which is written, He which eateth this btead shall live for ever. But the contrary doth happen in this disputation, namely distractions and divisions in the Church, the separation from God, the loss of remission of sins, & of the hope of everlasting life. divers and sundry are the controversies of our adversaries concerning this matter, of the which there are eight in number. It is better to abide in the approved opinion and judgement of the Catholic Church, which is, that the very body of God & of our Lord jesus Christ & his very blood also, is present and received in this Sacrament: according as it is said, This is my body. The which words, except they be in deed of as great force as they sound and seem to be, why are they so diligently repeated in like words of all the Evangelists and of the Apostle Paul also? Why did not the other three Evangelists, & the Apostle Paul, which written after Matthew, written after that manner that our Sacramentaries would writ? specially seeing in a matter of less weight they do one of them expound another: and that which one of them setteth forth obscurely, another plainly declareth. This is the mind of the Testator, which by no manner of means aught to be disallowed or violated: This is also the judgement and doctrine of all the ancient writers, that not only the bread is given by the Priest, but also the very body of Christ really. Therefore I embrace this stable & hole some opinion, and I do abhor with all my heart the curious opinions and sayings of these new men, which seem so to represent Christ, as if they should bring him forth in a Tragedy or Comedy. As though it were not better to retain and keep the simple words of our Lord and sa●…iour than the false imaginations of men, seeing that this is most firm and certain, that we are not only joined to Christ by faith, but also by the force and efficacy of the eucharist, being rightly, worthily and really received, yea, and to speak more plainly, Substantially, Naturally, and Corporally.  
And here he alleged many things out of the ancient fathers: and plainly reprehended Beza, because he used the words of Austen in his epistle to Dardanus, in this matter of the Sacraments, seeing in that epistle he entreated nothing at all of the Sacraments, & also because he had condemned the opinion of certain Germans, concerning Consubstantiation, contrary to his own opinion. And then he concluded his oration with these words: I come & yield (saith he) to your opinion of the Sacrament, except you think that jesus Christ, as touching his flesh, is in this world from the time of his ascension, and that, more now than he was before he took upon him our flesh: except you think that Christ hath some other body than that which is visible: except you think that he is otherwise in the Sacrament than in the preaching of the word: if you think it to be all one to put on Christ in Baptism, and to eat his body and blood: and to be short, if you think●…, that he is so in heaven that he is not in earth also: and that he is no otherwise in the Supper than he is in the Myer: we which are taught that the Supper is not in heaven, but celebrated in earth, and which are not so curious that we would by ingenius and wise speculations bring and separate Christ from the Supper▪ to answer you fully, affirm that we are so far from your opinion, as the heaven is higher from the lowest part of the earth. Let them therefore see and consider which judge and examine our Religion not by Philosophy, but by Divinity, which of us two do attribute more to the power of God, and to jesus Christ. And so praying to God to root out these dangerous and deadly opinions, and not to suffer these controversies to be in his Church, he exhorted the king and the Queen, that they would take upon them the patrociny and defence of this matter: and protested in the name of the Prelates of the French Church that he would live and die in the defence of this doctrine which he had set forth.  
After this all the Prelates which were present rose up, 
The protestation of the Prelates.  and came near unto the king, and in their name the Cardinal of Turnon protested that this was the confession of their faith which they would seal with their own blood, being the undoubted truth of the holy mother the Church. The which the king ought to embrace and follow, according to the manner and example of his elders. But if they which had separated themselves from the Church of Rome, would subscribe to that confession, than they should be received and be herded more fully in other articles in the which they said they would be satisfied, otherwise they ought not to be heard at all. And it is the kings part to banish them out of his Realm: the which he must earnestly desired him to do.  
Then Beza vehemently desired of the King by and by leave to make answer out of hand to the oration of the Cardinal of Lorraine. For the ministers feared that they should have no more leave to come together again, fame reporting every where, that the prelate's had determined, from that day forward to deal with them no more but by excommunications. Notwithstanding though the Ministers that day could obtain no leave to answer, yet obtained they another day, the which nevertheless by reason of divers rumours, was deferred until the day following. Because of these detractions of times, the ministers fearing that the disputation should be ended, they determined to offer unto the King a supplication, praying him, that, for so much as, at his commandment they were come thither from so far countries, quietly to confer with the Prelates for the rooting out of errors, which so many years had oppressed the Church, they might have leave to confer together, and to declare their cause, & that he himself would take upon him the defence of Religion: which they said, was the mean and way to reign and rule himself, and to preserve his kingdom in peace and tranquillity. When they had offered this Supplication oftentimes to the King, at the last they obtained leave to have the conference continued, not in public but in private place.  
Therefore at the length the assembly was renewed again 
The third Session in another order.  which a long time was broken off, a small number of men, the King and Queen, the king of Navarre, the Prelates and twelve choose Ministers, and a few others being only present. Then the Cardinal of Lorraine began to show, that this assembly was gathered together, that the Ministers might be herded what answer they would make to those things which he had lately expounded. Beza therefore in the name of his fellows began thus, saying. When we have called upon the name of God, that he would aid and assist us in a matter of so great weight, and would bring to pass that this assembly might be gathered together to the glory of his name, to your dignity, and specially to the peace and tranquillity of the king and Queen, of the whole Christian common wealth, and kingdom: we will briefly answer to that which was lately propounded by the Lord Cardinal of Lorraine, concerning the two principal points of our confe●…ion: namely concerning the Church, and the Supper of the Lord. But if we might have had leave to answer at the first out of hand, when those things that were spoken were yet fresh in memory, we might have been able more aptly and distinctly to have made answer. But notwithstanding we will speak as God shall make us able, that it may be understand, in what things we agree, and in what also we do disagree: of the which I would to God there might be made a perfect unity and concord. Therefore concerning the first principal point, which is of the Church, we will declare three things. First, what the Church is: Secondly, what are the marks of the Church: and thirdly, what is the authority of the same. There is no doubt, but that this name, Church, was d●…riued 
What is the Church.  of the Greek word, which signifieth to call from one place to another. But in the Scripture there are found two kinds of callings. The one conjoined with the efficacy of the holy Ghost, of which there is mention made in the Epistle of S. Paul to the Romans, in these words: Those 
Rom. 8.  whom God hath justified, he hath called. The other although it be alone with the first, as touching the external matter, yet notwithstanding it is of no efficacy, as touching salvation, not that God is to be blamed therefore, but through men's default, which will not hear the word of God. Of this thing the Lord speaketh when he saith, Many are called, but few are choose, Hereupon it cometh that the name of the Church, which is a congregation of men gathered together by the voice of God, which calleth them, is taken two manner of ways. For if it be taken generally for all those which do externally profess that they do answer to God's calling, then there is no doubt, but so many reprobates and ●…ipocrites are comprehended And thus truly have we always both written and taught with one consent, seeing that matter is very common in the Scriptures. But if this word or name Church be taken more properly and strictlye, as oftentimes it is, than we say that it only comprehendeth those that are predestinate and choose of God. And to the end men may perceive that we have not devised nor invented this phrase of speech, and much less this doctrine, when it is said, That the Church is the body of the Lord, bones of his bones, and flesh of his flesh, how can the reprobates be comprehended in this 
1. Cor. 12.  number, seeing they are the members of the Devil? For these two things cannot agree together, To be a member of 
August. contra Crescon cap 21.  Christ and a member of the Devil also: the which S. Augustine well understood.  
This same distinction of the Church that Author also used writing upon the sixty four Psalm, when he saith, The Church signified by Hieru●…alem began at Abel: and Babylon at Caine. And yet notwithstanding in this first book of Baptism against the Donatists, the sixteen chapter, taking the name of Church more generally, he saith, He which begat Abel, Enoch, Noah, Abraham, & the Prophets: begat also Cain, Ishmael, Dathan, and such others. In fine, therefore, let us take that which the same Saint Augustine 
Lib. 7. cap. 51.  hath written in the forenamed book, where it is said, that there are two sorts of men, as touching the Church: For (saith he) some are the members of Christ and of the true Church, and so of God's house, that they are even the house of God. But other some are in the house of God, but are not the house of God. For they are as the chaff with the wheat. But hereof there seemeth to arise a question, whether the 
Question.  Church be invisible: the which seemeth of necessity to be concluded, for so much as God only knoweth his elect, & seeing also we confess that we believe the holy Church: And 
Answer.  that which is believed is not seen. But hereby may come great inconvenience, if we have not a more deep consideration of this matter. For if the matter be so, into what assembly can we come? Where shall then be the way of our salvation except the Church be known that we may cleave unto Christ jesus, seeing that he doth declare his virtue and saving health in one Church? Therefore we say, that although the Church in consideration of those things, whereof we spoke even now, can not be seen of men, yet notwithstanding we have certain notes to know, to what Church we ought to join ourselves, namely, the pure word of God, and the sincere administration of 
True notes of the Church.  Sacraments. The which notes are so plain and many●…est, that wheresoever they shall be, we ought to be out of all doubt that there is the Church of God, in so much that by the rule of Charity, we ought to accounted all those for the faithful Children of God, which profess the pure Religion, except God shall reuea●…e their hypocrisy. And of this matter Saint Paul hath given unto us a plain example, when he calleth the Corinthians and Galathians 
1. Cor. 3.  Saints, attributing also unto them the name of the Church although there were great errors among them, both in corruptions of doctrine and also of manners. The which also he hath showed in another place, when he saith, If any 
1. Cor. 3.  man build on this foundation Gold, Silver, Precious stones, Timber, Hay, or Stubble. etc.  
Thus therefore we speak of the Church not transforming the same into fantastical imaginations, neither yet (as it seemeth unto us) do we give occasion to a●…ye man, to count us in the number of such as are fantastical as the Catharistes, the Donatists, and those furious Anabaptistes also that were in our time, with whom divers of our brethren oftentimes have contended, Now therefore I come to those notes and badges of the Church, the which we must diligently behold, seeing out of the same there is no salvation, neither any manner of thing which Satan our ancient ennme hath not go about at all times to counterfeit and falsify.  
I said that there were two certain and undoubted marks, namely the preaching of the word, and the sincere administration of Sacraments. There are some also which add Ecclesiastical discipline, and the fruit of the preaching of God's word. But because our iniquities will not suffer these two notes to appear, therefore let us contentour selves with those two first.  
That the word of God is a true badge and mark of the Church, it may hereby appear, that the word is compared unto seed. Therefore Paul saith, that he had begotten the Corinthians in the Lord, that is to say, by the preaching of the word. And therefore in many places, it is called meat and food, according to the saying of the Lord: My sheep hear my voice, but they know not the voice of a stranger. Also the sacraments are a true note of the Church, because the Lord would instruct us not only by the ears, but also by the eyes, and other corporal senses: in so much that he would have the Sacraments to be manifest testimonies, and certain and visible notes of the union of the faithful, first with him, and secondly between themselves. Therefore it was said in the time of the old Testament: Let the man that is uncircumcised be thrust out from among the people: and therefore the master of every house was wont thrice every year to present themselves in Jerusalem, that they might testify the unity of faith and Religion by those sacrifices. Afterwards, the veil being taken away, and the close shut gate being broken open, the jews and the Gentiles grew into one body, not only by the preaching of the word, but also by Baptism, and by the 
Ephe. 2.  holy Sacrament of the body and blood of Christ. And according to this, Christ said to his Apostles, Go and preach to every creature, baptizing in the name of the Father, of the Son, and of the holy Ghost. Whereby both the word and Sacraments are noted. For that is to be joined with baptism which Paul speaketh of the Supper, saying, that He gave that which he received of the Lord. And this is also the very same which is said in another place, That the Church is founded upon the Prophets and Apostles, that is to say, upon Christ jesus, which is the head corner stone, that is to say, the matter and substance of the prophetical and Apostolical doctrine. And thus the other place of the same Apostle ought to be understood, that the Church is the strength and pillar of truth, that is to say the word of God, and the same truth of God (as S. John saith) doth sustain and hold up the Church, as also Chrisostome interpreteth it. These are the true and visible notes of the Church, the which Church, because it bringeth forth the faithful, and nourisheth them with the heavenly & incorruptible meat, is called their mother and Nurse.  
But and if the word be preached and the Sacraments ministered, it must needs follow that there be pastors and teachers, to whom those offices may be committed, as the scriptures in divers places testifieth, and the Apostle Paul also.  
Hereupon it cometh to pass, that many add a third note, namely, ordinary succession from the time of the Apostles. To the which we answer, that such succession 
Succession in the Church.  aught to be greatly esteemed, so long as it is rightly considered and applied: even as the Fathers often times used the same against heretics, as it is to be seen in Tertullian, Irenaeus, and in Augustine against the Manichees and Donatists. But because they set that buckser against us, as bringers in of new things: it is necessary that we declare what we think of this thing.  
We say that there is one succession of doctrine, and another of people.  
The succession of doctrine we acknowledge for the true and undoubted mark of the Church, according to those things whereof we have spoken before. For although the doctrine of the Gospel is never a whit the more worthy to be believed for antiquity, & although it cometh to pass by the judgement of God, for our iniquities, that the same is counted sometimes so new unto men, when it should be familiar and known: yet notwithstanding the ancient & continual succession doth greatly prevail with men, even to the farther confirming of the authority of the same.  
As touching the succession of people, we acknowledge the same: but upon that condition, that it be joined with the succession of the Prophets & Apostles, specially in the substantial and principal points of faith, & not otherwise. But way and consider that I speak of doctrine, & not of manners. For although the integrity of doctrine & of life be here unto required, that a man should be counted for a good and true pastor, yet notwithstanding we do not reject a pastor for ignorance, or the diversity of opinions in small matters of doctrine, and for manners, if so be that he keep the foundation. Thus are we taught of Christ, who saith, So far forth as the Scribes and Pharisies sit upon Moses chair, do that which they teach, and not as they do.  
The which place, S. Augustine writing upon John, says aught to be understand of hirelings, which nevertheless retain sound doctrine, & not of false pastors, of whom Christ speaketh, saying, Beware of the leaven of the pharisees. Because (saith S. Augustine) they sit upon Moses chair, they teach the law of God, & so God speaketh by them: but if they will teach their own doctrines, you shall neither hear nor do that which they teach.  
Therefore to come to the matter, because false prophets may succeed true prophets, & wolves the true shepherds: this truly is a sound and manifest reason, wherefore we think that personal succession aught not only, not to be received, but also utterly to be condemned, because it giveth place to that which is false, & craftily coloureth the same, lest the succession of doctrine should be laid for the foundation. Furthermore, if personal succession should simply be taken for a true note of the Church, we must bring forth and show a certain sure promise of God, by which he hath bound his grace to certain definite places and Regions, the which we think can in no wise be showed out of the new Testament: seeing this is rather manifestly declared, that there is a certain catholic or universal Church, because the particular members thereof are dispersed throughout the whole world, even as it pleaseth God to show forth his judgements upon those whom he hath utterly cast off, or whom he chastiseth for a time, and to show his mercy and blessings upon those, whom he preserveth, or whom he newly bringeth to the knowledge of him. For God showing his vengeance in certain places seemeth to abolish atl things, in so much that there is no manner of sign of the Church left, as it is come to pass in all Africa, Greece, & in the whole East part of the world. But sometime that personal succession doth decay only for a little while, as it happened at Antioch, in the time of Samosatene, & at Alexandri, in the exile of Athanasius, & in many other Churches also, so long as there were heresies among them. And to be short, personal succession ceased in the time of Honorious, who was condemned in the year of our Lord God. D. LXXXI. for the execrable doctrine of Eutiches, and in the time of john the xxii. of that name, who was condemned of Heresy: except we should say that manifest Heretics may be true pastors. I omit to speak of those things which happened in the time of that woman Pope JOAN, and of the manifold tumults of the false usurping Popes, which the histories make mention of.  
These things therefore considered, I conclude, that if we will rightly know the Church, we must not have regard to 
Successors of the Apostles.  personal succession, but to the purity of doctrine, & to the sincere administration of the Sacraments: in so much that we must count them for the true successors of the Apostles which being rightly called, do build upon their foundation: and do first of all set forth the word of God in certain places, whether the succession of people be perpetual, or whether it decay or cease for a time.  
Whereas on the contrary part, they which either preach not the word of God at all, or else preach their own doctrine in steed of the Apostles doctrine, although they allege and bring in for themselves, a thousand continual successors, are not to be heard as pastors, but to be shunned as wolves: according to the express commandment of Christ jesus and of his Apostles.  
But some man will object and say: is it lawful then for 
Objection.  every man to preach the word and to minister the Sacraments? Not truly, it aught not so to be. For all things must be done in the Church of God (as the Apostle says) 
1. Cor. 14.  in order?  
Who are then true Pastors? surely such as are lawfully called.  
It rests therefore now to consider what is lawful calling, 
Vocation in the Church, ordinary, and extraordinary.  that this special matter also may be understood. We say that there is one form and manner of ordinary calling, and another of extraordinary calling. That is ordinary calling, in the which, the order appointed of GOD in the Church, is observed. In this order the first thing is, The examination 
1  of doctrine and manners: the second, lawful 
2  election: and the last, imposition of hands. These three 
3  things may be gathered & approved, by divers testimonies of Scriptures: as by the election of Mathias, and of the seven 
Act. 1. Act. 6. 1. Timo. 3. Titus. 1.  Deacons in the Acts of the Apostles: and also by those things which Paul writeth in his Epistles to Timothy, & to T●…tus. This is the description of ordinary calling. Whereby it may be gathered, that the same is an extraordinary calling, in the which, although it be lawful by God's authority, either one of these two things, or both, or else all, are wanting. The which kind of callings God hath oftentimes used as in the Scriptures appeareth. For who laid hands 
Exod. 28. Esay. 6. 9 Dom. 1. 17. Amos. 7. 14.  on Moses to dedicated Aaron: Who anointed the Prophets, Esayas, Daniel, Amos, and many others? Therefore when they which had authority, abused the power of ordinary calling, than I say, it was necessary that the Lord should use extraordinary means, not to bring in confusion, but to reform those which had perverted and depraved all things in the Church, under the colour and pretence of ordinary succession. And that the matter standeth thus, the writings of the Prophets which specially inveye against the Priests, do manifestly declare.  
If any man object and say, that they had extraordinary 
Esay. 28. jere. 7. Ezechiel. 22. Soph. 3.  testimonies of their calling confirmed with certain miracles, we answer, That this is so far true in some, that in other some, it is stark false: except we should speak of those things of the which there is no testimony. And truly I cannot tell whether there be many Prophets to be found of the progeny of Aaron, upon whom hands were laid after an ordinary manner. If in like manner it be alleged that they contented themselves with the office of reprehending and reproving, and exercised not the office of sacrificing: we answer, first of all, that this is not found every where to be true. For Samuel which was not of the family of Aaron, 
1. Samuel. 7. 1. King. 18.  but of Chore sacrificed in Mispa. And Elias in Carmel. Secondly we answer, that it aught not to seem strange that the prophets at that time extended not that extraordinary office, to the doing and fulfilling of ceremonies, seeing that the same office did appertain by inheritance to the kindred and stock of Levi, which at this day is out of use. Thus far therefore concerning these special points, what is the Church: what are the marks of the same: what is the vocation of Pastors, we have spoken our judgement. The which things if you mean to call in question & to seek and try whether they be in our Churches, or in our people, we trust, by the help of God, to bring such certain reasons, that no man can doubt that we have the true Church, and that our calling is lawful.  
Now let us come to the third principal point, which concerneth 
Authority of the Church. Hebt 11.  the authority of the Church. It is manifest by those things whereof we have spoken already that we do derogate nor take away none of those precious & magnificent notes with 
1. Cor. 14.  the which the Church is beautified. But we say, that it is the body of the Lord, that as yet it is a pilgrim in this world, looking for the fullness of the head that is, Christ. This is the house 
Ephe. 4.  of the Lord, which is daily builded & erected by little & little which is governed by the holy Ghost, but as yet fight against the flesh, it is purified, but so, that by little & little it 
Galathians. 5.  may be brought to the perfection of that beauty & cleanness in the which there is neither spot nor wrinkle: it knoweth 
Ephe. 5. 1. Cor. 13.  God, but in part. To be short, we confess, that out of the Church, there is no salvation, seeing there is life no where else, than in Christ jesus, who exerciseth his quickening life in no other than in his members, the vinion and coagmentation whereof is called the Church. But in this all the whole 
Whether the Church may err.  controversy consists namely, whether the Church may err in this world: whether it be subject unto the scripture, or the scripture unto it. To the which I answer that it is out of all controversy & doubt, that the particular members of the Church, may err, & do daily err, both in doctrine & in manners, according to this place of the Apostle Paul, saying, We know in part, And S. John saith, If we say, we have no 
1. Cor. 13. 1. hon. 1.  sin, we deceive ourselves. If any man would go about to exempt the ancient fathers from that number, he shall not be offended, if we believe not his words. For it were an easy matter (saving the reverence which we own unto them) to note many blemishes & spots, even in the greatest & most ancient fathers, but we will not stand in repeating of them, both for the honour which they worthily deserve, & also for that the Lord Cardinal (if I well remember his words) thinketh not that they aught rashly and indifferently to be received.  
This is our opinion concerning the particular members of the church, whose perfection notwithstanding is no such cause or let, but that the Church may consist of them. For the faithful profit by lit●…le and little both in the knowledge of God, and also in the perfection of manners.  
But and if the members of the Church be considered more generally, as they be distributed into dioceses, & provinces, shall we say that they may err? Moreover, if I be not deceived, my Lord Cardinal thought of late that particular Churches, and provincial counsels may err, and have oftentimes erred: And truly this thing is confirmed by so long experience, that I think not that any man in his right 
General counsels.  wits will deny the same. It remains therefore that we consider the whole Church universally.  
But how? For if we behold the same in the representation of a certain general Council, first, it is not likely that all the force and virtue which the holy Ghost hath powered out upon the Church, is restrained to a certain number of prelate's, which are oftentimes never the more learned nor any whit the better, although they represent all those, of whom they are sent. For how oftentimes may it come to pass that some one man altogether unlearned, shall have more wisdom than all the learned of the whole company beside? Ane therefore is it written in the Gloze: Thou hast declared concerning elections, that one private faithful man, which bringeth better reasons, aught rather to be believed than the whole council, & the Pope. But rather in the great Nicene council, who did let that law of chastity, which from that time brought so many corruptions into the Church, that it might not be established? One only Paphnutius, not greatly learned, as the story maketh mention.  
Furthermore, at what time was there ever so general a Council gathered together, but that not only the greatest part of learned men, and of godly men, but also of Prelates, was left behind? And who will deny, but that they which are absent, have oftentimes had the more sound and better judgement than those that were present? Beside these things, you also my Lords do know, what great confusion reigneth in the Church, and specially in the greatest offices of the Prelacy: in so much that we may say, The greatest corruption hath been in that part, which aught to have been more per●…ect and sound. Of late we had many examples, and the holy Bishops have fet such deep sighs for these things, that the sound of them is heard as yet. And truly 
Bernar. in lib. de consider. & in sermon. 33 in Cantica. & in sermo. de conversione Pauli.  the saying of S. Bernard is no less known than true, when he saith. O Lord, they which love the hyest rooms and desire principality, are the first which persecute thee, they have taken mount Zion, they have taken the ark of the covenant, and by force have set fire on the whole City.  
But let this be spoken, my Lords, not that I touch or mean any of you, but only to declare, that seeing the principal vocations in the Church are so foully corrupted, it cannot be, that the general Counsels after so long time established by a multitude of such wicked men, should be so governed by the holy Ghost that it cannot err. A certain 
Cayphas prophesied. ●…hon. 18.  ancient Priest prophesied also, although he were ungodly and wicked: but it was the holy Ghost that prophesied in him, being ignorant what he said, & being driven to speak by the contrary spirit, that is to say, by the spirit of the Devil, in appointing to kill an innocent, namely Christ jesus the son of God.  
Furthermore if a general Council have this privilege, that it cannot err, neither in the rule of doctrine, nor in the form of manners, we demand, when and at what time it obtained this privilege. For there was never at any time, but one faith, & one Church. And the Prophets do plainly declare, and the histories do evidently confirm the same, that the ancient Church in the time of the old Testament hath erred. All the beholders thereof are blind, (saith the 
Esay. 56.  Prophet) they know nothing, they are dumb dogs. And the Prophet jeremy saith, From the Prophet to the Priest 
jeremy. 6.  all have go astray. And lest this should be restrained to the life of singular men, it is expressly said in the fourteen chapter of the same Prophet: They prophecy lies, and 
jeremy. 14.  set forth a false vision. Also the Prophet Esay saith: The wisdom of the wise shall perish, and the intelligence of those that understand: God shall put out the eyes of the prophets. 
Esay. Ezechiel. 7.  Moreover in Ezechiel it is said, The law shall depart from the Priest. But who slew the Prophets, who put the son of God to death, who condemned the Apostles but only the Prelates and high Priests of the jews.  
If any man object and say, that these things happened in the time of the old Testament, we reply that this is no answer, for because it shall be always a strong conclusion, that the congregation of the Prelates or Papists of the Church although it be universal at the last, is governed rather by the spirit of error than by the holy Ghost. Secondly if we come to the new Testament, hath not the Apostle 
Acts. 20.  Paul plainly admonished the Church in the person of the Ephesians, that wolves shall come forth from among 
2. Thes. 4.  the shepherds? and also that the son of perdition shall sit in the Temple of God? And certainly if the counsels be compared one with another, many contrarieties shall be found in them, in so much that we must needs confess that they were not always led and ruled by the holy Ghost, but rather that Satan hath transfigured himself into the light of the general Counsels, to cover and hide his lie and error. There is also another place of S. Augustine, 
Aust. lib. 2. de bap. contra Donat. cap. 31.  in the which he hath these words: The Epistles of particular Bishops, are corrected by provincial Counsels, and the Epistles of provincial Counsels, by general Councils, when as, by experience that which was before hidden, is now manifest, and known.  
This place I alleged before in my first oration, to the which my lord Cardinal made answer, that it aught to be understood of external matters, which might & aught to be altered as necessity should require. But the whole matter being more diligently considered, it shall appear that the word (corrected) which Austin useth, doth presuppose some error, which was afterward amended. And S. Austin in that place doth not entreat of external discipline, but of one special point of doctrine, namely of the sentence of Cyprian, and of the council of Africa, which concerned Rebaptizing.  
If also this place be objected against us, as where our saviour Christ says, that He will be in the midst of two or three that are gathered together in his name, hereby to prove that this promise doth appertain rather to a general council than to a few men: We answer, that we may thus think of this promise, but there is great difference between our imagination, & a most certain knowledge. For seeing the wickedness of men is grown to that pass that it abuseth the name of God to a lie, there may be some which having the name of God in their mouth, carry his adversary the Devil in their hearts, & we do affirm that in so great infirmity of human wit, & amidst so many troublesome desires, he is in great danger to be deceived, which only leaneth to men's judgements, and to the external show of a council.  
What then? shall we say that the doctrine of the Church, seeing the Church may err is uncertain? Nothing less. For we confess, that although we see in part (as S. Paul says) and so error may be joined with the truth, yet notwithstanding God will not suffer the knowledge of the principal grounds of our salvation to be buried & forgotten, but there shall be always one or other of his servants, which shall know that which aught to be known, & shall follow that which aught to be followed: as we see it happened to Helias, in time of the captivity of Babylon, & in Israel in the time of Christ his coming, when as there was scarcely left one Zacharias, one Elizabeth one joseph, one Virgin Mary, one Anna, the Prophetess, which among so many corruptions of the Scribes, pharisees, & Saduceis, had the true understanding of the Prophecies concerning the coming of Christ. These interruptions therefore & lets which fall into the Church of God, are as it were a certain tempest & cloud, which God driveth away by the coming of his Son, that is to say, of his word, according to the dispensing of the secrets of his judgements & mercies. May we not condemn general counsels? God forbidden. For you know that if we shall go about to reform or amend any thing by them, you shall change and altar many more things than we: in the which not long ago you traveled. Notwithstanding we require this thing at your hand, that the word of God may be as a touchstone, that whatsoever is either spoken or done in the Church may be tried by the same. If this thing seem strange unto you, I pray you my Lords consider that noble place of Augustine, where he writeth to Maximinus Arrianus, being in the second book, 
Aust. lib. 2. ca 4. ad Arrianun.  and fourth chapter, saying.  
Is there a more approved Council, than the first Nicene Council? None I believe. What was the council of Ariminum? It was rejected, & condemned and that justly. But whereof doth S. Augustine entreat in that place? Surely, of one of the principal articles of our faith, so oftentimes concluded & confirmed, namely of Consubstantiation of the Son of God. Nevertheless S. Austin confesseth that he will neither be tried by the coū●…el of Nice, nor by the council of Ariminum but by the scriptures, which he calleth indifferent witnesses for both parts. But if here we will object & say that the scriptures are hard and obscure, we must confess with Saint Paul, that the carnal man doth not vnderstan●…e the things that are of God, and with the Apostle Peter, that the scriptures 
1. Cor. ●…. 2. Peter. 1.  have not a private explication.  
And if the obscureness of the Scriptures be such that they cannot manifest themselves unto us, why doth not Christ send us to some other thing rather than to them, when he says, Search the Scriptures. Furthermore, what did they, 
Ihon. 5.  which used only the writings of the Apostles before there were any commentaries of the Doctors?  
I remember, my Lord Cardinal, that you said, that the firm and undoubted interpretation, which was always in the Church, every where, and of all men received, ought to be embraced. But who will certify us of those three principal points? Furthermore if we come to these words, Always, and Of all men, at what time shall we begin, but only at the Apostolical Church? And who shall be counted the first, but the Apostles themselves, whose stories Luke hath so faithfully described, and are also to be seen by their writings. Therefore because all truth dependeth upon God, which hath made the Prophets, and Apostles to be interpreters of our salvation, we always come to this foundation of Scriptures.  
And yet nevertheless we reject not the judgements of Counsels and of the Fathers, so that they agree with the Scriptures: the which, as S. Austin saith, are so tempered and placed by the holy Ghost, that the same which in one place is spoken obscurely, in another place is more plainly uttered.  
Notwithstanding here remain certain doubts to be opened, and expounded. For there are many which think, that the will of God, as touching our salvation, is not fully contained in the writings of the Apostles. But I pray you consider with yourselves, if this be granted, what a way is made to all errors? And truly, by this way, Satan hath greatly broken into the lords vinyeard. Nevertheless we do not deny, that God before Moses' time, ordered and taught his Church by visions and revelations, and that the Apostles builded the Churches with their own voice, before they had written any thing.  
But why would God, the number and wickedness of men increacing, have this doctrine to be described, which was preached and known to all men? for this cause truly that he might prevent their subtle crafts, which colour all their doings, with the names of tradition, of revelation, and of custom. But if this doctrine be only written in part, what shall this remedy profit? John truly speaketh not thus of the Scriptures, when he saith, These things 
Ihon. 20.  are written that you might believe, that jesus is Christ, the Son of God, and that in believing, you might have life: the which no doubt should be false, if there were any other doctrine necessary to salvation. In like manner the Apostle Paul, expounding the use of doctrine, and in the person of Timothy, instructing all the ministers of the Church, had not said, that The Scriptures make the man of God, that is 
2. Timo. 3.  to say, the minister, and every faithful man) perfect, and fully given to all good works: if any thing ought to be joined to the same. Notwithstanding we doubt not, but that there have been always from time to time unwritten traditions, as touching the order and manner of doing. But because many of late days do abuse this word (Traditions) we will show what Traditions ought to be received. The which shall be easily done if these two things be considered: namely, if the doctrines be conformable, and fit to edification. For this is always firm and certain, that the Apostles and true shepherds, never appointed rites, either dirictly or inderectly contrary to wholesome doctrine: or other things which might in any point or ●…ot draw men from the spiritual worship of God. Therefore when this rule shall be observed and kept, it will be an easy matter to discern true doctrine from traditions, and true traditions from those that are false. You also may remember how greatly Tertullian, in his tractation of the Scriptures, condemneth those which said that the Apostles left somewhat obscure & not sufficiently expounded, which appertained to our salvation. I will say more, namely that the same which the Apostles have done here is not perpetual: not as though they were not by all exception the greater witnesses but because they did bear somewhat with the infirmity of the jews by the rule of charity: as in willng them to abstain from things offered to Idols, & from strangled: and in that also which Paul did in Timothe & in himself, the which 
Act. 15 16. 18  things at this day aught to have no place, but only by a general rule of indifferent things, which of themselves are 
Things indifferent.  neither good nor evil, in which things we aught to apply ourselves to the infirmity of our brethren.  
These things also may be gathered of the rites which agreed with their times, as the manner of kissing one another in going bareheaded in sign of authority, which is contrary to the common custom of many people.  
All these things therefore aught to be considered, before a custom be established as apostolical: lest the Apostolical authority and custom be abused to the disturbing of the churches, as it came to pass after the Apostles time, for the feast of Easter, and in the Apostles time for the authority of the Church of Jerusalem, as appeareth by Luke. 
Acts. 15.  How then shall we think that the Apostles found out so many ceremonies, in which afterwards was placed remission of sins, when as plainly they have testified the contrary. Augustine complained of these things long ago: and there is no doubt, but that if he had been in these our days he should have had greater occasione to complain. To be short therefore, we wish that the Scripture which is very plain in these matters, may judge between traditions that are good and evil between holy and profane, between profitable and hurtful, and between such as are necessary, and those that are super flucus.  
The which being granted, this question may easily be resolved, namely, Whether the Church be above the scripture: The which question seemeth so absurd unto me as if a man should demand, whether the father were inferior to the son, or whether the wife were above the husband, or man above God.  
And truly the true Church never complaineth and murmureth against God in this matter, but always modestly submitteth itself unto him. Neither maketh it any matter that the Church was before the Scriptures.  
For that word which was afterwards written, is more 
The word of God more ancient than the Church.  ancient than the Church, seeing of the same, the Church was conceived, begotten, & brought forth, & hath also of the same his denomination. And to disprove this the saying of S. Austin is brought against us, when he says: I would not believe the scripture, were it not that the authority of the church did force me thereunto. But we must consider that S. Austin speaketh here in the person of Manichaeus. For when two men do contend about the truth of some instrument, to whom in the end shall they go but to the Scrivener or Notary, that hath the first draft or counterpane of the same: Notwithstanding it doth not here upon follow that the authority of the instrument doth depend upon the person of the Notary, the which should be no less firm and strong, although the Notary being alive, would refuse to give testimony of the same. The same answer must be made to those, which think 
Canonical Books.  the authority of the Canonical books of scripture to depend upon the determination of the Church.  
But I will content myself to add unto that, whereof I have spoken before, one only argument, confirmed by the authority of certain approved Fathers.  
The argument is this, Christ himself did so much esteem of the doctrine of the Prophet, that he sought to confirm his doctrine by their testimonies. After the same manner the Apostle Paul went about to confirm the Thessalonians 
Acts. 17.  in his doctrine. Peter also the Apostle commends unto us and alloweth this order of teaching. Therefore it is not meet that they which call themselves Christ his vicar's, and the successors of Paul & Peter should 
2. Peter. 1. Cap. 6. lib. 2. in Heir.  refuse the same condition. Furthermore, thus saith Saint Hieron, The error either of the fathers or of the elders, aught not to be followed, but the authority of Scriptures. And Chrisostome saith, He which will know which is the ●…ue 
Hom. 49 in Math. 24.  Church of Christ, How shall he know the same in so great confusion of likeness but by the Scriptures? Also in the same place he saith, Let them which are in judea flee into the mountains: that is to say, They which are in Christianisme let them busy themselves in the Scriptures. But why would he have all Christians at that time be occupied in the scriptures? Because so soon as heresy had entered into the Churches, there could not be had a true probation of Christianisme: neither can they which would know the truth of faith, find any other refuge than the holy scripture.  
Whosoever therefore would know the true Church of Christ, how should he know the same but by the Scriptures? In like manner the Lord knowing that there should come so great confusion in the latter days, commandeth Christians which will have the assurance of true faith, to have no other refuge than the holy Scripture: otherwise if that they seek for other means, they shall be offended, and perish, not understanding what is the true Church and so shall fall headlong into the abomination of desolation, which is placed in the holy place of the Church. Also basil saith, If 
basil in nova summa Mora. cap. 22.  whatsoever be not of faith be sin, as saith the Apostle: and faith cometh by hearing, and hearing by the word of God, than whatsoever is beside that word given by divine inspiration is sin. Also in the sermon of the confession of Faith, he says, If God be faithful in all his words, and if all his commandments be firm and certain for ever, framed in truth and righteousness, it is a forsaking of the faith, and a point of arrogancy to retect any part of those things which are written, or to bring in any thing not written.  
Thus far (O Queen) we have answered copiously, according to our knowledge to the first principal point of the Oration made by the Prelates, concerning the authority of the Church, being ready patiently, and quietly to hear, whatsoever shall be showed contrary to that which we have spoken. There remains yet to be spoken of the Article of our Lord's Supper, the which if it seem good unto your Majesty, I will now pretermit: both for that I have heide you and the whole company over long, and also because we desire to have this conference hereafter framed in better order. Notwithstanding if it shall seem good unto your Majesty that we proceed any farther, we are ready to utter those things which the Lord shall put in our hearts: always submitting ourselves unto those things, which shall be objected unto us out of the Scriptures, most humbly praying and beseeching your Majesty (O Queen) to be fully persuaded in this one thing, that next unto the glory of our God, we wish and desire nothing more vehemently, than the dignity of your Majesty, and the peace & tranquillity of the Realm.  
After that Beza had thus ended his oration, than the Cardinal, beckoning to Claudius Espensius, a Sorbonist, willed 
Espensius i●…e Sorbonist.  him to make his oration. Then Espensius beginning to show, that not long ago he had wished to have this mutual conference: and that he always utterly abhorred those cruel punishments, which were unjustly used against those which embraced the Religion: he said that those things which were already spoken of the Church, and of the marks, and succession of the same, were in his judgement, very true, adding hereunto, that if this way had been taken in hand at the first, all controversies had been by this time ended. But as touching that principal point of the Succession of the Church, I have (saith he) oftentimes marveled with myself, by whose authority, and by whose calling you are entered into the Church, and have taken upon you the office of teaching, seeing that you are not come in by the ordinary way, nor by such as have ordinary authority, nor have not received of them the imposition of hands. Here upon he gathered that the ministers of the reform churches, were not true & lawful pastors, for so much as they could not say that they were 
Succession ordiniarie and extraordinary.  come in by ordinary succession, much less by extraordinary, because extraordinary vocation aught to be confirmed by miracles, even as Moses being raised up of God to deliver the people, was established by extraordinary miracles, or else truly these extraordinary callings, aught to be confirmed by some express testimony of scripture, as the calling of John by the testimony of Malachy. Both the which seeing they lacked, he concluded that their calling & ministry was not lawflul. As concerning traditions, & the interpretation of scripture, if there shall hap to be any disputation about them, then we must run & have regard to ordinary successors, as to those to whom the holy Ghost is promised, who were ordained to that end & purpose, as it is manifest by the example of the Levites with whom in time past men aught to consult, & from whose judgement it was not lawful to decline. Many things, yea even those that 
Traditions of the Fathers.  are most certain & farthest from all doubt, are retained by tradition: As the the father is not begotten: that the son is of like substance with the father, that infants aught to be baptised, that the virgin Mary was a pure virgin after the birth of Christ, & so remained, & such like, the which being received from the fathers, although they be not plainly written in the word of God, the is to say, in the books of the prophets & Apostles, yet notwithstanding they are not of less credit and authority. Moreover he said, the whatsoever was concluded & determined by general counsels, were & aught to be accounted most certain & true, seeing the counsels could not err in those things that appertained to doctrine. For thee, which (says he) you have alleged out of S. Austin, that one council was corre●… & 〈◊〉 proved by another council following, never came to pass in those things which appertained to Religion. For there were only three counsels in the time of S. Augustine, namely the 
Three counsels in S. August. time.  council of Nicene, against the Arrians, the council of Constantinople against the Macedonians, & the Ephesine council specially against Nestorius, none of the which were afterward reproved & amended. That which you brought in concerning Paphnutius, it is neither certainly true, nor yet doth it appertain to the purpose. Here upon he repeated that which was spoken concerning the Supper, disputing a little about the corporal presence, & he alleged many things out of the books of a certain author, which (as he said) the ministers could not refuse, meaning Caluine one of whose books he brought forth. It was said that Espensius at the commandment of the Cardinal of Lorraine, of purpose begun to reason concerning the Supper, to the intent he might find convenient occasion to break off the conference.  
While Beza was about to make answer to that which Espensius had said, a certain Sorbonist, a white monk, whose name was Xainctius, being fully bend to dispute, rose up, making a long & tedious repetition of those things which were spoken 
Traditions counted of a Monk of greater force than the scriptures.  by Espensius before: & said that traditions had a more firm foundation than the scripture itself, because the scripture might be drawn every way by the variety of interpretations: for the which cause he said, that Cyprian contended with many Africans, affirming that Christ said not, I am custom, but, I am the way, the truth, & the life. The which sentence from that time forward, was many ways wrested & transformed. To the same effect he cited the testimony of Tertullian, in his book of prescriptions of heretics, & said that Beza had spoken very stately, sending him to the same place of Tertullian, to read it more diligently: Who saith (Quoth the 
Tertullian.  Monk) that, Heretics bring in the scriptures, and do lead the ignorant into error, being moved by the authority there of. And thus he concluded that the Scriptures aught not to be used, and that from them simply we aught not to take weapons to convince heretics, for because of things so uncertain, the certain victory of truth cannot be got. At the last he obscurely said, that God beside his Council, had given unto us his doctrine in writing, & said that Chrisostome was the author of this saying.  
Here Beza made answer that those long & tedious words of the Monk were very impertinent to their conference, and nothing helping to that peace and concord which they wished: and directing his oration to the Queen, he did beseech her to provide that they might never afterward serve & fall into perturbations & troubles not serving to the purpose. Therefore (saith he) that I may answer to the first doubt of Espensius, from whence the Ministers of our Churches, had their calling, seeing they were not called by ordinary 
Imposition of hands.  means, neither had received the imposition of hands: know you, that Imposition or laying on of hands, is not the special note of lawful calling: for the principal and substantial notes are, the Inquisition of manners and doctrine, 
Signs of lawful calling.  and Election: from the which two, if imposition of hands shall be wanting, yet we must not think the calling to be any whit the less lawful. We are elected Ministers, and approved of our Churches, which with one consent have allowed our ministery. But whereas we have not had imposition of hands, nor appointed by those whom you call Ordinaries, that ought not to seem strange, seeing that in so great confusion of all things in the Church of Rome, we would not receive imposition of hands of those, whose vices superstition, and false doctrine we disallow: for that they were open enemies to the truth. It is out of all doubt, that the Prophets in old time had no greater adversaries than the Priests, which rejected sound doctrine, and neglected their office and duty. Did the Prophets therefore at any time, which were raised up of God to be enemies unto them 
The confirm●…tion of the ministery.  desire the confirmation, or approbation of their offices unto the which they were called, and appointed of God? And yet notwithstanding who will say that they did intrude themselves into those offices, which they executed and discharged faithfully with great peril and danger of their life? The which also we aught to do at this time. And it aught not to be said that Miracles are necessarily to be required to extraordinary callings: for that which is written concerning the calling of Moses, is not common to all.  
For by what Miracles were the callings of Esayas, Daniel, 
Miracles.  and Zacharias confirmed? Did the Apostle Paul look for imposition of hands of the Pharisees, that he might execute that office which God had committed unto him? And when he would confirm his Apostleship, he speaketh not only of the Miracles which he had done, but also of the fruits of his preaching: The which also we may say, of so many kingdoms and provinces, which have received the Gospel by our preaching, notwithstanding so many lets and impediments to hinder the same: and we think that there cannot be required of us a more firm confirmation of our ministery, seeing the virtue and power of God is manifest in us, the which neither bonds, neither imprisonment, neither fire, neither banishments, nor death could let.  
Albeit, saith Espensius, bring you me one only example done a thousand five hundred year agone like unto yours. All things, saith Beza that have happened, are not put down in histories: but howsoever the matter be, it doth not follow that this our example is not manifest enough, and set forth of God in his due time: who went not about to give a new Gospel, but meant to renew that old Gospel, which was 
The Gospel.  exquisitely written by the Apostles, and sufficiently confirmed by Miracles. And so by a certain unwonted and singular mean or way, he caused that bright light to shine. But concerning Traditions, what foolish madness is it to make them either equal with the Scripture, or else more certain than the same, because of the diversity of interpretations? For what shall be the stay and foundation of our faith if we stand in uncertain opinions? But what so ever men do, this notwithstanding is most certainly to be embraced, 
Truth will be truth still.  That truth shall be most firm and constant, although for a time it seem never so obscure: and although heretics do abuse it, yet nevertheless aught we always to lean to the same. Also, touching the place of Tertullian, which Xainctius willeth me so diligently to consider, I have so certainly considered the same, as I am sure he hath falsely cited Chrisostome, in whom that shall never be found, which he hath falsely feigned.  
We will not deny but that Tertullian was deceived in certain places: and yet notwithstanding the place cited, 
The place taken out of Tertullian explained.  being rightly understood, and the end thereof considered, it shall be very easy to be expounded. For it was his purpose to declare, that we must not dispute in vain against heretics: but as the Apostle Paul saith, they being once or twice reprehended must be rejected. But show unto us, with what Heretics he had to do: surely even with those 
Titus. 3.  which being convicted by the word of God, obstinately thrust in certain testimonies of scripture, transformed to maintain their errors.  
Against these men Tertullian bringeth in the traditions of the Church, the which he showeth aught to be of greater weight than the new devices of many men. First of all therefore it is meet that we should be convinced by the word of God, that we may be brought from error. For if we should simply lean unto traditions, which are neither Apostolical, nor agreeing to their doctrine, we should set open a way to a thousand deceits, and at length pervert and overthrow the certainty of the Scripture. And why doth Tertullian cast the heretics in the ●…éeth, saying that They, contrary to Scripture, do believe without Scripture, but only to teach them that they must lean and cleave to the certain truth of the Scriptures, and by them convince errors? But if the traditions and ceremonies, which are at this day objected unto us of our adversaries, were Apostolical and always used of the Church, we might otherwise think and determine: but seeing we can show their beginnings, it followeth that they are not come from the Apostles. And truly Tertullian doth greatly reprehend them which thought that all things, which appertained to salvation, were not put down to us by the Apostles. Therefore, when truth comes in question we must have recourse to the Apostles, whom Christ hath sent to teach the Church. But how shall we agree of the Apostles doctrine, but by their writings? For therefore were they called of God to that office, that they might plainly teach and instruct us in all things that appertained to our salvation.  
After the same manner also the place of Chrisostome may be explained in the which we have these words, Christ left nothing to the Apostle in writing: did he therefore forbid 
The place of Chrisostome expounded.  them to leave any thing in writing? Not truly. But he did rather illuminate them by his holy spirit, to the end his doctrine being put in writing, might abide for ever. Howbeit, the Apostles taught certain things, which they have not written. We deny it not. But we say that those things which they have not written, do not appertain to our salvation. For those things which might appertain to certain rites profitable for that time, and to the order and government of the Church, they have showed and declared by word of mouth. But because those things are of such condition that they may be diversely altered according to the circumstances of the place, time, and people, therefore they neither ought nor can bind the consciences of men.  
And as concerning these words: Not begotten, Consubstantial, Trinity, and such like, although they be not to be found so expressly in the Scripture: yet notwithstanding their sense, effect and meaning is plentifully to be found therein. Whereupon afterwards to avoid the subtle ●…lightes of heretics, these and such like words were found out and received of the ancient fathers. Thus Beza answered to those objections: that white Monk 〈◊〉 in the mean time crying out against him, interrupting him, and still inculcating this thing, that neither the virginity of the virgin Marie, nor the baptizing of infants, could be proved by testimonies of Scrip●…ure. And thus crying and exclaiming still, after the manner of schools, he was very troublesome to the whole assembly. At the last, after this confused disputation to and fro, the Cardinal of Lorraine perceiving the inciu●…litie of his fellows (as it may seem) lest they should be reprehended of the Queen, he himself ended this controversy, as though the question had been sufficiently handled. Upon which silence the Sorbonistes afterwards persuaded themselves to have got the victory.  
Then the Cardinal began to speak concerning the 
Cardinal of Lorain moderator of the controversy.  lords Supper, protesting in the name of all the Prelates, that they would proceed no further, until that question were fully determined and answered: both for that it was the principal point of all controversies, and also because the Ministers had so plainly declared their opinion and judgement concerning the same in that their first Oration, that the rumour thereof is go throughout the whole Realm. Therefore he demanded of the Ministers whether they would receive and embrace the Augustane Confession: 
Augustane confession.  And the Ministers on the contrary part demanded if they also would receive the same.  
The Cardinal faring as though he would answer to this demand, began to bring for the the judgement of certain Ministers of Germany, concerning the Lord's Supper: the which (he said) was sent by them, to him out of Germany. But herein he played the crafty Fox, to the end that if they had openly denied this thing, he might have set them and the Ministers of Germany together by the ears: but if they had embraced the same, that then he might triumph over them as if they had got the victory.  
Beza to avoid this Dilemma, and subtle train, answered, That he and his fellows came thither to defend the confession of their own Churches, which they were, only by them, enjoined to do. So that he desired that the order of the disputation might be framed upon the form of their confession: to the end that they might gather thereby both the greater fruit, and also come into a more perfect concord. For the order of nature doth require that first of all those things which are more easy should be handled: and we must first of all dispute of doctrine, because the Sacraments do depend of Doctrine. Notwithstanding the Cardinal did with no less vehemency still urge the matter. Therefore the choose men of the Churches, fearing lest by this means occasion might be taken to break off the conference, and that the blame thereof should be laid upon them, they desired to have leave to view and consider that writing, whereto the Prelates went about to make them to subscribe, and so they would deliberate together what they were best to do.  
Then was brought for the a form of the article concerning the Lord's Supper, written (as the Cardinal said) out of the Augustane confession, thus. We do Confess that the very body and blood of Christ jesus, is truly really, and Sacramentally in the Supper of the Lord, and is so given and received of those that do communicate. There were also brought forth many opinions of the Saxone Ministers concerning this matter, written in the year of our Lord. 1559. And thus was the assembly dismissed until another day.  
In the mean time news was brought, that the writing 
The subtle sleighes of one Balduine.  exhibited by the Cardinal of Lorraine, was by the industry of one Frances Balduine, sent with letters, which signified that he would come very shortly and bring certain ministers with him out of Germany, which should dispute and contend with Beza, and with the rest of the challengers of the reform Churches. Balduine therefore came to Poossiac in the time of the conference, leaving notwithstanding behind him those ministers of Germany, making the more haste, to the intent he might offer up a certain Latin book, entitled, The office of a godly man, among the controversies of Religion: persuading himself by this means, that he should please all men, specially the bishops.  
And this Book he highly commended and bragged of, as a certain singular mean and way to work peace and unity: the author of the which book, the miserable ambitious man partly affirming, and partly denying himself to be, by vain dissimulation, the name of Cassander, being suppressed and quite taken away, which had patched the same together, would that all men should have counted him to be the author thereof: persuading himself hereby to win great fame. But his expectation for all this was deceived, for he was called of neither part into the conference, for that all men feared his inconstancy and light rashness, which he had all his life time showed by manifest proof and show of his subtle and false mind.  
But his hatred for this matter was wholly kindled against the Ministers of the reform Churches, whom he thought to be the cause that he was not called to the conference.  
Afterwards he inveighed against Caluine and Beza, who by their answer again declared by evident arguments, that he was guilty of a lie, of falsehood, and of impiety. That is to say, Balduine not long ago ●…ayned to love the Gospel, and declared the same also by setting forth of 
Balduines' inconstancy.  books, and was conversant in the reformed Churches, whereby among good men he had got a good report: notwithstanding changing oftentimes his Religion, one while he seemed to embrace the doctrine of the Gospel, going to those places in the which the same was publicly preached: another while he went to the Papists, seeming to like of their service, whereby at the last all men justly judged him to be of a wicked and unconstant mind. Therefore after he had experience and proof of divers Religions, shyfting oftentimes from one to another, the subtle fellow thought that he had at the last found out a certain undoubted form of Religion, and reported abroad that he knew a sure mean or way to appease all controversies for Religion.  
And being brought unto the King of Navarre, by the practice of the Cardinal of Lorraine, he made him to have a wonderful opinion of him.  
And whilst the King of Navarre was greatly disturbed with the fair promises of the Pope, (of the which we will speak anon) this fellow daily called upon him, who also bringing forth arguments, out of certain ancient notes and abbreviations, which he said, he had found by chance, he put the King of Navarre in such hope to get the Kingdom of Navarre, that his love and zeal towards the gospel waxing cold by little and little, at the last he utterly renounced and forsook the Gospel, to the great detriment and hurt of the reform Churches, and of the whole Realm of France, in 
King of Navarre an Apostata.  furthering whereof before time, he had notwithstanding been very diligent.  
Balduine for bringing these things to pass, received for his reward, a great sum of money, and had also committed unto him the charge to bring up the king of Navarres, bastard, for which he received a stipend.  
But now again they come to the Conference, so that, when they were all assembled together, and leave given to the Ministers to speak, Beza pronounced this Oration before the Queen.  
We declared of late before your Majesty, (noble Queen) according to our skill, our opinion concerning the Article propounded unto us of the Church, and of the marks and authority of the same: in opening of the which things we have so followed the word of God, that we trust no man hath had just occasion to complain of us. But for so much as those things which have been opened by us, aught either to be approved, or else to be reprehended by the word of God, it was even now demanded of us by what authority we would preach the word of God, and minister the holy Sacraments: in the which demand, to make our cause to be hated there was left nothing undone. We know not to what end these things have been propounded. For first of all, we came not hither, either to preach the word, or to minister the Sacraments. So that it seemeth superfluous to demand of us by what authority we would do this thing. If answer be made unto us, that this was therefore demanded that we might give account of those things which we have done afore time, it was to be considered that this assembly doth consist of two sorts of men. For some are Ministers of other countries, in such places, in which their calling is approved. Of these men you have nothing to do to take an account of their offices. Other some there are here which preach the word of God in this Realm: but you have not called these men before you, to constrain them to make an account of their calling, but to confer with them concerning doctrine: otherwise they might seem after this manner to be brought to judgement: the which we think (O Queen) not to be your will or meaning. But if you did it for disputations sake, by your leave, I must say, that it was not meet to move any such talk openly: to answer the which we had no good occasion offered us, except we would offend the minds of the Prelates: the which to do we would be very loath, lest we might seem to be the cause that the conference should be broken off.  
And lest we may seem to speak without reason, consider that so often, as two parts come together to confer or to dispute: If the one part demand, why do you this? and the other part also demand the same thing, saying, why do you this? it cannot be but in these questions reiterated there shall dissension arise.  
But omitting the Prelates of this Realm, whom we will not offend, let us imagine with ourselves, that there were here a certain Bishop which should demand of us, saying, by what authority do you preach, and minister the Sacraments? And we in like manner should demand, by what authority he did the like: that is to say, whether he were elected by the Seniors of his Church, in the which he is Bishop: whether the people desired to have him: and whether his life, manners, and doctrine were first examined.  
He would answer that he was in that order called: but the contrary is manifestly known, and we call the conscience of those to witness that hear us, & know how the matter standeth. If he should say unto us, you are no ministers, because you have not the imposition of hands, we in like manner would answer, neither are you Bishops, because in your institution, the principal and most substantial matters commanded by the word of God are lacking. If the disputation proceed farther, we may use these words: you have but one only thing, which is required in the right institution, namely, laying on of hands. If the lack of this one thing, make (as you think) that we are not ministers, 〈◊〉 must needs the lack of the other two, (namely the election by Seniors, and the trial of life and doctrine) prove you to be no Bishops.  
The Council of Chalcedone, even one of the first universal Counsels, appointed that the ordering and appointing of a Priest should be void which was not done by the ministery of some one Church. A great deal more might we say to the bishop disputing with us, seeing that two principal and substantial things are wanting 
1. Timo. 3. Titus. 1.  to him, contrary to the commandment of the Apostle.  
There is also an other thing which we speak against our will, and yet notwithstanding we must speak it, that all the whole assembly may evidently see, that this question concerning Uocation, is full of peril and 〈◊〉. If you should demand of that bishop of whom, he had received imposition of hands, and for how much he hath bought the same, what would he say? Surely he would make answer that he had received imposition of hands of bishops, and that he had not bought the same, but that he gave for it so many thousand Crowns: which is as much as if he should say, I have not bought the bread, but I have bought the wheat. If this disputation verily should be judged by the Counsels and Canons of the Church, it would make many bishops and Cura●…es ashamed. Into the which Disputation we would not willingly enter, least we should offend any man. But take not this to be spoken, to the end we might enter into that disputation, or to the intent we might tender quid pro quo, or check for taunt: but to the end you might understand (O Queen) that we did therefore very unwillingly touch the matter, least the peace and concord a working might be hindered.  
As touching the Article of the Lords Supper, we would of late speak no further of the same, because we had regard to many men of this assembly, which never hearing of any such matter before, might easily have been there at of●…ended, as at some new thing. We had rather that they should hear the words of the ancient Fathers of the Church than ours, for so much as the Cardinal of Lorraine, by open promise bound himself, to persuade and satis●…fie 〈◊〉 in this principal point of doctrine, by the proper words of the fathers, the which thing we greatly desired. To satisfy this our desire, and the expectation also of a great many men, the article of the lords Supper was put forth, decided out of many and very necessary articles of the faith, and it was said unto us, Either subscribe unto this, or else we will proceed no farther. If you were our judges, and had authority to sit upon our lives, you would not say, Subscribe unto this but, We condemn you. Your office leadeth you to another manner of speech, and willeth you to show unto us our errors if there be any in us, and to instruct them in the doctrine of truth, which are ready to give an account of their faith by the word of God.  
We are here before you (O Queen) & that for two special causes. The first is, that we may give an account of our faith to God, to you, & to the whole world. The second is, that we may obey God the king, & you, so much as in us lieth, to the pacifying of those troubles which are raised up for Religion's sake. If you had to do with us only which are here, you might the more easily have y●…ur wills and purpose, but behold we represent a great number of men, which are not only in this kingdom, but also in the chiefest parts of Helvetia, Polonia, Germany, England, Scotland, and Flanders, and which long to see to what end this conference will come. But they shall understand, that in stead of the determination of a free and general Conference, the tenth part of an Article was exhibited: and that it was said, Either subscribe unto this; or else we will proceed no farther. And admit we should subscribe hereunto, what were you the better? They which have sent us hither, will know, whether by constraint against our wills, or else by force of good and wholesome Arguments, we have subscribed.  
Therefore (O Queen) we most earnestly beseech you, that so good and godly a work be not broken off, and that you will vouchsafe to grant such men unto ●…s, which will not disdain peaceably and soberly to confer and dispute with us: otherwise you may consider with yourself what great inconveniences will hereof arise.  
Notwithstanding lest we might seem to want an answer: we affirm that we do receive all those things, which Espensius hath alleged and brought out of the book of Caluine. But the article exhibited by the Cardinal is only a portion of the Augustane confession. In the which matter many things are to be considered: First the whole confession should be propounded unto us: for it is not meet to set before us one verse▪ and to omit the rest. Then we must see, whether the Cardinal doth this thing of himself, or in the name of all the Prelates. For hereupon we should give thanks unto God, that they themselves do confess themselves to be overcome in the Article of Transubstantiation, the which truly is condemned by the consent of all the reform Churches of Germany and of others.  
And if it be meet for us to subscribe, then is it meet for them to subscribe also, that our Churches may understand what we have done.  
But & if they will thus come to the whole confession of the Germans, we trust we shall come into a very good way to have concord and vn●…tie. In the mean time (O Queen) we do affirm that jesus Christ is present in the use of the Supper, in the which he offereth, giveth▪ and truly exhibiteth unto us, his body and blood, by the operation of the holy Ghost: but we eat, and drink the same body that died for us, & the same blood that was shed for us, spiritually, & by faith: that we may be bone of his bones, and flesh of his flesh: that by him we may be quickened, and may perceiu●… whatsoever pertaineth to our salvation. And if this be not sufficient, (as it is a dangerous and hard matter to speak of so great a mystery in so few words) if it seem good unto the Cardinal that we search and confer together the Scripture and the writings of the ancient Fathers, (as he hath also promised) and if it may please you (O Queen) to make a convenient form of collation, and to call Notaries which may receive our disputations, we trust you understand that we came hither not to bring disorder and trouble, but peace and quietness. For this one thing we wish, that both to this doctrine, and also to the Sacrament the very natural and proper integrity and perfection itself may be restored. In the which matter we dedicated and wholly give ourselves to God, to your Majesties, to the whole Christian common wealth, and specially to the peace and tranquillity of this Realm.  
Thus far proceeded the oration of Beza. But the Prelates took it very heinously, that Beza had thus spoken of their vocation. Therefore the Cardinal swelling with anger 
The brawl of the Cardinal with Beza.  said, that the queens Majesty was dishonoured with these words, into whose hands the right and liberty of election was given, and by whom they themselves were elected. Adding that the ministers spoke of that, whereof they were ignorant, not knowing that the Prela●…es, the people being called at the sound of a bell, are elected.  
Beza answered that he was altogether guiltless of this fault, saying, that Kings had taken unto themselves that liberty & authority, because Churchemen had so filthily abused the same. As touching Election, no man is ignorant that they make as it were a play or interlude of it: I speak not this of purpose (says he) but am constrained thereunto, to the defence of our ministery, and to the intent also I might declare what manner of calling it is: the which notwithstanding without cause is contemned.  
To this the Cardinal answered, That Beza first began to offer injury and not he, without the having of any regard of the reverence due to the kings: willing him and his fellows to look unto that which appertained to themselves, for that they were not both of them in one condition.  
This talk being ended, he presently demanded of them, why they refused to subscribe to the Augustane Confession, The ministers answered that they known net whether they were required to subscribe by a general consent, or whether he did it in his own name. My brethren that are here (says the Cardinal) c●…n witness with ●…e that I do it with common consent: Notwithstanding, there was not one among them which declared whether he consented or not, notwithstanding that the Cardinal looked upon them, to the end they might confirm that which he had spoken Then says Beza, for so much as you require not this thing, it is not meet that we should do it.  
This comunication being done, the Cardinal of Lorraine called in question the article of the Lords Supper, & every prelate objected against the Ministers all the doctors & C●…nons they had. Then said Espensius, we cann●… recey●… Christ, except we receive him with the bread▪ And therefore it is that Caluine saith, We receive the substance of the body of Christ. The Ministers to this answered, that they do willingly agreed with Caluine. Saying that by this word (Substance) was not meant a corporal and gross eating, but that the spiritual and true eating was discerned from that which was by imagination a●…d fancy.  
To the which eff●…ct Peter Martyr spoke very much in the Italian ●…oung, because he could not speak French. And as he pro●…éeded all men giving good heed to that which he spoke, and having him in great admiration, the Cardinal 
Peter Martyr interrupted by the Cardinal.  of Lorraine interrupted him, adding this reason, that he would not dispute with men that spoke in a strange tongue: not that he himself understood not the Italian tongue, or that many could not understand Peter Martyr.  
Then Espensius stood up and gave him this commeudation before them all, That no Divine in their time, had so plainly and distinctly spoken of the Sacrament as he had done.  
Then start up a certain Spanish Monk a jesuite, which having obtained leave to speak, did nothing but pour out contumelious and reproachful sentences against the Ministers, calling them, unconstant, crafty, deceitful, Wolves, and Apes, which he said, ought to be shunned and avoided. And beginning to speak of the lords 
The unapt compa●…son of a Spanisha Monk.  Supper, he would show and manifest the Corporal presence of the Lord by this stmilitude. Even as (saith he) the King, having got the victory over his enemies, to celebrated the remembrance thereof, ordaineth certain plays, of the which he maketh himself chief overseer, even so Christ intending to make the remembrance of his death everlasting by the institution of the Supper, is also himself present at the same.  
At the last, exhorting the queens majesty to be an enemy to the ministers, by his foolish madness, and mad folly, he moved the most part of them that were present both to laughter and also to indignation, even together.  
Then Beza answered the Monk, saying that he dealt with them, as though they were already condemned of heresy, which was not done, but, (says he) I will reserve your contumelious injuries, and railing sentences for you and your companions. And as for the Queen, she will do all things with good will, and by due and wholesome counsel, for the benefit of the whole Realm, and standeth not in need of a Monks advise. Concerning the Lord's Supper▪ you have so v●…reuerently spoken of the same, that you make a play of it, in the which Christ should be the special person, the which is to childish, ridiculous, and profane.  
And so Beza turning himself to Espensius, said, You urge the consent of the Evangelists, in the form of words, in that they have all said, This is my body: but remember that the Evangelists have also said: This is my blood of the new Testament And also, This Cup is the new Testament in my blood, the which cannot be understood without a figure, as I have already showed that it is a sacramental kind of speech, as Saint Austin expoundeth it in his Epistle to Bonifacius. If Sacrament▪ 
Aust. ad Bonifacius.  (saith he) should have no agreement with those things whereof they are Sacraments, than were they no Sacraments: for this similitude, they oftentimes receive the name of those things, which only they represent. As therefore the Sacrament of the body of Christ, in some respect, is the body of Christ, and the Sacrament of the blood of Christ, is the blood of Christ: even so the Sacrament of faith, is saith▪ neither can there be a Sacrament without the figure.  
Then said Espensius, if the case be so, that our Sacraments are not without the figure, they differ not much from the Sacraments of the old Testament, which were 
How the Sacrament●… under the law were Figures.  f●…guratiue. For they were figures and shadows of the truth, which is now made manifest and fulfilled in Christ, Otherwise we must say that they are figures, of figures.  
The Ministers denied this consequence, affirming that the Legal Ceremonies which were appointed by God, had respect to the truth, whereof also, the ancient Fathers were partakers before the coming of Christ, and we after his coming, in which time, we are not under ceremonies, but yet notwithstanding we need visible signs and sacraments, so long as we shall be in this world: and yet for all that it doth not follow that we have the less understanding of the truth, although we have external Sacraments.  
After this a certain Sorbonist demanded of the ministers, what the 〈◊〉 (This) in these words, This is my body, signified.  
The Ministers answered, That it showed the bread, and signified the body of Christ: that it might be understand, that the bread was a sign of the body, which they confirmed by the testimonies of the fathers.  
On the contrary part the Popish Doctors replied, that the Grammar rules would not suffer this word (This) to be referred to the bread.  
But the ministers said, that this was repugnant to the nature of Sacraments, in the which it ●…ught not to be denied, but that the sign is joined with the thing signified. Thus these Rabbins, and Sorbonistes, making exclamations in all things and a confused noise, spent the day.  
And one among the rest, shaking his finger at Beza, said, if we had thee in our school. At the last the assembly was 
Beza is here threatened.  dismissed, and the conference, after this, was no more kept in the same order and form, the Cardinal fearing, (as it was reported) lest by their disputation in the vulgar and known tongue, the matter might the more plainly appear to the Princes and nobles that were there.  
Therefore from that day forward the manner of the conference was altered: five out of either part, that is to say, five of the Prelates and five of the Ministers being choose and appointed for this conference: by whom all matters might be reasoned and disputed of peaceably and quietly. The five that were choose from among the Prelates, were these: janus Monlucius▪ Bishop of Valentia, Vallius Bishop of Se●…n, Bottillerius an abbot, Espensius a Sorbonist.  
The five that were appointed out of the reform Churches, were these: Peter Martyr, Theodore Beza, Nicolaus Gallasius, Augustine Marlorate, and Espensius. Then they agreed concerning the order of the disputation, the place, the time, and concerning the Notaries which should note & receive the disputation. And although it seemed meet and convenient to all men, that the confession of the reform Churches, should by order be handled first, yet notwithstanding they began the disputation concerning the supper, because they had before propounded the same, in that article which concerneth the lords presence in the Supper: and the matter being diversely canuassed and handled between them, at the length both parts agreed upon this article following.  
forsomuch, as Faith maketh things that are promised to 
The article agreed upon between the Papists and the protestants concerning the presence.  be present, and doth truly receive the body and blood of our Lord jesus Christ, by the power of the holy Ghost: we confess the presence of his body and blood in the Supper, in the which he offereth, giveth, and truly exhibiteth ●…nto us, the Substance of his body and blood by the operation of the holy Ghost: in whom we receive and eat spiritually and by Faith, the same body which was offered for us, that we may be bone of his bones, and flesh of his flesh, and may be quickened by him, and may also perceive, and understand what so ever doth appertain to our salvation.  
The five disputers for the Prelates, showed this article unto their fellows, which they wholly misliked. Therefore the day following, another Article was exhibited unto the Ministers in their name, in the which there was somewhat altered: for that which the first article attributed unto faith, the second attributed to the word. This article for the ambiguity thereof, the ministers would not receive, lest it should be the cause of greater errors. But lest the contention might seem to stand in words, they all agreed with one consent on both sides to put down the article in this form.  
We confess, that jesus Christ in the Supper, offereth, giveth, and truly exhibiteth unto us, the substance of bis body and blood, by the operation of the holy Ghost, & that we do receive and eat, spiritually & by faith, the same body which died for us, that we might be bone of his bone, and flesh of his flesh, to the end also we might be quickened by him, and may understand all things that appertain to our salvation: And because Faith being grounded upon the word of God maketh things that are promised, and of us understood, to be present by this faith, we truly and effectually receive, the true and natural body of Christ jesus, by the power of the holy Ghost. In this respect we confess the presence of his body and blood in the Supper.  
These things thus determined, the choose men on both sides, went to show the matter unto their fellows, that both parts might freely show their opinion and judgement. At the first sight therefore many of the Prelates received this article. But when the matter was communicated and declared to the Sorbonistes, they did afterwards with one consent reject the same. And laid unto the charge of their choose men that disputed for them, and which continued in the same opinion, in the which, they concluded with the Ministers of the reform Churches, that they had made a compact and agreement with the Ministers, and therefore they were not suffered to confer or dispute any more after that. Therefore the ministers having occasion offered, sent this explication of that article unto the choose men that disputed for the Prelates.  
We affirm that no distance of places can let the communicating which we have with the body and blood of Christ, because the Supper of the Lord is a heavenly thing. And although we receive in earth, with our mouth the bread and wine, being true signs of his body and blood, yet notwithstanding by faith, and by the operation of the holy Ghost, our minds (of which this is our special meat) being lifted up to heaven, do receine there his body and blood. And in this respect we say, that the body doth truly join itself to the bread, and the blood, to the wine: and yet notwithstanding no otherwise than after a Sacramental manner: that is to say, neither locally, nor naturally: but because they effectually signify and declare, that God doth give them faithfully and without all doubt to the communicants, who do truly and certainly receive them by faith.  
This therefore is the plain opinion and judgement of the reform Churches, concerning the presence of the body and blood of Christ jesus in the sacrament of the Supper.  
But there were now come certain ministers out of Germany, by the means of Ba●…duinus (as we said before.) But they, bewraying the council and purpose of the Cardinal of Lorraine, by whose practice these things were speedily brought to pass, returned home again with loss of their 
The deceit of the Cardinal  labour, and their expectation being deceived. The purpose and practise of the Cardinal was to bring these ministers and the other into one disputation and contention, and so contending and striving together, he might 'cause the conference to cease, and make them to be a laughing stock to all men. The Prelates doubting of the faith and trust of their men, which they had choose to dispute for them (as we said before) would have no conference after this with the ministers, whereupon the conference broke up the▪ twenty-five. day of 
The end of the conference of Pos●…cene.  November. And this was the end of the Conference of Possiac, many being gathered together for the same, the space of three months: ●…fter the which there ensued not only no profit, but also great trouble and motions of wars.  
Thus the conference being ended without fruit, there was no way found for peace and concord, but rather the minds of both parts being exasperated, there ensued great quarrels and discentiens. So that great discord rose daily between the Papists and the Protestants more and more some complaining and finding fault with the Prelates for their disordered departing from the conference, (the which in deed sufficiently declared the weakness of their cause) and other some misliking of the authority of the General Council, shortly altar to come, and of the Church of Rome. Neither were these dissenti●…ns only among the common people, but also among the Peers & Nobles of the realm, men's minds being distracted and drawn into manifest factions, which foreshowed not only bore contentions of words but also great and mortal wars at hand. For the compacts, and manifest practices of the Guises, of the Constable, and of the Marshal of Santandra, were well enough seen. Yet notwithstanding their purpose and endeavour, was very much let and hindered at that time by the authority of the King of Navarre, whom they thought good to assay by all means possible, to the intent they might draw him from taking part with the Protestants. In the which matter the Cardinal of Ferrer (of whom we spoke before) being the Pope's Legate in France, take very much 
King Philip by the suff●…rance of the Pope, had certain years enjoyed the king doom of Navarre which lieth at that part of Spain, that bordereth on the mountains Pyrenaei.  pains, promising unto the king of Navarre, in the Pope's name the full possession of the kingdom of Navarre, affirming that the Pope should easily obtain this thing of king Philip, for that he already promised to do the same for the Catholic Church's sake. Moreover the Cardinal of Towers, the Bishop of Ansseren, and Escarsius, also certain of his household, confirmed him in this matter: and used daily persuasions, being wicked men and set on for money by the Cardinal of Lorraine.  
Among whom also was that Frances Balduine, of whom mention was made before, as diligent and busy as the best to bring the matter about, whereby he thought he should reap no small gain.  
This man forging a new Gospel, caused the king of Navarre to hate both the doctrine, and also the men of the reform Churches. So that now he began to hung between divers opinions, to forsake the love of Religion openly, to show himself an enemy to the reform Churches, to be more co●…uersant and familiar with the Guises, to give himself to lightness & filthy pleasure, & also to go to the Mass and to the Popish Churches. When the Duke of Guise had deliberated and consulted of the matter with the Constable, and the Marshal of Santandre, and willing them to gathered unto them forthwith so great power as they could he departed from them leaving them in France, and came to Imuilla in the month of November: and after he had tarried there certain days, he went to the City Tabernas, which bordere●…h upon Germany, to provide for his business, and to consult with many of the Princes of Germany about this matter.  
Notwithstanding the number of the faithful daily more and more increased, and was wonderfully confirmed: a great part of the Nobles coming to the reform Churches. Therefore there were assemblies and congregations in great number: almost in all the noble Cities of the Realm, in the which the word of God was openly preached, and the Sacraments ministered, notwithstanding the Edict of july of which we spoke before. Whereupon notwithstanding there arose oftentimes great disc●…ntions, and of those seditions ensued great perils. For they which were grieved and offended at these assemblies of the faithful, made exclamation that Edicts were broken, and did so prepare themselves to trouble the faithful, that there seemed to be present occasions of great mischief, which broke forth in many places, but specially at Paris, For the faithful being gathered together the. 26. day of December, to hear the word of God in Paris, in the suburbs of 
The sedition of Sanmedard.  Sanmarcellus, a place specially appointed unto them by the King, for the same purpose: the Priests of the Temple of Sanmedardus hard by, in the time of the Sermon, caused such a noise to be made with ringing of bells, that the voice of the Preacher could by no means be understood. Whereupon two of the Congregation, men unarmed, and without weapon, came to these Popish Priests, and beséeched them that they would not make such a din with ringing their Bells, that so great a company of men should be let from hearing the word of God.  
The Priests having with them divers other men, began to abuse them and shamefully to missecal them, saying that they would not leave of their ringing: and straytwaye they ran upon them, and made haste to shut the Church doors: but one of them escaped by flight, the other they took, whom they wounded so sore that he presently died. Then they ran up into the Church steeple, and top of the church, they rang the Bells, and tumultuously cried Toc-sanctum, which word the people use, when they cry Alarm.  
At the which cry the people ran with all speed possible from every part of the Suburbs: So that, what with the cry of the people, and what with the hurling of stones into the place where the sermon was then made, there was a great & terrible noise. The which noise being herded, but specially Toc-sanctum, or Alarm above the rest, they which were chief of the Congregation, lest the whole assembly should be quite discomfited, thought it needful to provide help out of hand. Therefore when they had willed every one to be quiet and not to stir, they chose out of the whole Congregation (which was in number about 13. thousand men) a certain small number of expert soldiers: willing the Minister to proceed: and sent the Lieutenant his servant (for he was then there, by the King's authority) to will and command the Priests in the King's name to cease the tumult which they had begun: Notwithstanding the Arrows and stones came so ●…aste about his ears, that he was constrained straight way to return back again. The faithful fearing the Sedition like to ensue, whereby they being naked and unarmed were like to be oppressed, thought it good before the matter went any further, to set upon the Popish Priests, and to stay their rage. Therefore even at once, they ran upon them with all their might, even through the thick Hail of stones and arrows, and broke open the Church doors, behind the which they found the dead carcase of their slain brother, and the Priests with their coherentes armed: who, at the first outrageously like mad men behaved themselves, but afterwards, being easily repressed & tamed by the faithful, part of them, being constrained, yielded themselves into their hands, and part fled into a high tower, shutting the dore●… fast to them, from whence, they cas●… down stones, timber, arrows, & many other things, yea whatsoever in their madness, came next to hand: in so much that breaking the Images of their Saints (as they call them) in pieces, which they had carried out of the Temple, lest they should be violated and defiled, most furiously they threw them down, still crying Toc-sanctum, alarum. But the faithful seeing their outrage, threatened them to fire them out of their hold or Tower, whereupon the Popish Priests & their coherentes, ceased at the last from their Popish madness, forty of them being sore wounded, and fifteen of the authors of the Sedition being taken, and delivered into the hands of the Magistrate. And thus was that sedition pacified.  
But the congregation of the faithful, was guarded & safe-conducted by the same lieutenant and Centurion of the City, lest the people should begin again some new sedition. It was reported that this sedition was appointed and devised certain days before, by the knowledge & consent of many of the governors and Senators of the City, who promised to the Curate of Sanmedarde that he should be blameless and escape unpunished whatsoever happened. It was also found, that they had carried before into other houses, (fearing what would come to pass) their Albes, Crewets', Censers, their Chalice, their Copes and precious vestments, and the res●…e of their implements which they said Mass withal. The day following the outrageous multitude, having certain Popish Priests their guides, came into the houses of the faithful, broken chairs, stools, settles, and spoiled all things even to the bore walls, and set fire under: thus they set fire on the houses on every side until they were chased away by certain horsemen and the magistrate of the city.  
Then were those that were before taken prisoners examined. Howbeit the Senate joining with them such men, whom they thought meet for their purpose, brought to pass, that they were delivered, and many of the faithful cast into prison, as guilty of that matter whereof the other were accused: and writing letters to the Queen, they laid all the cause of that sedition upon the faithful.  
The which notwithstanding was manifestly found false by the open voice of the people deriding the faithful, and boasting of the favour of the Senate. But by suffering so great a fault to escape unpunished, the people of Paris, which before were prompt and ready enough of themselves to sedition, began now to be more encouraged to work mischief against the faithful.  
Therefore new rumours were spread abroad of the wickedness of the people in that copious city, and many of the Bishops and nobles of the Realm made exclamation that the King's Majesty was greatly offended, because the authority of the Edict of july was contemned, the Huguenote▪ having their Sermons every where, for so were the faithful called.  
And every day complaints were brought of both parts, from every coast of the Realm. But the reform Churches daily increased, and had their Sermons every where, whether the king gave leave or no: And thus the kings will and pleasure not known, great troubles were like very shortly to ensue.  
The matter standing thus, the Queen fearing what would come to pass, perceived that it was needful to provide a speedy remedy.  
But the king of Navarre being also doubtful what to do, and being made afeard with daily Rumours and reports 
The cause of the Edict of january.  saw that it was ●…ie time to provide, saying that those matters could not be ended without the benefit of a more large edict.  
Therefore by the authority and commandment of the king, the Queen, and of the king of Navarre, and by the consent of the Princes and the kings privy Counsel, the king's pursuivants were sent to summon a Parliament to be held concerning this matter the. xvij. of january at Sangermane. Men also of singular discretion and knowledge were sent for out of all parts of the Realm.  
The whole assembly being called together (in the which also were the Princes, and the king's kinsmen) the king declared how needful and necessary a thing it was to provide means and remedies to pacify so great troubles, when as every day grievous rumours of Seditions did arise. Wherefore he prayed them to show with pure and upright minds such means and ways to pacify them as might be to their own profit and for the benefit of the Realm: promising that he would follow their judgements so far as should be needful.  
Therefore when the chancellor, according to custom had propounded the cause of their assembly, and had showed the necessity of things, every man spoke his judgement: And when they had all concluded, a new edict was set forth by the King's commandment, which was called the edict of januarie: the sum was this following.   

FOr so much as the King had found in the beginning 
The Edict of january.  of his reign, divers and sundry troubles, he went about by due advise and Counsel of the Queen his mother, of the Princes, his near kinsmen, and of his Lords and Nobles to provide remedies for them, setting forth to this end and purpose divers Edicts, and among the rest, one, the last of july: In the which all doctrines were plainly forbidden, saving the ancient and accustomed rites and ceremonies of the Church of Rome: the force notwithstanding and effect of the which edict, was not only let and stayed, but thereof also followed divers perturbations and troubles, through the obstinacy and headiness of the people, complaining and finding fault with the severity and rigour of the same Edict. Therefore he having regard to the peace and tranquillity of his Subjects, by the Counsel, advise, and consent of the Queen, the King of Navarre, and by the consent of the Princes and Nobles of this Realm, and by the advise of other wise and grave men of the Parliament, hath and doth, appoint, charge and command: That the men of the reform Religion, so called, do forthwith restore unto all Ecclesiastical people, their Churches, houses, or fields, and their revenues or tenths, which they have occupied, and that they do suffer them, peaceably and quietly to enjoy them: that neither directly nor indirectly, openly nor privily, they hinder, vex, or molest them. Yet notwithstanding, it shall not be lawful for those people of the reform. Religion, either within, or without the Cities, to build them Temples or other convenient places for the gathering of assemblies together, and for preaching of Sermons. Also he willeth and commandeth, that no Crosses, Crucifixes, and Images be overthrown, oranye other offence in these things hereafter committed: upon pain of death without any hope of pardon.  
Furthermore, it shall not be lawful for them to have any Sermons or the administration of Sacraments within the Cities, by any manner of means, openly, or secretly, in the day time, or in the night. Notwithstanding for the peace and tranquillities sake of his subjects (which he specially seeketh) he hath willed and commanded, and by these presents doth 
Sermons without the cities permitted.  will and command that, until the determination of a general Council, no manner of punishment, under the pretence of the former Edicts, be executed upon those which shall preach or minister according to the reform Religion, or which shall come to, or frequent those Sermons or administrations of the said reform Religion, so that they be without the cities: Earnestly charging and forbidding all Magistrates & 
Protection of the protestants.  others his majesties officers, to do any hurt or harm to the men of that Religion for these causes, as for going to Sermons, or such other like exercises: yea he willeth and commandeth the said Magistrates, and all others that bear any manner of public office, to protect and defend them, and to save them from all injury and harm: if they need armour in their defence to put on armour: but in any wise notwithstanding to take and punish according to the Edicts most severely such as are seditious, what Religion so ever, they say they follow Also hewilleth & commandeth all men of both sorts of Religion, of what 
Inhibition of armour.  state or condition soever they be of, that they do not assemble themselves together in armour: And that no man b●…stirred or provoked for his Religion, or be miscalled with contumelious, or factious names: but that all men live peaceably and quietly together. Moreover he willeth and commandeth the Ministers of the reform Religion, so called, that they receive no man into their fellowship or congregation, before their life and manners beewell examined: to the intent that if any man be found guilty of any crime, he may be delivered into the hands of the Magistrate.  
But if any of his officers will go to their assemblies to hear and consider of the doctrine which is there preached: his Majesty will that they be honourably received, with due consideration had of the dignities and offices they bear.  
Also he willeth and straightly charges, that they make no new civil Magistrates among them: and 
Synods and Consistories.  that they have no Synods, Courts, or Consistories, except some one of the officers be present thereat. But if any thing should be needful to be appointed by them concerning the use of their Religion, than he willeth them to bring their matter before his officers, that by his authority all things may be confirmed. Also he willeth that there be no choice of men, or entering into league of either part, for the putting away of mutual injuries. That there be no contributions 
Contribution of money.  of money, but if contribution be made for alms sake, let the cause first be showed to the Magistrate, and then let it be done. Furthermore he willeth and commandeth that those men of the reform Religion, 
Poll ●…ike laws to be observed  do observe the politic laws, and specially those things which concern festival days, that no trouble for this cause do arise: in like manner that they observe in the bonds of Matrimony those things which concern consanguinity: Also that the Ministers of that Religion come unto the Magistrates, to swear before them to observe and keep this Edict, and also to preach and teach the people only the word of God with all pureness and sincerity, doing 
The oath of the Ministers.  nothing against the Nicene Council, and against the books of the old and new Testament. Moreover he willeth, that they use no reproaches, nor seek to constrain any man by force to hear or to believe their doctrine: this he giveth in charge to the Ministers. Also he willeth and commandeth that no man of what Religion or condition soever he be of, do bolster, hide, or conceal any that is a seditious person, upon pain of forfayting (for such as beryche) to the poor a thousand Crowns: and upon the pain, (for such as be poor and not able to pay) of whipping, and then banishment. Finally he willeth, charges and straightly commandeth, that no man 
Books of infamy.  make, cell, or cause to be sold, any Books or writings that tend to the defaming or slander of any person, upon pain of Cudgeling for the first time, and for the second time death: And that Magistrates do their duty within their precinct, otherwise to be removed from their offices. Also if any seditions happen, that then they inquire out the authors of the same, and punish them, being found, most severely, & the matter being manifestly proved to pronounce 
The duty of Magistrates.  against them the sentence of death, upon pain of the King's displeasure.  
This Edict, he commanded to be proclaimed, and obediently observed and kept throughout his whole Realm, without exception or exempting of any person whatsoever. Yet notwithstanding, the Senate of Paris, after the first, second, and third commandment of the king, scarcely published the same: where as in all other Courts and parts of the Realm it had been very solemnly proclaimed, according to the king's commandment in that behalf. But the obstinate contempt of the Senators, which were set on by many of the nobles was not altogether hidden, but evidently ynonghe appeared to all men that would see the same.   
FINIS.   

The translator to the Reader.  
THus gentle Reader endeth the first part of these Commentaries, faithfully collected and gathered by that singular learned man Petrus Ramus of France, who himself, (because he was a zealous professor of the Gospel, and an enemy to Antichrist) was slain in this last horrible butcherly murder, in the year of our Lord God. 1572. The special cause that moved the said Petrus Ramus to spend his travail in penning these Commentaries in the Latin tongue was (as you may perceive by his preface in the beginning of this Book) that all Christian Realms might be certified of the true original and cause of all the wars, troubles and shedding of Innocent blood, that have been from the year of our Lord God. 1557. until this present day. To the end therefore, that his desire might be the better satisfied, when I had considered the worthiness of his travail, and what great fruit would spring of the same to all that will vouchsafe to spend sometime in reading of this work: for that all men understand not the Latin tongue: I thought good to translate the same into English, that none of our Countrymen might be stayed from the taste of such fruit as will grow thereof. And as I have spent sometime in translating this first part, so I mean (God willing) to go forward with the other two parts: the second being now in hand, and shall be printed (if God permit) against the next Term. In the mean time I beseech thee (right Christian Reader) content thyself with this, accept my labour, and requited my good will with diligent reading of the same. Before the which I shall desire thee to correct with thy pen, such faults as I have here caused to be noted. In so doing, no one sentence (I trust shall seem obscure unto thee.   

Faults escaped in Printing.  

Line. 2. Page. 9 For (it) read, he.  
Li. 19 pa▪ 12. for (might defend) read, might seem to defend.  
Line. 18. pag. 17. read acknowledging of the truth.  
Line. 16. pag. 40 for (other wile) read, otherwise.  
Line. 22. pag. 43. read, as though it had been.  
Line. 5. pag. 73. read, we will not deny.  
Line. 8. pag. 73. read, name of the Church.  
Line. 4. pag. 76. for (is sudden) read, is so high.  
Line. 31. pag. 112. for (there) read: Then.  
Line. 3. pag. 124. read, must not therefore.  
Line. 25. pag. 125. in these words and if that) leave out, if.  
Line. 23. pag. 164. bring in these words: might be sold from them.  
Line. 32. pag. 194. for (Prophets) read, properties.  
Line. 5. pag. 167. for (although) read, as though.  
Line. 1. pag. 239. for (only thee) read, only three.  
Line. 18. pag. 235. for (they shall) read, shall they.  
Line. 20. pag. 235. for (doth) read, doth not.   
NOte here (good Reader) that these faults escaped in Printing, are not so escaped in all the Books of this impression, but in some. Lest therefore they to whom those should happen, might be troubled in the reading with obscure sense, I thought good to make a general note of all.   

THE INDEX.  

A.  
Affliction of the Church after the death of King Henry. 47.  
Affliction rising of false reports. 50  
Affliction somewhat ceaseth. 61.  
Agronia assaulted. 161.  
Ambaxian Tumult. 2.  
Andelot put in prison. 23.  
Andelot answereth. 23.  
Andelot escapeth prison. 110.  
Andelot in favour again. 24.  
Anna's Burgeus defendeth the gospel in the Parliament house. 26.  
Anna's Burgeus carried to prison by Mongomerie. 27.  
Anna's Burgeus examined. 32.  
Anna's Burgeus condemned. 33. & 39  
Anna's Burgeus disgraded. 35.  
Anna's Burgeus confession. 36.  
Anna's Burgeus taketh his judgement thankfully. 39  
Anna's Burgeus Oration. 4.  
Anna's Burgeus burned, 43.  
Anna's Burgeus bringing up. 44.  
Angel, speaker for the Commonalty. 121  
Apology for the faithful Captives. 9  
Arrogant threatenings of the Constable. 11.  
Augusta a city in Germany. 131.  
Authority of God●… word. 199.  
Authority of the Church. 227.   

B.  
Baptism. 75.  
Beza his prayer. 189.  
Bishop of Nauntes' author of the Tumult. 17.  
Bishops of Rome sowers of discord. 82.  
Books of slander. 100  
Brosaeus, General of the Army that went into Scotland, 61.   

C.  
Cardinal of Lorraine an enemy to Burgeus. 39  
Cardinal Poole. 95.  
Cardinal of Lorraine seeketh to get fame, by keeping Lybelles of reproach. 104.  
Cardinal Ferrer sent from Rome, to hinder the national Council. 166.  
Calabria persecuted. 63.  
Christ our righteousness. 68  
Christ God and Man. 68  
Christ hath two natures. 69.  
Christ died for sin. 69.  
Christ our Advocate. 71.  
Church what it is. 72. 217.  
Churches denied to them of the reform Religion. 124.  
Commendation of the protestants. 25  
Communion with Christ and the Fathers under the law. 18●….  
Comparison between the doctrine of the Gospel and papistry. 37.  
Confession of the french church. 63  
Confession of Annas Burgaeus. 36.  
Confession of the church of Flanders offered to king Philip. 166.  
Confirmation. 204.  
Constable proudly threateneth. 11.  
Constable drawn away from the Prince of Conde. 140.  
Constable misseliketh of the profession often he Admiral. ibidem.  
Controversy between Charles the fifth, and Pope Clement. 91.  
Contention between the Queen and the king of Navarre 136.  
Consubstantiation. 203  
Covetousness the beast of Babylon. 93.  
Covetousness of Priests. 122.   

D.  
Democharis the inquisitor sitteth upon Burgaeus. 32.  
Democharis a slanderous inquisitor. 50.  
Denises to abolish the Gospel. 1.  
Discipline of the Church. 73.  
Disputation at Posiat. 179.  
Doctrine of the law. 71.  
Duke Arscotus a Brabantine. 8.  
Duke of Guise an enemy to the Andelot. 23.   

E.  
Earl Villarius an enemy to the Admiral. 141.  
Ecclesiastical Disciplne. 72  
Edict of Castellobrian. 24. and. 12.  
Edict of july. 150.  
Election divine. 67.  
Election of Ministers. 74.  
Example of two false brethren very notable▪ 48.  
Excommunication. 74.   

F.  
Factious names. 118.  
Faith and good works. 167  
Faith cometh by the holy Ghost. 70.  
Faith attaineth righteousness. 70.  
Faithful slandered. 7.  
Figures of the Law. 71.  
Forewarnings of desolation. 92.  
Fruits of Popish Sermons. 22.   

G.  
Geneva a Sanctuary for the Godly. 4.  
General Council not looked for. 90.  
General Council, a vain remedy. 187.  
Georgius Gluchus Ambassador out of Denmark. 139.  
God omnipotent. 65.  
Gospel hath divers professors. 85.  
Good works. 71.  
Guise's rule the Realm. 50.  
Guise's persecutors of the Gospel. 51.  
Guise's no Princes. 60.  
Guise's make claim to the crown of England. 62.   

H.  
huguenots, a name given to the faithful. 59   

I  
jacobes' slaughter at Paris. 1.  
jacobus silius, speaker for the Nobility. 122.  
janus Contachus, moveth controversies. 45.  
Ignorance of Priests. 122.  
Injuries done to the faithful. 17.  
innocency of the Prince of Conde. 147.  
Inquisitors of France called Flies. 50.  
Intercession of Saintes. 71.   

K.  
King Hentie the second, set against the Protestants. 26.  
King Henry threateneth Burgaeus. 27.  
King Henry slain. 34.  
kings duty. 100  
King of Navarre, and the Prince of Conde sent for to the King. 107.  
King Frances dieth. 112.  
King of Navarre yieldeth his authority to the Queen. 114.  
King of Navarre forsaketh the court in displeasure. 137.  
King of Navarre promises to promote the Gospel. 139.   

L.  
Letters from the Princes of Germany to King Henry 28.  
Letters of Pardon. 58.  
Letters sent to the Prince of Conde taken. 107.  
Letters of the King. 143.  
Letters of Paulus Verglus, to the Bishops of Italy. 192.  
Lodowick the. 12. called the Father of his Country.  
Lodowick Faurus carried to prison. 27.  
Lutherans, a name given to the Protestants. 22.  
Luxury in Priests. 122.   

M.  
Man at the first perfect. 66.  
Magistrates. 76.  
Margaret Rich Martyr. 50.  
Matrimony. 204.  
Monsier Vidam apprehended. 107  
Monsier Vidam dieth. 116.  
Mongomery slay king Henry. 34  
Mongomery of a persecutor, become a faithful Christian. 34. 35.  
Murder done near to Saint Innocentes. 21.  
Murder at a Popish Sermon. 22.  
Miraculous deliverance of the faithful. 19   

N.  
Names of reproach. 118.  
Nemerosius sent to dissuade Renaudius from his enterprise. 54.  
Newness of life. 70.  
Neuters. 167.  
Nicolaus Durandus called Villegagno. 45.  
Notes too know the Church of Christ by. 219.   

O.  
Obedience to Magistrates. 205.  
Office of a King. 88  
Oration of the bishop of Vienna. 87.  
Oration made by Beza. 189.  
Oration made by the bishop of Valentia. 81.  
Obedience to Magistrates. 205.   

P.  
Parliament at Paris. 24.  
Parliament. 116.  
Parliament breaketh up. 128.  
Peace after long persecution. 115.  
Persecution in Spain. 166.  
Persecution in Provence. 135  
Persecution in Paris and Roan. 63  
Peace between Spain & France. 24.  
Persecution stayed for a time. 17.  
Persecutor receive God's vengeance. 16.  
Persecution in the Church of Paris. 5.  
Planchaeus Counsel. 59  
Planchaeus imprisoned. 60.  
Pope Paulus the third. 94.  
Pope summoneth a Council. 128.  
Pope inviteth the Princes of Germany to the Council. 131.  
Pope renounced by the Princes of Germany. 134.  
Prince of Conde sent for too the Court. 135.  
Prince of Conde appealeth to his Peers 111.  
Prince of Conde taken. 110.  
Protestants called Lutherians. 21. 4.  
Purgatory. 71.   

Q.  
Queen of England aideth the Scots. 62.  
Queen falls out with the King of Navar. 114.  
Queen sendeth Letters too the Pope. 168.  
Quintius Hedius speaker for the Clergy. 123.  
Quintius receiveth his Oration. 127  
Quintin's dieth for sorrow. 127.   

R.  
Real presence. 210.  
Rebaptizing. 73.  
Reconciliation of the Prince of Conde, and the Duke of Guise. 161.  
Reconciliation between Queen and the King of Navar. 138.  
Reformation wished by the Cardinal of Lorraine. 209.  
Religion. 89.  
Religion's force in men's minds. 117.  
Remission of sins. 69.  
Renaudius' Captain against the Guises. 54.  
Renaudus slain. 57  
Richerius minister of the congregation under Villegagno. 46.   

S.  
Sacraments. 201. 75.  
Sacramental signs. 183.  
Sagua, servant to the Prince of Con de apprehended. 107.  
Scots war for Religion. 61.  
Scriptures. 64.  
Seditious Preachers. 20.  
Sedition defined. 116.  
shaven crowns, the badges of popery. 126.  
Singing of Psalms. 20.  
Singing of Psalms required of noble women. 84.  
slanders raised up against the faithful. 7.  
Soul of Picardy. 22.  
Supper of the Lord. 75.  
Supplication of the faithful delivered to the king. 79.  
Succession of the Church. 221.  
Successors of the Apostles. 224.  
Synod at Paris, 27.  
Symoniakes. 94.   

T.  
Transubstantiation. 202.  
Trent in Italy. 128.  
Trinity. 65.  
Tributes. 98.  
Truchetus slain by a Cowhierde. 157.  
Truce between the Duke of Sabaudia and the men of the valleys. 166.  
Tumult of Ambaxia. 52.  
Two Pillars of the Kingdom. 88  
tyrants reign by force. 88   

V  
Vidam answereth to his letters. 108.  
Vidam dismiste of saint Michael's order. 109.  
Vidam dieth. 116.  
Villers an enemy to the admiral. 141.  
Villegagno goeth to the west Indies to plant the Gospel there. 45.  
Villegagno a fearful Apostata. 46.  
Villemongius a constant martyr. 56  
Unity of the Church. 72.  
Vocation ordinary and extraordinary. 224.   

W.  
Wars between the Duke of Sabaudia and the men of the Valleys. 125.  
Word of God. 64.  
Word of God a weapon against Heretics. 86.  
Works, and faith. 167.  
Worshipping of Images. 171.   
FINIS.   

The second part of comen tarries, Containing the whole discourse of the civil wars of France, under the reign of CHARLES the ninth.  
Translated out of Latin into English, by Thomas Tymme, Minister.  
Seen and allowed.  
Imprinted at London, by Frances Coldock.  
And are to be sold at his shop in Paul's churchyard at the sign of the green Dragon.  
1574.   

To the right worshipful Sir Richard Baker, Knight, Thomas Tymme, wisheth health and prosperity, with full perfection of all Christian knowledge, and godliness.  
PArtly Experience of the former friendly acceptation of my good will (right worshipful) and partly presumption upon the same again, two bold guides, have moved me to attempt the Dedication of these two other parts of Commentaries (to the which also is joined an Addition of the horrible, and cruel slaughter of the Admiral Chastillon and other Nobles) unto you: hoping that as you have already worshipfully received the first part, and taken the same to your protection, so likewise you will not refuse these other parts, set forth with such diligence as conveniently might be used. The gift (which is my small labour in the Translation) is scarce worthy the presenting to your worship, but the Argument which concerneth the affairs of so noble a kingdom as France is, I boldly presume in the learned Authors name too present unto you: especially seeing the reading and knowledge thereof shall not only redound to the profit of our Country, but also greatly illustrate and set forth the glory of God. For when we shall compare our happy estate, with the miserable condition of the afflicted people in France: when (I say) we shall call to mind the happy days of peace and concord, and the prosperous success in our civil government, which by the unspeakable mercy and goodness of God, we have enjoyed since the reign of our gracious Sovereign: and contrariwise, the bloody wars, the sore dissension and strife, with the horrible desolation that hath ensued in the realm of France, we cannot choose, but we must needs be forced too magnify and extol the great mercies of our God, which hath delivered us from the like destruction, no less deserved by our sins. Shall we say that the Frenchmen our neighbours are greater sinners than any other Nation under heaven, because of the great desolation fallen upon them? Not verily, but except we 
Luke. 13.  repent, we shall in like manner perish. Therefore (right worshipful) by the benefit of this discourse of the civil wars, we shall not only be drawn to the knowledge of ourselves, but also be provoked to give God most hearty thanks, for our quiet & peaceableestate, which by our Sovereign Prince we enjoy. These are the fruits which shall ensue to the Christian Reader, by these Commentaries: the which if they may reap, as no doubt they shall: I may accounted my labour well bestowed.  
Thus having boldly craved your worship's courtesy in receiving this base and simple present of mine, I cease with thanks for your liberality showed towards me: committing you & my good Lady your wife, into the hands of Almighty God, who sand you prosperous success in all your affairs, desired health, and the blessed felicity of God's Elect in the kingdom of Heaven.  
Your worship's humble Orator Thomas Tymme.   


HIC tibi depingit, sparsi monumenta cruoris,  
Sed tamen innocui (lector amice) liber.  
Aspice Saeva mades tu Gallia cade tuorum,  
Guisius ecce tuus, perforat ense tuos.  
Te regit obductus tenebrosis nubibus error,  
Martius erroris, Duxque Comesque furor.  
Proh scelus, erumpunt districtis agmina telis,  
Armat sanguineos ad scelus omne Satan.  
Concutiuntque suo sanctorum turbine coetus,  
Et duce vesano cuncta furore patrant.  
Horrida pestiferi machinantur bella papistae,  
Perpetrat infandas improba turma neces.  
Coeduntur, pereunt, lapidantur membra piorum,  
Qui coluêre tuum numen honore Deus.  
Torrescunt rapidis trepidantia corpora flammis,  
Et vexant miseris agmina sacra modis.  
Mactatur trepidus, trepida cum coniuge coniux,  
Charaque cum chara filia matre perit.  
Quis furor anguigenae proles Cocytia diri  
Papicolae miserè pectora vestra premit?  
Carnifices, cur vos insontes ensibus agnos  
Mactatis? facinus respice quaeso Deus.  
Contundes rabidos dulciscime christ papist as,  
Qui justo spoliant nomen honore tuum.  
Mortua non laus est, quamuis tu mortuus ipse  
(Rame) tuus vivit, te moriente, liber.  
Est quoque Timme tibi tua laus tribuenda, quòd Anglis  
Foeda papistarum bellica facta canas.  
Quisque per hoc noscet, quam sit tua prona voluntas,  
Et prodesse tuis, & meruisse decus.   
E. G.   

To the Christian Reader, desirous to know and to understand the truth.  
IT were to long, and peradventure to loathsome a thing unto thee (Christian Reader) for us to make rehearsal of those things which not unaptly came to my mind at the writing out of these Tables of Commentaries: And although they should not be utterly besides the purpose of this present Argument, yet if in so small a work, I should wander into any long circuit of preface, I see it might be objected unto me, that I pretend one thing and do another, which is a thing worthy reprehension: as Horas in his verse noteth:  

current rota cur urceus exit▪ that is,  
The porter purposed to make a wine measure,  
But in turning of the wheel, is proved a water pitcher:   
Therefore, I will let them pass, if you be at leisure, and may vouchsafe to read these few things. For now I have here for thee (Gentle Reader) brief Commentaries of the whole Civil wars of France, wherein I have followed the order & course of the matters rehearsed by us in the former three books of Com mentaries. And if I shall begin to excuse myself, first for that I being a man even without name, have enterprised to begin the History of so weighty matters, which had been a fit Argument for other learned writers: I see that straight way, that may be objected to me, which was objected to Albinus the Roman, excusing himself and ask pardon for writing a history in the Greek tongue, wherein he was not very skilful, (to wit) that he had rather ask pardon for his fault, than to be without fault. But beit that I am in a fault, whether it be rashness or temerity (for I know that this my enterprise shall incur the judgements of divers men) yet I trust, I shall not be accused of rashness before they have read me, except it be of such, as by giving their verdict of an uncertain and unknown matter, may be accused of temerity themselves. And as for the judgement of those learned & moderate men, which shall read these our Commentaries, I do not greatly fear it, neither will I think my labour waste, but rather count it for an excellent gain unlooked for, if I shall provoke them to set them forth better for the utility of other men. But lest I should stay longer than I promised, in the defence of this extemporal writing, not like to live above a day, lacking his Genius, I w●…l only sai thus much: that if I have offended for thy sake (gentle reader) I have offended, that thou mightest not be destitute altogether of the discourse & rehearsal of so great matters committed in France, for religions sake: And surely if ever any thing heretofore, or in our time were worthy to be put in writing, these are worthy of the same: neither do I doubt but that thou shalt receive fruit by reading them.  
Here than thou mayst behold how many ways God doth govern and preserve his church, among the manifold changes of worldly business: and how marvelously he provideth entertainment for them in the seats of monarchs. The Gospel being spread abroad and planted in Germany, Switserland, England, & in other places, France remained utterly without so great a benefit, established by public authority of the Magistrates. But it is a most delightsome thing to call to mind by what means God did bring the gospel into France, & by what manner of men, and how mightily God did work by weak vessels. For first the foundation being laid by the help of poor men, which suffered slander, proscription, stripes, torments, burning, & every kind of slaughter, at the length also when it pleased him, he joined unto this Church, men of greater account & fame, even noble men, Peers, & Princes: and those great difficulties, which could not but hinder the course of the Gospel, he took away, & laid open a broad entrance, to the propagation and enlarging of the same, that he might make it known, how far his power reacheth and extendeth itself to the preservation of his Church, and that the same is contained within no limits. The case was so greatly changed, that whereas before the malicious enemies of the church, had the chief rule, and the authority of the Magistrates was armed against the same: now contraywyse, those malicious enemies were so restrained & held under, that they seemed to be brought on their knees, the fame also of those matters were brought unto them which favoured the gospel, & seemed to have a special care to spread & plant the same. But the matter fallen out far otherwise: for he which seemed to have most ability to promote & further the cause of the gospeil, rejected the gospel & become an utter enemy to the same: so that he seemed most of all men to have opened a wide window to the ruin thereof. But how trimly did the Lord disappoint Satan & Antichrist of their purpose: yet did he always so more derate the matter, that neither the church when it was expedient, might seem to want man's help, neither might seem wholly to be stayed thereupon. Greevouse wars arose: God gave unto his servants strong defences of man's help, yet lest they should depend thereupon, he weakened the same also, & that so greatly, that great dangers in divers places ensued to the church, notwithstanding the end fallen out for their safety.  
In the midst therefore of these confusions & tumults, God himself the Prince of Princes, showed his singular providence & care which he hath effectually towards mankind: but especially & peculiarly, towards his church, to preserve and establish the same mightily in the iniddest of all worldly troubles: neither by one means only, but by sundry means, as it hath seemed good to him in the divers forms of rule & government, to assign unto his church an abiding place: as of old time in the governing of the primitive Church immediately after the apostles, and in our time in Germany, Switserland, England, Scotland, and in other places, it hath appeared: and more of late in these our country of France, is evidently seen: not that in this variety we should ascribe any thing to the rule of fortune, but that the manifold and marvelous efficacy of the wisdom of God, might be considered, which doth singularly wateh over the safety of the Church. And if it may please thee to consider the second & middle causes and reasons of the Instruments, which God used in the beginning of this work; you shall see how contrary they be, and how variable: On the one side the wicked and unbridled jousts of men prove to work mischief, do appear: a colour of religion is pretended to work the overthrow of Religion: the kings name is usurped when they go about to suppress the King himself: and in the mean time, the gospeil is accused as a common enemy, and the subversion of the same is conspired. On that other side, God stirreth up many men to preserve & defend his church in those troubles, because the destruction of the same was chief desired. There appeareth in those men as the history plainly showeth, a desire of the safety of the church, of the King's dignity & authority, & of the public peace: and yet in the ex●…ution of that their laudable desire, it appeareth that they were not utterly faultless. yet is the Church preserved in the midst of all these misorders: that as it is manifest, that men cannot be said to be the very authors & keepers thereof, so must we needs confess that God is the very author, preserver, and keeper of the same. Therefore, the church doth not triumph as having got the victory by man's aid, neither doth it lie utterly prostrate by the violence of worldly tumults: which being fashioned like unto her head, reigning in the midst of hi●… enemies, doth so strive in continual conflicts in this world, because she certainly knoweth that the heavenly judge, hath provided ●… time when they shall fully triumph. The church hath heretofore been exercised in many battles, & how many are behind, God knoweth, because the time which is appointed for the last victory is unknown: yet the promise of the heavenvly reward is most true, which that most valiant Champion hath pronounced with his own mouth saying, That through many tribulations we must enter into the kingdom of heaven. If the promise of God as touching the victory of his church were included within the limits of this world, surely it should triumph in this world, by the virtue & power of the omnipotent & everlasting God: but that her triumph is appointed elswher, the often & grievous spoils and calamities of the same declare.  
In the mean time let us consider these things, & contemplate where & in what parts of the world the tokens of that Catholic & true church do appear, & let us advance the providence, wisdom, bountifulness, and power of God in preserving & governing the same, lest if the blind ignorance of men be reprehended, & that worthily, because they see not God, who hath not left himself (as says the Apost●…e) without witness in this world: we also be much more worthy of blame, who see not the light before our ●…yes▪ nor the Sun beams glistering throughout the whole world, neither do reverence jesus Christ diversely triumphing by the mighty working of the Gospel.  
Truly, gentle reader, this is my counsel & purpose in writing these Commentaries, to give thee occasion by preserving the memory of these things, to contemplate & reverence the providence of God in the government of his church, whereof we be members: and that we thereby, while the whole body is assaulted, enduring manfully our own particular conflicts might with all our mind, long for the reward of the heavenly victory. Moreover, what soever in this little work (wherein I have traveled faithfully) belongeth unto me, I dedicated the same wholly, liberaly, & frankly to thee Christian Reader, neither shall it grieve me too bear the censure of divers judgements, so that thou by reading these s●…iender comen tarries, mayest be encouraged, and prepared to read a just history.  
FAR WELL.   

The Table.  

A  
Acts done by M des Adretz in Dolphini in the county of V●… ayas. 143  
Answer made by the Prince of Conde to the supplication which was put up too the King and Queen by the Guises. 91  
Answer made by the Prince of Conde and his friends to the decree of the Senate of Paris. 148  
Assault given too Cesteron (by the Papists) a city in Provence. 181  
Avignon a City in Provence yieldeth to the faithful 80  
Aid cometh from the Princes of Germany the Protestants, to the Prince of Conde to Orleans. 214   

B  
Blesa and Towers taken by the Papists. 137  
Breach of the Edict of january cau sed the Civil wars. 2  
Burges besieged by the Papists. 199   

C  
Cane in Normandy won by the Admiral. 259  
Civil war caused by the breach of the Edict of january. 2  
Civil wars begon. 124  
Complaint made by the faithful of the slaughter at Vassie. 14  
Comparison made between the Prince's request and the request of the Guises. 110  
Conde forsaketh Paris 19  
Conde cometh to Orleans. 21  
Conde inclined to peace. 24  
Conde persuaded to take the protection of the young King. 26  
Conde complaineth too the old Queen of the murder done a●… Sens 34  
Conde sorry for the slaugher of Mot recondrine. 085  
Conde returns to Orleans with his army. 173  
Conditions of peace offered by the King to the faithful. 124  
Conditions offered by the Prince of Conde at the first parley. 219  
Conspiracies made against the gospel by the Guises, the Marshal of Saint Andrew, and the Constable. 4  
Crafty policies wrought by the con spiratours to seduce the King of Navarre to take their parts. 5  
Conspiracy against Languedocke. 184  
Cruelty used at the taking of Orange. 140  
Counsel held at Orleans by them of the reform Religion. 72   

D  
Declaration set forth by the Prince of Conde the second time. 56  
Decrees made by the Senate of Paris against the men of Orleans. 145   

E  
Edicts set forth in the king's name, promising peace to them which had and would forsake the Admiral. 245.   

F  
Four special constitutions in the king's minority. 168.   

G  
Great cruelty used by the papists to the inhabitants of Orange. 140.  
Great slaughter of the papists. 194.  
Guyses' under colour of pennies seek to dec●…e the prince of Conde. 130.  
Guyses' seem to go home to their houses. 134.  
Guyses' remove their army from Bogencia and take Blesa and towers. 137.  
Guyses' aided by the Germans and Switsers. 145.  
Guyses' authors of most horrible murder done at Vassy. 10.  
Guyses' come to Paris against the Queen's commandment. 16.  
Guyses' having got Paris seek to get the king also. 19  
Gnyses seek to stay the Prince of Conde from joining with the Englishmen. 237.  
Guise being at the siege of Orleans was slain by treason. 258.   

H  
Horrible murder done to them of Towers by the Guises after they had wone the town. 137.  
Horrible murder committed at Mōb●…yse by Baron des Adretze. 183.  
Help desired by the Prince of Con de, of the Queen of England & the princes of Germany. 146.   

I  
Idols broken down and defaced at the Cities of Towers and Blayse. 50.  
Idols broken down at Orleans. 50.   

KING  
King of Navarie being shot into the shoulder with a small pell●…t dieth. 202.   

L  
League made between the Nobles and the Prince of Conde. 25.  
Letters sent by the old Queen to the Prince. 31.  
Letters sent from the Prince of Con de to the reform churches. 47.  
Letters sent by the old Queen to the Prince. 50.  
Letters sent from the prince of Conde to the Emperor. 70.  
Letters sent from the Senate at Paris to the Prince of Conde. 51.  
Letters sent from the Prince of Conde to the Prince of Palatine. 71.  
Letters sent to every congregation from the Counsel held at Orleans. 73.  
Letters sent to the county Palatine from the Synod at Orleans. 76.  
Letters from the Prince of Conde to the Queen. 115.  
Letters from the Prince to the king of Navar. 118.  
Letters sent by the Prince of Conde to the Queen of England and the Germane princes for aid. 146  
Letters found in the Papists tent●… after they were put to flight, bewraying their hole purpose. 195.  
Letters sent to the Germans which were in the host of the Guises by the Priaces of Germany to dis●…ade them to take his part. 210.  
Letters parents given out to them which had started away from the Prince of Conde. 212  
Letters written to the Germans which were in the princes of Conde his army to dehort them from his service. 2540   

M  
Martial of S. Andrew being taken and wounded in the head dieth in the field. 243.  
Momorantius the Constable joined in amity with the Guises. 3.  
Montauban taken by the Faithful. 74.  
Monsieur Montbron put to flight with his army. 181.  
Monsieur ●…oyse besieged Montpelier. 185.  
Monsieur Bularges got a wonderful victory over the enemy. 193.  
Monsieur de Adretze his acts done in Dolphiny and in the county of Venayas. 143.  
Mottecondrine slain. 81.   

N  
Names of the Captains over the faithful. 139  
Narbone is left by the faithful too the tuition of the Papists. 79  
Nemeaux, otherwise called Nemis is taken by the faithful. 80  
Nemours winneth Vienna. 248  
Nemours deceived by an Inhabitant of Lions. 249  
Noble men of the Prince of Condes side went too parley with the Queen. 133  
Nonay cruelly spoiled. 252   

O  
Orange assaulted and taken by the Papists. 140  
Orleans vexed with a grievous pestilence. 146  
Orleans besieged by the Papists. 255   

P  
Paris being got by the Guises they seek to get the King also. 19  
Parleyes' had between the old Queen, the Admiral and the Prince of Conde. 2●…4  
Peace offered by the king too the faithful but upon conditions. 124  
Peace taken on both parts. 260  
Poitiers won by the Ma●…shall of Saint Andrew. 145  
Policies wrought by the Guises to expel the Conde out of Paris. 17  
Prince of Conde becometh pledge. 131  
Practices to take the Prince of Conde. 131  
Prince of Conde returns to his are mie back again. 136  
Prince of Conde forsaketh Paris. 17  
Prince of Conde specially inclined to peace. 24  
Prince of Conde complaineth of the murder done at Sens. 34.  
Prince of Conde receiveth letters from the Senate at Paris 51  
Prince of Conde returns from Paris to join with the Englishmen 237  
Prince of Conde taken prisoner. 242  
Purpose of the Guises concerning war. 22  
Pultrot sent from Lions to Orleans with letters. 256  
Pultrot s●…apeth the Guise and by the mere providence of God is taken again. 258  
Pultrot is drawn in pieces with horse for kill the Guises. 265   

Q  
Queen of Scots promised to be given in marriage to the king of Navar. 7  
Queen mother denieth theuse of the reform Religion too the Prince of Conde. 134  
Queen mother would have the Prince of Conde and his friends banished. 135  
Queen of Navarre showeth herself to be a virtuous Lady. 202   

R.  
Requests made by the faithful. 124  
Rouen in Normandye besieged, but in vain. 138  
Rouen besieged the second time. 201  
Ruzeus a professor of the Gospel, commanded to ward. 23   

S.  
Saltanus' Lieutenant of Lions, anenemie to the gospel. 82  
Slaughter at Tholoze 79  
Slaughter of the faithful at Vassy, committed by the Duke of Guise. page 10  
Supplication offered to the King & Queen in the name of the Triumuiri. 87  
Supplication offered the second time to the King and Queen by the Guises and his confederates. pag. 90  
Suze his army in Dolphiny, greatly annoyed the faithful 146   

T  
Talk betwixt the King of Navarre, the Old Queen, and the Prince of Conde. 115  
Talk between the old Queen and the Nobles on the Prince of Conde his side. 133  
The second declaration of the prince pag. 59  
The true cause of the first wars. pag. 168  
The beginning of the civil wars. pag. 124  
The reasons that stayed the Prince of Conde from going into exile. pag. 222  
The form of the government of the realm in the King's minority. 222  
The order of the meeting of booth the battles on the plane of Dreux. 238  
The first battle wherein the Constable was taken and many Swit sers taken and slain. 240  
The Admiral goeth into Normandy. 257   

V  
Valentia taken by the faithful. 81  
Vienna won by the Papists. 248   

IV  
War purposed by the Guises. 22  
Wickedness almost uncredible committed by the Papists against the faithful in Provence. 185  
Write published by the Queen of England concerning the help she sent to the Prince of Conde. page. 203  
writings published by the Prince of Conde wherein he declareth himself not to be the beginner of these wars. 215   
FINIS.   

Faults escaped in Printing both in the second part, and also in the last part.  

Page. 57 line. 7 leave out, of the which.  
Page. 88 line. 10. for and, read an.  
Page. 97. line, last, for, They then said, read, Thus much they said at that time.  
Page. 105. line last, for they, read the.  
Page. 133. line 13. for orget, read forget.  
Page 147. line 13 for o, read, of.  
Page. 169. line 27. for Bishops, read, Kings.  
Page. 175. line. 6. for a, read, as.  
Page. 174. line. 28. for, the, read, then.  
Page 176. line ●…6, for, rnd, read, and.  
Page. 187. line. 8. for breath, read, breadth.  
Page. 188. line. 22. for ayy, read any.  
Page 204. line 30. for my see, read, may see.  
Page. 224. for, it it, read, it is.  
Page 51. line, 20. for do, read, to.    

The fourth Book of Commentaries concerning the state of the common wealth, and Religion of France, in the reign of King Charles. IX.  
THe Edict of ja nuary, 
Anno Domini. 1561.  (whereof mention is made in the end of the third Book going before) being at the last, after the delays of the Senate of Paris, published & proclaimed at Paris, and in the whole Kingdom, made a joyful and prosperous end of all troubles: the Gospel had peaceable passage throughout all the dominions, all most, of France: and the faithful, according to the tenure, and prescript of the Edict, gladly leaving the Churches and places, which were within the cities, flocked together in great assemblies without the Cities, insomuch that all men greatly delighted to look upon them. But Satan envying that peace and tranquillity, caused after a while not only private perturbations, and troubles between man and man, but also, open and Civil wars, by the devices and practices of the adversaries, to the great hurt of the Realm. The which things, as briefly, even so truly will we declare in this history: In penning whereof, we know into what sundry hap and hazard of judgements we are in, what a large scope we have, to set forth divers matters, and also, what hatred and peril we bring unto ourselves. But the truth shall defend itself, and shall also take away all slander & reproach.  
Many grieved and repined at the increase and good success of the reform Churches, greatly misliking of the Edict of January, for that it tended much for their 
The very cause of the Civil wars was the breaking of the Edict of january  peace and quietness which favoured the Religion. Of these repining enemies there were two sorts: The first sort were such as had their living by the Benefices, revenues, and spiritual promotions of Priests: and of these many were gentlemen, and men of high calling, who perceiving that the greatest part of their substance came unto them by the said Benefices, thought that they should sustain great hindrance and loss, if so be they of the reform Religion should obtain and enjoy the benefit of the Edict. The second sort, were such noble men as being enriched, not only with those great and huge sums of money which came to them by the yearly revenues of those Benefices, (the fat whereof, they reserved to them, and there's,) but also with the innumerable gifts of King Henry the second, and Frances the second: feared, lest they being called to give up their accounts, (according to the custom of the Realm) should be found guilty of extortion. Among these latter sort, the chief were the Guises, the fatal destruction of the kingdom of France: who also as yet were to make their account for great sums of money taken out of the King's Treasury, for common affairs, and other weighty matters in the time of King Frances the second: and also of their evil demeynor, whereof they were plainly accused, under the reign of King Henry the second. Also the great loss of that high auctho ritie, which almost they alone had during the minority of King Frances the second: and with the same loss, the fear foreseeing the great evils to come, pinched them even to the heart, and grieved them to the very gall. To these also was joined the martial of S. Andrew, a man full of all subtlety, guile, and mischief, who being out of measure rich with the great gifts which he received of King Henry, for his evil and cruel service, was pricked in conscience for spoiling, by sinister means, divers noble men of his familiar acquaintance. By the practice and endeavour of this martial, the Constable Momorentius (as we said in our other Book) a 
Momorentius the Constable made a friend to the Guises.  little before a mortal enemy to the Guises, having divers times experience of their hatred, was brought to the familiarity and friendship of the Guises. And to the intent they might win the Constable wholly unto them, by a new benefit, they granted frankly unto him, the dominion of Dammartine, for the which, afore time there had been great contention between them.  
Therefore the daily adhortations of the martial of S. Andrew, and the Duchess of Valence, (beside the domestical and daily persuasions of his wife, and of the Earl of Uillars) greatly urged and pressed the Constable: as, that the ancient and catholic doctrine was abolished: that the common wealth was disturbed: that they of the reform Religion did plainly threaten to bring such as had been officers of the kings afore time, to give up their accounts: that those men sought only by little and little to place themselves in authority, and to abase those that served and had born office under the kings in time past, and to have the spoil of their goods: that the Queen Mother, was led away with their persuasions: and that she being an effeminate & weak woman, would incline to that part which was most strong: also that it was manifest that she did favour those of the reform Religion for the king of Navarre his sake, who seeketh all that he can to have the Religion altered, being thereunto provoked by the Prince of Conde, to spite those which are suspected to be the authors, that he was cast into prison: And therefore that they, if they might bring all things to pass after their own desire, as to have their enemies subdued, and the state of the kingdom and of Religion altered, would bring the Constable himself to their own bent and will, & would in like manner call him to accounted. These persuasions being oftentimes inculcated and beaten into the Constable's ears, being rather an enemy to Religion, drew him quite away at the last to the contrary part: and so by little and little forsaking the king of Navarre, and the Prince of Conde, he openly showed his displeasure and choler against the Chastilions. Therefore now began to be manifest familiarity and friendship between the Constable and the Guises, in so much that they banqueted one another, and had oftentimes secret conference between themselves.  
Wherefore at the last they conspired together, namely that the Duke of Guise, as a Prince of alliance to the 
The conspi racie of the Guises, the Constable and the martial of S. Andrew against the Gospel.  king, and Lord great master of France: the Constable as chief officer under the king: and the martial of S. Andrew, as head martial, should bend their whole endeavours in this, that no part of the ancient and Catholic Religion might be altered. And because, notwithstanding the constitutions and Edicts of the former kings, a new Religion was brought in, they would endeavour themselves with all their force and might, that those heretical doctrines might be quite abolished and destroyed: And also that they would not suffer new Decrees to be made concerning the state of the realm, and the wills of the former Kings to be disproved: that they would openly declare themselves to be enemies to all those, which would go about this thing: And finally, that in this cause they would do what they could, even to the spending of their goods and lives: To perform the which, they sworn solemnly one to another.  
The matter being thus agreed upon between them, they did deliberate and advise themselves, what they were best to do, namely that they would gather together all the power they were able to make, and that they would seek for all the help and aid at their retainers and friends hands that might be had: they being assured of aid, out of Spain and italy: and that the Guises should prove what help they could get out of the parts of Germany. But first of all they thought it necessary, to entice and win the king of Navarre, & to bring him if they could to defend their part, to get Paris: and finally, to have the King and Queen at their beck. These things once obtained, they persuaded themselves easily to obtain their purpose. Concerning the winning of the king of Navarre, they had good hope, being voluptuous, given to ease, and unconstant: and having his household servants hired by the Cardinal of Lorraine, to use their diligent endeavour to bring the same to pass. Who, being once won to take their part, they perceived a plain way to have their purpose. Therefore, to the intent they might win him, they use very subtle and crafty means. First, they assay what they can do by his household servants, the bishop of Aussere▪ Monsire Escars, and Frances Balduinae, being sent in to confer and talk with him.  
These declared to the king of Navarre, that they of the Religion, sought now, to bring in new and more severe Laws than were wont to be, to reform Princes: as though it were not lawful for Princes to live as they list, and to do what seemeth good in their own eyes. If credit be given unto these men, than must men frame a new life: and if these men be made judges to reform what they think good to be reform, (the which no doubt they go about) there will ensue no small danger. But he being one that had chief authority in the Realm of France, aught rather wisely to follow that which was agreeable to the present state: and to consider into what troubles he should bring the Realm, if he would abolish the ancient Religion, which so many Kings before time had received. There are (say they) opinions of divers Religions, which as they come with time, so with time they fade away again. If therefore he should be of the reform Religion, the King of Spain would be his open enemy: And beside this, the Pope would set whole italy & all Christian Realms, against the kingdom of France, which might easily be vanquished and overthrown, in the midst of so many dis sentions. But look how much hurt and damage he should bring to himself and to the whole Kingdom, if he should defend that new Religion, and the professors thereof: so much profit, glory, and fame, should come to him and to all his stock, if he did not to much entangle himself in these controversies of Religion, but did rather frame himself wisely according to occasion and time: that is to say, when occasion is offered, to maintain and defend the ancient and Catholic Religion, whereby he might look to find great profit. Thus if he would show himself, he should win the Pope's favour, and bind his holiness to requited him with some great benefit, by whose means he might recover again the kingdom of Navarre, which belonged to his Ancetours, without wars▪ for that the King of Spain greatly esteemed the Pope's Authority. Consider therefore (say they) with yourself what you were best to do, least suddenly by the force of sinister persuasions, you bring yourself to great extremity. Consider with yourself, that as the times are perilous, so is the event & success of all things uncertain: wisely weigh therefore with yourself what is most profitable for you. Admit the cause of Religion should be dissided by disputation: should men so lean to the opinions of a few, that they should not embrace other men's judgements? For among those men which embrace the doctrine of that new Gospel, what contrariety is there, and difference of opinions? But you which were born, not to judge of Scholastical Disputations, but to the exployting of greater matters and of more weight, may occupy: and trouble your brain with these matters, at your leisure. Therefore we wish you, according to your wisdom, to weigh and consider what is most needful to be done.  
The King of Navarre, being to much given to voluptuousness and ease, hearkened all to soon to these persuasions: and being overcome, forgetting his authority, he wholly gave himself to his Adversaries: by whom he being spoiled of that his authority, and of his wits also, was the occasion of many and great mischiefs. The way therefore being thus made wholly to overthrow and subvert the King of Navarre, there came then unto him the Cardinal of Ferrar, and the Cardinal of Towers, with many fair promises from the Pope, that he, if he would thus embrace the Catholic Doctrine, should prospero and benefit himself very much. For (said they) the Pope will bring to pass that the Kings of Spain should very shortly give unto him again the kingdom of Navar. And also, that he would give unto him a bill of divorcement, that he being divorced from his wife, which was to much inclined to that new Religion, 
Queen of Scots promised to be given in marriage to the king of Navar.  might marry with the Queen of Scots, a woman of excellent beauty, rich, and the widow of a renowned King. And thus he should have two Kingdoms, namely the Kingdom of Navarre, and by this new marriage also, the Kingdom of Scotland. Whereby, was offered unto him opportunity, to exploit and bring to pass great matters, when as he having the kingdom of Scotland, might claim also unto him the kingdom of England, which bordered upon the same, which the Scottish Kings afore time challenged unto themselves as their right. And so, he being of so great power both by his own kingdoms, and also by the help and aid which he might have out of France, out of Spain, and from the Pope, should easily conquer and enjoy England, and so become a great Monarch.  
Wherefore they exhorted him to consider how many occasions Fortune luckily offered unto him to bring to pass whatsoever he would. The which if he should foreslow and neglect, and on the contrary part like of and maintain the new Doctrine, they wished him to consider, according to his wisdom, what grievous perils and troubles he should fall into, the which yet might easily be repressed and anoyded, if so be he would harken to good and wholesome counsel. Adding moreover, that the Prince of Conde, would do as he did, and that the Chatillions would not be behind: and as for the rest of the nobles and common people, it should not force, if so be that he would use the authority of the King's Edicts and his own power, and join himself with the faithful and trusty servants of the King.  
After these persuasions, the king of Navarre, daily more and more showed himself, not only to dislike of the reform Religion, and of the professors thereof, but also was angry and sore offended with them. Insomuch that he commanded the Ministers of God's word which were with him in house to departed from him: and went himself oftentimes to the Popish Churches, herded Mass: and earnestly commanded his wife, which was a very honest & virtuous Lady, (who also refused) to do the like: gave himself to filthy pleasures of women: and was also very familiarly conversant with the Guises, the Constable, the martial of S. Andrew, and with the Cardinals. Notwithstanding all this, the reform Religion so prevailed, that new reports and rumours were daily brought into the Court concerning the same. The Prince of Conde, the Admiral, and many of the Nobles, diligently seeking to have the same preferred: The Queen mother also was ruled by good counsel: And as for the king of Navarre, he was uncertain what to do in the midst of these troubles, and was like unto an unskilful mariner destitute of counsel, having divers cogitations in his mind, uncertain whether to go, and yet nevertheless, standing still as one amazed. In the mean time the Edict of january (whereof mention is made before) took place, and was put in execution. But than were the minds of the Guises, of the Constable, and of the Marshal of S. Andrew so vexed & grieved, that they thought good not to delay the time any longer: they being encouraged to proceed with their purpose, for that they might rule the king of Navarre as them list. Therefore every man being appointed what to do: the Duke of Guise departed from the court: The Constable, went home to his house: and sent for his retainers and friends to see if they would s●…icke unto him: and such as he doubted of, he sought to win. The Marshal of S. Andrew did even the like.  
The Guises (as is said before) had taken upon them to win the Princes of Germany to take their part: and therefore they written letters oftentimes to divers of them. And to further their business they used the help of the Rokendolfe, and the Rheingrave: the Cardinal trimly countenancesing, and dissembling that he embraced the Ausburgue Confession. And that he minded, not long ago, to establish the same in France: but he said, that the men of the new Religion did greatly gainsay & let the same: whom he blamed in all things, as ungodly men, and the upholders of all monstruous opinions. Moreover he said that the Prince of Conde by the means and counsel of the Admiral, went about to aspire to the kingdom: and that under the pretence of Religion, he lived a licentious and voluptuous life. After these practices, the Duke of Guise himself, came to Sauerne, a town bordering upon Germany: and there he talked with the Duke of Wirtemberge: feigned that he embraced the Confession of Ausburge: slandered and falsely accused the prince of Conde, and the reform churches, and craved his aid against them: and under the pretence of that communication, the Duke of Guise vaunted and bragged much of the friendship of the Duke of Wirtemberge, saying, that he was sure that he would without all doubt take his part, and also alleging that he had taken these enterprises in hand, by the Duke's advise and counsel: For the which the Duke of Wirtemberge afterward blamed him, and proved that he persuaded himself to have more friendship at his hands, than ever he meant unto him, and did falsely dissemble, wherefore he earnestly exhorted the Guises to cease from persecuting the reform churches.  
After this, the Duke of Guise, having got to take his part, certain valea●…t captains, by the means of the Rokendolfe, and the reingrave came to Jnuille, & there & in the towns thereabouts, he chose out armed horse men: when he had so done, upon occasion of letters sent from the king of Navarre, he intended straight way in all haste to come to the Court with an army of men: and after deliberation had, he began his voyage with a lamentable slaughter, as you shall hear. There is a certain Town bordering upon champaign, near to Jnuille, 
The slaughter at Vassi, made by the Duke of Guise.  the Lordship of the house of Guise's, called Vassi, within the dominion of France but no part thereof. In this town there was a certain number of the faithful: but because the Guises bordered so near unto them, they dared not profess the reform religion so frankly as they would have done. Notwithstanding they being at the last provoked and encouraged hereunto, by the men of Troy●… their neighbours, were fully bend to use the benefit of the kings Edicts, & procured of the congregation of Troy●… a minister of God's word to attend upon them, & so after the disputation in the Conu●…cation at Possi, they had a church established among them, whereby the number of the faithful wonderfully increased more & ●…ore. The Guises hearing of this, greatly gr●…dged against it, & were much displeased therewith, and sent them word that they should evil favouredly enjoy their liberty, Therefore the Duke of Guise returning from Savern, and making haste into Frau●…ce to the King, fully determined to set upon the enhabitantes of Uassi (which earnestly followed the reform Religion) with force of arms as he went. So that he charged all his retainers, (which dwelled in the villages about Uassi) to be in a readiness against his coming to Uassi, by the which he meant to take his journey withal speed into France. The which commandment of his was fulfilled. Therefore the Duke of Guise, upon the first day of the month of March, being the Saboth day, on the which he knew the faithful would chiefly assemble themselves together, came by the break of the day to a village called Dammartine from whence, after he had herded Mass he went to Uassi. And when he was entered the city, be herded that the huguenots were assembled together to hear a sermon: to the which place he went in 〈◊〉. Now, the people which were assembled together, were in number a thousand and five hundred people, and the Preacher had begun his Sermon. Therefore the Duke of Guise, having his Brother the Cardinal waiting upon him, sent for many of the towns men, and for the chief parish priest, (as they call him) & the governor of the city, to come unto him. With these men he entered into a popish church, which was not far from the congregation of the faithful: And after that he had disclosed unto them his purpose, he went out again, and commanded his men to make haste to go to the huguenots sermon. The soldiers being come to the place, where the sermon was made, began to cast their darts among them. At the first the faithful marveled what the matter was: but incontinently many of them were slain: and the soldiers of the Guise in great number rushed and fallen upon the congregation: and thus they being hemmed in on every side, and having no way to escape, the Duke of Guise himself stood at the door with his sword drawn in his hand, ready to receive such upon the same as should seek to escape by flight, crying out most outrageously against them, and encouraging his soldiers to the slaughter. Who making a violent assault, fallen upon the fearful and trembling multitude, and such as sought to escape by flight, or by climbing up to the top of the house, they slay without pity or mercy: yea whomsoever they met withal, were they men or women, old or young, they put them to the sword most cruelly against all humanity, making havoc of them all together. In the mean time the clamours, howlings, and pitiful cries of these innocent sheep appointed to the slaughter, were not ceased, but were made with the sound of the trumpet which blew all the time of the flanghter, to be more doleful and terrible, to all those that heard the same. Where upon the Duchess of Guise the Duke's wife, walking by chance by the walls of the city, and hearing this fearful noise, was abashed thereat: In so much that she sending strait way a messenger to her husband, earnestly desired and beséeched him, to cease and mak●… an end of that miserable slaughter, lest women great with child in the city hearing that fearful noise should be delivered before their time. Therefore the Duke of Guise being troubled and somewhat terrified with his own horrible and wicked enterprise, commanded a retreat to be blown. And then was brought to him the Preacher, whom he miscalled and reviled at his pleasure, and then committed him to the charge and custody of a soldier. But yet for all this the soldiers ceased not to slay and kill committing murder in divers places of the city, and defiling the streets with blood, yea with the blood of innocents: to describe the which as it was done in deed by these bloody butchers, it would abhor any christian heart to hear. At the last when they had made an end of kill and slaying, they searched throughout every corner of the place where the people had assembled themselves together, they ouer●…hrew the seats and benches that were therein, and broke them to pieces, they did cut the holy Bible in pieces: yea and the rascal soldiers spoke thus of the same. What shall I do with this word of God, I pass not for it, I can make no money of this, give me therefore the gold, the silver, and apparel. It cannot be uttered with what and how many blasphemies the gospel was blasphemed. The Cardinal Guise also had in his hand a certain Bible which was found in the pulpit: Of him the Duke of Guise demanded, what book it was? The Cardinal answered that it was the holy scripture: What holy scripture is it (sayeth he) and looking upon the first leaf of the book, he said, that that book was not made above two years since: showing by his warlike rudeness and ignorance, what little knowledge and understanding he had of the word of God.  
At the last, even as if the city had been over run and vanquished by the foreign enemy, the lackeys and serving men, feigning the voice of a Crier sold gowns, coats, caps, and w●…mens apparel to the popish sort of the town, which greatly scorned & derided the faithful. The houses also of the outdwellers and borderers upon the city were despoiled: and many by the way as they went were evil entreated and slain. Then the Duke of Guise commanded the keeper of the Castle to come before him: whom he sharply reprehended, because he known of those sermons that were made in the City, and threatened to punish him, commanding him to follow him. Many also of the townsmen were led away with them bond. The Minister or Preacher (of whom we spoke before) being sore mangled and wounded, and lying groveling upon a Ladder, was so carried by the commandment of the Guise to a town called Sandiser, being derided, miscalled, and evil entreated as he went.  
Now the fame of this horrible act and butcherly slaughter was brought by and by to the Churches bordering thereabouts, and thereof also divers rum●…rs and reports arising, it was diversly reported in the kings Court, and suddenly astonished and amazed all those that herded of the same, until within few days after certain messengers came from Vassi, and from certain of the Churches thereabouts, certifying the truth of the matter, and complaining of the horrible fact e●… the Gui ses, and making humble supplication that remedy might be provided for so great a mischiefe●…: adding hereunto that the true subjects of the King, could not bear any longer the great cruelty and injuries of the Guises, being strangers. The matter being thus reported, seemed 
Complaint of the fai●…h full of the slaughter.  to all men very presumptuous & rash: Insomuch that the Prince of Conde the Chastilons the chancellor, & others cried out against the same, saying that it was a wicked and horrible act, and against the Edicts and laws of the Realm: and that therefore it was needful to provide a present remedy. Notwithstanding the daily rumours of the coming of the Guises to Paris, caused all men to fear, foreseeing divers great troubles and calamities like to ensue. At this time the King was at Monceaulx, a house belonging to the Queen his mother who was there also, accompanied with the Prince of Conde. But the King of Navarre, the martial of S. Andrew, & the Brissac were at Paris: to whom strait way also came the Constable. Now the Duke of Guise was come to Nantuille, a place of his dominion: and it was reported that he would come the next day to Paris. The Prince of Conde much marveled at this sudden and hasty coming of the Guises to Paris, after the committing of so wicked & presumptuous a deed against the kings Edict. He went therefore to the King and Queen: and declared that the matter was such, that except a remedy were provided in time, great destruction would fall upon the whole Realm: Wherefore he wished that so great a mischief might might proceed no farther: For (says he) if the Duke of Guise come to the City, there will follow present peril of most grievous calamities. The Queen the kings mother, liked well of this advise of the Prince and agreed to the same. Therefore she written to the king of Navarre, exhorting him, according ●…o his office, to see that the kings Majesty and the Realm also, fallen into no peril: and charges the Guise also by her letters not to come to the city: but to come himself to the King with a few only waiting upon him. To the which the Guise answered, that he was busy in entertaining his friends and could not come: Whereu●…pon the Queen written her letters again: but in vai●…e.  
Therefore after deliberation had, the Duke of Guise came to Paris the twenty day of March, with his brother the Duke of Aumal, the martial of Saint Andrew, which came to him to Nantueile, and with a great many noble men more, and with a great Army of horsemen 
The Guise cometh to Paris against the Queen's commandment.  also. And entering into the city, there went to meet and entertain him the chief master of the merchants, a man of great authority and estimation among the Parisians, three counsels of the City, sumptuously appareled, and a great concours●… of the Citizens, crying, God preserve the Duke of Guise. The which acclamation is proper only to Kings. Now when they were come, there were many doubtful and uncertain reports in the City: and the conspiracy between the Guise, the Constable, and the martial of S. Andrew, evidently appeared to all men: Who joining with them certain of the Senators of Paris sat in counsel every day.  
The Prince of Conde also came to Paris, accompanied with certain noble men, and exhorted the faithful not to forsake him in so great peril and danger. The Guises were very sorry for this coming of the Prince of Conde, which they judged would be very hurtful for them. For although the common sort of people of the City of Paris were foolish, haughty, & stout, at the first, by the coming of the Guises, yet notwithstanding their courage and pride, was bridled and abated even with the name of the Prince of Conde: insomuch that they stayed from open outrage. Therefore the City, by the coming of the Prince of Conde, was quieted, and as it were, newly altered.  
But this thing did very much hinder the purpose of the Guises, which greatly desired to obtain Paris, being the chief City of the kingdom, and a very fit place to bring their matters to pass. Therefore, first of all they see that they must bring to pass that the Prince of Conde might departed from the city. whereupon they practised by the King of Navarre, that, marshal Memorencie the lietuenant of the city, might be called back 
The practi says of the Guises to expel the Prince of Conde out of Paris.  again: and that the Cardinal of Borbon, which would be at their commandment, might be sent in his stead: the necessity of the time, (say they) greatly requiring this thing.  
The Constable brought to pass that his son Momorencie, should not greatly refuse this thing: who, if he had constantly withstood them and denied their request, they had very hardly brought their purpose to effect, he being a man of excellent wisdom, and experience, but yet withal a time server.  
By this time, the King of Navarre was come to the King and the Queen, which lay at Moncaulx: thither came also, out of hand, the chief master of the Merchants, an Author of Seditions, hired and sent by the Guises. This fellow declared to the King and Queen, that the Prince of Conde wrought sedition at Paris, the which, would shortly turn to great mischief, except he departed from thence: the which if it should come to pass, he to whom authority was given to provide remedies for the same, should bear all the blame. So that, with his often complaints to the Queen, he brought about, that according to his request, the king of Navarre should go out of hand to Paris. Then the Guises, joining with them certain of the Senate of Paris, that were fittest for their purpose, and seeking to have the greater authority through the presence of the king of Navarre, which was chief Vicegerent, they determined to have a common counsel: to the which they never called the Prince of Conde. And this they called The King's Counsel. The king of Navarre, by the decree of this counsel, written out of hā●… to the Queen, that it was necessary that the Prince of Conde should depart from Paris, and get him home to his house: except she would have present peril of sedition, by reason of his presence, to burst forth into open and manifest perturbation and garboil.  
Notwithstanding it was to be doubted what would come to pass: For a man might behold throughout the city, the diversity of men's minds by divers shows: Somewhile they trembled, somewhile they triumphed: both parts in one hour changed: Di●…ers rumours were dispersed abroad: In so much that there appeared evident and most certain tokens of imminent sedition.  
Great was the power of the Guises, through the authority of the king of Navarre: The Senate had the handling of the cause. The greatest part of the people consented, the common multitude being easily led. On the other part, the authority of the Prince of Conde was not small, his name having such a majesty, that the people trembled at the same: great also was the number of the faithful, and no less was their power: In so much that there was no great inequality between both parts: yet 〈◊〉 the twain the Pope's number was the greater, yea by many.  
Also the Prince of Conde perceived well enough all the practices of the Guises: and how they went about to bring the king and Queen to Paris. But he was not as yet fully determined, what to do, for he feared lest he forsaking Paris, the Guises should possess the same: and if he should abide at Paris, that then by the Counsels of the Guises the King and the Queen should be won from him. Notwithstanding he weighed and considered with himself the gra●…itie and wisdom of the Queen, of whom he was fully persuaded, that she would withstand the practices of the Guises. And he could not be altogether certi●…ied, That his brother the king of Navarre would be so blind, as to prefer strangers before his own blood. Being therefore doubtful what way to take, he was the more cold in his bus●…nesse.  
In the mean time, the Queen, being stirred and provoked with the daily complaints of the Merchant master, written unto the Prince of Conde, wisshing him to forsake Paris, and to come to the King: And the Prince of Conde was daily disturbed and persuaded hereunto by the Cardinal of B●…urbon his brother, who was sent (as we said before) to keep the City.  
Therefore he went from Paris, to his house called 
The Prince of Conde forsaketh Paris.  Fertea in his own Dominion, purposing to go from thence to the King, as the Queen had given commandment.  
Things being thus appointed, and the Guises being free from their g●…t fear, by the departure of the Prince of Conde, they appointed a very great and strong garrison of soldiers, (ordained before by the Merchant master) to keep Paris. Thus when they had got the city according to their own desire, they seek●… to achieve and bring about another principal point of their counsels and devices.  
Therefore they made haste with an army of men to the king, who at that time was at Fontainbleau. The Queen being amazed and afraid at his sudden preparation, looked for the Prince of Conde: who even now also had taken his journey to come. Of the which, when the Duke of Guise had intelligence, fearing lest the Prince of Conde would enter into Paris, he gave 
The Guise having go●… ten Paris seek to ge●… the King also.  charge and commandment to the Marchantmaister, to look diligently thereunto. Upon this commandment the Marchantmaister, warned the Captains to have their Soldiers armed and in a readiness: appointed watch and ward to be in every place of the city: and planted pieces of Ordinance, in such places as he thought needful. Therefore when the Prince of Conde came near the city, notwithstanding minding not to enter therein, the whole city roonge and sounded with the noise of the great Gonnes.  
In the mean time the Guises, otherwise peradventure scarce able to match with the Prince of Conde, thought it not best to tarry his coming at Fontaynbleau, lest they should put their purpose in hazard. Therefore they purposed to carry away the King from Fontaynbleau, which was a place, not of strength, but of pleasure, to a more strong hold. Whereupon they caused the king of Navarre, whose authority they abused in all things to serve their turn, to persuade with the Queen, that it was very necessary, for divers present necessities, to depart from Fontaynbleau: The Prince of Conde coming to take the king. To this the Queen answered, that there was nothing more unlikely, than that his bro ther the Prince of Conde, being the King's kinsman, should purpose any such thing against the king, his liege Lord and master: and beside this (says she) the king will not depart to any other place.  
The Queen constantly persisting in this mind, was again provoked by the king of Navarre, who said, that they must of necessity depart from thence: otherwise the king would be destroyed: and except she would grant hereunto, he said he would himself of his own authority and office, being the kings keeper and Protectonr, transport the King to another place. Then the Queen began to beseech the King of Navarre, to know his intent, and why he should have these suspicions of the Prince of Conde. The King himself also said that he would go to no other place, and in his childish vehemence, he declared his grief with tears. But the King of Navarre still affirmed, that there was no remedy, but that they must needs depart from thence. Therefore he and the Guises carried away the King, and the Queen his mother, his brethren, and his Sister, from Fountaynbeleau, to a Town called Mellune: The King so soon as he came thither, was appointed to lodge in the Castle that was therein, without any manner of Kinglyke provision for the same: the which Castle afore time had been used as a prison to keep offenders in, and such as had deserved death, by their evil demeanour.  
By reason of this expedition and haste of the Guises, the Prince of Conde had no way or mean to do any thing as he would: In so much that now there was a plain gate set wide, to open wars. For the Prince of Conde, being the kings near kinsman, and seeing that his elder Brother did not his duty, thought that he aught not to suffer the safeguard of the King, and of the whole realm to come in peril.  
Therefore, he took counsel out of hand: he came 
The Prince of Conde cometh to Orleans.  to Orleans straight after that he had sent the Andelot with certain horsemen, and kept the same, being a well fenced city, and fit for his purpose: gave commandment by publiqne Edicts, That no man should 'cause any tumult, under the pretence of Religion: and that all men, of what Religion so ever they were of, should observe and keep the kings Laws & Edicts. He commanded also the king's Officers and the Magistrates of the Town to come unto him: Who being come, he straightly charged them to do their duty, upon their allegiance and obedience to the king: giving them to understand, that he was not come thither under his own name, but in the name of his sovereign Lord the king.  
The faithful according to the prescript of the king's Edict, had their Sermons without the City. The Papists on the other part freely used their rights and ceremonies: frequented their churches, and the morrow Mass Priests walked through the city in their priestly apparel: All things were done freely on both parts: the Prince giving new commandments and charge from day to day, that no man should be so hardy as to break the king's peace. This was done in the month of March.  
After this, that the Guises were certified that the Prince of Conde was come to Orleans, yea, and that 
The purpose of the Guises concerning War.  great rumours were brought daily unto them, they were fully determined to take no small enterprise in hand. Therefore the society in the which they were linked before with the Constable, and the martial of S. Andrew, being confirmed now again between themselves, they said that it was now a more convenient time to proclaim open war, than would be afterward, by further delay.  
The king of Navarre was won on their side: Paris they enjoyed: And the king was in their hands, But they feared and stood in doubt of the queens mind, which at that time plainly seemed to incline to the Prince of Conde.  
Lest therefore the Queen joining with the Prince of Conde should go about some new practice, first of all they determined to carry the king and the Queen, to the most convenient place for their purpose, that all occasion of fear might be quite taken away. And to serve their turn, they used divers pretences and colours. By the king of Navarre they declared unto the Queen, that it was most necessary, in consideration of those perilous times, that the king should be carried to Paris. Beside him, the Merchant master daily persuaded that it was necessary for the King to come to Paris, to stay the hurleyburleys, and to quiet the people by his presence. They declared therefore to the Queen that it is fully decreed that the king should be carried from Melune to Paris: notwithstanding that the Queen earnestly requested the contrary.  
First, came the Constable, with three hundred horsemen attending upon him, from Melune to Paris: and then began open war against the faithful. The Constable understanding that Ruzeus, a noble Counsellor in the common place Court of Paris. professed the reform 
Ruzeus a professor of the gospel, commanded toward.  Religion, sent for him and commanded him to prison. And Ruzeus demanding of him by what authority he did so, he answered: It is authority sufficient, that the Constable himself hath done it.  
After this, he, having a great multitude of people following him, came to those places which were limited to the faithful by the kings edict, for the preaching of the word, and the administration of Sacraments: and there, casting all the pews, sells, seats and benches on a heap, he set them on fire: The common multitude highly commending him for the same: who being encouraged by the familiar example of the Constable, by and by set the houses belonging to the same on a light fire, and burned them down to the ground.  
Then had every man free leave & liberty to put himself in armour: Insomuch that a man might then see in every street and corner of the city armed men, well appointed to fight: and the rash multitude of labouring men having weapons in their hands to lay lustily about them, committing murder and rapine throughout the city: falling with violence upon every on that was said to be a Huguenote: Yea a man might see inordinate sedition in every place. If any man made complaint to the Constable of any violence or wrong done to him, he should for his recompense be threatened to the gallows.  
The houses, at the last, the streets, and the river were filled with dead carcases: There was nothing so cruel, which the furious multitude did not attempt.  
To this tumultuous and seditious city, did the Guises bring the king: first of all to the Castle which appertained to the King: then the King entered the city without any manner of kinglike pomp, to the Castle called Lower.  
All things falling thus out, according to the desire of the Guises, they now seriously study and beat their brains concerning the order of their wars: and they communicated their business with the kings counsel (which they had almost renewed, choosing such as they known were for their purpose, and putting out others, commanding also Michael Hospital the king's chancellor to get him home to his house) requiring them to provide for the maintenance of the wars, even as if they should have dealt with the foreign enemy. They sent also Ambassadors, into Spain, into Italy, and into Zwitserland to have help and aid from thence: Every where, but specially at Paris, there was pressing out of soldiers, the Merchants and the shaveling Priests, setting forth many soldiers, armour, goonnes, and all manner of furniture, being provided for the wars.  
On the other part the Prince of Conde, seemed to be very careful, and disquieted with these commotions, musing what success his enemies should have, and of the event of the imminent war, being very loath (as it should seem) to war with them. Whereupon, he cau 
The Prince of Conde specially in clined to peace.  said the Edicts concerning the maintenance of peace to be proclaimed, lest any man for religions sake or for any other cause should make a tumult: and declared to the magistrates of the town, and to his Centurious, that he desired nothing more than to have all men live according to the prescript of the King's Edicts. He written also daily letters to the King, to the Queen, and to the King of Navarre his brother, beseeching them to take heed and see that all things were done peaceably, and by common consent, if it might be: admonishing also such as had the government of the Common wealth to be ware, lest by the ambition of the Guises, and of his adherents, the King and the Realm were brought into great peril and danger, for the avoiding whereof, so many means of late were used: protesting héerewyth that he desired rather to see the very extreme end, than war: and that he wished specially that the king in that his tender age, and his realm also, might be accordingly provided for.  
Notwithstanding, the wills and purposes of his adversaries, so manifestly appeared, that he was admo nished by divers prudent and wise men, which attended upon him, that it was his part to seek all that he could to let and hinder them, lest they did turn to the ruin and subversion of the whole realm, and of the reform church. For there came unto the Prince of Conde, of all estates some, from all parts of the Realm: and very many also of the Noble men, as the Admiral, the Andelot his brother, and the Cardinal Odette, the Earl of Rochefoulcaut the Prince Porcian, Piennes, Crusol, Soubiz, Movy, Sanli Estern, and many others, which came to the Prince in great number to Orleans.  
These men perceived well enough the horrible and wicked enterprises of the Guises, and their adherents: the manifest violating of the King's edict: the injury offered to the young King, and to the Queen his mother: and the conspiracies of strangers against the King's kinsmen: and therefore they thought it their duty to provide for these mischéenes. Whereupon, after deliberation had with the Prince of Conde, they earnestly persuaded with him to take upon him the patrociny and defence of the realm, for that the right of governing the realm during the time of the King's minority, pertained unto him, the King of Navarre his brother, neglecting his duty in that behalf. They prayed and most earnestly beséeched him, being of the King's blood, that he would not forsake the captived King in such time of peril, that he would not suffer the King's Edicts, to be violated and contemned of strangers, of whose violence he himself not long ago, had experience: and principally that he would not permit that true Religion, (whereof he himself was so zealous a professor) to be suppressed so furiously by war. This thing, they being the kings faithful subjects, most humblely beséeched him that he would vouchsafe gladly to take in hand: they promising to show themselves ready at all times to show all manner of lawful obedience, and to spend their goods, and their lives to, in so just a cause.  
The Prince of Conde, being moved in conscience, with this plain declaration of his duty, and having so oftentimes called upon the mother Queen by his letters, he at the last took upon him the defence of this cause, and the charge so earnestly offered unto him. Whereupon the Prince of Conde and the Noble men made a league between themselves, for the defence of that cause: and then caused the same to be put down in writing the eleventh day of April in manner and form following. 
The league between the Prince of Conde, and the Nobles of France.   

WE Lodowic Borbon, Prince of Conde, and the greatest part of the Nobility of France, whose names are subscribed to this League, esteeming nothing more precious, next to the honour and glory of God, than the obedience of our King, and the conservation of the Crown aed Dignity, during the time of this his Minority, established by the Authority of the Queen, and by the high Court of Parliament: and seeing the presumption and boldness of certain of the King's subjects to be such, that not only they dare bear armour, contrary to the King's Edicts, to destroy his subjects, because by the benefit of the Edicts, they come together to hear the word of God, and to call upon his holy name: but also have taken into their custody, the King, the Queen, and her sons, against all Law, both of God and the Realm: seeking hereby (so far as we can perceive) under the pretence of the King's authority, to deface true religion, and to destroy the greatest part of the King's Subjects, which in deed were the way to get the Kingdom into their own hands.  
We therefore (I say) for these causes, to restore, (so much as we may) first of all the King's majesty, to his dignity, & the Queen to her authority: and may also maintain and keep the King's faithful subjects, in the liberty of that Religion and conscience, which is licenced and given to them by the King's edict, made by the judgements, and consents of the Princes the King's kinsmen, and of the King's counsel, and also of the whole assembly of Parliament: which aught to abide firm and immutable in this tender age of the King: are constrained according to our duty and office, as the King's loyal & faithful subjects, to take the sword in hand: the which is the only remedy given of God at this time, to remedy and resist so much as we may these outrages and unlawful actions. For the more sure accomplishment whereof, after we had made our faithful prayers unto God, and had duly and rightly weighed and considered all things, with one heart, mind and free will, have entered into league, by solemn oath of the name of the living God, the which we have sworn, and before God and his Angels have promised to perform and keep, by the assistance of his grace and mercy inviolable, upon these conditions.  
First of all, we protest, that in this League, we have no manner of consideration or regard either of our private people, or of our goods: but do only set before our eyes, the honour of God, and the deliverance of the King and Queen's Majesties, the observation of the Edicts which they have commanded, and a perfect good will to punish Rebels, and such, as contemn the King & Queen's Majesties. And for these causes only we swear, and promise, that we and every one of us, will spend and bestow all that ever we have, even to the last drop of our blood. And this League shall abide inviolable, until the King's majority, that is to say, until the King come to his lawful age, and do take upon himself the government of the kingdom: that then we may obey him in all things with voluntary obedience. At which time, we trust, we shall give so good an account of this our League, (the which also we will do to the Queen, she being at her own liberty, whensoever she will) that it shallbe manifest that this was no conspiracy, but our duty of true obedience, to preserve their Majesties in these perilous times.  
Secondly, to the end all men may understand and know that we have entered into this league, with a pure conscience, and in the fear of God, upon whom we call, as upon the upholder and protector of our society: We declare, and promise' by our oath, That we will not suffer any man among us to commit any thing against the honour of God, and against the King's Edicts: as Idolatry, Superstition, Blasphemy, Whoredom, Theft, Sacrilege, and all such otherlike, forbidden by the law of God, and by the last Edict of january: the which if any do commit, we will severely punish. And to the end all things may be done according to the prescript rule of God's word, we will have in all our assemblies, faithful ministers of God's word, which may teach us the will of God, and whom as it is meet, we may hear, that we may obey the will of God.  
Thirdly, we elect and nominate the Prince of Conde to be our Captain general, being the Kings near kinsman, and therefore one of his Counsel, and the lawful protector and maintainer of the Crown of France: Whom we promise' to help, aid, and assist, with all our might, and to give to him all obedience, in all those things, which appertain to this League: and if we neglect to do our duty in any thing, we submit ourselves to such punishment as it shall please him to lay upon us.  
And if it shall so happen that the Prince of Conde, shall not be able to go forward with this enterprise, being let with sickness or with any other reasonable cause, we promise' to serve and obey him, whom he shall nominate to be his Vicar or deputy.  
And the Prince of Conde, for the glory of God's sake, and for the obedience sake, which he oweth to the King, bindeth himself to these conditions: promising to all that are of this confederacy, by his oath, that he will with all diligence and courage, by the help of God, according to covenant, constantly do the duty of a true captain.  
Fourthly, we comprehend in this League all the King's Counsellors, except those which contrary to their office, bear armour, to make the King and Queen fulfil their minds: The which armour, except they put of again, and do give an account of their doings with all subjection and obedience to the Queen, and King, whensoe●…er it shall please her to call them: We give them to understand, that for these just and reasonable causes, we will account them guilty of treason, and troublers of the common wealth.  
And to come to the end of this our league (the which we protest again we have made, only for the glory of God, for the dignity and liberty of the King, and for the peace and tranquillity of this Realm, which is to be maintained under the authority of the Queen mother) we affirm and promise' every one of us, and do confirm the same by solemn oath before God and his Angels, that we will prepare and provide out of hand, all that we are able, as money, armour, horses, and all other things necessary for the war, that we may be in a readiness so soon as we shall be called by the Prince of Conde, and that we may follow him whither soever it shall please him to command us, and also that we may obey him in all things that appertain to this league, even to the utmost peril of our lives.  
And if it shall happen that any of our companions and fellows in this seague, shall sustain, any hurt or detriment, for this leagues sake, we promise' that we will help, aid and assist him all that we can, at the commandment of the Prince of Conde. But if it shall happen (as God forbidden it should) that any one among us forgetting his duty and oath, should conspire with our enemies, and should violate this league by horrible treason, and should not stand to these conditions and covenants: We swear and protest with all constantness of faith, that we will bring such an offender to the Prince of Conde, and will account him for an enemy and handle him as a traitor. And thus be it ratified and established between us, with free consent, and irrevocable.   
This league being made, and the causes thereof being declared in manner and form, as you see, & then every where published abroad: the Prince of Conde sent letters divers times to the Queen Mother, and to the King of Navarre his brother, tending still to this effect: That they should consider and have regard to the state, and that they should set before their eyes the manifold perils and troubles at hand, except they according to their office and duty, did better provide for the same: that they should look to the observation of the Edicts made by the act of Parliament, specially now in the time of the King's minority: Protesting herewith for himself and the rest, that they would be subject and obedient to all things reasonable and lawful: but if the matter should come to trial by sword, he said that then they feared no manner of perils, but would for the maintaining of the glory of God, the kings authority and the liberty of their consciences, spend and bestow all that they had.  
The Queen Mother, took the matter very grievously, and signified to the Prince of Conde by her letters that as her person was a Captive, so also she was res●…rayned of her will, and could not do what she would, whom she persuaded in her letters to take the mateer into his own hand, and to defend the same: and declared also at that time by her letters, that she did utterly dislike and abhor the Guises. Certain of the which letters, according to the very tenor of them, which remained in the Prince of Conde his hands, I thought good here to bring in: The copy whereof, is this.  


I Have received, well-beloved cozen, the letters which you sent unto me by the Lord Guardius and I signify 
Letters of the Queen to the Prince of Cond●….  unto you, good cozen, that I am as fully persuaded of those things contained in your letters, as I may be of any thing, and am no less assured of them than I am of myself: neither wiil I be unmindful at any time of those things which you do for the King my sons sake. And because the same messenger returneth back again for those causes which he shall declare unto you, I will wright no more at this time. Only ●…his I will request at your hands, that you believe me in those things which he shall speak unto you in my name, who, wisheth so well unto you, as if she were your own mother, namely  
your dear cozen CATHARINE.   

The Copy of another of her Letters.  
I Have talked with M. de Juoy, even as if you yourself were present, of whose fidelity and trustiness, I doubt not. And whatsoever I sand backagain, I assure myself, that he will disclose to none saving to you: and that you in like manner for my sake, will keep all secret. Only be mindful to preserve and defend the Children, the Mother, and the kingdom, as he to whom this thing doth specially appertain, and he, (namely the king) will never I warrant you be unmindful of so great a benefit. Burn this letter when you have read it.  
Your dear and loving cozen KATHERINE.    
These things, I say, at that time were written by the Queen. In the mean time the King of Navarre, following the wills of the Guises and his adherents, both thought, and spoke very much evil of his brother the Prince of Conde. All things daily, on both parts, waxed worse and worse.  
News was brought to Orlians concerning the slaughter of the men of Sens, which greatly inflamed the minds of men. Sens is a noble City bordering upon Burgundy. In the which the faithful according to the edict of Ianuarye, congregated themselves together to hear the word of God. And although there were new rumours daily concerning the perturbations and troubles at hand, yet notwithstanding they continued in their godly exercises. Therefore divers Bands of soldiers well appointed at the commandment of the Cardinal of Guise, who was Bishop of the same Town, suddenly and vnloked for, set upon the Congregation and flew many of them: and at the last, such was their rage, that they killed both old and young, yea without all pity or mercy, man, woman, & child. The which slaughter continued the space of three days, and had continued longer if so be any store of the professors of the Gospel had been left alive to kill. Yea and it was reported that divers women great with child, were put to the sword, and the children, most horriblely torn out of their wombs. Such was the spoiling of the houses of the faithful, and the shedding of blood in this City, that the horrible murder committed by the Guises at Vassi was counted nothing in respect of this.  
When news hereof was brought to the Court, it made all that herded the same abashed. Yea they themselves that had commanded this to be done, when they herded of the event were also abashed. notwithstanding after these presumptuous enterprises and beginnings after the slaughter of Vassi, all men were fully bend to Civil war.  
The Prince of Conde complained of this thing to the Queen by his letters, which he written the ninth of April, to this effect: First he saith that he thought that the fault and blame of the wickednesses afore time committed, would have stayed their boldness which envied the peace and tranquility of the common wealth, and have taught them at the length to embrace, follow, and obey the King's Edicts. But (saith he) so hath their malice increased, that they can no more restrain and bridle their wickedness, but do violate and break all law: which may move us to look for nothing but the severity of God's judgement to fall upon us.  
Of this brutish boldness (sayeth he) after so many old examples, there is now a new come in place to be seen in the pitiful slaughter at Sens, upon those that professed the liberty of the Gospel by the benefit of the King's Edict: the description of the which Tragedy, he sayeth, he sendeth unto her. Not doubting, but that she according to her natural and great goodness, will tremble 
The prince of Conde complaineth of the murder.  at the hearing of so horrible a butcherly murder: whereby she hath to consider what is to be looked for at their hands, which blind and beguile men with their fair and flattering words. He cannot (he sayeth) but he must needs complain unto her of so great wickednesses committed: and is constrained also, to his great grief, to say, That if these presumptuous and horrible murders escape unpunished, the cry of the innocent blood that is shed, will so pierce the heavens and enter into the ears of the highest, that the ruin and utter subversion of this whole realm by the just judgement of God is to be feared. Therefore (he saith) he beséecheth her, setting before her eyes the examples of so great and horrible wickednesses, and considering also his patience in forbearing so long time, even until that present day, for the King and her majesties sake, that she would diligently use her authority, to repel and reform them: and not to suffer such manifest contempt of the King's majesty to escape unpunished: lest violence and rebellion, were planted in stead of equity and justice. In so doing she should preserve the King's majesty, and the tranquillity of the Realm. Otherwise lamentabl●… afflictions were like to ensue.  
Notwithstanding this reasonable and godly request of the Prince, both the people of Paris, at the hearing of the Rumours waxed more outrageous daily, and also the Guises with their Adherentes, wholly bend themselves to war. We have spoken before concerning the league between the Prince of Conde and his Adherents. All things therefore daily growing from ill to worse, nothing now was looked for but war. But before the wars began, the Prince of Conde, and they of his part, set forth another Proclamation, in the which they show the causes and reasons of their purpose, and why they were constrained to lift up the sword. And after certain letters sent to the King and Queen, and to the king of Navarre, they sent unto them that Proclamation also: which was, to this effect following.  
Although they which of their own authority do first of all put themselves in Armour, ought to give account and reason of their so doing: yet notwithstanding the Prince of Conde, seeing that this motion, for divers circumstances, is subject to divers men's judgements, and because the knowledge hereof appertaineth to all men, would, to put away all occasions of slanders, show to all men manifest reasons, which have constrained him to join with a great number of his friends and retainers, to serve the King & Queen, and to procure the peace and tranquillity of the whole Realm.  
All men know that after the divers perturbations and troubles for Religion's sake, when as greater also were like to ensue, to stay & appease them, at the last in the month of january last passed, there was made an edict by the King's commandment, to quiet and pacify both parts, with the advice and consent also of the most Noble of the high Court of Parliament.  
The Proclamation of this edict, (which at the first was much hindered) caused suspicions to arise that these things were done not without a confederacy, which te●…ded to a farther matter. The which suspicions were increased the more by the meetings of the constable, and the Magistrates of Paris, by the commoning of the senators, & also by the often assemblies of the chief Merchants. notwithstanding all the which, the Prince of Conde, or any of the reform Churches, never did or spoke any thing, which might interrupt or break the public peace any manner of means. Yea even in the midst of those vexations and troubles, they looked quietly and modestly for the Proclamation of the same edict in the Senate of Paris. This proclamation being at the length made at Paris, and being extorted by the Supplications of the King and Queen rather than by commandments, the Prince of Conde after his grievous sickness, when he had saluted the King and Queen, got him home to his house to recreate himself.  
Amidst these troubles, there came news concerning the cruel and horrible slaughter at Vassi, done in the presence of the Duke of Guise, and by him: many of the King's Subjects both men and women being slain, which according to their manner, by the benefit of the King's Edict came together to hear the word of God.  
This horrible Act being reported at Paris, greatly moved the minds of all men of both parts: insomuch that much mischief was like to follow. And among other Rumours it was reported that the Duke of Guise was coming with a great army of men, to the intent he might utterly destroy the churches of the reform Religion. Whereupon the men of those Churches came out of divers places to the Court, and required of the King and Queen punishment of so great and notable wickedness committed. This was the cause why the Prince of Conde going homeward stayed at Paris, & went from thence to Monceaulx at the commandment of the King & Queen: to whom he said he feared the commotions & troubles like to ensue: to stay the which (he said) he thought this the only remedy, namely that the Duke of Guise, which was said to be coming to Paris with a great army of men, might not be suffered to enter therein: the which advise seemed to please the Queen and the king of Na●…rre very well. And according to this advise, the Queen written her letters to the Duke of Guise, entreating him, that he would come to the king and to her to Monceaulx. The which thing being twice required by the Queen, was also twice denied of the Guise: the first time, he made excuse that he was busied in entertaining his friends, which were come to see him: and the second time by silence, making no answer at all▪ But he came to Paris with a great number of armed men, having also with him the Constable, the martial of S. Andrew, and divers others of his counsel. And he was received into the city by the citizens with great pomp, the Marchantmaister being their Captain: and the people crying as he entered into S. Anthony's gate, even as if he had been king, God preserve the Duke of Guise: he seeming in no point to dislike of the same.  
The Prince of Conde returning from Monceaulx, that he might go to his house according to his former purpose: and being certified of the coming of the Duke of Guise and of his company to Paris, he altered his purpose: and determined to abide at Paris, according to his duty, to defend the king's subjects: being persuaded that his presence would stay the minds of the citizens of Paris, which began to wax somewhat haughty by the coming of the Guises. And truly all men know that so long as the Prince remained at Paris, there burst forth no great Sedition.  
Notwithstanding there were many & great reasons why the Prince and many of the Nobles which were with him, should be disdained. For the Guises so soon as they were come to Paris, calling unto them such out of the Senat, as they thought meet, had a counsel, which they called the King's counsel: as though a council consisting of the chief officers of the king were very lawful. The which truly seemed very strange to the Prince of Conde, and to those noble men that were with him.  
Is it lawful to have any other king's counsel, than that which is near to the king and Queen? and the Prince of Conde the kings near kinsman, to whom a care of the king and Queen appertained, and being also in the same town in the which the counsel was held, not to know thereof? This evidently declared a manifest conspiracy, which would bring no small hurt to the king and Queen. For if in that counsel of the Guises, those things were handled which appertained to the preservation of the king's authority and the common wealth, what cause was there why they should shoes the presence of the king and Queen, and of the king's co●…sell? Moreover, it is well enough known what displea sure the Guise took with the Queen, when he departed from the court: complaining & misliking that he was thought to be made acquainted with Nemours his dealing, who was accused to go about to carry away the king. The Constable also of late very contemptuously used the Queen in words: & meeting with the king's retinue, and being told that the king was present, he passed by so unreverently, as if he had met with some strangers: his proud and lofty words which he also oftentimes uttered at Paris, did plainly declare that there were some new things a working. Also the Martial of S. Andrew▪ did not only refuse to go to attend upon his charge committed unto him by the king's commandment: but also before all the king's counsel, he so contented with the Queen in brawling words, that it might evidently appear that he leaned to some other greater trust. In consideration therefore of these men, which separating themselves from the King's counsel, called a counsel of their own authority, and put men in armour, the Prince of Conde could not but look for some lamen table end.  
Beside all this, when the Queen had openly declared that her will was that both of them should departed from Paris: the Prince of Conde understanding of the queens commandment, by the Cardinal of Bourbon his brother, went straight way from Paris. But the Duke of Guise's mind was so far from departing thence, that gathering more soldiers unto him, he did more strongly fortify the same than he did before, and came unto the King and Queen, contrary to their express commandment with an army of men: and carried them whether they would or not, from Fontaynbleau to another place. The which manifest force and misliked captivity of the King and Queen, may manifestly appear, both by the open complaints of the Queen, and also by the kings tears. And because the Duke of Guise, the Constable, and the martial of S. Andrew, so boast of their dignity and offices, as though it were lawful for them to make an army when it shall seem good unto them for the behoof of the King and the Realm: and also because they do deride, and manifestly abuse the authority of the King of Navarre, the kings high Legate, all men may see how they do abuse themselves and the offices committed to their charge.  
These things should first of all have been done by the advise and consent of the Queen, who always openly resisted their doings. Let them therefore if they have any greater authority than she in this kingdom, show the same. So serious and weighty a matter also, should have been handled in the King's lawful counsel: or else let them say that they are in authority above the kings themselves, which always consult with their counsel concerning wars, before they take them in hand. But if they reply and say, that the Queen now is contented with their doings: admit it be so, yet let them remember that this is not the first time that they have begun wars: their purpose & intent doth plainly appear by that horrible slaughter done by them at Vassy, which displeased both the King and Queen, and all those that herded of the same, except themselves, as an act committed against the manifest laws of the king, and contrary to all humanity. Let them not therefore colour over their doings with the queens will, whom they have captived, and rule as them list. And to take away all bolstering & coulering of the matter, who knoweth not, that before the Duke of Guise came to Paris, and had troubled the minds of men with that horrible murder at Vassi, there was great peace and tranquillity throughout the whole Realm.  
But if any thing have happened otherwise tha●… it should have done, it is come to pass by their Counsels and assemblies, specially through the default of the Senate of Paris, which observed not the authority of the king's Edict, as they should have done, and by their example made the minds of men the more out of quiet. As for example, the commotion of Provence which was raised by the prevarication & collusion of many of that Assembly, and was at the king's commandment pacif●…ed again by M. Curlsol. with the help and aid of the reform Churches, which have always showed what obedience they will show forth towards the king and his laws.  
To be short, all men may behold and see what will be the end of all their Counsels which they take in hand, even the great shame and reproach of the king, and the destruction of the Realm.  
They keep the king captive, and abuse his name at their own pleasure, and to the end they may at the length quite overthrow the king, they stoutly threaten men with the kings name, if they refuse to do any thing as they would have them. Moreover they seek all that they can to make the Prince of Conde to be envied, and not esteeming the authority of the kings Edicts, they do even what they list. And to the end they may set up their stock and kindred with the ruin of the kingdom, they convert the authority, and the whole substance thereof to their own use: & troubling & molesting the kings lawful and faithful defenders, do reign and rule alone, and do moderate the laws, statutes, and decrees of the Realm as they list themselves. What is he then that seeth not what their mind and purpose is, in causing these garboils & troubles? And as touching Religion no man can choose but see, that they bend themselves to work both the decay there of, and also of public and common liberty. They do very undiscreetly allege for themselves that the Prince of Conde hath certain other particular causes of complaints. For the Prince of Conde doth protest that he is driven to take these things in hand, for the only desire he hath to defend the King and the kingdom, and to maintain the kings laws, according to his office: and doth greatly mislike that the benefit of exercising the reform Religion should be taken from the kings subjects, against the plain commandments of his will, and that from the kings subjects should be taken, not only the liberty of their consciences, but also the peace and tranquillity of their bodies. Let the Duke of Guise call to mind the horrible slaughter at Uassi, which as yet is fresh in memory: Let him remember the great cruelty showed of late to the men of Sens. And let the Constable remember what hath happened at Paris, and what is like daily to happen by his behaviour. Whose wicked deeds done against the wills of the king and Queen, he hopeth to see one day severely punished. If men neglect the doing of their duty, God no doubt in his just judgement will punish the same.  
These therefore are the occasions offered to the Prince, to go forward with those enterprises that he hath taken in hand. These men think to rule and govern the kingdom as they themselves list: And therefore it cometh to pass that they cannot abide the government of the Queen, and the liberty and integrity of the kings counsel. They think that the time serveth for them very well, not only to cover all their wicked acts, of the which they are never able to give a rea son and an account, but amidst this troublesome stir, to enrich themselves. By which their boldness and presumption, there cannot choose but be most grievous mischiefs following, the troublesome alteration of all things, the hurt of all estates, specially of the Nobility, divisions also & sempiternal hatred. They colour all their doings with Religion, as though they would not suffer the ancient and Catholic Religion (as they term it) to come into contempt, and for this cause they 'cause us to have many enemies. But why do they take away the bene●…te of the kings Edict, which doth permit us to use and exercise that Religion, which we believe to be good and true. They themselves live according to their conscience, by the bene●…te of the kings laws: And what reason is it then that they should not suffer us to do the like by the benefit of the kings Edict!  
There is not one of us that mole●…eth or troubleth them in their Religion, or that doth hinder their Clergy by any manner of means. And if there were any of us that would so do, or that would behave ourselves otherwise than we aught, there are laws and punishments to punish us. But, truly, under the colour and pretence of Religion they seek another thing. We deny not but that they hate the truth of the Gospel, as they have of late declared by fire and sword: but this is the special thing they seek for, to trap and snare those that before time miraculously, have escaped their hands: to be revenged of others, whom they have always hated: and to enrich themselves by the spole of others. The whic●… to bring to pass, they care for no Religion. And such as go about to resist their practices, by which they seek, both the p●…rill of our king, and the destruction of his subiecte●… by Civil war, they call open enemies to the king.  
THese and many other things, which time will reveal, being way●…d and considered, the Prince of Conde testified before the king and Queen these things also following, and wished all kings, Princes, Nobles, and all others of the Realm of France, and all Christi an Nations▪ truly to understand these things.  
First of all therefore he testifieth, that he is not moved by desire of his own profit: but only with love of the glory of God, and of the profit of the whole common wealth, to seek the which he thought himself specially bond under the queens authority. So that, for conscience sake to do his duty, and for the love he beareth to his Country, he saith he is constrained & compelled to seek all lawful means, to set the Queen and the kings Sons at liberty: and to maintain and defend the kings Edicts, and the Edict of january, which was made for the ordering of Religion.  
And he prayeth and beseecheth all the kings true & lawful subjects, weighing and considering the matter, as is before said, that they would aid and assist him in so good and godly a cause.  
And because the king in the beginning of his reign found himself oppressed with a great burden of debt, and having but little any manner of way to discharge the same, many of his faithful subjects gave unto him a great sum of money, both to discharge the same, & also to recover his patrimony: but there is no doubt, but that they which are the avethors of this Civil war, will now say hold and catch unto them that sum of money, which was given to the king for those causes, and will spend and bestow the same to o●…her uses: Whereby, both the people shall receive great hurt and loss, and also the hope which the Queen and the king of Navarre had for the payment and discharge of all the kings debts, that the people might be brought into the same state, in the which they were in the time of king Lodowi●… the xij. that hope I say, by the wasting and consuming of that money, should be 〈◊〉 and quite taken away. For these causes the Prince of Conde affirmeth, that they which shall get unto them that money, shallbe bond to restore the same again, and at the length shall give an account for the bestowing thereof.  
But he testifieth that he and all those that fight under his banner, shall maintain & furnish themselves with their own proper costs and charges.  
And God, saith he, will hear from heaven, the ●…rie of his poor oppressed people, against those which begin wars, and refuse all reasonable order, which seek trouble, and constrain us to defend ourselves with force of Arms.  
And because all men do understand and know, that the king and Queen, being beset on every side with soldiers and captived, and ruled, and that the greater part of the Counsel, are so quailed with fear that they dare not resist the au●…thors of this war: The Prince of Conde would have all men certified, that he mindeth and will show towards the king and Queen all obedience, in the which he will give place to none: and that he will not suffer himself to be so deceived & mocked, under the pretence of rescriptes, of commandments, and of Letters, under the kings name and seal: but will war against them until the King and Queen do recover their former liberty and authority, and may declare their wills by their own mere government.  
Concerning the king of Navarre his brother, the Prince of Conde, beside the natural bond of brotherly love, & the particular cause of obedience, which he aught and will give unto him, he testifieth that he doth consider of him according to his worthiness, and will give unto him next unto the King and Queen all ob●…dience. And h●… trusteth that he will give an account of his dealing, whensoever it shallbe required at his hands.  
To be short the Prince of Conde, and a great multitude of Earls, Lords and Nobles, and other estates, to declare that they speak simply, and in good earnest, and that they seek for nothing more than the glory of God, and the excellency and dignity of their king: Do earnestly pray and beseech the Queen Mother with all reverence, that setting the fear of men aside, which guard her after a strange fashion, with force of Arms, as if she were a captive, that she would, according to her judgement and mind freely declare, whether part were to be blanted: and that she would go unto that City wherereunto she had most mind: that from thence she might command both parts by the meanest servant she hath to put of their Armour, & so they would show that due obedience, which should become loyal subjects, to show unto their sovereign Lord: and would also mother destly answer to their doings according to the law.  
The Prince promises that he will obey her law●…ull commandments, upon the condition that others, would show themselves ready to do their duties. But if they refuse, he testifieth that he with fifty thousand men more, which are of the same mind will spend their lives. And if it please not the Queen to go to another place to do these things, then let her first of all seek, that they by whom she is guarded and captived may go to another place, pu●…tting of their Armour, namely the Duke of Guise and his brethren, the Constable, and the Martial of S. Andrew. And although he being a Prince and the kings near kinsmen, were their superior, yet notwithstanding to the intent it might apéere that he is in no point the cause of trouble and vnquietn●…s, he promises that he and his whole army will departed every man home to his own house, upon those conditions before spoken of.  
Also he saith that he hath a special care for this, that the Kings Counsellors may have their accustomed liberty, and that the kings laws and the Edict of January, may be observed and kept: until the king coming unto his majority, may judge of the matter himself, and may punish those according to their deserts which have abused his au●…thoritie.  
But and if these conditions were not performed, and that the Guises and their fellows went on still to show violence against the King, the Queen, and the kings Counsel, to deceive and beguile men, under the kings name, and to be injurious to the kings subjects, the Prince of Conde testifieth that he will not bear it, and will bring to pass that he shall not be found guilty of all those calamities, mischiefs, and miseries, which will happen for these commotions and troubles, but rather they themselves which are the authors, and only cause thereof.  
This his Protestation, being published abroad, all men's minds seemed to be troubled, and diversly occupied: the faithful being more bold and courageous to defend themselves, who at the first stir of the Guises, were not a little terrified.  
The Prince of Conde sent letters to all the reform 
Letters of the Prince of Conde, sent to the reform churches.  Churches the twenty day of April, sending divers messengers with the Copy of those letters throughout all provinces of the Realm: to this effect: Forsomuch as the necessity of the time is such, that we must openly resist the violence and tyranny of the Guises, adversaries of the Christian Religion, who having captived the King and Queen▪ do so abuse their name, that they tread underfoot true Religion with the liberty of the Realm, and do what they list themselves: see that you prepare yourselves against these troubles, and beware that you leave nothing undone that may further you in your business. And because we must now of necessity begin wars, be diligent to provide Armour, Money, & all kind of Artillery so soon as may be: and whatsoever you do, certify me of the same by these messengers that I have sent unto you. But above all things see that you behave yourselves so peaceably as you may: and forget not diligently to call upon God the upholder and defender of his truth, and of all just causes.  
That former declaration, whereof we have spoken before, was sca●…sely come to Paris, when as two Edicts were solemnly proclaimed there in the King's name: to this effect●…:  
The King seeing what great troubles & garboils were in the Realm, is very sorry and much aggrieved, who h●…th left no remedies unsought for, for the maintenance of peace and tranquillity, by the advise of the Queen, the King of Navarre, and the Princes, as may appear of late by the Edict made in the month of january, by which, to order all matters peaceably, he showed himself very favourable, contrary to the manner and c●…ome of his A●…cetors the Kings, towards Religion, that by this means in bearing with the frowardness of men, be ●…ght maintain public peace & concord: y●…t notwith●…anding for all this they can not be content and quiet, as appeareth by divers tumults by them all ready raised, many of them (which hath not been herded of before) being so bold that they dare make open war, and take divers of the King's Cities: The which, although it be very grievous unto him, that men should so lewdly and impudently behave themselves, abasing him in this his tender age, to the great hurt of the Realm: yet notwithstanding he will continued still toward them his accustomed clemency and goodness. And therefore to confirm that his will and meaning, he willeth and commandeth by this public Edict, that all men use the rites and administration of their religion freely, according to the prescript of the edict of january. But because at Paris, the Metropolitan City of the Realm, there have ben oftentimes great perils of most grievous seditions, he willeth in consideration of the present time, that there be no exercise of the reform Religion, so called, in that City, nor in the Suburbs, borders, and limmites near adjoining to the same, until it shall seem good otherwise to the King.  
There was also publicly set forth about the same time very solemnly, the King's Rescript, which they call Letters patents in manner and form following.  
All men see the great perturbations and troubles of the Realm, and also how the minds of all estates and degree, are so vexed and disquieted, that there cannot choose but ensue great hurt, except God of his mercy and goodness turn away the same. Notwithstanding it is wonderful that men which are the authors of these troubles & dissensions, should so colour over the causes of their wickedness, that they can deceive thereby the simple sort of people. But whereas they complain of the violating and breaking of the Edict which was made for Religion, the is most false, as may appear by the manifest declaration of the Kings will, which he plainly of late showed by his Edict. And this also is a most impudent slander, whereas they say that the King and the Queen his mother, his brethren, and sister, are captives in the hands of certain of his chief officers and servants, and do boast that they lift up the sword, to the intent they may set them at their lawful liberty. But the King and the Queen do openly testify, and would have it generally known for a surety, that he, his mother, his brethren, and his sister, never came, thanks be to God, into that state of captivity: but contrariwise, do retain & keep, liberty, authority, & kingly dignity and power, and shall no doubt by the goodness of God, enjoy the same, with the help and diligence of good and faithful subjects. And because those seditious people do greatly abuse the facility & gentle nature of the Prince of Conde their kinsman, whom they have choose to be the Captain of their conspiracy, he testifieth that he will do all that he can to restore him to his former liberty, and to pacify the troubled state so much as he may.  
There was also at this time mustering of men in Page ris, specially of Noble men, which are commonly appointed to be horsemen: and commandment was sent through every province to all men to be in a readiness against the month of May next coming. Paris also was in every corner replenished with armour, with soldiers, and ensigns.  
The Prince of Conde being entered into Orleans, very many of the faithful, which bordered thereabouts, took cities for the Prince of Conde, professing notwithstanding that they maintained the King's authority: as they of Towers, of Blais, of Angew, and many others as hereafter shallbe declared. Notwithstanding the Edict of January was rightly observed, by the severe commandments of the Prince of Conde, which were oftentimes repeated by his servants.  
But all things growing daily nearer war than peace, the greatest part of the inhabitants of Towers and Blayz, suddenly rose and went into the popish churches, and broke down and quite defaced the Images and pictures which they there found: notwithstanding there was no murder committed.  
When news hereof was brought to Orleans, the Prince of Conde greatly misliked of their doing, & gave 
Certain Idols broken down.  commandment that inquiry should be made of the doers hereof, and that they should be punished according to the prescript of the king's Edicts. At Orleans, they of both Religions, lived peaceably, and according to the Edict of January, the priests openly in their churches, used their superstitious rites and ceremonies: and the faithful on the contrary part, went out of the City to hear sermons. The which notwithstanding continued but a short time, as shallbe declared anon when occasion is offered to speak of the same.  
The Prince of Conde had sent the causes in writing that moved him to war (of the which we have spoken before) to the King and Queen and to the king of Navarre his brother: praying and beseeching them, that upon the conditions which he propounded unto them, the whole matter might be peaceably ended: and concerning the same matter also, he written to the Senate of Paris, that his writings and letters, might be kept in the public Commentaries and Register of the Senate, for a remembrance, whatsoever might chance afterward. After the which letters, the Queen answered the Prince of Conde the second of May, by her letters again. In the which 
letters sent from the Queen to the Prince of Conde.  she said, she was glad that the Prince of Conde showed himself to be desirous of peace and concord, whereas otherwise there was cause why she should greatly sorrow and lament: for that she being a woman, to whom by the common consent of the States, the government of the king and realm was committed, was now in the midst of so great troubles: to be rid out of which, she trusting to the Prince, doubted not, but that he would do all that he could for the good will and obedience sake which he did own unto the King, and for the profit and quietness of the whole Realm, and would not refuse any reasonable condition, for the establishing of peace and concord. Therefore she said that he should do very well, if so be he would come unto the King and to her out of hand, putting of his armour, and trusting to the promises of her faith, which should be as sure un to him, as any obligation, if so be he would remember the friendship and love which she always bore towards him, who loveth him as tenderly, as the mother loveth her child. Therefore she sayeth that he shall do very well, if so be he come boldly to the Court, that he may end all matters at once before the King and her.  
The Senate of Paris also sent letters of answer to the Prince of Conde, the fifth day of May, to this effect following.  
We have received your letters, with the form of 
Letters from the Senate of Paris to the Prince▪ of Conde.  your declaration, the which we could not read without our great sorrow and grief: Seeing that we know you to be a Prince and the Kings near kinsman, of one of the most noble stocks of the king's kindred: neither do we doubt, but that your nature and disposition is agreeable to your offspring (as it is commonly seen in the best Princes) if it be not alienated and drawn away with evil counsels. And although it be our office only to deal in the principal points of the law, yet nevertheless, seeing you have made special complaints unto us, we thought it not good to let you want all that we are able to do in that point, but freely and truly to set before you our opinion and judgement: whereby you may know how reverently, according to our duty, we esteem of you  
We have considered and do perceive that your complaints do consist in two principal points: The first & principal is, that it hath been told you that the king & Queen, were captived in the custody of certain of the Nobles which attended upon them: and that many of his Connsellers were with threatenings made afeard. We beseech you, that you would not any more believe these reports: seeing it is so manifest and evidently known to all men that it cannot be doubted of, how that the King of Navarre your Brother, a man of great wisdom, and such a one as is very careful for the preservation of the king and his dignity, is with the King and Queen, who will not, without all doubt, suffer any manner of violence or injury to be offered to the King, being both of kin to the King as well as you, & also charged with the king by his office. Beside this the Cardinal of Borbon is with them, who hath no less care for the safety of the king and the Realm than you have. Moreover there are with him other Princes his kinsmen, men of wisdom, which are bond both by their office and also by the bond of love to defend the king, with a great sort of his Counsel also, which if the king were so shamefully misused, would lay their heads together to remedy the same: because if in this point they should fail to do their duty, they might be sure to be evil spoken of among all men. In that therefore they do so diligently seek with one consent the preservation of the state, and would have you to be joined with them, you may thereby certainly perceive how false those reports have been: the which reports would greatly have offended and grieved the minds of your brethren if that they had not here tofore declared their faith, and great good will: for if they should so behave themselves towards the king, it would greatly redound to their reproach and shame.  
If you will weigh and consider these things, you shall found that those reporters, do unto you and to them also great injury, seeing that you are brethren.  
This also we would have you to understand, that we have none otherwise confirmed letters concerning the liberty of the King and Queen than the very truth thereof hath caused us, lest you should think that we had done any thing rashly or through fear.  
We fear no man in the executing of our office: in doing whereof, we have only a consideration of the king, specially in those things which do belong to the obedience of the king, and to the profit of the Realm: being ready for these causes to spend our life and goods.  
Know you also for surety that all due reverence & obedience is showed here to the King and Queen. And because we understand by your declaration, that you found fault with certain of us, as though we forsaking the kings lawful Counsel were present at certain secret Counsels: Know you also this for a certain, that none of us were present at that counsel, which was kept here extraordinarily, by the authority of the king of Navarre your brother, but only by the flat commandment of the Cardinal of Borbon your brother also, and the keeper of the City: neither did we hear, see, or perceive that anything was done there, which did not appertain to the obedience of the King.  
The other principal point of your complaints, concerneth Religion. The which truly is no less strange and wonderful unto us. Of the which, we perceiving that you have been otherwise informed, than it is, have thought good to certify you of the truth. You know that the Edicts which have been made in these our king's days, pertain to no other end, than to keep the king's subjects in their obedience, and to avoid seditions, until such time as the king were come to his full age: for all those Edicts are temporal, and serve but for a time, to the intent they may be changed▪ if so be necessity and experience of things shall so declare it to be best. The Edict of july was not so soon made as abrogated, at the making whereof you yourself were present: and yet notwithstanding the same aught not therefore to be defended by violence▪ After this, there was made another Edict, in the month of january. And lest it should rather bring trouble than tranquillity, at the first we doubted to confirm the same: but when we had good hope of peace and tranquillity, we confirmed the same, otherwise we would not have done it. And upon the same hope of peace, three days ago, we confirmed and published another Edict like to the Edict of january in every point, saving that Paris the Metropolitan City is excepted. The which exception was not made without great cause: For when the sedition which was there of late days warred more grievous than in other places, it could not be otherwise appeased. The end of those Edicts was not, to bring in news Religions, but, as it is said already, to keep the people in peace and tranquillity. If the offence be as great in the first as in the second: the King hath power of himself to continue or to altar laws, and not the subjects by private authority & by force of Arms. The whiib thing truly we cannot colour or hide, seeing we read in your declaration, how that you say that you, and fifty thousand more, which are of the same mind, will spend your lives in this cause. We wish that you may receive this our admonition to your profit: & to consider that it is a great deal more meet for you, being the kings near kinsman, to defend his dignity, than to join yourself to others which are not in the same condition. If by your following of other counsels the dignity of the king be deminished, the greater blame & reproach shallbe yours.  
You know that we have maintained your innocency: and do persuade with you to use wholesome Counsel: lest you hurt yourself.  
We cannot offer unto you a better testimony of our good will ready to serve you, which we will constantly retain so long as you show all due obedience to the King and Queen.  
Concerning other matters which are written in the same your declaration, because they do not appertain unto us, you shall understand the Kings will, to whom they do appertain.  
This one thing we add, That the examination of the slaughter committed at Uassi, is appointed to us to be examined, the which shall be handled of our part, according to our office and manner, with justice and equity.  
WE have spoken before concerning the letters which the Queen sent to the Prince of Conde: In the which she persuaded him to come unto the King unweapened and without Armour, that the matter might be ended quietly among them, and that he might by his presence put away those slanders which were reported of him. For there went divers evil reports abroad of him, and the more by reason of the Declaration which he caused to be published, the King's Letters being set forth against the same: insomuch that the causes of all the troubles were openly laid upon him. Whereupon the Prince of Conde, published another writing the. ix. 
This name Triumuiri signifieth three choose officers of equal authority.  of May, in the which he declared that the Guises, which were called the Triumuiri, and not he, were the causes of all the troubles: declaring reasons, by which it might appear, that he had sought peace, did, and would still seek the same: And although (saith he) I have always hitherto declared by undoubted Arguments, not only a singular love, and an obedient mind towards the King and Queen, but also a notable desire and care for the profit and concord of the Realm: the which also of late I declared, when as I deferred the putting myself in Armour, even until the very pinch and extreme necessity, at what time I was constrained to do it, that I 
The second declaration of the Prince of Conde.  might resist their violence, which threatened to kill and slay, and made great brags, and which of late, when they had got an Army of men, contrary to the King and queens commandment, armed themselves, & entered into Paris, where I was at that time, being not ignorant what they meant to do: yet notwithstanding I made no stir or do, lest I should put the City in peril. Yea, I having no consideration of my estate and condition, although I was not the first that put myself in Armour, yet notwithstanding at the first commandment of the Queen, lest I might seem to omit any thing lawful that might bring peace, I with mine went from Paris, minding to get me home to my own house, and to dismiss all my train, thinking that my adversaries would have done the same: who notwithstanding contrariwise, keeping Paris still, and doing many things there against their office, and also having usurped the King's authority, kept the King and Queen captives not only in body but also in mind. I, on the contrary part, ceased not from that time forward, to propound all reasonable conditions that might be, to the end all things might be ended peaceably, as testify my writings, and those men themselves, whom I used as means to bring matters to quiet end: although (I say) all these things were done thus by me, that it might plainly appear that I desired nothing more than the King's dignity, and the peace and tranquil●…ity of the Realm: yet notwithstanding, fearing lest my answers to the Rescripts from the Queen, after I had offered the conditions of peace, be not so truly and wholly brought to her hands as they passed from me: I thought good to have the whole matter put in writing, both to the end they may be considered of the King and Queen, and also that they being published throughout all Christian Realms, may be known to all Princes, to our Friends in France, and specially to all Courts and Parliaments of this Realm: of the which, but specially of the Court of Paris, to the which before this time I have sent my Declaration, I require and crave, that these explications of my reasons, may be put in the public Register: to the end I may give account of all my actions to my Prince and sovereign Lord the King, at what time be shall come to that age that he may judge of the merits of his subjects, and of their evil deserts also, which have done any thing during the time of the king's Minority.  
First of all, this I think for a surety, that it neither can, nor aught to be said that I have been the cause either of stirring up or of maintaining these commotions and troubles: when as my enemies themselves will confess that I was not the first that took the sword in hand: and when I did take it after them, which put themselves in Armour against the King and queens wills, I had good occasion so to do. For by the Law of Nature, being a Prince and one of the King's kinsmen I aught, and am bond of duty, to defend and maintain the dignity of the King, and the peace and tranquillity of the Realm. So soon as I put on Armour I protested that I would put of the same again upon such reasonable conditions, as should appertain to the liberty of the King and Queen, and to the peace and concord of the Realm.  
Whereupon it must needs follow, that they are the causes & authors of troubles, which have refused those conditions, and which, when they could not abide the peaceable government of the Queen, and that she should be the head over the King's subjects, and disdaining at her, for that she looked so straightly unto them, lest they should defraud the king's creditors of any of their debt, put themselves in armour, came with a band of soldiers to the King, and beset him about with armed men, that having the king and Queen in their own power, they might govern the Realm as they list themselves: they committed horrible murders upon the king's subjects living peaceably according to the king's laws, and thus have brought upon the whole Realm of France these stormy tempests of trouble, beginning even a little before to enjoy peace and tranquillity, both parts being contented to live peaceably, so that they might enjoy their Religion.  
But and if (leaving the present state of things) we will call to mind and consider every man's acts in time past, in good sooth, we shall find these same men, which at this day stir up these troubles, have been also aforetime, the causes of great inconveniences to the Crown and dignity: seeking by the perturbation of this realm to enrich themselves, whereas by peace and tranquillity they decay. And to omit that which king Frances, a man of excellent wisdom and judgement, said of them, and to omit also many of their bold and presumptuous enterprises, who knoweth not that they hating public peace & concord, were the only causes and authors of the truce and league breaking between king Henry and king Philip of Spayn●…, to the great damage and hurt of France: In so much that they brought the same, by wars, in great perils, and all to have their will and pleasure by one means or other. Beside this, after S. Laurence slaughter, when they had got unto them the Treasurer's office, which they had before greedily gayed for, what detriment or hurt did they not bring unto the kingdom? What did they also to King Hen●…y, who dis●…king & being weary of their violent and cruel disposition, minded to have sent them away from the Court to their house, had he not been prevented by death? But afterward in the days of king Frances the second, being but young, these Strangers, and violent Carters, agaynst●… law and equity, and against the ancient constitutious of the realm of France, usurped the mere empery and government of the kingdom: during which time, was the realm void of troubles? Did they not in the sight of all men go about to set that young king, being by nature very gentle, and full of clemency, against his subjects: and to have made him infamous with the note of cruelty for ever? Did they not 'cause him to be a mortal enemy against his subjects, even in the midst of his reign, in so much that except GOD in his mercy ha●… turned away so great calamities and miseries like too have ensued, we all should have rued the same, to remember ●…he which, it would 'cause any Christian heart to tremble?  
And to make an end of so lamentable a Tragedy, 
A Tragedy beginneth merrily. but endeth sorrowfully  When king Frances was dead, these boisterous storms were blown over, & the sky was more clear, the government of the Realm being committed to the Queen, and to the king of Navarre: until such time as their ambition hating peace and tranquillity, stirred them up and their fellows, to set heaven and earth together, and to 'cause the state to be troublesome, as (to my great grief) is to be seen. Therefore I leave the judgement of these, to all indifferent men, to discern who are the authors of troubles: whether they, which have sought peace and concord by all means possible: or they, which have so maintained dissensions always, that they dare at this time, to the great hurt of the whole Realm proclaim open wars. Besides this, there is so little cause for any man to marvel why I should be so busy to deal and so aware and circumspect in the matter, that I should be in great salt if I did otherwise. For their acts in time passed against me, have taught me sufficiently to beware how I put myself into their hands. And it is plain enough to be seen, that their purpose is to destroy the greatest part of the Nobility, and of all estates of men which embrace the truth of the gospel, specially those that attend upon me. The which their meaning may easily be gathered by the talk which the Duke of Guise, and the Constable had together of late in the Senate of Paris, before a great assembly. But what obedience they show towards the Queen, it may appear hereby, that contrary to the queens will which she oftentimes declared, they did frustrate the king's Edict of january, adding this new exception: Let not the Religion be used at Paris. Who seethe not that they intent nothing else, but even to banish the Gospel out of all parts of the Realm? when as also of late proclamation was made at Paris, to banish all the new Christians. To what purpose should I say that by no other means, the Inhabitants of Paris, can be kept in quiet? For we have seen that the Prince of Rochesuryon, and Martial Momorentius, having about them only twelve soldiers, have kept the people of Paris in quiet without any manner of tumult, the space of three months together. The which continued even until that day, on the which the Duke of Guise entered into Paris. But this is worthy the remembrance, that when the same martial Memorency had somewhat increased the number of soldiers to keep the ordinary watch, whereby the confederacies of certain factious people, might be prevented, the Merchant master and certain of the Citizens said, that the people might be kept in peace and quiet with less ado a great deal. Notwithstanding after the coming of the Guises into the City, the minds of the people were so altered, that to keep them in quiet they were fain to have a band of men which they appointed without the knowledge and will of the Queen. But I know it came to pass by the singular providence of God, that the Duke of Guise and the Constable should disclose the secrets of their hearts, before so great a multitude, that their tongue no doubt might run before their wit. The which thing truly doth sufficiently declare that those things are true which certain of their familiar friends, and household servants have reported, & which doth also appear by divers of their letters that have ben taken, namely, that their purpose is to deprive me of that company of men which are here with me, & to punish them with such punishments as they had already devised.  
The which in deed the slaughters, and spoiling rapine committed by the soldiers of the Constable, & those things also which were done in divers places against the men of the reform Religion, do opeuly declare: but specially that horrible murder done by the Guises at Sens. Of the which calamities they are to give an account, and to answer. But as touching the commandment of the Queen, by which she hath willed me, laying my armour aside, to come unto the king upon her faith and trust, and too make me such assurance in writing as I shall require: I protest truly, that I have a singular desire & good will to obey her commandments: but I understand that these are the subtle practices of my enemies, which bring all things to pass as they lust themselves: And again, I see not how the Queen can save me harmless, so long as she is in that state that she is now in. For how shall she resist them, who putting themselves in armour against her will, have beset her round about? And as like it is that my brother the king of Navarre cannot exercise his power and authority as he should, whose facility & sufferance they have greatly abused, & do what they list themselves both against his will and the Queens: eut as also they have done oftentimes heretofore, when they were put in authority to govern. The which injuries done to them, if they would remember, they must needs think themselves much bond to the providence of god, which hath safely preserved them from the counsels and practices of the Guises. To be short, I see no other way for the safeguard of the king and Queen, than for the Guises to departed from the Court home to their house, and for the Queen herself to recover her former liberty. For, truly, I will not think and believe that they are to be trusted, so long as they keep themselves in arms, & do retain those bands of men which they have gathered unto them: yea I myself am plainly taught to take héedby their promises heretofore. For what mischief is it not, that they seek to work against me, and those also that are with me? They openly revile us as rebels & open enemies to the King and the realm: and do thrust us out of our offices: and also threaten death unto us. For who knoweth not what false rumours, and shameless reports, they have openly bruited abroad against me? Who seeth not the preparation of wars which they make against me, both within the king's dominions and also without? They conspire with foreign Ambassadors to make war, partly without the queens knowledge and consent, and partly by her consent, which they extort from her through fear, abusing her facility, making her believe that which they intend not. They set the King and encourage him against his faithful subjects. They spend and waste the king's Treasure in warlike affairs, which should be better bestowed to the paying of his debts: So that the same which the people gave to help their King withal, is now turned to their destruction.  
And to accomplish their wickedness at the full they mind utterly to destroy the greatest part of the Nobility, which mislike of their wicked acts. The which certainly is nothing else but to bring the king and the Realm into present destruction. And in the midst of these their devilish Counsels, am I in safety?  
For whereas it is said, that I do seek my own private commodity more than the common wealth, that certainly cannot be rightly said of me, but more truly a great deal of them which add daily to their old wickedness new mischiefs: being so obstinate and wilful, that they had rather bring the king and the Realm in to this peril of war, than for common quietness sake, somewhat to relent. They say that they will not go home from the King. What faithful Subject would deny to obey his sovereign in this? To the avoiding the causes of such present and imminent evils. For whereas they obstinately say, that it is not meet for them to departed from the King in this his minority, they have no reason for it. For the Queen is sufficient enough to discharge that matter, specially when as great and urgent cause requireth the same. Let them remember that they were advanced to their dignities, not to do all things after their own mind, and contrary to the wills of the king and Queen to bring the Realm into these dangers: but to the end they might keep the same in peace and concord, that is, to leave it in that state, in the which it was before they enterprised to take armour. In putting on of the which, dare they say that they have done according to their office? It is lawful for no man truly in this Realm to put on Armour, except it be by the express commandment of the king. It hath not been lawful at any time by the laws of France in the days of those kings that have been of lawful age, for the kings natural brethren, though they returned from war, to enter armed▪ into the Court. And have they authority so to do in this time of the kings minority? But if they were the Kings faithful subjects, seeing that by their coming in Armour into the Court, the whole Realm is in a roar, they would for the peace & tranquillity of the Realm, departed.  
And seeing this is the only way to bring peace and concord, they, if they were good and faithful subjects, would show themselves to have more regard to the common profit of all men, than to themselves. Although truly I myself am not only as they are an officer to the king, but also the Kings near kinsman, and therefore have more right and authority to be with the king: yet notwithstanding I, which was not the first that put myself in Armour, for the common wealths sake, do protest and promise that I with all that are with me, will departed every man to his house: upon condition that they will do the like. To the which condition except they grant, all men may see, that it is not I, but they which prefer their own gain before the common wealth.  
But and if they cannot be satisfied with these reasons, let them also search for examples: let them call to mind what hath been always wont to be done hitherto in these matters: and they shall found that the Kings aforetime of France have used this mean, that when controversies have fallen out between their Princes, and that both parts had put themselves in Arms by their private authority, to give commandment unto them to unarm themselves, and to go home to their houses: and afterward to make them answer to the same.  
But admit that they had authority to abide still with the King, against right, and all approved customs, being but his servants only and to beset him round about with such soldiers as they have gathered together by their private authority: yet notwithstanding it cannot be denied but that I have great injury, I (I say) which should have this prerogative before them, being the kings near kinsman, and which have not put on Armour, but by them constrained, only for this cause, to defend the King, the Queen, and myself from violence: these things (I say) considered, I have great injury except I have leave in like maver for me, & mine to be about the king: which are sworn as well as others unto him: and which I say and affirm are the Kings faithful subjects and servants, as they have both showed already, and also will show hereafter: at what time they shall be commanded by the king of Navarre, the kings Deputy, to defend the kings liberty, and the authority of the Queen, and of the king of Navarre, being ready for the same to spend both their life and goods.  
But and if they will not suffer the Queen to use that equality that she aught, let her not lean to the one part more than to the other (howbeit if she be more inclined to any part, she should rather be inclined to me being a Prince and the kings near kinsman) and let her use her authority to remedy the mischtefe at hand otherwise than she hath done before: for no man will think that any thing hath been done by her consent, seeing that she is of such wisdom, and so careful for the preservation of the king her sons dignity, that she would not be negligent to do her duty in a matter of so great weight. But there is no doubt, but that which she did, was for fear of them, which having her in hold, pulled her from doing of her duty. When as also it is manifest that the King is brought to that state that he is constrained to grant many things against his will. To prove this thing, their choosing of new Counsellors shall serve: whom they therefore chose, that under the pretence of a Counsel, the Queen might be constrained to do what they would by a more cleanly way. For it is known in what order it was done, and in what estimation they now have the Queen: who deliverate and take counsel together by themselves a part, and do conclude whatsoever they themselves do like of. They do many things by their own private authority, and when they have done, than they come to ask her mind and opinion. And what soever they themselves lust to have done, they 'cause the high Court of Parliament to confirm the same. And in very deed they prevatle more with those of the Parliament than the Queen herself can. finally, who will deny, that it is necessary at this time, to deliver the Queen from fear of this violence, that she may recover her former authority: and so they to lay aside their Armour, and to go home to their houses, that all suspicion of violence being taken away, there may be more quietness hereafter, and the perils of great calamities avoided? For I and all that are with me he fully persuaded and bend, that except the matter be uprightly and indifferently handled, rather to abide the extremity, and to sèe the end, than that they which have usurped to themselves power, against all law & right, to the great hurt and detriment of the King's subjects hitherto, and also as yet going about to work their utter destruction, by so many horrible murders cruelly committed against the king's Edicts, should still hereafter impudently proceed in their Insolency.  
And to take away all occasion of slander which they may have against me hereafter: whereas they say that the king's letters were taken away from the king's Posts by my commandment: I answer that I have given contrary commandment to those that attend upon me, neither were there letters at any time taken by them, which were sent either to the king, to the Queen, or to the king of Navar. This I confess to be true, that there have been many letters taken which have been sent to divers private people: by which are to be seen an infinite number of slanders, false rumours, counsels, and practices against me: many things being quite contrary to those promises which they have made unto me concerning peace and concord.  
But concerning the casting down of the Images at Towers, and at Blais: I protest that I was very sorry for the same: in so much that I signified to the kings Officers which are in those places, that I would aid and assist them, to punish those according to the king's laws which should be found guilty in the fact. This is and may be an Argument of my will and meaning, the which also I have done, and do as yet, at Orleans. Every one of what state and condition so ever he be of, praiseth and commends the moderation and behaviour of all those which are with me, which live peaceably and quietly with the towns men, without any manner of offence, or breach in any point of the edict of january.  
And as touching those which keep in hold certain Cities: I affirm that they do it for no other cause, than to keep those Cities for the use of the King, and not to suffer them to come into their hands, which abusing both the King's name, and his Artillery, do seek to get power for their own private profit. For so soon as the Queen shallbe restored to her former liberty, and into that state wherein she was within these three Months, she shall well perceive and understand that those Cities will show all obedience to the King and to her as they had ever done before: and will always continued in the same so faithful, that in that point they will give place to no City within the King's dominion: no not to Paris, which of late hath go about to 'cause this civil war, spending great store of money to that end and all under pretence of Religion.  
And now, I and mine are so far from forgetting these things and burying them in silence (as we are wished to do) that we would rather have than to be chronicled for ever, to be written in Tables, and to be portrayed in letters of Gold, and to be shrilly proclaimed throughout all Christian realms, that they may see our dutiful obedience and faithful trust, showed towards our King greatly injured in this his young and tender years: and also that so notable an example of my courage & concord with the rest of the Nobility of France, which have joined ourselves together with one heart & consent, to preserve the dignity of the king & Queen, may be a memorial for ever in writing to the posterity.  
I for my part, truly, do think, that I could not have better occasion offered, to express my love and duty towards the king, and to get unto myself true honour and praise than by this means: and fully I am perswa dead, that my King and Prince will consider my dutiful service which I now show unto him, when he cometh to that age that he is able to judge hereof: and to weigh the saith and truth of my good will, showed in such time of need.  
For these causes duly considered and weighed, I which have sought all means and ways to pace●…y these troubles, which are like to bring destruction to the realm: & which have offered and do offer still all reasonable conditions to be taken for the laying aside of armour on both parts, only upon consideration of the king and Queen, & of the common wealth, do protest again before the king & queen, & before all the states of the realm, that the whole fault and blame of all those calamities and mischiefs, which are like to ensue by the means of these wars, is to be attributed to those alone, whom I have declared to be the causes of these perturbations & troubles: who refuse in the present peril of the destruction of the Realm, to depart from the Court and the kings Counsel: which their armour laid apart, would bring peace and concord. I do earnestly pray and beseech all the king's Courts and Parliaments, and all estates and degrees, to weigh and consider all things in due time: and to be diligent in doing of their duties, for the preservation of the kings dignity, and the authority & government of the Queen: that one day they may give an account of their doings (as I trust to do of mine) to the king, when he cometh to his lawful age, that they may rather have praise & reward for their doings, than reproach & ignominy And not to foreslow themselves, either for to satisfy their own desires, or for fear or favour of those which seek to colour their faults. And to conclude, I heartily pray and beseeth all the Kings faithful subjects to help, aid, and assist, me in this so good and just a cause: calling God to witness, that I, only for the advancement of God's glory, for the setting of the King and Queen at their former liberty, whom I see besieged and enclosed about with their subjects, for the maintaining of the Queen in her authority, for the defending of the common wealth, and for the putting away of those injuries offered to the kings subjects, for these causes I say, I have been provoked to put myself in armour, and to resist their violence: The which even at this day I judge and see to be so profitable, to bridle the outrageous madness, that I trust hereafter God will bless my labours, and will bring the work which he hath put into my hands to so good effect, and to so prosperous an end, that his name shallbe glorified, our Kings dignity and Royal seat defended, and peace and tranquillity main tayned.  
This was the whole sum of this Protestation, which the Prince of Conde sent to the King and Queen, by certain Messengers, to whom he gave commandment to declare how earnestly he deunred peace: for the which he would refuse no indifferent conditions. He written also to divers Princes that were his friends in the kingdom of France, and specially to the Princes of Germany: whom he prayed to be means to make peace among them. He written also letters to the Emperor the four and twenty day of May, to this effect.  
In consideration of the singular clemency, humanity, 
Letters of the prince of Conde to the Emperor.  and wonderful wisdom, which for divers causes, I have thought to be in you, I thought it my duty (although to my great grief) to make you acquainted with the state of France. Know you therefore that the matter is come to this, that the Guises conspiring with the Constable, and the martial of S. Andrew, have got the king into their hands, insomuch that they have taken away from him and from the Queen their liberty: and setting at nought the kings Edicts, they do even what they list themselves. And they have already so begun their Practices and Counsels, that if they may bring them to effect, there is no doubt but that the king's dignity, and the liberty of the kingdom of France will quite be over thrown. But to the end you may understand the whole matter, I send here unto you the true and plain explication of all things, which both the Guises and I myself have done in this business. By which it may evidently appear, that the Guises, are the conspirators, and the breakers of the king's laws and dignity. But I to stay these troubles, & for the defence of my king, to whom I am bond, both by duty, and also by the bond of nature, & also for the Realm, my native country, will spend all that I am able, and my life itself: And I alone will not do this, but a great many more of the same mind. Wherefore I humbly beseech you to weigh and consider the reasons of all my doings: the which if they seem just and good, be an aid I pray you in these perilous times to the king and Queen, and to all the family of Valesia: and set to your helping hand for peace and concord. In so doing your majesty shall do a most godly act.  
He sent letters also to the County Palatine called 
Letters sent to the prince of Palatine.  Fredrick, all most to the same effect, with both his writings also in the which he declared the manner of his doings: and because he had always wished all his actions to be known to all men, and to be judged of those, that will uprightly consider of the same: he said he greatly desired that the truth of all things, might be faithfully and truly known to all men: to the end all those slanders might be taken away, which his adversaries, the authors of all the trouble, to his infamy, every where colourably spread abroad.  
Although therefore the truth needeth no defence, and although he had both the testimony of a good conscience, and also a sure testimony of many men, for all his doings, to maintain his cause, yet notwithstanding, he said, he thought good to signify unto him, with how great care & labour he had sought (as it become a faithful subject to do) to make peace and quietness. Where by he trusted that he should see, both his faithfulness towards the king, in the which he would always abide: and also should marvel at the perverse obstinacy of his enemies: which intent rather to confounded & pervert all things than to forsake their ambitious desire to rule. Therefore he said that he would writ unto him those things which he had great cause to lament, beseeching him, that for the love and friendship which he bore to the King & the realm, he would help to further his purpose, which only tended to the working of peace and tranquillity.  
To the same effect also, he written two letters to the Duke of Sabaudia.  
About the same time, there was a Synod of the reform churches of France, at Orleans: to the which there 
A Synod at Orleans.  came divers Ministers of God's word, and certain choose men also of other churches. There was choose, accor ding to custom, by the common consent of the whole assembly: to moderate this Synod, Antonius Champd●…us, minister of God's word in the congregation of Paris, a man of singular godliness, learning, eloquence and modesty. This man was born of a noble house, and being but a very young man, be embraced and professed the doctrine of the Gospel, in so much, that he was choose by the church to the ministry of God's word, the same church being but tender and young, and beside that, much annoyed with affliction: & as he was choose to this office, so was he no less diligent in the same: whereby he become a most profitable member to the chuche but specially to the congregation of Paris, of the which he was superintendant.  
In this Synod there arose a great controversy concerning ecclesiastial discipline: which certain light heads at that time began to discuss, seeking to maintain the licentiousness of the common people. This controvecsy being at this time stayed, burst forth afterward more vehemently, and troubled many churches. And because the civil wars increased more & more, the Ministers by a common decree, proclaimed public prayers to be made in every congregation, to turn away the wrath of God from the Realm, who was not without great cause displeased with the same. And they sent to every congregation, letters, to this effect.  
All men evidently see what great troubles are at hand, 
Letters sent from the Synod.  like to fall upon the Realm and the whole church, for the which specially this mischief is provided, Satan & his soldiers, envying the propagation and prosperity of the Gospel, and the peace which the same hath enjoyed by the great goodness of God.  
And do perceive that the causes of those troubles are the just judgements of God, punishing the sins of men, which reject so notable a benefit, as the glad tidings of the gospel, the power of God to salvation, or else esteem not so reverently of the same as they aught.  
Our sins therefore are the very causes of these calami ties, so that we must seriously seek all that we may too appease the just wrath of God: but specially they, who under the name of the reform Religion, lived very wickedly. But to such as do truly and from the bottom of their hearts repent them, & study to live in newness of life, the promises of God are effectual and do appertain. Seeing therefore the matter is come to this point that all men may plainly see, that they which raise up these troubles of wars, do seek the ruin of the Gospel and of the church, and therefore do war and fight against God himself: they must pluck up their spirits, be of good courage, and certainly persuaded that God will not fail his servants, whom he vouchsafeth so to advance, that whereas they have deserved to be severely punished for their sins, they might be afflicted for the truths sake, and for the glory of his name What have the enemies left undone, by which they might extinguish the doctrine of the gospel? Yet notwithstanding it hath escaped, Satan and the Romish Antichrist ●…etting & fuming in vain. Therefore we must make this our cry, The Gospel is assaulted, the destruction of the church is sought, and open war proclaimed against God. Therefore god will fight for himself and for his. There are also other causes ●… for beside that their de●…estable counsel to abolish the Church, all men know that they go about to bring most gréenouse troubles upon the realm, to the end they themselves alone may govern. They have arrogantly broken the Edict of january: they have added cruelty to their impudent boldness: they have put the King's subjects to death in divers places, using quietly the benefit of the King's Edicts: and they have handled them more cruelly, than ever were any foreign enemies. What mischief hath not their unbridled cruelty brought to pass? They came to the king being but young, to the Queen a woman, and not able to resist, armed with a band of men, and took them and carried them, will they nil they, whether they would. And having captived both their bodies and their wills, at their own pleasure, they most impudently abused them, breaking the King's Edicts, and violating his dignity. Therefore (say they) there are great causes why we should hope that God the author of human society, but specially the preserver of his church, will not suffer the unbridled force of those violent and cruel counsels to proceed more outrageously than they do: but will make his Church in the midst of all the trouble, the conqueror. And we have a new and manifest argument, beside those which have appeared heretofore, of this his good will towards his servants: in that he hath in these days of his afflicted church, raised up the Prince of Conde to be a Patron and defender of this cause, by miracle of his divine providence. For this cause, we must give hearty thanks unto God, the first and principal author of this benefit, & we must look for happy success of his cause.  
And because he will use this mean to preserve his church we for our parts, must be diligent, faithful, cou ragiouse, and constant: lest we omit good occasion to bring things to pass, being offered. We seek the conser vation of the Gospel and of the church, and for the befendinge of the liberty and dignity of the King, of the Realm, and the whole common wealth.  
Who will deny that these are just and lawful causes, to put on Armour, and specially for them to whom that authority appertaineth? It is meet and necessary their fore (say they) that you and we to the utmost of our power, and to the spending of our lives, do aid and assist the Prince of Conde, & the rest of the king's officers, which have made a solemn vow for the defence of the King, the Realm, and the Church: and to be very careful to give unto the Prince of Conde, for this cause, money, furniture, and all manner of warlike provision whensoever he shall require the same. In so doing (they said) this thing should be so profitable for them all, that nothing can be more necessary, the time being considered: And as they thought it to be their duty, to admonish them of these things, seeing that now, the glory of God, the safety of the Church, and the preservation of human society, was to be sought for: even so (say they) you must not delay the matter, being of so great weight by any manner of means. But forsomuch as all man's help is wholly unprofitable and vain, except we have first of all the help and aid of God, the author & revenger of this cause: We must take heed that we be diligent in calling upon God, and that we profess the true Religion with holiness of life, lest in the midst of these troubles of wars, the care of true godliness be quite extinguished. The best weapons that may be had to fight against our enemies, is holiness of life, and godly prayers. If these be wanting, our words shall run through our own sides. And because (say they) we see before our eyes such horrible calamities: we, following the approved custom of the Church, have appointed by a common decree of all men, that in all congregations, their should be fasting and solemn prayers for certain days, which we admonish you to use modestly, devoutly, and godly: and also that God should be prayed unto publicly and privately, to sand a happy success of all these troubles, to the glory of his name, and to the peace and tranquillity of his Church.  
They written letters also in the name of the whole 
Letters to the County Pallentine, from the Synod.  Synod, to Fredrick, County Pallentine at Rhine, whom the reformed Churches of France had found always in time of cruel persecution a friend, and ready to help at need. This was the copy of their letters.  
We are not ignorant, that the baseness of our condition is such, that we should not trouble you with our letters: but notwithstanding both the experience which we have had of your singular clemency and humanity, and also the weight and sharpness of our miseries and calamities, do constrain us in these our extremities to flee unto you for aid: seeing that of long time you have professed the truth, and have had a singular care to pro mote the glory of God, and to maintain and defend those which profess the truth of the Gospeel in what place soever they are. First of all therefore we pray unto God omnipotent, and to the Father of our Lord jesus Christ, which will have Kings and Princes to be Nurses of his Church, that he will vouchsafe to confirm and strengthen your highness, in true fortitude & constancy, by his holy spirit, which fortitude you have hitherto abundantly showed, with great commendation, in setting forth and promoting the word of God in your Churches. And we give you most hearty thanks for those benefits which we received of you within these few years oftentimes, entreating our kings on the behalf of our brethren which were afflicted for the doctrine of Christ.  
And now we being gathered together of late out of all parts of the Realm, for a common Counsel or Synod, gladly call to mind the benefits which you have showed upon us: and so much the more willingly also, because at this time the truce being broken, by which we began to enjoy the benefit of the kings Edict, we stand in great need of your clemency. We foresee the great tempest, and calamities of our Churches like to ensue, the state of your Churches of Germany in that Civil war, coming into our mind: the which troubles and calamities, being ended by God so happily, who hath promised without all doubt to help his servants, there is no cause why we should fear. Notwith standing we cannot choose but be very careful for our flocks committed to our charge.  
But to make the matter more plain, because we know that you understand already our care by certain Noble men, we will not be tedious unto you. Thus much we add concerning our Churches, namely, That there is such a conspiracy made against our Churches, that except God in his mercy do provide for the same, there is like to ensue no less calamity and confusion, than there hath happened long ago, to the oriental, Greek, and African Churches. For, to conclude the matter in few words, when the Duke of Guise, and they which have conspired with him, perceived that by the Edict of january, men had leave freely and openly to preach the Gospel, and that they were restrained of cruelty, which till that time they had declared by all manner of punishments: many of the kings officers & Noble men embracing the doctrine of the Gospel: they made a conspiracy with the enemies of the true Religion, to kill in every City the professors of the Gospel. Of which their conspiracy we have had manifest arguments: First, by the horrible slaughter committed at Uassi it may appear, and then by the cruel and bloody murder of the men of Sens, the Bishopric whereof pertained to the Cardinal of Guise, so great slaughter of them being made, that for the space of four days, there was such killing and steying, of men, women, & children, without any respect of person, that the only remembrance thereof, cannot but 'cause tears to be shed: Yea, the dead bodies of such as were slain, came swimming down the River of Seine, to Paris requiring (as it were) their burial, and complaining of this tryanny, or rather calling for vengeanee of God, and man. And now, although we know it rather to be our duty to pray for our enemies, and for those which do persecute us, than to accuse them: yet notwithstanding, we trust that you will interpret to the best these complaints of our just grief, & of our manifold calamities. And for so much as, those our adversaries, to leave no thing undone that might be to our destruction, have required your Realm of Germany to aid and assist them, we earnestly pray and beseech you, for the love which you bear to the Church of Christ, that you will bend all your might, to withstand and put away this evil, lest Germany embracing the same truth of the Gospel which we do, be evil spoken of, for seeking to hurt and annoy us. And we entreat your honour by the tender mercy of God, that you will vouchsafe to be a mean for us to the King and Queen, that there may be some consideration had of our Churches: and that you would help to maintain and defend, so just a cause, the time requiring the same.  
Concerning the Letters which the Prince of Conde sent to the reformed Churches of France, we have spoken before: in the which he willed them, when they saw wars to begin, to prepare themselves to the war with a good courage. Whereupon in many places they obeyed his commandments, some prospering very well in their affairs, othersome, not having so good success. They fortefyed with men and munition, so much as they could the Cities. And after the inhabitants of Towers, of Blais and of Angewe, had so done also, the men of Poicters, did the like, and then the Normans, which fortified divers Cities, & took their chief City called Roan. But at Bordeaux, and almost through 
Vasconia is Gascoigne.  but Gascoigne, except in certain mean towns, the faith full were molested, by Monsiere Monluce, the Lieutenant, who dealt very cruelly with the faithful every where, but specially at Bourdeux. By the means of this Monsire Monluce, there was a great slaughter 
the slaugh there of Tolosa.  committed upon the faithful at Tholoz, and the rest of the multitude, which were many in number, and had escaped this grievous murder, broke out of the City, being a necessary place of refuge, both for them, and also for all the faithful of the Countries thereabout. The city Montaubane in Langnedoc being taken by the 
Mont aubon.  faithful townsmen therein, and fortified with their garrison, who, being oftentimes assaulted by the inhabitants of Tholoz and M. Monluce, and encountered with all also in playve battle, with great courage and constancy defended themselves, and had good success.  
¶ Therefore in the province of Languedoc divers things attempted, had divers success. In the Towns called Chatronovar, and Limos, many of the faithful were slain. The faithful fled out of Narbon, being not able to withstand the power of Monsier de juoys the 
The acts of Narbon in general.  Lieutenant: they fled also out of divers towns about Towers, the inhabitants whereof are called Rheni. Castra Albiens a Noble City was taken by the faithful, and many other cities near adjoining to the same. Pezenac chum, a City, so called, yielded also to the faithful, but within a while after they were troubled again. Also the City called Blitter, was taken and fortified by the faithful. Aijgnes also a Noble haven lying upon the Mediteran sea, was yielded into the hands of the faith full. Monpellier, also a City very famous for Physic, and healing diseases, and very rich also for that it bordered upon the sea, was fortified by the faithful. Also the faithful took a very strong hold called S. Peter's Castle, & thrust out a Bishop that kept the same, after which they got the whole City, the isle, and the castle of Maguelon. The took also a town called in old time Foss Marian, but now Aquae Mortuae, a noble haven of the Mediteran Sea: but the Captain thereof being slain, through treason, the Papists got the same again. 
Nemaux otherwise called Nimes  Moreover the faithful took Nemaux a City very rich, and noble by the ancient monuments of the Romans, and they took not only this, but the whole territor thereabouts. The whole territory also almost of Uivar, and Sevenas yielded to the Faithful: with the Meadows on both sides the river called Roan, from Lions almost to Avignon, after the which, they took a very strong hold called Rochmor castle, which afterwards 
Avignon in Province.  greatly annoyed the men of Avignon. Therefore, a great part of Narbon, which is called Languedoc, being very rich and replenished with stout and valiant soldiers, yielded to the faithful.  
On the other part, the Inhabitants of Dolphiny, being a great number which professed the reform religion, made almost the whole province on their side, putting all such as were Papists to silence. And herein they used the help of Baron des Adretz, who having with good success done many valiant acts in those regions, with the very terror of his fame and name, even at the first quailed the minds of the Papists thereabouts. The City of Valentia also was taken by the faithful, but not 
Valentia taken.  without great peril In the which City there was one M. Mottecondrin, Deputy to the Duke of Guise, (who was governor of that province) a man of war, and by the means of the Guises, a mortal enemy to the reform Religion. This man to withstand the faithful, gathered together all the power he was able to make: 
Mottecondrinus slain.  and brought into the City new garrisons of soldiers, & appointed new watch and ward at every gate of the City, to the great terror of the faithful Citizens, who perceiving the present danger, fled to the Churches that were reform thereabouts, craving their help & aid. Whereupon many came from Roman and Montill▪ noble cities, and from the hither part of Vivaretz. And now when assault was made, the faithful of the city of Valencia got the gate, and whilst the soldiers of Mottecondrin made haste to withstand them, the faithful rescued them on every side: in so much that the Papists were constrained to give back: And Montecondrin himself, after he was come to his house from the tumult, was besieged, & at the length by fire, which was set to his house, constrained to yield himself into his enemy's hands. Then the captains entered into communication with Mottecondrin. And while they were thus in talk together a good while, the people stood waiting at the doors, and long looking when Mottecondrin shoal be slain: and at the last they threatened certain of their captains which went about to save his life, that except they delivered into their hands Mottecondrin, they would slay them. Upon this, one Mongoni, a noble man came to Mottecondrin, & said unto him: That which thou wentest about to bring upon other, thou shalt now taste of thyself, and shalt suffer punishment for so many good men that have ben slain. And then unarming him, he thrust his dagger into his side, and so slay Mottecondrin: and hung the dead carcase out of the window for the people to behold. And thus the faith full enjoyed Valentia, and almost all the chief Cities in Dolpheny, as Grenoble, Uienna, Romans, Montil, Crest, and others. It was reported that letters of the Duke of Guise were found among the writings of Mottecondrin, in which he gave commandment to kill the faithful in every City: and it was reported, that the fourth of May, was the day appointed for that murder the which rumour greatly stirred up the minds of the faithful, they plainly understanding whereabout their adversaries the papists went.  
While these things were thus a working at Valencia, and throughout all Dolpheny, at Lions also (as commonly it cometh to pass in so great garboils) divers men's minds were diversly occupied. The papists seemed to exceed the faithful both in strength, and also in number. Who notwithstanding, what with their own might, and what with the help of their neighbours, were not weak, and as touching their minds and courage, they did no doubt far excel their enemies.  
The Lieutenant at that time of Lions, was one Saltain, a Noble man being of quiet and modest disposition, 
Saltanus' Lieutenant of Lions.  and was not altogether an enemy to the reform Religion: & yet he was very careful to maintain peace, according to the prescript of the King's Edicts. Therefore he endeavoured himself all that he might, to keep both parts and sorts of men in peace and concord.  
Nevertheless there came news to the Elders of the reform churches, that the destruction of the church was even now a working: certain noble men papists, that were of the Guise's faction, intending to be at Lions, by a certain day, as Mottecondrin, Aches, Calmentius, Mongeronius: who were reported to have gathered great armies of soldiers from every place. soldiers also were mustered at Lions, Saltain not knowing thereof. Their conspiracy and purpose was, to remove Saltain from the custody of the City, & then to destroy all the faithful. Then came Mongeron to Lions, and showed to Saltain the kings commandment, that 
Saltain Lieutenant of Lyon.  he should be joined with him in the custody & government of Lions. By whose coming the Papists were not a little comforted. Whereupon the faithful thought, that in this extremity, it was not good any longer to delay the time. According to their manner, they had Sermons in the suburbs: notwithstanding being careful to defend themselves, even now of late, they had brought soldiers, & armour into the City. In the mean time news was brought to Lions of the tumult of Valentia, almost about that hour, in which the stir was there made. Then went Mongeron from Lions: and by and by Fame reported, that Mottecondrin was slain at Valentia.  
Therefore the faithful thinking it best to behave themselves manly, they in the night time, secretly placed divers armed soldiers in sundry places of the common streets: & & at the length when they had got the Townhouse, & had fortified every place of the City, and had taken the Churches they came into Parley with the Brother hood of saint Jhons, which were fat and rich priests, who had leave given them to depart out of the City unarmed. And so the faithful had the City to themselves, placed certain pieces of ordinance in divers convenient places, & fortified, the City. After those things, they came to Saltain the lieutenant, and declared unto him, that they had not done these things, either for contempt of the king or his magistrates: but to defend the City from injuries of open enemies, and to keep it for the King: obeying (as their duty required) the commandments of the Prince of Conde, to whom the conservation of the king and Queen appertained: and therefore they willed him, according to his accustomed manner, to proceed in the government of the city. But M. Saltain within a while after forsaking his office, got him home to his own house. And M. des Adretze, in the name of the Prince of Conde, took upon him the government of the City. And when consultation was made by the Citizens what were best to be done, they agreed at the last upon this: That there should be choose out two thousand men of the reform Religion to keep the City: and that they should be paid their wages, both out of the common treasury, and also out of Ecclesiastical livings. That no man should be endamaged or hurt for his religion: but that it should be lawful for every one to live with his conscience to himself. Notwithstanding, that there should no Masses or other rites and ceremonies be used, either within or without the city. That there should be twelve of the chiefest of the reform Religion, joined with the Consuls or Aldermen of the City. And that it should not be lawful for the Aldermen of the city to do any thing without their consent. And thus Lions came wholly into the hands and power of the faithful. After this the people spoiled the popish churches, broke the Images and pictures of saints and other ornaments belonging to the Mass. And it is reported that there were only three slain in the winning of this 
Lions won by the Protestants.  so great a city. lions being after this manner brought into the hands of the faithful, they took also the greatest part of Burgundy: Monsieur Tawanes the Lieutenant seeking in vain to hinder and let them.  
The news of these things, thus prospering on the Protestants side, being spread throughout France, troubled the minds of the Guises a new, and encouraged the Prince of Conde, and those of his side to proceed in their purpose. Notwithstanding the Prince of Conde was very sorry that the men of Valentia had slain M. Mottecondrin, 
The Prince of Conde sorry for that Mo●…: condrin was slain  and much discommended them for the same. Neither did the Prince of Conde allow the breaking down of Images, and the spoiling of other such superstitions, the which notwithstanding he himself could not stay when he was at Orleans: the people crying everywhere, that the Idols which were the causes of all these troubles, aught not to be spared: and that seeing the defenders of them were so cruel, that they would not let to kill living men, is it not necessary then to overthrow those false worships of Idols, that the Idolaters themselves mai see their punishments for their abominable wickedness? And the people were not a little displeased with the Prince of Conde, for that he severely forbade these things to be done. Therefore upon a certain small rumour of the throwing down of Idols which were set up in a certain place in the suburbs, the fame thereof was by and by spread throughout the whole city, in so much that all men ran to the churches, some into one church, and some into an other, and made such a spoil of Images and other monuments of Idolatry, as though it had been so appointed by the king's commandment or by an Edict: this I say, they did, notwithstanding that the servants of the Prince of Conde did all that they could to stay them. And lest that the church called Holy Rood Church, which was more beautiful, should be thus served and spoiled, the Prince of Conde commanded certain soldiers to guard the same: but they also shutting unto them the church doors, began to pull down the Images and to deface the pictures. In the mean time the papists being sorrowful, ran up and down the City & cried, that the king's Edicts were broken. At the last the faithful of the Church of Orleans (where this broil was) with much a do, obtained leave ●…f 〈◊〉 ●…rince of Conde to have sermons in the city: yea & with importunate suit they went about to obtain at the last leave to have their Sermons in those Churches, in the which the Idols were defaced.  
But the Prince of Conde said, that his purpose was not to deface Idols: but to see that nothing should be done contrary to the Edict of January, for the breaking whereof his adversaries, he said, being guilty, were to be punished. But the common voice notwithstanding of the people was this to him again: Seeing, say they the adversaries of the truth have first begoone to extingnish the reform Religion, and to persecute the professors thereof, why should we not destroy all false worship? And why should they deal coldly, which had taken upon them the defence of the truth, and of the liberty of the Realm, seeing that their adversaries had proclaimed open wars against the truth, the King & the Realm.  
The affairs of the faithful going forward as you see, divers rumours of them in the mean time, being brought to the Court, the Duke of Guise, the Constable, Momorencius, and the Martial of Saint Andrew, to the end they might make it seem a matter of envy that they were charged to put themselves in Armour to keep the King and Queen captives, (as might appear by the Letters of the Prince of Conde which were spread abroad to that effect) they would have all men, they said, to know that all things were done by the authority and will of the King and Queen, and that therefore they were falsely slandered. They offered therefore to the King and Queen a Supplication to this effect following.  
TO THE intent it may appear unto you to the whole world, that we have always born towards you and towards the kings your ancestors of happy memory our sovereign Lords, a faithful and loving 
A Supplication offered in the name of the T●…iumuiti.  mind, and have sought to the utmost of our power the advancement of your dignities (for the maintenance whereof next to the glory of God, we will spend our lives and all that we have:) we pray and most humbly beseech you that you will understand our very purpose and meanings, which we wholly and truly declare unto you in this Supplication: to the end also we might declare the causes why we came unto you, and why also we are with you as yet, and why we do think in our conscience that we aught not (in consideration of the offices committed unto us) to departed from you, except we would incur the danger of perpetual oprobry and shame both to us and our posterity, as careless and untrusty servants to you, and as despisers of the glory of God, the safety of the King, and of the common peace and tranquillity of the country: the which we see in most grievous peril at this time of inevitable destruction, unless it be helped in time by the only remedies of these Edicts, which we hope you will prefer, and which aught to be confirmed by all Parliaments, but specially by the Parliament or Court of Paris. The which remedies we propound here before your Majesty with all obedience, and reverence, in manner and form following.  
First we think it necessary, not only for our conscience sake, but specially for the conservation of the Kings dignity, and for the defence of that oath, which the King took at the time of his coronation, by which he bond himself to maintain the peace, tranquillity, and safety of the whole Realm: lest the Law both of GOD and also of man should be confounded, (whereby the perturbation and utter destruction of all Realms, Kingdoms, and Monarchies, must needs follow.) For these causes it is necessary, that the King declare by and everlasting Edict, that he will not suffer hereafter diversity of Religion, and of Churches, divers doctrines, and sundry fashions of administrations of Sacraments, and of Ecclesiastical rites, nor the Ministers of such, in his Realm, But that he would will and command one Catholic, apostolic, and Romish church, which he and the Kings his ancestors before him had received, to be retained & kept throughout his whole Realm: forbidding all other assemblies or congregations to set forth and teach any thing to the contrary.  
That all such as bear any office in this Ralme, as justices, Treasurers, or any other such like officer under the King, be commanded to embrace and follow this only Religion, and openly to profess the same: and such as should deny or refuse so to do, by any manner of way, to be deprived of their offices. Provided notwith standing that for the same they be endamaged neither in body nor in goods: so that they be found not to be the au●…thors of troubles, of Seditions, and of forbidden assemblies.  
That all Prelates of what state or condition soever they be of, make the same confession of faith & of Religion: and such as shall disobey this, to loose their spiritual promotions, and the profits thereof to go to the king's treasury: or else to place fit men, ordinarily called, in their rooms. That all temples and churches throughout the Realm, which were violated, spoiled, broken down, and defaced, to the dishonour of God, the contempt of the church, and of the king, and the manifest breaking of the wholesome laws made both of late and also aforetime, should be reedefied, repaired & restored to the former comeliness & decent beauty that it ever at any time had: & that the breakers of the King's Edicts should be punished according to the prescript of the king's Edicts. That all manner of men, what state or condition so ever they were of throughout the Realm, or what colour or pretence soever they had, should put of their armour, except they had put on the same by the express commandment of the king of Navarre, the kings visegerente of the whole Realm: and if any refuse so to do, that then they be proclaimed and accounted of all men for Traitors, Rebels, & enemies to the king & the whole Realm. That it may be lawful for the king of Navarre the kings deputy, or for whom soever he shall appoint, to have bands of armed Soldiers for the ordering of these things and such other like, which shall seem meet for the conservation of the king and queen. That those Armies which were gathered together at the kings commandment for the causes afore said, may be maintained for certain months: in the which space there is great hope that there will spring some fruit of these remedies, and that we shall see public peace. Other matters and necessary Cautions for the working of this peace, shallbe supplied and put in by the counsel & judge meant of the high court of parliament in Paris. These things (without the which we must needs look for the destruction of the Realm) being thus ordered and appointed, we are every one of us ready, not only to go home to our houses, if it so seem good unto you, but also to be banished for ever into the uttermost part of the world: we being fully persuaded that we have given unto God, to the king, to our country, and to ourselves that honour, obedience, love, & natural affection which we own unto them, in so great peril and danger, as is now: to avoid the which we are ready to spend our lives, and whatsoever else we have in this world. The which, we signify to you and to the king of Navarre, both to the end you may be judges & witnesses to us of these things, and also that you may apply these convenient remedies to those inconveniences. And we testify & protest before God and you, that we only seek the safety & peace of your dignities, and of the whole Realm. And we trust that all they which seek the same, will gladly yield unto the things contained in this Supplication, which we wish to take effect, for the duties sake which we own unto God and you. This was the sum of their Supplication.  
To which the King and Queen made answer, that it was not their wills, that they should depart thence to any other place. Therefore, the same day they offered another supplication to the Queen to this effect:  
Beside those things which we have already offered to your Majesties in writing, that you might plainly understand that we will submit our wills and opinions 
Another supplication offered to the King by the Guise and his.  to your judgements: after we heard that it was your pleasures, that we should not departed to any other place: we thought good to make this offer, namely, That if they which were at Orleans, laying aside their armour, and yielding up to the King, the Cities and Towns which they had taken, would be sworn to show all obedience toward the King, as to their sovereign Lord, & would also obey the King's Edicts which were all ready made, and shallbe made hereafter by our consent, and confirmed by the Senate of Paris, we would departed of our own accord. To the which, except they will grant, we cannot in consideration of our office departed from the King, except we would show ourselves to be careless in defending the King and the Realm, in so great necessity. But if they will yield unto these conditions, we are ready to get us to our own houses, and to obey the commandment of the King of Navar. But we mean not hereby to seclude the Prince of Conde from the King's company, nay we wish rather that he were near the King, and that he were sent for, to come from them with whom he is now linked, and to be daily with the King: trusting that so worthy a Prince will do nothing but that which shall become him to do.  
After that these supplications of the Guise and his fellows, 
The Answer of the Prince of Conde to the Supplications.  came to the ears of the Prince of Conde, he made answer unto them, sending letters to the Queen with his answer, beseeching her that she would also diligently weigh and consider his reasons, and that she would 'cause both his writing & his adversaries also to be kept for a memorial for ever, that both their actions might one day be showed to the King. The answer which he made was to this effect: Although (says he) I have heretofore oftentimes declared, both by writing, and also by other means, why I have put myself in armour, and upon what conditions, I am ready to unarm myself again, and to go to my house: yet notwithstanding I could never obtain any thing at their hands, which have the King and Queen in hold, but threatenings & contumelious words. So soon as I came hither, before they understood any thing of me, they sent letters, & such severe & sharp commandment, as though they had had to do with thieves, & the most wicked men alive. But now, when they perceive that I regard not their impudent boasting & proud threats, & that they cannot stay me from my purpose, & also that I constantly persevere in my lawful request, having no consideration of myself, but of the liberty of the King & Queen, and of the peace and tranquillity of the realm, they seek to prevail by other subtle ways. And this forsooth is their devise, they have offered a certain supplication to the king, in the which they pretend all obedience, submission & reverence. But if a man read & mark the same well, he shall found it rather a Decree than a Supplication. For it is a flat sentence and decree made & concluded upon by these three, namely by the Duke of Guise, the Constable Momorencie, and by the martial of S. Andrew: & with these also was the Pope's Legate, & the servants of strangers. But they which for six months ago, marked & noted all their doings, can testify upon what foundations these conclu sions do stand, not upon zeal of Religion and faith: but rather upon the fraud, deceit, and ambition of those three: who seeing themselves to be out of the court, were offended, not that they had any injury offered them, but because they could never yet abide that the Prince, being of the king's blood, should be about the king: perceiving also that the Queen rather sought the King's profit, and the peace and tranquillity of the Realm, than to satisfy their wills: they began to join ano associate themselves together, to recover their former liberty again, to rule and govern all things as they list themselves. And when they see that they could not have help of the Nobles, nor of the common sort of people to bring their matters to pass (for the they were justly hated of them): they coloured their purpose with the pretence of Religion, hoping thereby that the popish priests and those that hung upon them, would aid & assist them. And thus winning so many to take their part as they could, and seeking to have aid by strangers of for rain Nations, they minded to come to the king and Queen in such battle array, that no man should once resist them. And to the end they might have better hope to rule, they took and kept the names of all those, whom they thought or suspected would be hurtful unto them, minding to kill some, to banish other some, and to spoil and deprive many of their offices: And among the principal number, was Michael Hospital, the King's chancellor, & divers of the kings counsel, and many other good men, set in authority and office under the King. There were also already some placed in their rooms, which were either slain or banished. And truly, they very well declared their judgement of late, in choosing those six, whom they appointed to be of the King's counsel: the matter being so ridiculous that the people made a game or jest of that choice. The Queen was sent away to C●…enoncellum, to busy herself in gardening. The Prince Rochsurion, the kings near kinsman, being a very wise and godly person, was called away from the King: and in his place were set new Tutors, that he might never hear any mention made of God, or of any godliness, nor any thing else which appertained to good education, he being of himself of a good disposition, and well inclined: And that he might not be taught to understand his estate, which the Queen his mother went about to instruct him in, teaching him to hear every man's cause peaceably: to make much of his noble men: to esteem the use of armour for necessities sake: to look to judgement, to maintain his people, & to be a guard to the afflicted, & to deliver the oppressed: and above all things to beware lest he retained any such people about him, which under colour of friendship & humility, would take upon him the king's office, & use tyranny against the king's subjects. These things (I say) were taught him of the Queen his mother: which these three Suppliants much mislike of, who would have the King frame himself to their bent & disposition, as to dance cunningly, to sit or ride a great horse well, handsomely to carry a spear, to be a wanton lover, to love another man's wife more than his own, and (to be short) to be ignorant of all honesty & virtue. For they say, the it is not meet for a King to be occupied and troubled with such hard matters. But rather (say they) it is meet for a king, to show himself very severe towards his subjects that come unto him: to enrich his household servants, and to commit the government of the Realm wholly unto them: not to trouble himself in hearing men's causes, in reading letters, in setting too his hand and seal: (lest their deceits which they use under the colour of his seal should be espied:) to fancy and favour a few (which contend one with another who shallbe the greatest thief:) to be liberal only to a few, and to other some sparing & hard: and to despoil the people of their goods: to cell the offices of Judges for money to simple and unlearned men: & last of all to fill the Court full of all vanities, and wickedness. I speak not these things unadvisedly: the Queen knoweth these things to be true as well as I These Suppliants therefore have made a more pernicious and hurtful conspiracy to this Realm, than ever was that which Sylla, which Caesar, and which the Triumuiri made. And it had by this time caused much mischief to be done, if I myself had not with all my might withstood the same unto this day. I marvel that they so impudently contend before the Queen in words: and I do wonder that the Queen will harken and agree to their words, as though she had never herded any thing of their wicked counsels: the which truly plainly declareth that she is more than a captive. And truly if she were not afeard to be stifled or strangeled in her bed, (which they have threatened to her, as I appeal to herself if she may speak her conscience) she would not have given her consent to their Supplication: but would have told them to their teeth, that their covetousness and Ambition is the cause of all these troubles. Seeing therefore at this time the Queen, in so great peril, cannot speak of the matter, as she would, nor restst those which abuse her with fear, to bring their purpose to pass: I myself am constrained to defend her authority and the Kings also, to answer to their suppliant petitions, in the King and queens name, of whose liberty I confess myself to be a defender. And why should I not trust that God will prospero my indenours, and that good will which he hath given to me, and the kings faithful subjects also, doing their duty in so honest and godly a cause?  
1 First of all they begin with their titles of dignity, seeking thereby to get the more authority: and magnificently paint forth the memory of their actions in time past: and would have men to judge of their minds and meanings, by these their actions.  
Truly it is necessary that so glorious a beginning, should have as evil & base an end set against it. And why so? They have very well behaved themselves towards their Kings (they say) in times past: is that sufficient not only to cover their faults at this time, but also so to countenance them, that wicked acts shallbe taken for meritorious deeds?  
If they have done any thing profitable or worthy of commendation for their Kings (as they have done nothing so far as I know) if they have not in all this time received their deserved recompense, it doth not follow that they should so importunately crave to be recompensed at this time, to the ruin and destruction of the King, and the Realm. But they three seek so great lie for their profit, and are such careful followers of gain, that they would not tarry so long before they would crave and receive a reward for their deserts, if they ever deserved any thing. For probation whereof, what say you to this? That their profits and yearly revenues do amount above the sum of two hundred and fifty thousand french Crowns, more than their patrimony, beside other helps. On the contrary part, let them remember (if any of them will say that they have not been fully satisfied in all things) How many good and singular men, by their means, were cast in prison: how many Noble families have been, by them destroyed, in the reign of Henry the second, and France the second: In so much that it may evidently appear that they abused the favour of those Kings, not only to the enriching of themselves, but also to the revenging of their malicious minds, to the ruin and destruction of many. Wherefore if they will have their minds and counsels (as they say) to be examined, tried, and judged by their actions in time past, go to then, and let them have that trial and judgement: and let them deny, if they can, whether their doings have not been such, that they aught to be reproved and resisted, by all the Kings true and faithful subjects:  
Further more they say that the King and the Realm are in great peril: and lest they should fall into that mevitable destruction, they offer unto him certain sure remedies? but (say they) with all reverence and obedience. If it should be demanded of them what were the very cause of this destruction, and if they answered truly as their conscience beareth them witness, they must needs impute the cause, and the whole blame hereof, unto themselves. For after the proclamation of the Edict of January, there was peace throughout all parts of the Realm.  
Now if they will deny that they were not the disturbers and breakers of this peace, than they shall deny a thing so manifest that all men can give testimony against them. For in what state was the kingdom when the Duke of Guise, began war and committed horrible murder at Uassi? To what end were the conspiracies of the Constable and the Martial of Saint Andrew's? What meant the beastly barbarous rudeness, and rude barbarousness showed at Paris? For where as they profess their reverence and obedience to the King, how incredible seemeth that in the ears of all men?  
Those three often times contemned the queens commandments: as when the Queen commanded them to go to their Manors, & Lordships: when by her commandment also in time of peril, they were sent for to Monceaulx: is this to shewreverence and obedience to the king and queen? They came also contrary to the queens commandment to Paris, with an army of men: and would not depart from thence, for any thing that the queen could do either by entreaty or otherwise. Whereas I myself to obey the queens commandments went from Paris: they abiding in Paris at their pleasure, when they had made there all things sure, came to the king and queen with an army of men, & brought them whether they would or no violently, from Fontainbleau, to Paris. I appeal to the conscience of the Queen for testimony of these things, if she may freely speak. They were fully determined to rule all things at their own pleasure. But this is their obedience toward the king which they show by the open breaking of the kings Edicts: This is their love toward their country, to destroy the which they think it not sufficient to arm themselves and there's, except also they 'cause the ancient enemies of the Realm to arm themselves against the same.  
3 They seek to have a perpetual edict made for religion: but to what end? When we desired to have the Edict of January kept, until the king came to sufficient age himself, they said it was a very unlawful, request: adding that the king might order change, amplify, and restrain the Edicts, when, and how it pleased him: and that we, in desiring that the same which was decreed by the king and his Counsel might be kept until he came to his full and ripe age, went about to make the king a bond man, and to shut him up as it were into prison, which would limit his power and authority with these exceptions. They then said. And now they go about to make that an everlasting and irrevocable law, which they three themselves have devised and decreed. Truly, we may with better reason and truth conclude, that they go about to make the king a captive and bon●…man unto them, not only in this his minoriti, but in his majority also. Who seeth not their sundry and contrary devices? Who seeth not that they go about, not only to have the king in their hands, and to rule him at their pleasure, but the whole Realm also? when as in a matter of so great weight and perilous, they dare take upon them to determine & decree what they themselves list.  
Did ever those Triumuiri of Rome namely Augustus, Antonius, and Lepidus, which by their conspiracy perverted the laws and the common wealth of Rome, any thing more bold and presumptiouse? If they had been moved by the love of peace (as they say) and not by the outrageous heat of sedition: if they had been moved by zeal of Religion, and not by the force of ambition: they would not have begun those their counsels with force and murder: they would have come reverently and modestly: they would have declared the causes why they could not allow of the Edict of January: And they would have entreated the king and queen to consult with their Counsel for the remedeing of those troubles, to the glory of God, the dignity of the king, and the conservation of the Realm. And so they should have declared that they were moved by zeal of their consciences. But while they go about these things, they sufficiently declare that they take Religion but for a colour, to the end that they may draw away the kings subjects to take their part: that by their help, & by the help of strangers, they may bring all things to their rule. Can the Princes the king's kinsmen suffer this, that strangers shall make laws, & Edicts, to rule the king & the whole Realm?  
4 They require to have the church of Rome, which they call Catholic and Apostolical, to be alone through out the whole Realm: and that the use and administration of the reform religion should be forbidden. Let this be the Edict of the Duke of Guise, a stranger, of the Constable Momorentius, and of the Marshal of saint Andrew, the kings servants. Let their wills, minds, and decrease, be set against the authority of the kings Edict, which the king, the queen, the king of Navarre, the Princes, the kings kinsmen, the kings Counsel, and forty choose men out of every court of the realm, have made. Let them oppose, and set this their edict both against the decrees of the nobility, and the commonalty, by their supplication, which they offered to the king first at Orleans, then at saint German, concerning the ordering of Religion after this manner, & then they must needs acknowledge and confess that their Edict, will be the cause of civil wars, and in time, the destruction of the realm. But blind Ambition carrieth them out of the way, to bind the king and the Realm to them, (as they say) by these merits. For this I affirm that the Duke of Guise and his brethren, can not deny, but that while they go about to molest, & trouble those that are of the reform Religion, what zeal soever they pretend, they bring the Realm into great peril. Let them remember what happened of late almost in the same counsel to them in Scotland. There, both sorts of men, that is to say, both papists and Protestants, lived peaceably, & obediently under the government of the Queen: until it was commanded by the authority of the Guises, that no other religion should be there received, then that which is of Rome. Then a certain small number of men for this cause being raised, and appointed to battle, by the wisdom of the queen, and by the help of the Nobility, were easily put down again. The which thing aught to have made the Guises, seize from their former purpose, for fear of greater trroubles, which would ensue by the means of those Edicts. But they on the contrary part more obstinately went forward with their purpose to hinder the reform religion, writing sharp letters unto the Queen, because she showed hirself so favourable: and persuaded with her, that it was necessary that the principal authors, and many of the Noble men, should be put to death. Therefore to bring that to pass in deed which they uttered in words, they sent an army of men into Scotland with M. Brosseus, & the Bishop of Atniens. At whose coming most severe Edicts were made concerning the observation of popish rites, and coming to Mass. The Bishop said that he would soon call those that were go astray (as he said) to the obedience of the Church of Rome: and monsieur Brosseus said, that he would quickly within few days by force of arms put all the rebels to flight. And as cruelty hath always covetousness joined with it, they beheld & considered the lands and possessions of the noble men, and wrote to the Guises, that they could both make the people tributary, to pay unto the French king two hundred thousand Crowns, and also assign to a thousand Noble men of France which should continually maintain war in Scotland, houses and land. The Guises hearing of the which, were glad: but the Queen & Osellus (a noble man of Scotland) said unto M. Brosseus, that the Scots could not be so easily conquered: who if they were constrained, would crave help of straungees, which imbracinge the same Religion, would not desire to have better occasion to banish the Pope's Religion out of Scotland, whereby the King's Royal estate should come in peril. But they refusing these admonitions of the Queen & Osellus, said that the Queen with her facility and sufferance would mar all: and they called Osellus, fool and dastard. There fore these wise men so wrought, that the greatest part of the nobility gathered unto them an army of men, and within few days either slew or put to flight the Papists and sacrificing priests: which if this had not been, might have lived peaceably. And thus they which before would bind Bears, and which triumphed before the victory▪ did not only dishonour the Duke of Guise, but also lost the authority of the Church of Rome.  
By this example the Guises aught to acknowledge their fault and to leave of their enterprise, & also to have no more in their mouths these words: One of those two Religions must be banished the realm: and some must needs give place to other some. These proud words become not subjects and servants: but a king, of full and perfect age. And whereas they would have no religion but the Romish religion established within the realm, which they go about to defend by force of arms, they bring the realm into great peril and danger: And truly, it were a great deal better, to keep both parts in peace and concord, and to use in steed of blows, words and writings, omitting all force, wars, & shedding of blood. The which peradventure will so provoke God, and his vengeance to fall, that the papists and priests themselves, which might quietly enjoy their offices & livings, shallbe the first that shall feel the furor and madness of the people. To be short, the protection of the Suppliantes, cannot choose but bring great trouble and garboil unto them. But, when they may be assured of this, that they need not without they will themselves, be endamaged, neither in body, office, nor goods, have they just cause to complain? except peradventure they will say that they were careful and sorry for the loss of our souls. But what hath made them so suddenly so careful, when as neither any one Bishop, Curate, or popish priest, hath laboured or taken any manner of pains to that end? Seeing therefore we never intended to hurt any of them, what need was there to bring them into this contention, and to pretend the name of the Church? Is not this too set one against another? and to 'cause the people which before could not abide those priests, to hate them the more? Was there ever a more sorrowful sight seen in this Realm? Can there be any profit, benefit or good turn so great, that it may make a sufficient men's for so great destruction? Can the Pope's pardons and Indulgences restore the blood that▪ is shed for this cause? These Suppliantes may one day say unto the King, that they to defend that which no man gainsaid, and to preserve the Romish religion, which no man went about to hinder. have lost, or went about to lose the one half of his nobility, and chiefest of his subjects. Then, and that truly it shallbe objected unto them, that as by their feigned and dissembled opinions concerning Religion, they had brought the Realm of Scotland into great peril of destruction, and caused much blood too be shed: even so by the same opinions, counsels and Instruments, great discord hath been sown in this realm: and▪ both sorts of men set together (as it were) by the ears, in such sort, that they may justly hereafter among all posterities be said, to be the authors and causes of all mischiefs and calamities which shall happen to the men, both of the reform, & also of the Romish Religion.  
And, to 'cause more trouble, they would have all the King's officers, and all Ecclesiastical persons, to profess the confession of their faith: and that such as should deny or refuse so to do, should be deprived, if they were temporal men of their offices, if they were priests, then to lose their benefices. For this is the other edict of those three Suppliants against the received & approved laws of the king. For there is no man that can remember, neither hath it been herded of, that any king, that hath been heretofore, hath constrained his true Subjects to receive any other confession of faith, than that which is in the apostles creed. Let that Lawmaker, by whose crafty and subtle wit these their supplications were made, bring forth but one only example. The which, truly, he cannot do, except he will bring into this Realm the Inquisition of Spain: the which by the judgement of all other Nations is counted so wicked, that they all reject the same. These are the very same traps and snares, which they laid at Aurelia's, (otherwise called, Orleans,) a little before the death of King Frances the second, and which cannot choose but bring the extreme ruin and destruction of the kings subjects. For those Suppliants know that there are ten thousand Noble men, and a hundred thousand soldiers, which neither by authority nor by force, will forsake that Religion which they have received: and will not suffer the preaching of the word, and the administration of the Sacraments according to the form of Religion which they profess, to be taken from them, and will defend themselves with the sword, against them which abuse the authority of the King's name.  
That great number cannot be overcome and destroyed (which God forbidden) without the annoyance and ruin of those that shall set upon them.  
And to conclude the matter briefly, I say and affirm in the name of the Noble men, Gentlemen, and of many others which are here with me, that this Decree is made by three private men, which by their authority pervert the kings Edicts and make no account of them, and to put their decree in execution, before they made the King and Queen acquainted with their doings, they put themselves in armour, and took them both captive. I say and affirm that the same Decree is against the laws of this Realm, against all Christian order, against the State, against the Edict of January, which was only made for this cause & against the dignity & safety of many of the king's subjects: whose enemies they openly show themselves to be, & whose goods and life they seek to take away, and all under the pretence of Religion & conscience. This decree also, taketh away the liberty of going to a Counsel, the which should have been considered by that subtle counsellor. For if it be decreed, that the same confession, which they call the confession of the Faith, shallbe received of all the inhabitants of this Realm, that is to say, if all men be constrained to receive the Pope's doctrine and ceremonies: this must needs be a plain sentence of condemnation against the reform church: neither is it then lawful for our Ministers, or for the Ministers of foreign Nations, embracing the same doctrine, to go unto a Counsel: when as they, being not herded are condemned. But before the Duke of Guise, and the Cardinal of Lorraine his brother, bring forth the decree, concerning the confession of the Romish faith, let them renounce & deny many special points of the confession made at Ausburge, which, when they were at Savern, they said they embraced, & promised to one of the Princes of Germany, that they would 'cause them to be observed in France. It is needful also that the Cardinal of Lorraine, should declare by open writing whether he do persist in that opinion, which sometime he said to the Queen before a great many witnesses, concerning Transubstantiation, concerning the carrying about of the Sacrament, concerning justification, Invocation of Saints, Purgatory, Images, and concerning many other special points also, of which he spoke plainly against the judgement of the Catholic and apostolic church of Room.  
6▪ Furthermore in that supplication, strait after this, they call to mind the throwing down of Images, & require, that the same Images be repaired, and the breakers of them be punished. But thereunto I make this answer: The punishments, wherewith I punish them, which broke down Images, first in divers places, & at the last in Orleans, shall witness before God, & men, that this misdemeanour of the rash multitude, all ways displease me: both for that it was contrary to the Edict of January, & also against the form of the League & oath taken of us not long since. But if that dejection of Images deserveth any punishment, because any such fact is contrary to the kings Edict, what punishments then deserve they, which so greatly abuse the kings name, that under the colour thereof, they commit great wickedness, as may appear by the committed murders at Uassi, at Sens, at Paris, at Tholoz, and in many other places He that preferred this Supplication, should first of all have considered and remembered himself, that it is read in no place, that a dead Image requireth vengeance: but it is read, that the blood of a slain man, which is the lively Image of God, crieth and calleth for the vengeance of God, and doth at the last cause the same to fall upon the bloudshedders.  
7 Moreover those Suppliants, or rather commanders, require that they may unarm themselves, which without the commandment of the king of Navarre put on the same: and that they should be counted for Rebels and enemies to the King and the Realm. I would glad lie demand of them, which think themselves so wise, and say, that they seek for the peace of the common wealth, if that be not the way to cut of all hope of concord, when they require that I, and they that are with me should be counted Rebels and enemies to the king and the Realm? For they say not, Let them which will not put of their Armour, but, which have put on Armour, be accounted the kings enemies. They which point requireth another manner of answer than by writing. But I trustwtin these few days to see them, & to disput●… wtithē by the dint of sword, whether it be meet for strangers, & two such men as they are, to judge a Prince the kings near kinsman, & the chiefest part of the Nobility of France to be rebels & enemies to the king & the Realm. And let not them pretend the name of the king of Navarre, to whom they in the former kings days were sworn enemies. They abased him all that they could, and caused him to be little regarded of the king, his right and dignity being suppressed in matters of great weight. They cannot deny, but that of late days, when they went about to usurp the government of the Realm, by their means it was brought to pass, that whatsoever the king of Navarre required, was denied: all occasion to rule and govern, either in time of war, or peace, being taken from him: and to discharge their spiteful stomachs, in the days of king France lately diseased, they made him to be less esteemed than a man of mean state and condition: being sent for to Orleans with threatenings: and commandment given to Noble men that they should not entertain him at his coming: also Marshal Tremen being sent with two armies one of horsemen another of foot men, was commanded, to take and▪ spoil all his Dominion, and to call the stranger to the pray. And when they see that their devise and purpose was let by the sudden death of king Frances yet notwithstanding they sought by all means possible to be delivered of him, and would have kept him from having any authority to rule or govern. The Duke of Guise openly said, that he would not depart from the Court, neither at the entreaty, nor yet at the command dement of the king of Navarre: The Marshal of S. Andrew, even in midst of the kings Counsel said that be known no other king or Queen. And now, they abuse the name of the king of Navarre, whom they have so much abused heretofore, under the pretence whereof they seek the ruin and destruction of his own natural brother. And they go about to bring to pass, that whereas the king of Navarre, is now beloved of all the nobility of France, he may here after be hated of all: that they at the length may spy●…te out their venomous hatred at the full upon him. These are their practices, and hereunto tend all their devices and Counsels.  
8 Whereas they require, that the king of Navarre will bend all his force to bring these things to pass, they plainly evough, declare, either great impudence, or else an earnest desire to hinder peace and concord. For seeing they are fully determined to subdue all those of the reform Religion to their wills by force of arms, they should have kept it close in secret to themselves, until we ●…ad been unarmed. But seeing they do so plainly declare unto us their meaning, we will take heed that we be not circumvented, and beguiled: that is to say, we will not unarm ourselves, but upon very sure con ditions, and cautions.  
9 Furthermore they require that by the sentence and wisdom of the Senate of Paris, all other things might be added & supplied to the making of the Edict. Whereby they evideutly show in what estimation▪ they have the Queen, the king of Navarre, and the king's Counsel. But I marvel wherefore they have no regard of those wise and grave men, to use their Counsel▪ whom they chose of late to be of the kings Counsel▪ I doubt not but that there are in the senate of Paris, good men, which are nothing inferior to those of the Senate heretofore in virtue, in wisdom, and in religion. But those three Suppliantes, have so handled the matter by buying and selling of offices, and by other unlawful means, the the greater number of the Senate are subject to the Guises, so that the voice of the smaller number▪ quayleth. For probation, whereof we have this: The Senate of Paris, refused to confirm that Edic●… which was made at that petition of the three estates of the Realm, and sollemnely confirmed by all the Parliaments and Courts of the Realm, notwithstanding that the king himself sent his letters and Messengers twice unto them: but of late by the simple commandment of the kings Letters, another Edict, which is contrary to that former Edict in many things, was by them preferred without any manner of stay. This is the hope that we have of their good and wholesome counsel.  
10 To be short, they add this request, that the Cities might be yielded up again to the king, and the Inhabitants thereof sworn a new unto him. They would bring to pass & earnestly seek (as they did in the days of king France's the second lately diseased) to persuade men that they are the kings enemies, which cannot abide their tyranny. The Duke of Guise and his brethren should hold themselves content with this, that they have once already used these subtle means to the offence of many good men: when as they pretended and abused the kings name to defend themselves against their enemies.  
If any man were of them suspected to be their enemy, ●…ither for that he had at any time spoken unreverently of them, or for any other cause, he was cast by and by into prison, was reported to be an enemy to the king and to the Realm. And because those their subtle flight's have once had good success and have been by them abused to the destruction of many, if God had not provided for the same, they would now put them in prac 'tice again: & although there is not one of those which taketh our part, which would not willingly spend & bestow all that he hath, & his life to, in the service of the king, yet notwithstanding they call ●…e Rebels & the kings enemies. There is I say, not one of us, which would not most gladly, for the preservation of our king, whom we alone & singularly love, serve & reverence as the only gift of God, spend & bestow his life. There is none of us which hath put himself in armour to require any thing of the Queen or of the king of Navar. We require no other king whom we may acknowledge & reverence as our liege Lord & Sovereign. Neither do we require to have him and his authority in our hands. We desire not to have tributes, customs, taxes, & other payments due to him to be made, to be eased & diminished: nay on the contrary part, we not only have not refused to bear any burden that hath been laid up 'pon us, but do also now of our own accord promise unto the king to give unto him whatsoever he will require so far forth as our goods will extend. The Cities which are blamed as Rebels, have not forsaken or changed their Sovereign: they gladly acknowledge all obedience to the king. They have not put themselves in armour against the King: such wickedness be far from them: neither have they sought by force to make the King and his authority subject unto them. But they & we have put ourselves in armour against the Guises, the Constable, and the Martial of S. Andrew, & that with such discretion & modesty, that we seek neither their blood, goods, nor offices. Therefore they which shall say that we have put ourselves in Armour against the king, shall impudently lie: or else those Suppliants attribute to themselves the kings name & dignity. But they which shall counsel & persuade the king to give unto them his authority, soldiers, & money, although war were enter prised against him, shall truly one day make an account of those their counsels: & shall declare who hath caused the king & the Realm to contend: & who also hath spent the king's money contrary to the laws of the Realm.  
And I trust it will so fall out that the goods which they have taken out of the King's treasury to maintain wars, willbe one day repaid again out of their substance, both to the profit of the King, and also to the easing and disburdening of the people.  
11 Last of all they protest that they are ready to go home to their own private houses, yea to the utmost parts of the world, if need should require: and to the end we should not be ignorant, they assign the time of their departure, saying: When these things are fulfilled and brought to pass, that is to say: When the Edict of January by their private authority is openly broken: when the reform Religion is wholly abrogated, with the preaching of the word of God and the administration of Sacraments: when our consciences shallbe subject to the vexation of strange doctrine: when all they that have in braced the reform Religion shallbe put to silence & made subject to the furor & outragions madness of their enemies: & being in danger of their lives if they live otherwise than they would have them: and (to use their own words) if they shall live without offence, that is to say, if they will come to Mass, and to other popish ceremonies, this they call to live without offence. These are the conditions which we may look for at their hands. This is their discreet counsel.  
¶ But let us now proceed a little farther, and let my petition be joined and compared with there's, which I now make, as followeth.  
I require the observation of the Edict of January: they on the contrary part, would have the same abolished. They desire the subversion & ruin of many Noble families, and of others also: I desire that all the kings subjects of what estte or condition soever they be of, should be in safety, & still enjoy their goods & livings, and to be delivered from all injury violence, and oppression. They go about to kill and destroy all those of the reform Religion: I seek to preserve them, until the King shall come to riper age to judge and determine of the whole matter as shall seem best unto him: and in the mean time I desire that both parts may live quietly: that the papists may enjoy their livings & revenues with safety. They seek to deal by open violence, not caring to begin civil war, seeking by foreign aid to destroy us, spending the king's treasure to the destruction both of the king, and also of the realm, whereby we are constrained to defend ourselves. I neither desire wars, neither do I spend the kings treasure, neither do I seek the help of strangers: nay I refused them always hitherto, when they have offered me their service, & so will I do still, except I be thereunto greatly constrained by these authors of wars. I desire to have armour put of on both parts, & do promise, that all those which are of my part shallbe obedient, and that love and the reverence which we own to the king, shall more prevail with us than force of arms, for whose preservation we are ready to spend all that we have. They desire that we may be counted rebels and open enemies, our cause not herded: yea they seek our blood, our offices, our goods, and our consciences. We neither seek their blood, their offices, their goods, nor their consciences. This only we seek for at their hands, to whom we will be bond, that they and we will go home every man to his own house, according to the tenor of those conditions which we have more copiously declared in the Instrument which we sent to the King and Queen concerning this matter. Neither can they complain & say that they are hereby dishonoured, seeing that we submit ourselves to the same conditions. Our petition is alike without any manner of inequality, we desire nothing but that which is indifferent for both parts: seeing that they themselves came otherwise then they aught to have come to the king: and were the causes of these troubles, by their untimely usurping of armour. And they have violently assaulted so many good men, that although our petitions are not alike and so indifferent, yet notwithstanding it should be expedient for the peace & tranquillity of the realm, to have rather regard & consideration of many men than of a few, lest the whole kingdom for these causes be brought into peril of civil wars.  
But, although there be no comparison between these two petitions, seeing the one is just and equal, but the other unjust and violent, the one seeking wars & horrible murder, the other peace, and the general profi●…e of all men: yet notwithstanding the Queen may judge & determine of the whole matter. But and if she cannot at this time freely declare her judgement, either being stayed by violence, or else because she will not for other causes offend them: yet notwithstanding this thing we crave and request at her hands, seeing these times great lie requireth the same, namely: That their supplication and mine may be registered in the public Commentaries of the Senate: That the Edict of january may be observed: and that both parts laying aside their weapons, may departed to their own houses, until the King coming to riper years, shallbe able to judge and order the whole matter as it shall please him: or else till the Queen with the advise of her counsel shall determine of the same.  
The remedy appertaineth to both parts, neither can any man complain that he receiveth any prejudice: & it is so easy to be done, the whosoever shall refuse the same, cannot deny himself to be an enemy to the king and the realm. Neither can it be but that they shallbe judged of all men to be in the blame, which refuse the remedy so easy to be had, for so great misery and calamity like too ensue. It shallbe judged also who is a traitor and an open enemy to the king and the realm either he which willingly offereth to unarm himself: or he which had rather destroy all, than restore the King again to his former liberty.  
But because civil wars have always evil success, the soldiers minds and hands being not easy to be restrained: I protest before God and men, that I put myself in armour, and prepare my soldiers to battle with great grief of mind: and do heartily desire that so great calamities and miseries as are like to come by these civil wars might be averted and appeased by my blood only, if it might so please God. But because my reasonable request is rejected, and seeing my adversaries will be judges in this cause, I protest again that my only purpose and intent is, to restore the king and Queen into their former liberty, and to bring the government of the kingdom to the Queen, and to the king of Navarre: and to deliver the greatest part of the people from the tyranny and oppression of such as have usurped the government of the realm. I have no regard to my own private commodity or gain in this cause. I am not led by ambition, by a desire to revenge, or by covetousness, as knoweth the Lord, whose glory and truth I seek to defend, with the dignity of the King, and peace and tranquillity of the Realm.  
While the matter was thus canuassed too and fro by writing, and the Guises with their compartners bearing only an outward show to the Queen of reverence, and seeking notwithstanding daily more and more to rule & govern the realm themselves, the Queen by her effeminate and timerouse nature, was very doubtful, being careful for her liberty & authority which she had lost: and fearing also the ambition of the Guises and his adherents. And being afeard of their great power, she stood in doubt whether she should incline to them, or lean to the Prince of Conde. Notwithstanding she written often letters unto him by faithful messengers, and sometime she sent her mind by word of mouth, not daring to sand by letters. Of some of the which letters we have here put down the Copies.  


I See such sights daily to my great grief (my well-beloved Cousin) that except I looked for help from God, & did comfort myself with the trust which I have in you, whereby I am persuaded that you will presently seek to preserve me, the realm, and the king my Son, I should be much more grieved than I am. But I hope that all things shallbe very well ordered by us, with the help of your good Counsel, to the frustrating of all their actions, and practices which seek to destroy all things. But because I have at large declared the whole matter unto this messenger, I will be here the more brief. Only I beseech you to credit that which he shall tell you, concerning all those things which I have given him in charge to declare unto you two.  
Your Cousin CATHARINE.   

Also this which followeth is the copy of another of her letters.  
I give you hearty thanks (my dear Cousin) for that you so oftentimes certify me of your affairs: and because I trust to see you ere it be long face to face, and to talk with you myself, I will not now writ much unto you. Only this I request of you, that you fully persuade yourself, that I will never forget those things, which you have done for my sake. And if it fortune that I did before I shallbe able to acknowledge & recompense so great a benefit, I will give my children charge to supply such lack in me, & to requited the same. I have commanded this messenger to tell you many things. Thus much only I certify you of, that I do as I do, and behau●… myself as you know, to work, if it might be, peace and concord, the which I know that you (my well-beloved Cousin) desire no less than I Salute I pray you in my name your wife, your wives Mother, and your Uncle.  
Your dear and loving Cousin CATHARINE.    
Whereas the Queen complaineth in these letters, that she is in great sorrow and grief, and noteth also many authors of troubles, she speaketh of the Guises, and his fellows: whom notwithstanding she dared not openly resist, neither yet take part with the Prince of Conde. And whereas she sayeth that she trusteth it will shortly come to pass that she shall see him face to face, the occasion was this: when nothing went forward neither by letters, nor yet by messengers sent from one to another, the Queen made petition to the Prince of Conde that he would come & talk with the King of Navarre, to the intent they might have mutual conference of the 
Communication be between the Queen the King of Navarre, and the Prince of Conde.  whole matter, and might devise some way for peace and concord. The Prince of Conde yielded to the request: the place and time, for their meeting was appointed: namely the first of june. At which time the Queen, the King of Navarre, and the Prince of Conde met together, in the Region of Beausse, in the mid way between Paris, and Orleans. At this their meeting they commoned of many things, of the which we will speak hereafter, as they were publicly put down in writing by the Prince of Conde. The Queen dared not grant any thing to the Prince of Conde, neither did the king of Navarre, his brother, show himself any whit tractable or friendly. Where upon they broke of and departed without any profit by their meeting and conference: their minds being thereby not a little exasperated, and grudge raised against one another. The Queen and the King of Navarre, plainly denied to the Prince of Conde the removing of the Guises and his adherents from the Court, and the observation of the edict of january, throughout the whole Realm: the which two things were the principal points of the petition of the Prince of Conde.  
Therefore the Prince of Conde, when he was returned 
Letters of the Prince of Conde to the Queen.  again to Orleans, and had told the whole matter to his confederates, sent letters to the Queen the xi. day of june, certifying her, that according to her commandment he had declared the whole matter to all those that were his adherents, & had conferred with them concerning the finding out, and devising ways for peace and concord. Who, when they had wisely weighed and considered all things, gave their sentence thus: That there could be no firm or certain ways for peace & concord devised, so long as the contrary part their enemies, beset the King and her with soldiers; & ruled them both by violence: insomuch that not only all hope to pacify things is taken away thereby, but also good occasion is offered unto us to fear, lest all things wa●…e much worse than they now be: seeing that they, upon whom the King and Queen do wholly depend, do under the pretence of the King's name & authority, seek to work their wills, and do accuse men of those things whereof they themselves are most of all guilty. Therefore (saith he) they earnestly desire of you, that you would not take it in evil part, if they abide in that their former p●…rpose seeing they have now put themselves in Armour to defend themselves from the force of those enemies, lest in very deed they, which have declared themselves to be enemies, should be also judges of the cause in controversy. For it was never seen in any assembly that when any matter is objected against many men, they should by absence not be●… suffered to have their cause to be judged & examined. Is it meet that they should be absent, specially at that time when matters of so great weight come in question, as when they are burdened to be enemies to the glory of God, to the kings liberty & authority, & also to the common peace? Whereas they are maintainers thereof, & their accusers of such enemies. Wherefore, they say, except they may be permitted to come in presence to clear themselves of these crimes, there is no other way to be looked for than by force of Arms.  
Also whereas you said, being first taught of those enemies, that it could not be that the Edict of january should be observed, the people being armed to break the same, it seemeth to them to be no less unreasonable than the other. For what can be more unreasonable than this, that the common sort of people should not only defend these opinions, without law to maintain the same, but also being of all the Kings subjects the very rascal sort, should put on Armour both to break the Kings Edicts, and also to rule and govern the King at their pleasure? Notwithstanding, this they know, that seeing that Edict was made and established by a notable and singular assembly of Noble, wise, and learned men, after that matters on both parts were wisely considered of, the Nobility of France will not suffer themselves to have such ignominy, neither yet strangers to break the King's Edicts, & to make new Edicts at their own pleasure. These things being of her wisely considered, she may judge whether it be meet that the consciences of the kings faithful subjects should be tied to the wills of factious men, and of the outrageous multitude: or what concord is to be hoped for of them, which took away all power of government from the Queen herself: and whether it be to be suffered that they should have the kings power at their commandment any longer, which seek to oppress those that defend and maintain the King's authority and his laws. Finally she may judge whether it be more meet that they go home to their own houses, or whether by their presence, they bring the kings State into peril: the which all men see they will sooner do, than they will lose on jot of their wills. The which notwithstanding he saith he trusteth to let with the help of God the maintainer & defender of all right. And to conclude, seeing there was no other way to breed peace and concord, than for the Guises and his adherents to departed from the Court, he prayed the Queen, that she would bring the same to pass, the necessity of the time, greatly requiring the same.  

He written Letters also to his Brother the King of Navarre, to this effect.  
ALTHOUGH, (says he) I might long ago see some part of those calamities, which I now see to be imminent: yet notwithstanding I may truly affirm this, that I now see far greater miseries, than ever I feared would come to pass. For both the conscience and testimony of the integrity of the reform Churches, and all so, of the natural and loving inclination that I have seen to be in you, beside the testimony of all my actions, had persuaded me that you, (they which are the authors of those troubles being compared with me, whom God hath so advanced to honour that I am your own natural brother) would rather follow the love of brotherly conjunction, than the subtle persuasions of those which never sought for any thing but their own advancement, and your destruction. And truly I am not altogether without hope of the same, what occasion so ever at this time I have to think to the contrary. And for this cause alone I have now written unto you my letters, not so much with pen and ink as with tears distilling from mine eyes.  
For what can happen unto me more lamentable & sorrowful, than to understand that you should be a sworn enemy unto him, which would be the first that would adventure his body to defend you from harm: that you should go about to take away his life, which came of the same parents that you came of, & which will never refuse most gladly to spend his life for your preservation? Consider I pray you, & diligently weigh with yourself, whether there can be any thing, which aught to move you to so great hatred against nature. If the matter be for religion, there is no man that can better judge than you, whether it be meet & convenient, to violate & break the bond of nature & humanity for religion, which the very Barbarians will never do. Although you cannot embrace and receive all the points of our Religion, yet notwithstanding I am fully persuaded of this, that your nature & disposition is such, that you do abhor so great & horrible cruelties committed against us, so far you are from being the author & cause thereof. If the matter concern the King's dignity & authority, who is there, next after you and your children, to whom the government more appertaineth, than unto me? judge (I heartily pray you) who is most careful for the state, whether he that offereth all lawful conditions, to have the matter quieted, or they which had rather bring all things into present peril & danger, than to forsake their armour which most vniust●…y they have put on, and to follow peace which they have ungodly forsaken. judge I beseech you, if th●… matter came thereunto, that they had destroyed them whom they perceive to resist their ambition, in what state should the kingdom then stand, the keeper & protector whereof you are, and of what power you should be of, to defend and preserve the same. If the matter' concern your dignity, you may call to mind what manner of people they are, which scarce two years since, were not contented not only to take away your dignity, but sought your life also. And whether they have since that time changed their minds, I cannot tell, time truly will reveal: but thus much I protest for myself, that the obedience which I own unto you, I will perform & show while life doth last: upon condition that he may be made equal with those, which are neither so near unto you by blood, nor yet so born to obey you, as he is. Nevertheless you shall grant me leave to be ignorant how they can be your friends, who are not content again to seek to put your brother to death, except thy make you the minister and instrument of their hatred. But weigh & consider that I have spoken these things, not for mine own cause, but for the glory of God's sake, for the love of my country, and in respect of you: before you proceed any further to set upon him, which by the bond of nature is no less careful and loving unto you, than you are to yourself: for as by the leave of God he will never cease to do his duty unto you, even so he had rather suffer death, than to wish those calamities which will follow this contention, which way soever the victory shall incline. But and if the authors of these troubles, which aught to submit themselves to reason and equity, do prosecute their counsels, being not restrained by you to whom God hath given authority: we trust (by the help of God, the defence of whose glory we will seek to the shedding of the last drop of our blood) that you shall behold that event, which shall evidently declare unto you the ends of all their counsels: and shall also certify you how faithful a heart not only I, but this whole assembly also have born to you next unto, God and the King and Queen.  
The Prince of Conde sent with his letters also the sum of his petitions briefly contained in writing, in manner and form following.  
I think (says he) that these are convenient and necessary means and ways to avoid the perturbations and troubles which hang over the realm: the which I propound by the leave of the King and Queen, For so much as, before they began their counsel, which were the first that put themselves in armour, and which as yet keep the King in their custody by force of arms, all this whole realm began to enjoy peace and tranquillity, concerning religion: men of both sorts of religion thinking themselves in very good case by the benefit of the edict made in the month of January last past, with the advise and consent of the Princes the king's kinsmen, of the King's Counsel, and by the consent of all the most notable men of all the kingdom: and experience will show that without the observation of that Edict, there cannot be peace and concord kept among the king's subjects. First of all I require this, that the same edict of January, according to the form thereof, be observed and kept without alteration of the same, until the determination of another Parliament: or until such time as the King himself by lawful age shallbe able to take upon him the government of the Realm, and to order the matter according to his own discretion: to whom I and my Confederates do yield ourselves in such wise to obey, that if it should please the King to take from us the benefit of the reform Religion, we would also altar our purpose and obey.  
Secondly, that all violent acts on both parts committed since the time that they put themselves in armour, may be punished: and that whatsoever hath been done and constituted since that time, may be quite abolished and taken away: because the minds of the King and Queen were and are captived by the Guises.  
And because the coming of the Guises, of the Constable, and of the Marshal of S. Andrew, into the Court, and many of their deeds which they did, are the only causes of these tumults: I can see no other way to bring peace and concord then to have them to departed from the Court. The which I desire, not for that, I for my own part bear unto them any evil will: but to the end the King, & Queen may have their liberty: that the Queen may have her authority in governing the kingdom: that the Edicts may be observed: & that there may be some con sideration & regard had of me, & of those which attend upon me, & of all the reform Churches, which otherwise stand in great fear. I desire therefore that the Guises, the Constable, and the Marshal of S. Andrew may lay aside their armour: and that they may go home to their own Lordships, until the king come to more perfit age. And I promise' that I and they which are with me shall do the like. And to the end the matter may be seen to be spoken in good faith, I will give my Elder Son in hostage, and all the rest of my children, to be most precious pledges of my faithful meaning. These are the most equal and indifferent pledges, that I could devise. And I protest that I will put away all causes of debate and enmity that appertained to me and the Guises, for the king and queens sake. The which Conditions, if they be rejected, I say and affirm (the which also I have oftentimes protested) that not I but they are the authors of all those calamities and miseries, which by reason of all these Civil wars have happened unto me, who have rejected these conditions to the present peril of the kingdom.    

¶ The fifth Book of Commentaries concerning the state of the common wealth, and Religion in France under the reign of King Charles the ninth.  
THESE petitions and admonitions of the Prince of Conde, to concord took no place, but were lightly regarded: whereby the matter daily waxed worse & worse. The queen could neither retain her authority, neither did she care at the length to have the same. And whereas at the first she was drawn away from the Prince of Conde, through fear, she become now through effeminate rashness, and inconstancy, a bitter enemy to him and his cause. The King of Navarre, being utterly blinded and bere●…t of judgement, was so inflamed with wrath, and great indignation against his brother, and his adherents, & also against the reform Churches, as though he had never herded any thing concerning the truth, neither yet had had experience of the minds of the Guises.  
Therefore he was wholly led and carried by the Guises, whethersoever they would have him: who, to make him more sure, on their side, ins●…ared him with harlots, and with other intiseing vain pleasures, in the which they perceived the King of Navarre, to have most delight. 
The beginning of civil wars.  He therefore fulfilling the minds of the Guises in every point, stoutly thondred out the King's authority against the Prince of Conde, and his fellows. These were the first beginnings of this Civil war: the kingdom and the Church of God being cast into great extremities▪ So greatly may the subtle devices of ungodly men disturb the society of the godly: unless the providence of God do govern the event, and pronide a prosperous end, amidst so great outrage.  
There were certain letters brought in the king's name to the Prince of Conde & to his fellows, the which promised peace unto them after a sort upon these conditions, 
The conditions of peace offered by the king to the faithful.  namely: If the Prince of Conde and his fellows, according to their former commandment from the king, would out of hand unarm themselves: and would yield up into the King's power their cities. The which if they would do, the Guises, the Constable, & the Martial of S. Andrew, promised (as they had also done before) that they would go home to their houses. Also, that the King of Navarre should have at his commandment all manner of Artillery, and should take and choose out of the army of the Prince of Conde, for the use of the King and the realm, whatsoever seemed good unto him. To these things if they would yield and grant, the King would forgive & pardon their offence in putting themselves in armour: and would leave to every man the free use of Religion, so that every man should live peaceably at home, without receiving of any hurt for Religion. This was done the twelfth day of June, the Martial Vielle and the aarle Villarius, being sent with the letters for this matter.  
To these letters the Comparteners of the Prince of Conde made this answer. First, We tender all humble 
The petitions of the faithful.  thanks to your Majesty, for that you seem to have so great a care and consideration for our peace and safety: But whereas it is thought that the putting of our armour, would be a great cause of the same, it seemeth too us otherwise, for that you stand in need of our aid against those which seek the destruction of you, of your realm, and of your faithful subietces. For by these means we may seek to restore your Majesty and your mother too that liberty & authority which you had, before the Duke of Guise came into the Court. It seemeth unto us at this time, that neither you nor your mother are at liberty, as may be perceived by the effects. This we request, that the Edict of January may be generally observed & kept throughout the Realm: that in certain places in the which there is most danger of sedition, the faithful mai have leave to have their Temples within the Cities, that the Guises, the Constable, and the Martial of S. Andrew, may departed from the Court: and that they come not into the same again, nor have any manner of govern meant of the kingdom during the King's minority. Also, that whatsoever hath been done by the king's counsel, from that time since the which the Guises have kept the King and Queen in their custody by force of arms, may be voyd and of none effect. Furthermore, we request, that the Cardinal of Ferrar, a pr●…uoker and mover of wars, may forthwith departed the Realm, and speed him to Rome: and that he certify the Pope, that if he will appoint a common counsel, either at Lions, Avignon, or Bezance, they were ready by the Kings leave to come to that Counsel.  
But whereas it is said that we shall have pardon for putting on armour, there seemeth to us no cause why we should need any pardon. Since we have not horn armour against the king but for the King: yea we are sofarre f●…om deserving blame herefore, that we rather deserve all commendation, praise, and reward: Which shall well appear to the King when he cometh to that ripenesss of years that he may judge of our merits and well deserving, until which time we desire that the writings of the Prince of Conde, and of the Triumuiri, might be registered in all the Courts of Paris. Moreover, it seemeth not necessary unto us that 
Triumuiri are these three, Guise, the Constable, and the Marshi all of Saint Andrew.  any manner of artillery should be taken away: only it is necessary to bring to pass that the Triumuiri, which are the authors and causes of the war and these troubles, do lay aside their armour: for we desire nothing more than peace. As for the Cities which we have fortified, we do and will ever acknowledge them to be the Kings. And we utterly mislike that the Triumuiri sold bring into the Realm any foreign power.  
Wherefore we desire not that the armies of foreign Princes be brought into the realm: but that they would only be sureties for the performance of the Conditions. Therefore we desire the Emperor, the Prince's Electors, the Queens of England and Scotland, the King of Spain, the common wealth of Vennize, and the Swissers, to give their warrantise and suretyship for the performance of these condi●…ions.  
These things notwithstanding were attempted in vain, men's minds on both sides being inflamed to wars. The Prince of Conde and those of his side, trusted to the goodness of their cause, howbeit they sought all that they could for peace and concord, although both in number and also in courage, they far exceeded their adversaries, persuading themselves to have the victory. The Guises and his fellows, greatly leaned to the kings authority, and had in their custody the kings treasure: So that what with their own subtle practices, and what with the help of the King of Navarre, they brought many things to pass. For the kings name and authority carrieth with it such a majesty and reverence throughout the whole Realm of France, as ever the name of a king hath done or may, in any Kingdom: the subjects having in them, a certain natural love, as it were engraffed. By which name how greatly the Guises, have prevailed, experience hath taught. The Guises also were helped by the Spaniards, by the Italians, and by the Switzers, wh●…se help the Guises required, even when they took their counsel first to begin wars. The Guises had also on their part the City of Paris, the Senate, the people, and many other great and mighty Cities: So that they were very strong on both parts, insomuch that all things considered, it was not easy to be di●…erned which was the stronger part. At this first beginning the Prince of Conde & his part, were both in number and courage far surpassing the Guises: but the Guises and his adherents exceeded the other part in policy and subtle sleights. Notwithstanding God did so moderate and order the whole matter, lest the victory one the on●… part being to great, both the Kingdom should be brought to great calamity, & also the Church to extreme ruin and destruction. Herein therefore most miraculously appeared the great providence of God, in afflicting his servants, and yet notwithstanding saving them from destruction: and in punishing the great outrage of the whole Kingdom, and yet not utterly overthrowing the same.  
The Guises therefore perceived that they must needs stop and repress the proceed of the Prince of Conde and his ad●…erents, with whom they had not been equal if they had joined battle: and also intended to shifted of the courageous forwardness of the Prince of Condes Arm●…e by subtle means, until they had the help of these Strangers whom they looked for: To bring the which their purpose to pass, the vehement inclination of the Prince of Conde to peace, did greatly help them.  
While the fa●…hfull were in good hope one while to have peace, another while to have victory, by daily rumours, and the Cities being more negligently kept than they were wont to be, certain of them were lost: as Angeu and Calonium, and others, the which were at the first counted but small losses: but afterwards great losses, as the faithful found.  
Now seeing there ensued no fruit of the communication had between the Prince of Conde, the Queen, & the King of Navarre, (as we have before declered) both Armies prepare themselves to take their journey. The Army of the Guises was neither very great in number, nor yet furnished with many expertsouldiers. There were certain bands of soldiers footmen, gathered out from among the rascal sort of people of Paris, which were so raw that they were feign to be taught even the first principles of Martial feats: and among th●…se were many popish Priests, which had obtained leave from the Pope & of the Bishops to go to the war. And as for horsemen, they had scarce one whole army: many of the Noble Captains being with the Prince of Conde.  
The chiefest part of the Garrisons of soldiers, which were appointed to defend the strong holds in divers parts of the Realm, were called home to help the Guises: of the which a great number stolen away secretly to the Prince of Conde.  
The Army of the Prince of Conde was the greater in number, the most courageous, and the best appointed. The greatest and most principal part of the Nobility being very well appointed and furnished both with courage and armour, and a great multitude of soldiers coming unto him from all parts of the Realm almost: the which was divided into three parts. The first part consisted of Uascones, of the which Monure Grammuntiu●… was general. The second of Oscitanes, & of the Inhabitants of Dolpheny, of whom Monsure Rohainus was Captain. The third consisted of those Inhabitants of France, that are called Franci, in Latin, of which the Andelot was Captain: who notwithstan ding was made the Captain general of all the footmen. Concerning field pieces or great Goonnes, the enemy had great abundance, whereof the Prince of Conde had small store: which either he had taken at Orleans, or else were cast of purpose for him.  
The common Counsel and consent of all men was to go to Paris with all their power, being the chief Me tropolitane City, and the head of their enemies, and to assault the same.  
Notwithstanding, the Guises removed their Army from Paris: commandment being first of all given by the King of Navarre, that all those which profess the reform Religion, should departed out of the City with in three days. And then they came to Stapulas, towards Orleans.  
The Prince of Conde also removed from Orleans, with all his Army, the twenty of June, to meet the enemy. Then sent the Queen Letters to the Prince of Conde, entreating and persuading him to peace and concord, upon indifferent and reasonable conditions. The Prince of Conde always desiring peace, sent Letters back again, & was contented to come to Parley. Whereupon truce was taken for six days. Then the King of Navarre written to his brother the Prince of Conde more lovingly than he was wont to do, & desired of him to have for himself and his family only a City lying near to the river Loyer, called, Bogencia, which City was kept with Garrisons of the Prince of Conde: the which he desired but upon this condition, that if they did not conclude upon peace, he would yield it into his hands again. The Queen also came into the army of the Guises, & written to the Prince of Conde very loving & friendly 
The Guises under the colour of peace seek to deceive the Prince of Conde.  letters, desiring him earnestly, to come and talk with her. By reason hereof it was commonly reported through out the whole army of the prince of Conde, that there should be peace: the Guise's intending nothing less, but a farther mischi●…fe, as the event afterward declared. The Prince of Conde, in the time of the truce, talked oftentimes with the Queen, and with his Brother the King of Navar.  
Then the Prince of Conde, when he had told his fellows that the Queen had promised him that the Guises and his adherentes should forthwith departed to their own houses, and unarm themselves, upon condition that he himself should come unto her as a pledge, for the confirming of the peace that should be concluded, when I say he had reported these things to his fellows, he crediting the same, persuaded his fellows to give him leave to bring this thing to pass, that he might seem, to leave nothing undone that might breed peace and concord. To the which they granted, making this request in manner and form following.  
Before the matter proceed, let the Guises, the Constable Momorentius, and the Marshal of saint Andrew, depart home to their own houses: immediately after the which departing, we desire that the Prince of Conde may remain and abide in the hands of the Queen, and of his Brother the king of Navarre, as a hostage & pledge of our faith: promising with one consent, that we will gladly, and readily obey all things that shallbe commanded us to do, which concern our obedience, and duty to the king, the profit and commodity of the Realm, and the conservation of our lives and goods: but specially for the glory of God, and the liberty of our consciences.  
Then was this request, which the adherentes of the Prince, of Conde had made, brought to the Queen with letters: & o●…t of hand, the same night, all to soon, it was subscribed by the Prince of Conde & the rest of his friends, and solemnly also subscribed by the King of Navarre, and sealed with the King's seal: and then it was sent back again with letters, by which the Queen and the King of Navarre declared that they liked very well of the conditions. This return was made the four and twenty day of June, being the last day of the truce taken: at which time notable occasion was offered to the Prince of Conde, to anoie, and gaul his enemies. 
The Guise go home to their houses, & the Prince of Conde become pledge.   
Notwithstanding he attempted no manner of force, because of the letters that came in the mean time. The six and twenty day following, the Guises, the Constable, and the Marshal of Saint Andrew, departed from their Camps. And by & by word was brought to the Prince of Conde, that those three, according to the form of the petition, were departed from their army home to their houses. When the Prince of Conde understood this, he came to the King of Navarre, to Baugence, with a few only attending upon him.  
Whereupon he was brought through the midst of the host, in all the haste to a village called Talsiac, where the Queen abode: and between Baugence, & that village Talsiac, were placed certain Garrisons of soldiers. When he came to the Queen, he was of her very lovingly entertained, and had many fair promises made him: and by request easily obtained leave of her, that certain of his fellows might come unto that place: both to the end they might salute her, and also that they might confer and talk together concerning concord 
The practice of the Guises to take the Prince of Conde.  and peace. In the mean time word was brought to the friends, and fellows of the Prince of Conde, that the Guises, the Constale, and the Marshal of Saint Andrew, abode still at Chastellodune, which was not far distant from Talsia where the Queen and the Prince of Conde abode: and certain letters also of the Dukeeof Guise to the Cardinal of Lorraine his Brother, were taken by the way, and brought to them: Of which letters this is the sum word for word as they were written.  
I sand unto you this messenger in all hast possible, to certify you that all things were yesterday finished. And 
They mean the Queen, and the King of Navar.  know you this also for certain, that many are blinded and deceived very much. Our Mother, and her brother, swear that they will not forsake us: and that they will follow no other Counsel than the Counsel of such whom you know. To be short, the reform Religion, if we behave ourselves wisely (as we mean to do) will have a fall: You and our Admiral shall have evil success. All our power remaineth still whole, but theirs is broken and dispersed: our Cities are rendered up again, without any manner of mention of preaching or of the administration of Sacraments. This messenger which I sand unto you is trusty.  
There came also to the hands of the Prince of Conde by the means of one of the king of Navars' household servants, a note in writing of the Duke of Guise's, left with the King of Navarre for a remembrance: to this effect.  
Let there be no obligation made for Religion: See that the pledge be kept in any wise: Concerning the rendering up of the Cities, let there be no delay: Order the matter wisely: Suffer them in no wise to come any nearer to Orleans: Let us be diligently certified and admonished of all things.  
These forewarnings greatly troubled the Prince of Conde and his adherents: they saw that he was fallen into the hands of his enemies: so that there was great danger on every side. Notwithstanding his friends thinking it not good to delay the matter, and to suffer the Prince to be in peril, when they had given the captains charge to be vigilant, and to have their soldiers in a readiness, came to the Queen. The principal whereof 
The nobles of the Prince of Condes side went to the Queen.  were these, the Admiral, the Andelot, Monsuer Porcia, Monsuer Rochfocald, Monsuer Rohan, Monsuer Genluis, Monsuer Grammontius, Monsuer Soubizius, and Monsuer Piennius.  
These saluted the Queen, and were very lovingly entertained of her: She gave unto them thanks, for their great diligence and pains for her and the kings prifite at that time: insomuch that she said they had preserved her life and the kings: the which their merits deserving honour, & price, the said, she would never or get.  
Then they declared to the Queen, with what fidelity they had served the King with their body & goods, under the Prince of Conde: they showed unto her the equity of their cause, which at that time was in controversy: and their earnest care also which they had for 
The communication between the queen and the Nobles.  the preservation of the kings dignity, and the peace & profit of the whole Realm. Whereupon they most heartily prayed and beséeched the Queen, that they might not prefer the imaginations of a few men, before those things which appertained to the glory of God, and the safety of the Realm: For God (say they) will defend every good cause, and severely punish all kind of wickedness, which are committed against the kings Edicts, abusing the kings name thereunto. For himself also the Prince of Conde protested, that it seemed very strange unto him, that some should be had in such estimation, and no regard at all to be had of him, which was not only near of kin to the king, whereas the other were strangers, and but servants to the king, but also had offered all manner of indifferent conditions and submission. Wherefore he said it was now high time to provide some remidies to resist and repel those calamities at hand.  
The Queen being before instructed concerning every thing what answer she should make, began, not to answer to those things which were spoken by the Prince of Conde, but to declare: That the number, power, 
The queen denieth the use of the reform Religion.  and authority of those was very great which followed and embraced the Church of Room: and they have the sword in their hands (saith she) and are fully determined to defend that Religion, which all former kings have received and embraced: so that they mean this shallbe the principal condition among the rest, for concord and peace: That there be no other Religion observed & followed throughout the whole Realm, than the Catholic Religion of Room.  
But the Prince of Conde in the name of the rest, replied, that they did not pled their own private cause: but whatsoever had been done by them until that day, was done first for the defence of the kings liberty and authority, and secondly for a common wealth: and hereupon they put themselves in armour at the first by the queens commandment: for the which cause, they did not care if they spent their goods & lives, so that the kings Edict might be observed and kept, whereby every man might have leave to use the reform Religion, and the liberty of their conscience: without the benefit whereof, they thought themselves to be but dead.  
Insomuch, that if they in whom so great a number of faithful did repose their trust for the handling of these matters, should so much overshoot themselves, and forget their duty, that they should agree to those things which were so repugnant to the glory of God, and the common profit of all men, it could not be avoided but that they should be counted of all men forsakers & contemners of the glory of God, of the king's dignity and safety, & of the common peace & tranquillity of the realm. The which, rather than it should come to pass, should 'cause them to forsake the realm, before they would agree to those so unjust and severe conditions. And if their departure out of the realm, might remedy the matter, he beséeched the Queen, that there might be no regard or consideration had of them but of public peace and quietness.  
The Prince of Conde had oftentimes used these words: Let there be no consideration had of me, I would gladly bring to pass that by my exile the kingdom might be in peace, and the use of the reform Religion restored. And the Queen even of purpose had enticed and provoked the Prince of Conde, she having the Triumuiri, her School masters, to use these words. Therefore, the Queen having feet occasion offered her, answered, That she had always the Prince of Conde and the rest in as great estimation, 
The queen would have the Prince of Conde & his friends banished,  as become her. But for somuch as the matter was come to this point, that such remedies must be used as she wished not, to her great grief, yet notwithstanding, because of the present necessity, she said, she received that condition, namely, that they should forthwith departed the Realm, by whose absence the minds of the bishops would be the better pacified, and so the Realm should be at peace and quietness. And she would (she said) make generally and particularly to every man such assurance for their peace and safety, as they could desire.  
The Prince of Conde and his fellows wondering greatly at these words of the Queen, which they looked not for, said at the length, that they had respect unto others as well as to themselves, whose advise they would have. But the Queen prosecuted her former talk saying, that so the common wealth should be greatly profited: and there are some says she, that threaten to prolong the king's minority, until he come to the age of one and twenty, if so be need should require to resist their violence, she was persuaded (she said) that the Prince of Conde and the rest of his friends, would come and help the King, although he were never so far of.  
Thus they made an end for this day. And the Queen came to Talsiac. The day following there came a Messenger betimes in the morning to the Prince of Conde, from the Queen, with short letters, which made mention of the communication had the day before, & of the concluding of the same: for the which cause she said she would have him come unto her. Then the Prince of Conde and his fellows, came to the Queen: and when he had talked with her a while, seeing that the time of his abode with her was not limited: and seeing also that he could bring nothing to pass as he would, he prayed the Queen that he and his fellows might have leave to return back again to their army: for so much as also he perceived that those perleying wanted not the accustomed treasons of his adversaries. And thus the Prince 
The Prince of Conde returned to his army  of Conde the same day returned again to his army: who very joyfully received him, notwithstanding the soldiers was almost displeased, that the Prince of Conde came into so great peril, with the common consent of all the Nobles: saying that those parleyes should be needful no more: and that the policy of the adversaries, was not perceived and seen, who go about to detract & delay the the time, to the end they may increase their power with foreign help, to set upon us, whom they now fear. We for slow (say they) the advantage when it is offered: Where we had rather suffer any extremity, than to have these delays. Let us set upon the enemy, and contend no more with words, but with the dint of sword.  
And in very deed, if the Prince of Conde had brought his army at the first to Paris, being so well appointed, and of so great courage, there had been great hope of victory. But these delays, through parleying, did both abate the number and also the courage of the soldiers: where as the enemy thereby greatly increased his power.  
The Guises hearing of this, returned with all speed 
The Guises remove their army from Bogencia, & take Blesa, and Towers.  to their host, and were not a little grieved that the Prince of Conde was so escaped their hands. And because they thought it necessary, they removed their host secretly in the night from Baugence, leaving there only certain garrisons of Soldiers to defend the same. The day following they assaulted Blais, being a Noble City, which wanted sufficient power to defend the same, because the enemy came unlooked for: This they took, and put a great number of men to the sword. From thence they went to Towers, and sought to have the same rendered unto them: the which when they had taken by surrender, they spoiled: & horrible slaughter was committed by the Papists in the same town against the faithful. Men and women without any respect of age were drowned in the River by shipfulls. And divers also were beheaded.  
These sudden, and unlooked for rumours, stayed the Prince of Conde: also the great and huge store of rain which fallen in that Region, being of itself very deep and foul, made the Prince of Conde to altar his purpose and to leave following the enemy: For there was no joining of battle by reason of the foulness and dyrtinesse of the Country, the time rather serving to assault and besiege Cities. Wherefore, he determined to reserve his power, until better occasions were offered: 
The Prince of Conde returns to Orleans with his▪ army.  and so returned to Orleans again with his whole Army.  
About this time well near, the Aumal, brother to the Duke of Guise, assaulted Rouen in Normandy, and battered a very strong and well fenced Castle, commonly called the Castle of Saint Catherine, with great store of ordinance: but he prevailed not, but had evil success, the City being stoutly defended by the soldiers in the town, Moruilleirs a noble man, being their Captain. Therefore the sixteen day of the siege, the Duke Aumale with out his purpose, removed his host from Rhone, and 
Rouen besieged in vain by the Aumale.  departed, with loss of a great number of his Soldiers at this siege.  
At Lions, and about the utmost regions, as Dolpheny, Burgundy, and the province of Langres, the faithful were diversly vered and troubled. In Burgundy, the loss of Chalon (which in old time was called Cabilo) was the occasion that many other Towns also were lost: Tawanies the vicegerent of that province, having always, at every occasion an army ready and appointed to fight. Matisco was kept and defended by the garrison of soldiers of Lions, whose Captain was Mombrun. This Mombrun. giving to the Soldiers in the night a watch word or sign to departed, stolen away by ship and left the City, and came to Lions. Then Tavan, easily took the City of Matisco, being quite void of defence. hereupon all Burgundy, yielded to the Pope.  
In Province, which is a Region near unto the Meditaran Sea, the faithful were very evil entreated and murdered. Before the first motions of this Civil war, there was stirred up a grievous sedition, the chief author and Captain whereof was one Flacean, a desperate person, who had got unto him a band of wicked and lewd men: the which sedition, notwithstanding, was easily repressed by Monsuer Cursol, whom the King sent for the same purpose, and by the help of the reform churches, notwithstanding that Monsuer Sommerive, the governors Son of Province, and many Noble men, and divers other in authority, for because of the Guises, assisted those lewd persons. Nevertheless, the Governor of Province, Count de tend of Savoy, openly maintained the faithful and being oftentimes assaulted by his Son, came in great peril of his life. Therefore Monsuer Sommerive, so soon as he herded that wars should begin, fortified the Cities of greatest trust, as Marseile, Aiigues, and others, gathered together so great an army as he could, and every where evil entreated the faithful. Thus the matter daily waxing worse and worse, and both parts being bend to battle, the faithful also gathered an Army, with no small number of soldiers and captained▪ but they had small store of great goonnes, and of cities, out of which they were excluded by the subtle practices of the papists. Their Captains were these, Monsuer Cardet, Monsuer Bari, Monsuer Panard, and Monsuer Movans, a very good and expert captain. These marching forth with their armies came to Pertus, and besieged the same, and for want of great goonnes, they intended to undermined the city. Notwith standing when they herded of the coming of their enemies, which in deed were many more in number, they raised their siege, and came to Cesteron, which at that time they themselves possessed. But while Monsuer Sommerive, intended to follow and pursue them, behold he got a new occasion to commit great wickedness. There was at Avignon (which was a town belonging to the Pope's jurisdiction or territory, and of great wealth) a certain man called Fabricius Cerbello of Bononia, being Governor of the same town, expert in the wars, & the Bishop of Rome's Nephew, and a mortal enemy to the reform religion. This man entreated Monsuer Sommerive by his letters, that, for so much as he had already an army prepared, he would come out of hand to Orange (which is a Noble city, and the Lordship or signory of the house of Nassau) to the which there came daily a great multitude of huguenots, who unless they were oppressed even at the very first, not only Avignon, which bordered upon the same, should be endamaged, but also all Provence, should thereby receive great detriment. Therefore by this man's advise and counsel▪ Montanus sieur Sommerive marched with his army toward Orange, and had this occasion offered unto him, easily to assault the same.  
Monsieur Parpalia of Avignon, Lord chief justice of the Parliament of Orange, returning from Lions, was taken at Bourg, which is a town in Languedoc, near un 
Orange assaulted & taken by the papists.  to the river called the Rosne, the inhabitants of the same town being sworn enemies to the reform religion. Therefore, to deliver and redeem this Parpalias, the inhabitants of Orange, and the borderers thereabouts, leaving a small garrison to keep the City, came in battle array to Bourg. Whereupon the army of Monsieur Somerive, being aided with many of Dolpheny and Avignon, whose Captain was Monsieur Suze, a notable enemy to the reform Religion, besieged the City of Orange, being void of men to defend the same: battered the walls thereof with ordinance, the which being shaken down, they easily obtained the City. After the taking whereof the furious and outrageous soldier, exercised all manner of cruelty upon the poor inhabitants. For beside the accustomed cruelty used in wars, and at the raising & overthrowing of cities, as rapines, forcing of women, & the deflowering of virgins, they used a new kind of torture▪ as by casting down the prisoners from Turrets & other high places, the soldiers in the mean time watching the fall, that they might receive them upon the tops of their spears, and points of their swords. They used also to hang up men with their heels upward, boaring holes through their feet for the thouges and tie ropes to hold by. And after this they burned and destroyed the chiefest & principal buildings in the city.  
The victory being in this wise got, the army by and by marched to Cesteron, which we said before the faithful possessed: and determined to give the assault upon the City. Notwithstanding after certain days, they hearing of the coming of the army of Monsieur Sorez and Mone●…s, with other necessary aids & helps, they raised their sieg & departed without their purpose.  
The loss and destruction of the city of Orange brought great terror and fear upon all that Region, and upon the Inhabitants there abouts: but especially to all Dolpheny: Monsieur de Suze (of whom mention is made before) abiding still also about that Region after the departure of Monsieur Sommerive, with a prepared army, playing the mortal enemy, and was of great might & 
The army of Suze in Dolpheny greatly annoyed the faithful.  power, both by the help of the inhabitants of the same country, of whom he had gathered together a great army by his own authority and also by the aid of Monsieur Fabricius, governor of Avignon. Where upon he took the Cities bordering thereabouts, some yielding up themselves without assault, and some being conssrayned thereunto by siege, as Pierlot, Mornac, and divers other little towns. (All the villages in that Region are walled round about, because of their often and accustomed wars) and in the territory of Avignon, (which men call the county of Venais) being a very fruitful soil, he won many little Towns. For in that county the faithful held many of them.  
And if he had marched with his army toward Dolpheny, he had won with little ado, divers Cities, being slenderly fortified: all men quaking for fear, and the cities almost being quite void of men to defend themselves. For at that time the faithful were go to win the city of Puj, in the Region of Vellay. Notwithstanding at Lions was M. Adretze, at that instant governor of the city.  
This man by his singular diligence and endeavour, having gathered together from divers places an Army of men, came from Lions to Montiil, a noble City of Dolpheny: at whose commandment suldiers came to him from divers places. For at that time his name was of such authority throughout all those Regions, that he might rule and govern as he listed himself, all those places in the which the faithful abode, as the Provinces of Lions, Dolpheny, and Languedos. Monsuer de Suze having got a great Army, went to besiege the City of Vauriac in the County of Venais, but being the more bold by reason of the success that he had at Orange, he was careless and reckless in his business. Therefore he encamped himself near unto the City, and willed the Citizens to yield up the same unto him. In the mean time, the soldier being careless talked of the spoil, and of the pray, assuring himself of the same: and the Captains even as if they already had got the victory, began to divide the spoil among themselves. Also Monsuer de Suze himself, sat wholly unarmed in his tent playing at the Dice after he had dined, and boasted and triumphed greatly of the pray before the victory. And when the Scouts of the Army cried out that the enemies were come, Monsuer de Suze made a jest and scorn of the matter, saying that they went about in vain to deliver the city out of their hand: notwithstanding he gave commandment to certain under captains which were with him, to make better inquiry what the matter was, and to command the soldiers to arm themselves. But he in the mean time followed his play, till every man began to cry, that the enemy which had ambushed themselves on the other side of the hill, which lay between them, was come. Therefore at the length he arose, and commanded the soldiers to set themselves in battle array: he himself took unto him his Armour: and had scarcely put on his breastplate, when every man began to cry that the enemy had given the onset upon the first froont of the battle, which was now constrained to retire and flee. He therefore in all haste, without his helm mounted on horseback, set the soldiers in their array, ran up and down, and cried out like a mad man so that all were now on a roar, and at their wits end. Yet nevertheless many of them stood stoutly unto the battle, so that the sight began to wax fierce on both parts. Notwithstanding the faithful being under the conduct and charge of Monsuer de Adretze prevailed, and flew a great number of their enemies. Then the soldiers of Monsuer de Suze turned their backs and fled before the faithful. And Monsuer de Suze himself being beset with a certain troop of horsemen, escaped by flight, but very hardly. Thus when the faithful had got the victory, with loss of a few of their soldiers, where as on the enemy's side two thousand were slain, they took and carried away their tents and artillery. They took also some of their enemy's prisoners, and had it not been that they wanted horsemen, few of them had escaped, the soldiers were so sore moved to wrath by the remembrance of the destruction of Orange.  
After this, when Monsure de Adretze, had fortified U●…uriac (which he had now valiantly defended to the overthrow of the enemy) he went forward, and took divers towns, which had yielded themselves to Monsuer de Suze: and then he came to Avignon, the soldiers 
The acts of Monsuer de Adretze in Dolpheny, and in the County of Venais.  of Monsuer de Suze, fléeing from the same with all speed.  
There is a certain town in the County of Venais of no great fame, called Mornac, yet notwithstanding by reason of the situation of the same, and also of a Castle belonging thereunto, it is very hard to be won. This town also Monsuer de Adretze obtained: but the Castle, the Garrison of soldiers appointed to keep the same by Monsuer de Suze, held, with two hundred townsmen also. Yet notwithstanding at the length, partly by force, and partly by surrender, he enjoyed the Castle, upon condition that the soldiers should escape with life. But so soon as he was come into the Castle, the men of Orange which were in the Army, cried out saying that all those soldiers, which were dismissed with life, were at the winning of Orange, and many of them were noted to be great showers of cruelty at that time. The Inhabitants of Mornac also showed what iniu●…ie they had done unto them, and how they had broken thei●… faith and promise after they had yielded up unto them the city. Then said Monsuer de Adretze: As they have handled others so let them be handled themselves. Then were they carried into the Castle again, from the top whereof, to requited the cruelty which they had showed towards the men of Orange, they were cast down headlong: The like execution was done at Pierlat, when the soldiers of Monsuer de Adretze had taken a very strong hold that appertained to the same. And from hence forth this kind of punishment was every where among the enemies. But while these men of whom we spoke before, were cast down bedlong from the Castle of Mornac, there happened a thing worthy to be remembered. One being cast down from the Castle, fallen by the way by a wild fig tree which grew to the bank of the Castle, and caught hold of the same: the which when the lokers on saw, they greatly wondered. But some to 'cause him to fall shot at him: Notwithstanding by the earnest entreaty of certain captains, Monsuer de Adretze granted unto him his life. This happened in the month of july. And thus the name of Monsuer de Adretze was a terror to all those that dwelled there abouts.  
Now the Prince of Conde (as we said before) being returned back again with his Army to Orleans, the Guises and his adherents having got Bla●… and Towers, and all that Region besides, showed all the cruelty that they could against the faithful.  
The Marshal of S. Andrew, went with some part 
The Martial of S. Andrew winneth Poitiers.  of the Army to Poitiers: and the same being but slenderly fortified, he won.  
After the surrender whereof the soldiers showed great extremity, murdering, spoiling, ravishing, and carrying away men's wives.  
There came also, into the host of the Guise's great aid 
The Germans and Swisers aid the Guises.  from the Swisers, and shortly after that there came an Army of footmen and horsemen of Germaynes under the conduct and charge of the Rheingrave, and the Rokendolphe. And they looked for aid out of Spain, and Gascoigne.  
In the mean time, the Guises used other means and ways to help and defend themselves. For by the 
The decree of the Senate of Paris, against the men of Orleans.  decree and ordinance of the Senate of Paris, they which had put themselves in Armour at Orleans, were proclaimed to have put on the same against the King and the Realm, and that therefore they were Rebels, and guilty of Treason, and aught to die, and to have open war pronounced against them. Also that they aught to be deprived of such dignities as they enjoyed by the King.  
Furthermore that they should be made an open shame and a perpetual ignominy that neither they themselves, nor any of their posterity ever after might bear any public office under the King. And last of all that their goods should be confiscate to the King. But they excepted the Prince of Conde, as though he had been constrained to do that which he had done against his will. In like manner the Guises, sending letters to all places but especially into Germany, openly accused the Prince of Conde and his adherents, to be the authors and de●…ēders of new and monstrous opinions: that by this means they might make the Germans, whose help both they and the Prince of Conde wanted, to take their part.  
The Prince of Conde was hindered many ways. For beside the grievous sickness of the pestilence at 
A grievous pestilence at O●…leans.  Orleans, which daily wasted his army, his power was greatly also diminished by the loss of Cities, and by the increase of his enemies. Also by reason of the delays of doubtful things in chance, and by the threatenings of the enemy, which so triumphed of their good luck at the first, & finally through the danger of the pestilence, a great number of his Soldiers went a side, and many quite forsook him. Then were fastings and prayers solemnly proclaimed to be in the Church, to the which the Prince of Conde came oftentimes in his own person. He exhorted also his soldiers to be of good courage: and was very careful for the preservation of Orleans. and he sent Monsuer de Subize, a noble and wise man, to Lions, to be Lieutenant of the same, because Monsuer de Adretze seemed to be to rash hardy, and adventerouse in his doing●…s.  
And he sent letters oftentimes, willing that there should be diligent heed and care had of Lions, Dolpheny and Languedoc. Also because the enemy's power daily 
The Prince of Conde craveth help of the queen of England and of the german Princes.  increased, by the means, of foreign aids, and because they were the more stout and bold upon hope of new aid, the Prince of Conde, sent Monsuer de Stuard a Scot with letters to the Queen of England, requiring at her hands aid, in his own name and in the name of his fellows. And he written also divers letters to the princes of Germainy, that were protestants, in the which he craved help at their hands the Andelot himself being sent for the same purpose the more speedily to bring the matter to pass. The helpers in this matter, were said to be the Landgrave Hessus, the County Palatine, and the Duke of Bipont.  
About this time the Prince of Conde published a writing, by which he meant to put away those rumores which were spread abroad of him and of his friends, by the Guises, as though they had been the authors and defenders of new and monstrous opinions. The libel published was to this effect following. Because (saith he) we hear daily that our adversaries according to their accustomed manner o lying, and malicious dealing against us, do in every place slander, and speak evil of all our doings, one while laying to our charge that we are Atheists, and Anabaptistes: that by this means they might withdraw from us their good wills & care, which seek with us to defend and maintain the true and pure worship of God, by the doctrine of the prophets and Apostles: we thought good over & above the former declarations of our cause to propound a brief sum of our faith. By which faith we worship and call upon the living God, in the name of his only Son our Lord and saviour jesus Christ: abiding in his fear & service, by the ministering of his word and holy Sacraments, that is to say by the institution of Baptism, and of his holy supper. To be short, we condescend to all the articles of the primitive Church, as to the only rules of our salvation, being grounded upon the books of the Prophets & Apostles: as it is set forth more at large in the confession of our faith, confirmed with the whole consent of all the reform churches within this realm: the copy whereof we sand out into all foreign Nations, to take away those detestable and wicked slanders and lies, by which the enemies both of God, and of this our realm, being void of all shame, have sought in their libels & sealed letters, to slander, backbite and defame us. Wherefore we humbly pray and beseech all those that love the pure and sincere doctrine of the Gospel, and which are the faithful servants of God, yea & we require them in the name of the living God, that they first of all set before their eyes the flowing streams of innocent blood that hath been shed throughout this realm, crying both from heaven and from earth for vengeance. And we require all such that they help and aid us, and that they join with us in this cause, which is not our cause alone, but also the cause of all the faithful, to repress and assuage their cruel tyranny, which go about to take from us the perfect and free liberty of our consciences, the benefit whereof was granted unto us, by our sovereign and liege Lord the King's Majesty, and by the consent of all the states of the realm: we being persuaded that we linked together in one religion, and in one mind, the most mighty and eternal God, will stretch forth his glorious hand to save his Church, and will also bless our labour and endeavour, to the glory of his, and to the enlarging of the kingdom of his son jesus Christ: to whom with the father and the holy Ghost be all honour and glory world without end.  
The Prince of Conde also made answer to the Ordinance 
The answer of the Prince of Conde & his friends to the Decree of the Senate of Paris.  and decree of the Senate of Paris, by the which his Adherentes were condemned of treason: First of all refusing all those of the College, as the judges and Senators, to be men unmeet for this cause: and writing the causes of their appeal, he sent the same unto them. Their answer was in manner and form following.  

Although I and my friends and fellows have sufficiently declared the equity of our cause, which hath constrained us to put ourselves in armour, namely the liberty and authority of the King, and the observation of the King's Edicts for the maintenance of the liberty of our consciences, & the peace of the reform churches: Yet notwithstanding, seeing the open and sworn enemies of the glory of God, and of the common wealth, do daily publish and sand abroad new slanders and infamies, to the obscuring of my innocency and the innocency also of my fellows: we think it most necessary and meet, that if wicked and ungodly men will not cease too withstand the truth and all equity, no more should we be weary to defend and maintain the same truth. For so much as therefore the XXUI. day of july, there was an ordinance and decree of Condemnation, established in the Senate of Paris, by which they make those to be guilty of Rebellion, which have born armour to maintain the authority of the King and his estates, and against the tyranny of the Guises and his adherents: we think it necessary that the justice of the said decree, should be declared and set forth, not only to the inhabitants of this Realm, but also to other foreign Nations, and for an everlasting remembrance to be committed, to all posterities. For, it willbe an example worthy to be remembered, in the which men may behold and see into what Laberinthes of blind & perverse judgements the enemies of God and his Church do fall: and are so mad and blind, that for truth they maintain falsehood, judging them to be seditious, who, to the uttermost of their power, seek the peace and tranquillity of the common wealth: and pronouncing them to be Rebels, who, laying aside all care and consideration of themselves, do both hazard their goods and their lives to maintain the obedience belonging to the King, and the due and lawful authority of the kings Edicts. And to the end the same proclamation of Rebellion, may evidently appear to be unlawful and vni●…st, and r●…ther a slander of the enemy than the sentence of the judge: behold (saith he) I and my fellows, over and above the former declarations of our innocency do publish these things in manner and form following,  
First of all, whereas I am excluded out of that number, that are counted rebels, the singular love & care that I have for the kings majesty and dignity, will not suffer me, not to account myself a partaker and sustainer of that wound and hurie, which is done unto those men, whom I know, never to have had any other respect and consideration, than the preservation of the kings majesty, and of the whole Realm. And I affirm that I think myself so little gratefied hereby, that I think they have done unto me great injury, in that they have gone about to except and separate me, from so honest & godly a company of the kings loving & faith full subjects. Therefore I being persuaded before God & men, that their innocency is such, that no one jot of disobedience or rebellion can be justly imputed to them or me, intent to join myself, and to be in the same condition with them, whose cause and mind is all one, who are also of the same religion, of the same life that I am of, and are also no less careful than I to mainetain and advance the true worship of God, in this realm. And as I can not nor aught to be disliked of them, at whose commandments I have justly put myself in armour: even so I aught not, neither will I separate myself from them, who at my entreaty have armed themselves with me, & are of the same will, & mind that I am of. Furthermore I have sufficient experience of those wont subtleties in my adversaries, in so much that I may easily understand what they go about by making exception of me. As also may evidently appear by those letters & rescripts sent to the lieutenant of the provinces, in the which letters I myself among others am comprehended.  
But to the end it may appear, that they rather aught to be counted Rebels, which object rebellion unto us, that is to say, that they are Rebels in d●…de, which were the first that put themselves in Armour to break the authority of the kings Edicts: and not we, which to hinder their mischievous attempts armed ourselves: we will briefly repeat those things which are more at large setforth in our former declarations. All men know the Edit of january brought such peace & tranquilli tie to the whole realm, that the state of the kingdom (being before tossed and tormoyled with tempestuous waves of divers troubles) seemed to have attained at the length to the most quiet haven of peace and tranquillity, when as the Duke of Guise committing a most horrible slaughter at Vassi openly declared, that he intended nothing but open war against the Kings dignity, & against the peace & tranquillity of the whole Realm. The which thing (as meet it was) I could not take in good part, for that I know myself to be bond by the bond of consanguinity to maintain the kings Crown & dignity, which the Guises of late went about to deface.  
For this seemed unto me to be very lewd, that a sub iect dared be so bold, so openlyto contemn the law of his Prince, & that such a law as was made & confirmed by all the states of the Realm in solemn Court of Parliament. And although I of my own authority had them just occasion offered me to withstand so bold an enterprise against the king & his laws: yet notwithstanding I did moderate & stay myself until such time as I had express commandment to take the matter in hand.  
And here I beseech the Queen to call to her remembrance, how that when she was at Saint Germans she was certified of the whole purpose, counsel, and intent of the Guises: as, that she should be put beside her authority, and that her most faithful and trusty servants that were about her should be put from her, to the end that when they had got the government of the Realm, they might rule and order all things at their own pleasure.  
Of the which matter when she understood, and of the League also which the Spanish▪ Ambassadors intruded, she was wonderfully troubled and grieved: insomuch that for this cause she entreated me that I would with all speed gather together so great a power as I could to hinder the same. The which request I faithfully accomplished, having both a consideration to the queens commandment, and also of my duty towards the King and the Realm. This was the beginning of all those things which I have prosecuted ever since that time, setting myself against those whom the Queen judged to be our enemies. And here also let her call to mind those, whom at that time she could name one by one.  
But when the Guises by their conspiracies both at Paris and else where, had openly bewrayed to all men, that thing, which before was setretly in their minds: the Queen again both by her letters and also by messengers confirmed that her former charge and commandment given unto me, which was, that I should withstand the violence of the Guises and his adherents.  
And here I pray and most humbly beseech her, that so far forth as the faith and word of a Queen aught to stand firm, she would set before her eyes, even those things which she written unto me with her own hand, the which I am now constrained to publish abroad for all men to behold, that in her letters also my innocency may be seen. For I must needs assure myself of this, that she cannot choose but be mindful of those things: which she written unto me from Fontainbleau▪ in the month of March, commending the King and her self also unto me in these words: I commend unto you▪ the Mother and her children: and of that also which she written unto me with her own hand by Monsuer Bocavan at what time the power of the Guises was at Paris, that I would not unarm myself before my adversaries had done the like, affirming also that every man might see to what end their conspiracy tended.  
Let her also remember, how oftentimes she hath seemed, and hath signified also the same by letters, to accept and like very well of my doings: which she said she would put the King in mind of, that when he came to lawful age, he might reward me according to my well deserving. To this purpose it serveth which she spoke to the Admiral a few days before he should departed from the Court, namely, that she known him to be so faithful and obedient to the King and to her, that he would endeavour himself all that he could, to deliver them from the oppression of the Guises. Insomuch that of late she written unto him by Monsuer Rembovill, that she thought him to be so faithful a servant to the King, and so careful for the Kings crown and dignity, that she would use his advise and counsel, to pacify the present troubles. To be short, her behaviour towards me and my fellows, when we and she were together at Baugence, do so plainly prove her consent and agreement in this matter, that it shall be peerless to repeat many other arguments to prove this thing. For there before seven Noble men, she speaking of our dutiful obedience, protested unto us that she did acknowledge that we by our deeds had preserved her life and the Kings. These things considered, have our adversaries any reason, nay, have they any conjecture of Rebellion against us? By whose authority, shall we be said to be Rebels? Shall we be said to be Rebels by the King and queens authority, who have given us express commandments to arm ourselves, who flee unto us for secure in these perils, who by their will, letters and messages like of our doings, give us thanks, and approve the same, as profitable for the preseruasion of this Realm? Furthermore all men know, that those our enemies have abused the King & queens names, whose wills also they have captived unto them▪ The which is the only cause why I and my fellows have hitherto testified, and as yet also do unfeignedly protest: That we will not receive any Edicts, Rescripts, or Decrees coming forth in the Kings name, so long as he enjoyeth not his liberty. For probation whereof this example may serve, namely: That the Queen complained unto us oftentimes in her letters, that she could not therefore grant unto us our requests, because the contrary part was mightier, and the people armed. And although the kings name, since the month of April last passed hath been so abused: yet notwithstanding the matter thereby hath the more plainly appeared: but most plainly by those letters which the Queen sent by Monsure de Villars, and Monsure Vieillevill the xxiiy. day of May: In the which she written, that she delivered the King into other men's hands: understanding by these words other men's hands, our adversaries. Whereupon it followeth that this sentence of Rebellion, and all other things done in the Kings name, aught to be judged to be done by our enemies: seeing the King is in their hands, as appeareth by the testimony of the Queen. Let men judge therefore what sentence that is against the condemned, being pronounced by those which are both adversaries and judges. But let us see what great fault of Rebellion that is which is laid to our charge, and why it is ob iected to us: Because (say they) they will not unarm themselves. If this be the fault, I demand what they are to be called, which coming to the Court armed, although they had no enemies in Arms, yet notwithstanding would not unarm themselves at the commandment of the King and Queen: and which continue in the same boldness and presumption still? But who is he, which at the commandment of the enemy will say aside the sword which he hath drawn to fight? What doth the enemy else in commanding me to unarm myself, than to will me to commit my goods to the spoil, and my life to cruelty, and also to receive the law at the hands of an outlaw? Is not that to break the fence with the which God hath enclosed his Church: that being destitute of fence and inunition, men may fall in to the hands of their cruel and fierce enemies? Furthermore all men know very well that I always offered to say aside my Armour, so soon as my enemies unarming themselves, had restored the King to his former liberty.  
Was it not meet that they which were the first that put themselves in Armour, and that without commandment and authority, and against the express Edicts and commandments of the King and Queen, should be the first in like manner that should unarm themselves, rather than they which by their example put on Armour, that is to say, by the commandment of the King and Queen to preserve them, and also to defend the Edicts from the oppression and violence of others. To be short, let all my acts done until this day be examined: and it shallbe found that my answers, my declarations, conditions, and all my actions are testimonies of my innocency.  
What condition of peace agreeable to reason and equity have I a●…any time refused, nay rather, I and my fellows have desired the same? How often times have I refused strangers lest they should enter into this Realm? Have I not signified the equity of my cause to foreign Princes that have been in league with this Realm, and desired them that they would be means to take up and pacify these controversies? With what modesty have I behaved myself in those Cities, which were in my hands? Was there ever any sign showed of violence, or unjust dealing? Whereas the enemies assaulting the King's Cities, and taking away the benefit of the King's Edicts concerning Religion, did all things with barbarous cruelty, in so much that they filled the streets of the Cities with dead bodies, and caused the earth to flow with innocent blood. Let men therefore judge by the effects, who they be that are worthy to be counted guilty of Rebellion: Am I and my fellows, which have armed ourselves to defend and maintain the King's Laws made by solemn act of Parliament so to be counted: or our enemies? who putting themselves in armour without the King's authority, have broken the Edicts; spoilt Cities, & brought the King's subjects to the slaughter: and taking away the kings Edicts, and specially that notable and worthy Edict of january, have made new Edicts themselves?  
Therefore, if all the parts of this cause be uprightly weighed, it shallbe found, that I and my fellows are falsely accused of Rebellion, of those which are themselves rebels in deed: and of sedition by those which have been themselves since the days of King Henry, the causes of all those troubles which have afflicted the Realm: also of treason by those, which go about to oppress the king, deprave the King's Edicts, and abuse his name and authority, to enrich themselves, to his ruin and decay. They, even they, are guilty of divine treason against the majesty of the living God, whose actions have always declared that Ambition is their GOD, Covetousness their Religion, and worldly Pleasures their felicity: who have proclaimed open war against the son of God, and against the professors of his word: who play the Anabaptistes, rebaptizing infants again: who have their houses full of rapines, and their hands defiled with innocent blood. And they are guilty of human trea son, which contemn the King's laws, keep the King as a captive beset with armed men on every side, and which seek the destruction of the King and the Realm. And to conclude, they are guilty of Treason, which have encouraged and brought the whole Realm to wickedness, and to oppress the liberty of the Gospel, and which do bind the kings subjects unto them in service by an oath.  
Those outrageous kinds of wickedness, and horrible acts do cry that the Guises and his fellows are rebels, seditious, and guilty both of Divine and human treason. contrariwise, it is evident, that they are the true and faithful subjects of the King, which stoutly withstand their rebellions, seditions, and wicked practices, to overthrow the King's authority, and the state of the Realm. Of the which matter, beside the Arguments which I have alleged, this also may be a testimony, That they have overthrown the Law and Government of this Realm, and that in the Senate of Paris, whose help they have abused in this false and pernicious sentence of Rebellion. And truly they could not have found more wicked and corrupt men, and more serviceable to their minds: who either had their offices by favour of the Guises, or else hoped to come to some preferment by them: and many of the chief of them have conspired with the Guises, the lamentable success whereof we feel at this day. And truly we must needs confess, that among all the calamities with the which God hath afflicted this realm, this one is the greatest, that this Senate which aught to be the place of justice, the refuge and Sanctuary of the oppressed, and the bridal & punishment of vice is so declined from his right & natural use, that it loseth the reins and openeth the gate to all Injustice, violence, and to all unbridled wickedness. And for probation hereof, I do not only bring in the manifold injuries, which they have done to divers, the complaints, the cries, and the blood of so many oppress said, condemned, and slain innocents by them: but specially I bring forth this false and perverse judgement, which they have denounced against us: which is an injury done to a great number of men, whose life & actions have alway testified the reverent obedience which we wish might be given to the King. But, to the end those unjust judges might leave nothing undone, they pronounced this sentence, the cause not herded, no matters discussed and the reasons of justification not understood: also they being refused, and the causes of the refusal or appeal being declared, yet nevertheless they persisted in their purpose: that all men might know how, that in the Senate of Paris there are no other judges, but preposterous opinions, corruptions, and hatreds: that there are no other laws, than the contempt & open violating of the King's Laws & Edicts, and of his approved customs. And here I appeal unto you which bear the name of judges: What is it to deal unjustly & corruptly, if this be not so to deal▪ For where is there any form of justice observed? where are the reasons, with the which they that are guilty are convinced? where is the ancient & approved custom, that one judge, in one & the self-same cause, aught not to be judge, & also plaintive? Wherefore have you made yourselves judges of those men, which have refused you to be their judges? having so many reasons moving them thereunto, as there are arguments of injustice in you. And to speak truly, are you not justly and upon good and sufficient cause refused, which have thrust out of your society all those which ye thought would not condescend & agree to your conspiracies? that is to say, ye which by that your Edict, put the 
Of this Edict there is mention made in the 4. book going before.  sword into the hand of the furious and mad people, against the law of God, the law of man, your own laws, and against the whole peace & tranquillity of the realm? Who have proclaimed the Ministers of the reform Churches, to be open enemies, and traitors to the King: whom notwithstanding the King had received into his favour, and which also upon this condition, were sworn to the King.  
You truly, which are grown to such boldness, that by your Deputies Monsieur de Fay and Monsieur Chambo, that you dared say unto the king, that these words concerning the entrance into peace & concord, seemed wone derfull unto you and pernicious: and that you would never allow these reasons concerning the making of peace between me & my adversaries: to take away all doubt, that you were to me and to my fellows mortal & sworn enemies. But what needeth many words? Let men consider the Metropolitan City of the kingdom in the which you devil: let men consider the horrible cruelties, which the people daily commit before your eyes, with your consent, will, and provocation. Let men consider the greatest part of you, of the which many (to the end you may the better show yourselves to have cast away justice, and rather to use violence and force, than the law) are become of judges and counsellors or Senators, soldiers: and have changed your pens into sword, and your scarlet gowns into armour: you show yourselves to be warlike Captains, and are openly seen in armour, setting forward this kind of wickedness very far unmeet for your calling.  
Let all these things be considered. But and if rebels cannot judge of rebellion, and open enemies of peace & tranquillity of sedition, also if the breakers of the king's laws, cannot judge of traitors, if (I say) they which are condemned themselves, aught not to condemn others: you cannot deny but that those whom you have condemned, have just and undoubted reasons, not only to refuse you, but also to have you punished, according to your wickednesses committed. Therefore all these things being justly weighed in equal balance, shall evidently appear to all those, which shall bring to the discerning of this cause an upright judgement without prejudice: & although nothing be brought to defend my innocency & the innocency of my fellows against this unjust judgement, yet notwithstanding the matter is so apparent & plain, that it speaketh for itself, and plainly convinceth the false and impudent slanders of the judges our adver saries. And this thing I leave to all men to consider of, what just cause I have to be grieved, seeing that I have always faythefully obeyed the commandments of the King and Queen for their defence, and have done so much, as a man of my estate, degree, and calling, might do, for the peace and profit of the whole Realm: and now to be recompensed with these rewards, as to have my service done to the king called in question, & my obedience counted Sedition. This thing is not only grievous unto me, but altogether intolerable. And although they cannot touch me with that note of infamy which they lay unto my charge: yet notwithstanding I profess and acknowledge, that I have a great desire to defend my estimation and credit, and the estimation of my fellows: and will seek by all means possible, that our innocency may appear not only to our country men, but also to people of foreign nations, and that it may be remembered among all p●…sterities. And because I perceive, that by so unjust a sentence pronounced against me and my fellows, and by the breaking of the laws and ancient customs of France, the way to attain justice is stopped against me, that I can have no hope to look for the observation of the kings Edicts, and therefore not to declare and show forth my innocency as I would: for these causes I am compelled to take the sword in hand, as the only and last refuge. The which seeing I have taken into my hands, both at the commandment of the King and Queen, and also for my office and callings sake, which I am of in this Realm: I protest that I am in the same mind, that I will never lay away the same, until such time as my sovereign Lord the King be of all men peaceably obeyed, his Edicts observed, & my innocency & the innocency also of the rest of my fellows, be made evident & plain to all men. The glory of God, & my duty persuade me hereunto, & I cannot choose, but publish the same.  
Therefore I and my fellows, protest before God himself, before the king's majesty, & before all people & nations, to whom the knowledge of these things may come, that we are most obedient, loyal, and faithful subjects & servants of the king's majesty, our sovereign and léege Lord: and that we do bear our armour, not against him, but against his adversaries and enemies. Whom we call Rebels, seditious, and Traitoures, because they have peruer●…ed the laws, and institutions of the Realm, broken the kings Edicts, impudently violated the authority of the estates of the Realm, and besides this they have thrust themselves into the King's counsel, being forbidden before by the decree of the states, after which time they troubled and vexed many faithful and good men, of the kings privy Counsel: And also because they having taken the King into their hands, do deprive him of his liberty, do abuse his name & authority, to satisfy their insatiable, covetous and cruel desires, and do daily make conspiracies and consultations, both for the keeping of that which they have usurped, & also to destroy the greatest part of the King's true and faithful subjects, & specially for this cause, that they may banish the pure & sincere preaching of the Gospel out of France, and may quite destroy the lovers & professors of the truth. Therefore, only against those men, and for those causes especially I and my fellows, protest that we have taken the sword in hand, and that constrained by extreme necessity: seeing that we have no other way to defend & maintain the King, the authority of the King's Edicts, the firmity of the kings dignity, the state of the whole Realm, the goods and lives of many of the kings subjects, and the pure woorshiping of God and the King, established by Edicts throughout the whole Realm. The weight of which things do so touch our minds, that when we considered the horrible calamity and destruction, which through murders, bloodshed, rapines, and such kind of mischiefs, is like to come upon the whole realm if they go forward as they have begun for the space of these five months, we have determined for the avoiding of such evils to shun no peril, and for the safety of the kings subjects, and the tranquillity of the Realm, to adventure our lives, and lose our goods. And as for that wicked and false judgement of Rebellion we fear it not at all, but do accounted the same a false slander, impudently devised and published by our adversaries. And truly seeing we do oppose and set ourselves against the same, we protest that we do not in any point withstand the Kings will, nor the ordinance and decree of the Parliament lawfully made: but the robbery, oppression, & open violence, which our adversaries show against our lives and goods. Wherefore, I pray and beseech not only all the inhabitants of this Realm, which are willing to yield all obedience unto the King, but also all foreign Princes, which love equyty and right, to join with me against those that use violence, injury, and oppression against the King, being yet a Child. Whose virtues appearing in this his tender age, do put us in good hope, that when he shall come to his ripe & perfit age he will give hearty thanks, to the aiders and assisters of him, in his great necessities. And specially, I pray & beseech all foreign Germans 
He dehorteth the Germans which came under the charge of the Rokendolfe, and the Rhengrave from bearing armour against the King.  and Swysers, which are come already, and are daily looked for to come to help my adversaries, that they will call to their remembrance that good name, renown, and equity, which their Elders had always in estimation and reverence, lest they do that which shall afterward turn to their reproach & shame, because they shall fight in the defence of an evil and unjust cause, against a good and just cause: for the kings enemies, against the King's faithful subjects: for foreign Prnces, against a Prince that is the Kings near kinsman: for Papists and main tainers of the Church of Rome, against those which profess the sincere truth of the Gospel. And here I call the consciences of all those strangers, before the judgement seat of God, which profess purity of the Gospel, that they take heed that they be not helpers of our adversaries to expel and banish the Gospel out of the Realm, and all the godly and Christian professors of the same. I also pray them, to note and mark the pur pose of my adversaries, who, although they pretend the name of rebellion, and go about to lay the same to me and to my fellows charge, yet notwithstanding seek to suppress the Gospel being contrary to their ambition and cruelty: and that therefore I am molested by them because I seek to defend and maintain the liberty of the Gospel granted by the kings edict. Therefore those foreigners which embrace with us the pure and sincere doctrine of the Gospel, aught not to give to my adversaries occasion to laugh them to scorn: as though they could bring to pass by their money (which they already boast of) that they which had defended the Gospel in their own country, should come to war against the Gospel in France. I admonish them also to have farther regard to the matter, and to fear, that if those enemies of the truth destroy the professoures of the truth of the gospel in France, they will also war against the inhabitants of Rheyne: to the end they by the league made with the Pope and other foreign Princes, may set upon them also being in their houses, professing the same doctrine that we do. And although for my part I have refrained until this day to seek the help & aid of strangers: yet notwithstanding seeing my adversaries have begun to call strangers to assist them in their evil cause, I protest that I will not let hereafter to use their help, to defend my cause, because the conservation of the king standeth thereupon. And because this war, which daily increaseth more & more, cannot choose but bring great calamities with it. I and my fellows protest before God and men, that we are not the causes of those calamities: but they which have stirred up & caused these garboils, that is to say my enemies, that they may bear the blame of all the evils like to ensue. Finally, I will and desire that the league which I have made with the Princes, Peers, Nobles, and with all those that follow me, and shall follow me, may be established & confirmed by this my writing. To the which my fellows I promise' and vow, that seeing it hath plea said God to advance me to so great honour, as to make me the Captain and principal of that league, and to be a deliverer of the reform churches, living under the King's Edicts, from the injuries and violence of the enemies, I willbe the first that will spend my life & goods, to maintain the pure worship of God, to defend the true professors and followers thereof, & to restore the King to his former liberty and authority, and his Edicts and the laws of the Realm to their proper dignity. In like manner I pray and beseech all my Confederates, that they abide in the same mind, courage, and constancy that I am of, in this so godly and commendable a purpose, having always respect unto the uprightness of our cause, & reposing all their trust in the power of God: being fully persuaded of this, that fight for the glory of God, for the preservation of his Church and for the conservation of the King and the Realm, God the mighty Lord of hosts will stretch forth his mighty hand to help. Whom I most humbly beseech to take upon him the patrociny and defence of our cause, and to enter into the Throne of his judgement: before whom I show and reveal the horrible blasphemies which our adversaries have breathed out against his Majesty: the cruelties which they showed upon his poor afflicted members: the innocent blood of so many of his servants that hath been shed: and the bloody and mischievous coun sails, against his glory and the life and safety of his Saints: so that he taking his people under his protection, would show his power, justice and wisdom, both in destroying his adversaries, and also in blessing those, which seek to defend his people: whereby all the world may know that he is a refuge for the afflicted in time of trouble, a deliverer of his Church, and an enemy an●… judge of his enemies.   
About this time also, the Prince of Condes fellows sent letters to the Emperor Ferdinand, to whom they declared their cause, and rendered a reason of all their doings, and frustrated the rumours of their adversaries: praying him that he would be careful to defend this cause: and also that he would call back the Germans, that were go to help the Guises. And although (say they) the reports of the troubles which were in France were every where spread abroad, and were come also to the emperors ears by letters sent from both parts: yet notwithstanding the Prince of Conde sent to the Emperor, (whom he understood should come to an honourable assembly) the causes of all his actions, that the Emperor himself might certify the whole assembly of the same: seeing so great and weighty matters were objected against him by his adversaries: the Prince of Conde thinking that it become him, in a matter of so great weight, to show the causes of all his doings to all men and to the Emperor himself, being of so high calling, that he might leave to the whole world evident testimony of his innocency. To bring the which matter to pass he may be glad that he hath got so good occasion, to crave help to be aided in this just cause, for the preservation of the young King of France, being of such age that the same of itself requireth, and aught to obtain help.  
It is no new thing neither wanteth it examples, that Kings in their minority and infanc●…e have received the Kingdom of France: as appeareth by the late times of Charles the sixt, and the eight, and of others. In whose time of minority we do not read that there was any contention about the government of the Realm: because the Princes which were the Kings kinsmen, left always the government of the Realm to thein, 
By the states you must understand the Nobility, the Clergy, & the Tempo 〈◊〉.  which were elected and created by the States of the Realm of France, to whom the government of the Realm was committed so long as the King continuing in his minority, which was until he came to the age of fourteen years.  
The which order of government in the kings Ne●…age, hath been always so approved, that Kings have warily provided in their Testaments, that if they should decease before their Sons were come to their perfect age to govern the Realm, than the States should provide for the same government. The which doth sufficiently declare that this kind of government, doth in no point diminish the Kings authority or power (whom whosoever resisteth, resisteth the ordinance of God,) but is rather necessary to preserve and defend them, so long as they are unmeet to take upon them any such government, through the defect and imbecility of Nature.  
But when the King shall come to the age of fourteen years, that vicary or substituted government doth cease, and all things do so return to the King, that whatsoever he shall will or decree, shall be ratified.  
In the days of Charles the sixt, after he had reigned many years, and that it pleased GOD for the sins of the people, to deprive him of his wit and senses: and when the time came that the Realm must of necessity be governed, there arose a certain contention among the Princes that were the kings kinsmen, about the same government. but this was never herded of that a foreign Prince, would ever intrude himself into the government of the Realm, and that, against the will, ordinance, and decree of the States: as doth now the Duke of Guise at the first, with force of arms, and afterwards under the colour and name of the King of Navarre: corrupting and breaking all Laws, constitutions, and customs, that by all means possible he might satisfy his ambitious mind, and get the government of the Realm into his hands.  
And (say they) most renowned Emperor, you must not think that he is moved to do these things for the love he beareth to any Religion: but doth only make Religion a cleake, to fulfil his ambitious desire: but under this pretence, he hath drawn a great part of the people unto him, whom he hath so stirred to outrage & cruelty, promising that they shall escape unpunished whatsoever they do, that now the mad and frantic people throughout the whole Realm of France, do nothing else but kill, spoil, and show all manner of violence. After the death of Henry the second, and Frances the second, Kings of France, it was expedient according to the ancient use of the laws, that the States of France should be called together, and that in the greater number because Charles our King was of tender years. 
The true cause of the first wars.   
Then the States, as it was meet, made certain laws and statutes, the which should only stand in force and strength during this time of the Kings minority, according to the institution and manner of our elders. The which is the only foundation of those things which have happened since that time, to the which all those things aught to be referred and brought as to the 
Power spec●…all consti tutions in the kings minority.  toutchstone, that they may be discerned whether they be good or evil. Those laws and constitutions were divided into four principal heads,  

1 The first concerned the custody and protection of the King, and the Governor of the Realm.  
2 The second concerned those which should be of the kings Counsel for that time.  
3 The third concerned provision for war, and all manner of Artillery.  
4 The fourth concerned Religion, and the staying of such troubles as might ensue by occasion thereof.   
As touching the first, upon great causes and reasons 
The first.  wise, weighed and considered, the States or whole body of the Realm have decreed that the Queen the kings mother, shall have not only the charge and custody of the Kings majesty her son, but the government also of the Realm, in her own person, and the same not to be put over to any other without her consent, will, and pleasure. And this decree of the States was confirmed and approved, by Princes the Kings kinsmen.  
Also the States decreed that the Queen Mother should be by them so directed, that she by her wise ordering and disposing of things, should discharge the great debt which remained to be paid after the death of king Henry and Frances: and so the people to be disburdened from such great exactions and payments, as they had aforetime paid: And that she for her part should endeavour herself to bring all things to their former state and condition, and that the people might live every where in peace and tranquillity.  
The second principal point, was concerning the 
The second.  Kings Counsel: The which the States desired to have furnished with men that were virtuous, wise, & careful for the King and the Realm. Therefore they thought good that the Kings Counsel should consist, of such men, as were not sworn to any foreign Prince or power: as Cardinals, Bishops, abbots, & all such which they call Ecclesiastical people: both for that they aught to follow their ordinary and proper office and calling: and also for the oath which they have sworn and vowed to the Bishops of Rome concerning temporal obedience, which have been oftentimes enemies to the Bishops of France.  
Therefore they prohibit and disallow any of them to be of the Kings Counsel: or that there should come unto that Counsel two brethren or more together, according to the example of other Parliaments. Notwithstanding here they except those which are Princes and the kings kinsmen; to whom it appertaineth without limitation of number, by right to be of the kings Counsel, except the States have any thing to object against them to the contrary. Also they forbidden such to be of the kings Counsel as have had the oversight, use, and disposing of the kings treasure, until such time as they have made their accounts.  
And last of all, because the kings Counsellors are bond, to make account to the King of their just and lawful counsel, and also to preserve and maintain the kings treasure: and when the kings treasury hath small store of money in it, not to receive of the King, or to suffer to be given to any, great and large gifts: the states do appoint and determine, that all such gifts shallbe revoked: and that so many as have received such gifts be constrained to restore them back again: and in the mean time not to be of the kings counsel.  
Upon this second point dependeth the occasion of the ●…uill war and sedition, which at this day shaketh and violently assalteth the whole Realm of France: the Guises, the Constable, the Marshal of Santandre, perceiving that they by this means should not only be exclu dead out of the kings counsel, but also be constrained to restore those gifts again which they have received of the Kings, & thereby greatly in riched themselves. And so they have joined themselves, and conspired together, specially to hinder and frustrate that decree. It is no new thing, that gifts which Kings have bestowed, contrary to the laws appointed, should be nothing regarded, not only of the States, which are chief in authority in the time of the King's nonage, but also of the ordinary judges of the exchecker, by whose judgements, the Kings afore time have been put to great expenses in gifts, contrary to the laws of the realm. Of these things we have many examples: as of the Constable Clisson in the days of Charles the vi. who was deprived of his office, because he had gained by the service of the King to the value of sixteen thousand pound. But there is greater and more vehement cause at this time, why they which are bond by the decree of the states, should be called to give an account of that which they have received: and seeing that now there is found in the kings Treasury the sum of 330000, pounds (which was never seen before) and yet the people at this present are more burdened with exactions and tributes, than ever they were before. And it is manifest that King Francis the first of that name, which had divers wars for the space of three and thirty years, & paid for his discharge a great sum of money, and took not so great and so many tributes of the people, left notwithstanding in his treasury a great mass of money. Therefore the states demand the cause of so great expense. And because it is likely that they were spenders and wasters, whose duty it was to husband and increase the same: the States upon very good consideration do desire to have an account, that restitution and allowance may be made of such unmeasurable expenses. The which truly is the very cause why those three have brought the Realm of France into these troubles, to overthrow those decrees of the states: that the same may appear most true which we said before, namely, that they conspire, not for religions sake, but for because they are covetously and ambitiously minded, which Religion notwithstanding they take for a cloak, to cover and hide their wickedness withal  
The third principal point of their costitutions is 
The third  this: The States would have it in their power and authority during the time of the kings minority, to order and appoint wars: and at their pleasure to command the subjects to arm themselves. Because before they take wars in hand, they should understand the causes thereof, and by what means they might be appeased. Therefore also they would have this authority, that they which have provoked the people to civil war, might be made known to be the authors of all the calamities and detrements which come by these wars.  
The fourth principal point is that which concerneth 
The fourth  Religion: by which the states have decreed that there must be a difference made between the cause of Religion, and the cause of sedition: in so much that for Religion's sake no man aught to be condemned as a seditious person and a Rebel. Therefore they think it lawful for the king's subjects to have liberty to take which religion the ilist, that is to say, either the common Romish Religion, or else the Religion reform according to the Gospel, and to cleave to none other: and that all violence, either private or public, against either part, aught to be prohibited: and that the Civil magistrates should provide Temples for the ministers of the reform Religion to have their divine service in: and that no man should receive any manner of violence or harm, for using the benefit hereof. But because those constitutions manifestly touched the Guises, the Constable, & the Marshal of Saint Andre: the Guises, for that there were two Cardinals of them which were choose to be of the King's Counsel, also the Duke of Guise, and the Duke de Aumal: also because the Duke of Guise, and the Cardinal of Lorraine his Brother, were the kings treasurers: And they touched the Constable and the Marshal of Saint Andrew, because they by the same means, were come to great abundance and wealth. For these causes they have sought by all means possible, to adnihillate and disannul these Laws.  
In the mean time, the Queen the King's Mother, as she hath been always in all her doings wise and circumspect (the which she declared when she had full liberty, and was not Ruled by other men's power and violence) endeavoured herself to make an unity and concord between the Churches by friendly and quiet conference.  
To the which Conference and Disputation came all the chief Prelates of France, and many Doctors out of the university of Paris, many Moonkes also which were sent from Rome, and the Cardinal of Ferrer the Pope's Legate: and beside all these, twelve Ministers of the Gospel: both parts hoping it would come to pass by this friendly conference, that they should come to some concord and agreement. The which was greatly hindered and let by the Cardinal of Lorraine, by whom, after certain principal points of the Confession of Ausburge were dissemblingly embraced, the Assembly was dissolved. Then the Guises took other practices in hand, and persuaded the Queen and the King of Navarre, to send for the judges and Counsellors of all the parliaments of the Realm; that they with the Princes and the kings Counsel might give their advice for the present necessity: And to this Counsel they sent such as they had bond unto them afore time by one benefit or other: that by this means they might abolish that which the States had decreed. The which notwithstanding by the providence of God, fallen out otherwise than they looked for. And to the end they might the more craftily bring their purpose to pass, they departed from the Court.▪ But before they should go, to the end they might leave nothing undone that might serve to work their wills, they subtly practised to carry with them the Duke of Orleans our King's brother, that if their devices had not had good success, they might have had one with them of the King's lineage whose name they might abuse▪ This thing was plainly proved by divers arguments, and confessed also by the Duke of Orleans himself, who stayed the matter.  
Here it may please you to consider at what time, and by what means the Guises began to be injurious, and to show violence to the Queen, out of whose lap she being a widow, and in great trouble, they went about to take her son. Afterwards the Guises departed not only from the Court, but also to the utmost parts and limits of the Realm, and came to Savern. And there they feigned to like of the Confession made at Ausburge before one of the Princes of the Empire, that by these means they might insinuate themselves into the number of the Princes of the Empire, the which as known to your highness, we touch by the way. But their departure out of France, caused all men to hope for peace & concord, which was every where received by the rumour of their absence. For in all places, every man of what religion soever he whereof, lived peaceably, without any offence committed for the diversity of Religion: all men receiving that religion which liked him best. And the word of God was preached in diuer●… places, many joyfully embracing the same, & if a few had made any stour or business for Religion, they by and by were easily suppressed.  
About this time there was an assembly of judges and Counsellors, which sat in the Court that belongeth to 
These things are touched before.  the Princes and to the King's privy Counsel: among whom was the Constable, and the mashal of S. Andrew, who waited for new troubles. The Bourgeses or choose men for the states, declared that there was nothing in those things which the States had decreed to be altered, but must stand wholly upon their determination & liking: and they said that before they began with any other matter, they must seek to purge and to reform the King's Counsel. On the contrary part, they which were to be thrust out of the King's counsel by the same decree of the States, bore themselves so bold upon that assembly, that they persuaded themselves to escape unpunished, notwithstanding all that the▪ States could do: Who nevertheless when they understood the power & authority which belonged to the States, would not give their consent to do any thing contrary to their decrees. And although many of them openly declared, that they favoured the Guises and his fellows, yet notwithstanding there was an edict made, called the edict of january, because it was made the 18. day of january: by the which Edict liberty and leave was granted for the word of God to be openly preached▪ as it was decreed by the States. Notwithstanding with this exception, So that it were done without the walls of the City: and that the Churches dedicated to the uses of the Church of Rome were not usurped. The Magistrate being commanded to take an oath of the Ministers of the gospel, that they should preach the word of God purely, sincerity, & quietly without any sedition: as is more at large declared in that Edict, which was confirmed by the decrees of the States.  
And although that same edict was suspected of the men of the reform Churches, lest when they were out of the Cities, and vnar●…ed, and far from their houses to help themselves, they should easily be made a prey for their enemies: (as it came afterward to pass in deed) yet notwithstanding because they would not be importunate and troublesome to the Queen, to the King of Navarre, to the Princes, & to the whole assembly, they agreed thereunto, upon this condition, That they should deal uprightly and in good faith: the which also the whole assembly promised unto them. And then every man swore to observe and keep the Edict, faithfully & truly: and the men of more noble calling swore again before the Queen, that they would not crave pardon for those which had violated or broken that Edict.  
The Ministers of the Gospel after their oath, had authority given them by the Magistrate, to preach in all Provinces: they had also places for the preaching of the word; and for the administration of Sacraments granted unto them in the 〈◊〉 of the Cities, & all things else peaceably, and without any ●…umult. Our adversaries envying that all things went forward so well, sought daily new occasions to move troubles. At the length their Captains, the Constable, and the Marshal of S. Andrew, thinking it good to delay the time no leaguer, written letters to the Duke of Guise, to come with aid and a power of man to the Court●… and having got the King of Na●…ar, on their side, there was great hope that they should have all things at their pleasure.  
Then the Duke of Guise coming with a great Army of footmen, and a troup of horsemen, made haste toward the Court: and by the way as he came, he ●…uelly handled the reform Churches, which peaceablely used the benefit of the Edict at Vassi, setting suddenly upon a great number of the faithful, which were gathered together to hear the word of God, he slay man, woman and child, without all pity or mercy. Thus beginning his business, he went forward on his journey without fear, and came to N●…antuil the house of his territory or Lordship: whether the Constable and the Martial of Santandre came. And when they had deliberated of the matter, and had opened the causes of their complaints, some of them bewailing the decay of their authority and rule which they had in the days of King Frances the second: other some repining that they must make their account according to the decree of the States: at the length they determined to arm themselves. And thus of their own private authority they put themselves in Arms, to maintain their ambition and covetousness, which notwithstanding they cover with the cloak of Religion: they came to the King and Queen with an Army of men, and made them subject to their power, and took upon them the government: subtly foreseeing that there was no better way to make the people to take their part, than under the pretence of Religion and the name of the King: & so to abolish the Laws and constitutions of the States, and the Edict itself.  
Therefore from that time forward, having got Paris into their hand, and brought the King captive thither, they left no kind of mortal cruelty unshewed, no one corner of the Realm was free from the Civil wars which they had stirred up: insomuch that the lamentable remembrance of things past, and of the great destruction like to come, would make a man to tremble. Notwithstanding the Queen being certified of these things, was very careful to let and stay their purpose, and to frustrate their devices: sent for the Prince of Conde to come to Monceaulx: and prayed him to resist the violent force and cruelty of these men by force of Arms: and for this cause she appointed him to be Captain general, and named certain men unto him, whose help and furtherance he might use.  
But the Prince of Conde delaying the matter for fear of tumults and uproars, was prevented with the expedition and haste of his enemies: who had so got the King and Queen into their hands, that they abused their wills at their own pleasure: deludinge and abusing also the facility and sufferance of the king of Navarre, they seek thereby colours to hide their tyranny.  
The which sufferance notwithstanding of the king of Navarre, although his full consent were joined therewith, as it aught not by any means to restrain or deceive the king of his liberty, even so it can be of no force to excuse the unbridled ambition and presumption of the Guises. For in giving authority the simple and bore ratefying is not sufficient, but the civil laws do show that it is needful to have express commandment.  
Furthermore the King of Nanar hath not this authority to rule and govern the Realm, without the Queen: and neither of them have any such authority that they can set over the same to any other without the consent of the States.  
Moreover as touching the tractation of war and artillery, the Queen herself during the time of the Kings nonage, can do nothing, as of her own authority: seeing this thing pertaineth to the States: who notwithstanding have not decreed and appointed this war, but the Guises, which have caused the same to be in every corner of the Realm. Is there any man in the whole Realm that can or aught to take unto him such power and authority, as to gather Armies of men and to move war to the detriment and hurt of the King and the Realm, as the Duke of Guise now doth? And this is the service that the Triumuiri, namely the Duke of Guise, the Martial of Saint Andrew, and the Constable do to the King their sovereign Lord, in this his tender age, in the which he is subject to many injuries: that is to say, their wicked acts, by which they go about to overthrow the King with the kingdom. Which are the causes (O Emperor) that we put ourselves in Armour, and have choose the Prince of Conde to be our Captain: who showed himself willinger to take so notable a matter in hand, being moved the runto by no less good will toward the King and the realm than we were.  
The Queen also herself both persuaded and commanded him to take this war in hand, to deliver her from that injury which both she and the king sustained: as appeareth by her express words in letters to be seen, the Copies whereof we have sent unto thee (O Emperor.) Notwithstanding all this, the Prince of Conde, which was the last which put himself in arms, and that at the commandment of the Queen, never ceased to seek peace and concord, offering all indifferent and reasonable conditions that might be, as, That he would put of his Armour, departed from the Court, and would go also, if need were, out of the Realm, so that his adversaries would do the like, and that the Edict of january might be observed.  
Also he prayed and doth pray and beseeth by his letters, all Christian Princes that are in League and amity with France, to be means for the making of peace and concord: and with them all Noble Princes of the Empire, whose godly and commendable endeavours for peace and concord were notwithstanding hindered by the Guises: who in the mean time sought by all means possible to be aided by strangers.  
And it is manifest that the Prince of Conde, hath sought so many ways to establish peace and concord, as they have sought by all means possible to hinder the same: as may appear by the last Parley between the Queen & the prince of Conde, at Baugence, they seeking by Treason to cirumvent the Prince of Conde.  
Wherefore, by the demonstration and knowledge of all these things, both the truth and equity of our cause, and of the Prince of Conde, and also the falsehood, treachery, and unjust dealing of our adversaries may appear: as is more at large set forth in those writings published concerning this matter. Of the which matters, because thou art certified already (most noble Emperor) we will at this time be no longer tedious unto thee.  
This one thing the Prince of Conde requesteth at your highness hand, that you will take into your custody the crown of our young King from those three private persons which have brought him into so great danger, and to restrain them of their wills: seeing it is manifest that these three private persons, the one of them a stranger, the other two not comparable to the Prince of Conde in no condition, have caused Civil wars, to the destruction of the Realm. And above all things this he requesteth, that you would deliver the King, the Queen, and the Realm from their presumption, tyranny, and falsehood, and that you would help the states of the Realm to their authority, and the kings Subjects to peace, and to the benefit of the King's Edicts. Also because under the colour of defending the King, the Rokendolfe, and the Rhengrave have brought troops of horsemen out of Germany into France: notwithstanding meaning to help our adversaries, whereby there cannot choose but ensue great hurt to the King and to the realm: the Prince of Conde humbly beséecheth you, that by your commandment and by the commandments of your noble Princes, they may with all speed be called back again, and may be severely & straightly charged not to bear armour against us: and also that hereafter it be lawful for none within the limits of the empire to musture either horsemen or footmen, to serve the Guises, which use not, but abuse the kings name and authority.  
The which deed (most noble Emperor) shall become you very well, since God hath made you a refuge for the afflicted in time of trouble: and a help for Kings, especially when they are in danger of men, by reason of their tender years. Defend therefore our King, our Queen his mother, the Kingdom, and the laws and states of the Realm from the tyranny of the Triumuiri.  
Concerning the vain assault that was given to Cesteron a Town in Provence, by Monsuer Sommerive, 
The assault given to Cesteron.  a Captain on the Papists side, we have spoken before. Yet notwithstanding they came to the same place again the xxvi day of August with a greater army, & with all manner of artillery better appointed, carrying with them from Marsiles certain great field pieces. Therefore the City began to be battered with greater force of ordinance than it was before. Then word was brought that Monsuer Monbrun, came with an Army of men to raise the siege, (his Army contained a thousand footmen, and two hundred horsemen) Monsuer de Suze, hearing of this, went out to meet him with a company of well appointed Soldiers, and giving the on set upon Monsuer Monbrun, he slay an hundred and fifty of his Soldiers, and put the rest to flight. Monsuer Monbrun also himself fled, leaving behind him two field pieces, 
The Army of Monsuer Monbrun put to flight.  which afterward came into the hands of Monsuer de Suze. At the commandment of Baron des Adretz, Monsuer Monbrun came to Cesteron, minding with the aid & rescue of monsuer de Adretz, which on the other part had invaded the County of Vena●…, both to remove the siege from Cesteron, and also with the greater force to assault Provence. Against the men of Avignon which went about to resist him, Baron des Adretz prevailed, and had the victory, giving unto them the overthrow at a village called Orgo. Notwithstanding when Baron des Adretz herded, that Monsuer Monbrun was put to flight, he returned into Dolpheny. New, Monsuer Somerive and his Soldiers at the return, and good success of Monsuer de Suze and his men, were not a little encouraged, in so much that with greater force & vehemency they began to assault the city, & when by battery they had made a great breach in the walls, the soldiers began with great viol●…ce to enter thereat: who notwithstanding were constrained to retire again, many of them being s●…ain by the faithful.  
But when their vitualles were well nigh spent, and that they were daily oppressed more and more with penury and scarcity, Monsuer Senaz the lifetenaunt of the Town, Monsuer Movens, whose help he greatly used, began to consider concerning the yielding up of the City: and placing certain Soldiers in the breach of the brickwall to keep the City, according to the custom of wars, they in the night without noise, carried out a great multitude of the Townsmen, with Women and Children, and aged persons, at a certain place, to the which the enemy could scarcely come, being let with a river and a hill which lay between them. The enemies scouts, were wary of the noise, and gave intelligence thereof unto the Army: but rather thinking that some came to help them, than that the faithful went out of the City, suspected nothing, and therefore held themselves still in their tents. Thus Monsuer Movens and a great multitude of people escaped the peril. But Mon sure Somerive, being certyfied of the whole matter by the Papists of the Town entered into the City: and there slay all that he found in the City both Papists and Protestants without respect of persons. Monsuer Movens carried the people which he brought out of Cester●…, most miraculously through divers places, which were possessed by the enemy, & yet notwithstanding escaped their hands, and came at the last, to Gratianople a City in Dolpheny. And so all Provans, when the faithful were overcome, yielded to the Papists: by whom all kind of cruelty, beside the custom of war, was committed in Cities and Towns, as at Marsiles, and at Aijques, and in that whole Region. Many Women also in those Cities, were so outrageous, & best like cruel▪ contrary to their kind, that it is almost incredible to be told. These, when they had gathered themselves to gether to a sufficient number, would in the night, as if they had been drunk or out of their wits go up & down the City, searching, and ransackinge the houses of the faithful: and when they had found a woman, they led 
Great wickedness committed in Provence against the faithful.  her and scourged her through the City until she came to the common place of slaughter which they had prepared for the purpose: and then hanged her up by the feet, the which being done they drove up a wedge or wooden pin into the body through the shame and secret part of the woman, and so slew her: an act most horrible and shameful to be either spoken or herded. Every where robbery, rapine and spoil was committed: the Senate in the mean time not only suffering these things to escape unpunished, but also approving the same.  
Upon the Territory of Lions, there bordereth a Region called forests, the chief City whereof is Monbriso. Therefore the inhabitants of Forests having Monsuer Monselas their Captain, annoyed the men of Lions all that they could: Whereupon the men of Lions having the Baron des Adretz the General, came with an army to suppress them: and being entered in that Region, they 
The horrible slaughter at Mombriso by Adretz.  besieged the head City Monbriso: and the Townsmen refusing to yield up the City, being encouraged to fight by their Captain Monselas, at the length their city was battered down and taken by force: then the souldioure that got the victory showed such cruelty, that the streets of the city were covered with dead carcases: Baron des Adretz himself vehemently encouraging the soldier to murder. There remained a fortress in the city, into the which Monsieure Monselas with certain of the chief citizens fled. The same notwithstanding being shortly after taken, partly by force, & partly by surrender, Mon sieur des Adretz, after he had viewed all places of the castle, sent in certain soldiers, to murder and spoil: who presently took Monsieur Monselas, and his soldiers that were with him, and cast them down headlong from the top of the hold. The which cruel kind of death made many to mislike of Baron des Adretz, & the rather because he had given his faith (as it is reported) to Monselas, and to others with him to save their lives. Thus the city Monbriso was sacked and razed, and the whole Region thereabout spoiled. And Baron des Adretz returned again to Lions, in the month of August.  
About this time in the Region of Languedoc, there was much business. The inhabitants of Tolouze at the provocation and setting on of Monsieur Monlace, oftentimes assaulted the city of Montauban, into the which we said before many of the faithful fled from divers places: but by the singular Industry, virtue, and constancy of the men of Montauban, the inhabitants of Tolouze prevailed nothing at all. Notwithstanding the faithful were thrust out of Pezenac, and out of certain other Towns by Monsieur Ioyse, Lieutenant of Languedoc. But Monsieur Sommerive had very good success in his affairs in Provence, as we declared before, the which gave courage to the papists to set upon the faithful that were in Languedoc. Therefore Monsieur Ioyse, 
Conspiracy against Languedoc.  Lieutenant of Languedoc, Monsieur Sommerive, Fabricius of Avignon, and Monsieur de Suze with others, consulted among themselves, & determined to make so great a power, as they were able, and to join together in one with as much speed as they could, to overcome the faithful in Languedoc. All Provence belonged to the charge of Monsieur Sommerive, to whom, because of his victory and late good success of war, many came from divers places, Monsieur Fabricius had a great army which came unto him, some being Italians, and some coming out of the Towns & territory of Uenais. And a great number attended and followed Monsieur de Suze out of Dolpheny. But Monsieur Ioyse was of greater power than the rest, who had out of the mighty cities Tolouze and Narbon both a great number of Soldiers, and also all manner of artillery and other necessaries for the war. These also were aided by the men of Awernoys, & they had hope to receive help of the Spanish borderers, from whom came divers bands, whose Captain was Petru●… Lapia, a notable thief, who came from the Mountains of Pyrren.  
But the faithful had many well fenced and fortified Cities▪ land and ground enough, with sufficient store of cattle. Notwithstanding in men and other necessaries for war, their enemies were mightier. In so much that the Papists persuading themselves to have the victory thought it best to join battle out of hand. Monsieur Ioyse setting upon the faithful on the one side, and the men of Prou●…nce and of Auernoys on the other side. Therefore while great armies were a providing every where, Monsieur Ioyse Lieutenant of Languedov, first of all removed with his army, with Monsieur Forquenoz Lieutenant of Narbon. Their armies contained seven thousand footmen, and a thousand horsemen: they had sir great Canons, and many other small pieces. They pitched their Tents the fourth day of September 
Monsieur Ioyse besieged Montpellier.  at a village called Lates, being a mile from Montpellier. In this place he abode looking for his fellows, thinking himself so sure to win Montpellier, that they divided the spoils among them▪ as if they had already won the City.  
Thither came the Bishop of Montpellier. whose name was Pelisser. This man being sometime well accounted of among learned men, and one that known the truth, but now having forsaken the same, become a notable enemy, bought and sold Montpellier, to certain Merchants which only waited upon him for the pray.  
At Montpellier beside the ordinary and accustomed Garrison of the Town, there were certain rescuing armies belonging to the churches, containing the number of eight hundred horsemen, whose Captain was jacobus Bellodine, born of a noble house, who afterward was called Acierus according to the name of the territory of his Lordship, and did very notable service in the civil wars following: and also twelve ensigns of footmen.  
After they understood that the enemy had encamped himself, they intended to break out upon them the same day, to the end they might take a better view of them: and so they came nearer the enemy with two hundred horsemen, and five hundred Gonners, under the charge and conduct of Monsieur Ays of Nismes.  
The enemy being ware of their coming, rushed out of their tents to meet them with all speed: and thus the battle began to wax hot on both parts, the men of Montpellier fight with such a courage, that they constrained the proud enemy to retire and flee back even to their tents: from whence they discharging certain great pieces, but in vain, the faithful returned safe into the City again, with loss of two of their men only, whereas on the other part there were slain 100  
For this good beginning, and happy success, the faithful caused public and solemn thanks to be given unto God: the which being done they provided diligently for the safety and fortefying of the City: and at the commandment of Monsuer Bellodine, the Suburbs, in the which there were certain great Churches, and great store of houses, were with the diligent labour of the people thrown down. And after this there were certain Skirmishes daily between both parts, the Protestants most commonly having the victory: Insomuch that Monsuer Ioyse was discouraged from besieging the City, before he had more help and aid from his fellows: Notwithstanding because he would not in the mean while spend the time in vain, he intended to assault a Castle which is in the isle of Maguelon.  
For in that part, bordering upon the Sea coast, there is a certain Fen or Marsh, which the Sea at certain times overfloweth, being of a great compass both in length and breath, in the which also there is a certain Ileland lying out in length almost three miles: and upon this Ileland there standeth a Castle both of great antiquity, and also of sufficient force, the which at that time the faithful held. Therefore Monsuer Ioyse took shipping and in his ships great store of Ordinance, with the which he so battered the Castle, that the keepers thereof for want of help yielded, and delivered the same into his hands.  
The men of Montpellier in the mean time not knowing of the yielding up of Maguelon intended to go with all the power they were able to make out of the City, & to set upon their enemy's camp being busied in the besieging of the castle. Therefore they went out of the City to the number of eight hundred horsemen, and twelve Ensigns of footmen, leaving behind them a Garrison to keep the City, carrying with them also certain field pieces. And they had not go far, but they met with the Camp of Monsure Ioyse, whether he was returned with all his men from the siege of Maguelon, and all that day was spent between them only with discharging shot one at another, Monsuer Ioyse wondering at the boldness and courage of the men of Montpellier.  
And while he was in a certain Manner Place, or farm, sitting at supper with certain of his Captains, and talking of the help and aid which he looked for, at which time they assured themselves of the victory, it came to pass that a certain pellet which came out of the shot of the Protestants, fallen upon the top of the house in the which he sat, and shaking the house, it bewrayed the whole table at the which he supped with dust, & made their ears to ring with the crack and rashing rent of the house. Then all of them began to fear and tremble, doubting lest the house would fall upon their heads. Then Petrus Lapas that spanish thief, of whom we spoke before, being merrily disposed, cried to Monsuer Joyse in the Spanish tongue, saying: Behold Mon sure Ioyse the keys, which Montpellier offereth unto thee: deriding hereby his security. The same day being the xiii. day of September, Baron des Adretz came out of Dolpheny with eight hundred well appointed horsemen, to the Protestants Camp of Montpellier: by the rumour of whose coming, Monsure Ioyse and the rest of his soldiers, were not only greatly afeard, but also much offended with the delay of their fellows. Then Monsure des Adretz, when he had found out the situation of their Camp, minded to besiege them.  
First therefore he got between them and the Marsh or fen, & then did so beset or enclose them on every side round about with men and ordinance, that they could by no means escape, nor yet by any way attain to ayy victuals. And the minds of the Papists, which had conceived that the Protestants were many more in number than they were, (as they were in deed) were so discouraged and amazed, that they dared by no means set upon their enemies, nor yet adventure any way to escape.  
But now when the soldiers of Montpellier, were thoroughly encouraged by the aid of Adretz to the battle, and that their enemies on the other part were quite discouraged, behold Baron de Adretz told the Captains that he must needs departed from thence that night, for so word was brought unto him from Lions. And entering into the City of Montpellier by the break of the day, he commanded the Aldermen of the town to give unto him 15000. franks. Who for fear of force 
A Frank is a piece of French coin in value ij. s. ij. d. q.  and sedition gave unto him so much money: after the receipt whereof he departed out of the City: minding no doubt to play the false Judas and Apostata, which afterward came to pass.  
Thus the siege being broken up, word was brought to Montpellier that Monsure Sommerive, and Monsure de Suze, were come with a great Army, and that they went about to make a Bridge to come over the River called the Rosne, and that on the other part the power of the men of Awergnoys came to the teritory of Sevenas, under the charge and conduct of the Graun Prior. Word hereof also came to the Camp of Monsure Joyse, who when 
This great Prior was brother to the Cardinal of Lorraine.  they understood that they were delivered from the peril, of the siege and that there had happened so sudden a change they were exceedingly comforted and revived, as commonly it happeneth to men that have escaped great danger.  
This rumour therefore daily increasing more and more, the men of Montpellier saw that it was necessary for them to learn and know, both what power the enemy of France had, because he was near and perilous, and also how far & which way he minded to go, & whether there were any way to stop him. Therefore by the common advise of the Captains, Monsure Grill, Monsure Bari, Monsure Bulargues, men very expert in the war, went to Nisines the twenty day of September with five hundred horsemen, and three hundred foot men, leaving the rest of their army behind them to keep the City: Who in the mean time suffered not the enemy, which lay near the city to be in quiet, coming out oftentimes even to their Camp, and skirmishing with them.  
Now Monsieur Bulargues being a man expert and painful in warlike affairs, was put in trust to view the Town of Sangiles, whether the enemy minded to come, and to see whether the Town were sufficiently fortified to defend itself, and what garrison it had: who coming thither, see that the City was indifferently fortified: and was certified by the inhabitants of Sangiles, that they had been summoned by the enemy to yield up the city: and while monsieur Bulargues was there, the enemy summoned them again with the same commandments, saying that monsieur Sommerive and monsieur de Suze, required them to yield up unto them forthwith the city, unless they would suffer and abide all manner of extremity and cruelty, if the same were won by force of battery. So monsieur Burlargues leaving twenty of his men at Sangiles, they scarce having in their own gar rison in the town so many more good & able soldiers and encouraging the townsmen with promise that out of hand they should have more aid, he returned to Nismes: & conferring with his fellows, he had charge committed unto him to conduct to the Town of Sangilles two hundred Gonners. And monsieur Grill and Bars promised that they would follow with the rest of the footmen and horsemen.  
In the mean time word was brought to Sangiles, that the enemy was come with a great army, containing six thousand footmen, and eight hundred horsemen, having with them also three great Canons, & that they intended to make a bridge over the river called the rosne, and so besiege the town of Sangiles. The proud & boasting Soldier approached to the walls of the city, who notwithstanding were driven back again by those the kept the walls with gonnes. Then the enemies began to batter the walls with their great Canons, and to set ladders to the walls to scale them. They of the town seeing this, called upon their Captains to make all speed to defend them: for they were grieved at the proud words of the papists which bragged as if they had already won the town. And oftentimes the soldiers of monsieur Sommerive would cry out to the towns men saying: Say unto thy God, Judge me O God: for that psalm was made a common rhyme. Therefore monsieur Bulargues removed in the night to go from Nismes with his two hundred gonners, and troop of horsemen, which we said were appointed to aid those of Sangilles: his fellows followed after, notwithstanding with not so much speed: and thereupon he sent unto them to make more haste from Estegell, where they tarried their coming.  
In the way to Nismes from Sangiles, there ariseth even at the first a little hill, which lying out in length, maketh an even plain, and then assendeth again with an other hill between both which hills there are certain small valleys: and then again that plain or level (at the entry whereof the town of Sangiles is situate) is bounded with the River of Rosne for the space of four and twenty furlongs, and so extendeth itself to the Castle called the Fourques, which lieth over against the city of Arles, the river of Rosne, running between them: on the other part there lieth a very large Island, and exceeding fruitful, which, in the vulgar tongue is called Camargua; corruptly, as it is thought, of Campus Marius, because Marius abode there while he warred against the people of Denmark: or else of the Greek word with 
Chaimaiergon the proper name of Camargua  the which the people of Phocis, that built the city Massilia in Provence, called the same, which Greek word is, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, signifying the goodness and fertility of the ground.  
By this means following, there was a bridge made by monsieur Sommerive and his men. First they took certain Ships, and tied them side to side with ropes cross the River, upon which then they laid boards & planks, and so the whole army of monsieur Sommerive went over to the other shore of Languedoc. For the river called the Rosne, dividteh Provence and Languedoc asunder. Monsieur Bulargues therefore looking for his soldiers at Estegel, there came riding out of the army of monsieur Sommerive ten horsemen, not ware of monsieur Bulargues, at whose commandment eight of them were presently hemmed in: the other two, with great fear fled back again to the army, and made report that a great number of their enemies lay hide in the valleys beside Estegell. Therefore monsieur Sommerive commanded the horsemen to set themselves in array, and every one to march from thence, and the footmen to arm themselves with speed. Then monsieur Bulargues having placed certain scouts upon the top of the hill which lay between them and their enemies (for from thence they might easily behold the whole army upon the level) was by them told that the horsemen of monsieur Sommerive, were coming towards them in battle array. Here monsieur Bulargues, being like to be overcome easily by the greater number of his enemies, devised a way out of hand, and brought all his soldiers out of the valleys and set them upon the top of the hill to make the greater show to terrify his enemies. Whose politic devise had good success: for so soon as the enemy saw them upon the top of the hill, they suspected that it was a train made to beguile them: imagining also, that so small a number dared not come so nigh, except they were sure of more aid, and that therefore they showed themselves, because they would allure them forward until they had got the advantage of the place, and then with a great number to join battle with them. Then they stayed even right over against them, and so keeping a while their battle array, they returned back again to their camp.  
In the mean time some were sent again to accelerate and hasten the coming of Monsure Grill, and Bari, who at the last came with the rest of the Army: which being joined with those that were before with Monsure Bulargues, made the whole Army to be in number one thousand, five hundred of them horsemen, and the other five hundred being footmen: and for the space of certain hours they abode there still in battle array in the sight of the Army of Monsure Sommerive: which Army when Monsure Bulargues perceived to be quiet, they came to the town of Sangiles, that as it was appointed, they might both aid the City and also return out of hand to Nismes.  
Therefore Monsure Bulargues leaving his fellows hard by the town, sent into the town two hundred goonners, and shortly exhorted them and the soldiers that were in the town to play the men, promising unto them that he would not be long from them. And then going out of the City he perceived that the enemy had raised their siege, & therefore he ran in haste to see which way they were gone. And he saw the Army going towards the Rosne, as though they fled away. Then he ran and told this thing joyfully to his fellows, that they might see the discomfited enemy fléeing away: and therefore he said that they must not neglect this occasion which God had offered them: for God fighteth for his: be therefore says he of good courage, and let us pursue the enemy. And thus talking a while with his soldiers, many of them because they were a few in number refused so to do, (for he had with him only a hundred & 
A wonderful victory got by Monsieur Bulargues.  twenty horsemen.) Then he said, Let him that loveth me follow me: And so setting spoures to his horse, he and so many as were with him pursued after the enemy, until he came within three hundred paces of them: at the sight whereof the horsemen of Monsure Sommerive fled by and by before the footmen, which were appointed to keep the ordinance.  
Monsure Bulargues making no stay put forth his horse and began to skirmish: and after the discharging of two small pieces, the horsemen of Monsure Sommerive, leaning their great ordinance, turned their backs, and broke through the ray of the footmen, & so the whole Army began to flee. Then Monsure Bulargues with the rest of his fellows began to cry, The victory, and killed whom soever they met, though they made no resistance, and so they made a great slaughter. And by reason of the coming of more aid to Monsure Bulargues, there was the greater slaughter made, every where some sleing and some pursuing and overcoming.  
Notwithstanding they which came last delaying the time, because they believed not the same to be true which Monsure Bulargues told them, many horsemen of Monsure Sommerive, which were on the other part of the Army, and had the better horses, escaped by flight over the Bridge and among these were monsure Sommerive, and monsure de Suze, who breaking the Bridge for fear lest their enemies should follow after them, caused a great number the more of their men to be slain: There fore the scattered soldiers, ran up and down, to and fro, seeking how to escape, but found no way. whereupon many cast themselves into the River called the Rosne, that they might swim over to the other side: notwithstanding many perished in the water.  
It is said that monsieur Sommerive lost of his men beside 
Great slaughter of the Papists.  those that were drowned four thousand at the lest: and of the faithful but one only, and the same was slain by one of his fellows unwares. And in this skirmish, the most wicked murderers and spoilers of the people of GOD were slain, of which the greatest part of that Army did consist. The faithful then carried away their tents, and all other movables, of which there was great store: three great field pieces and a great number of Callevers: they found also certain 
Letters found.  letters in the carriage of monsieur Sommerive, and monsieur de Suze, by which it appeared that they were fully persuaded to have the victory, and determined also to make havoc and spoil of the Churches in Languedoc. But monsieur Sommerive and the rest that were escaped, to excuse this their effeminate consterantion and fear, afterwards pretended: That they thought that Baron des Adretze had ben●…come with an Army from Lions and Dolpheny: and that beside the credible suspicion, the great boldness of monsieur Bulargues, and certain read Ensigns like to the Ensigns of Baron des Adretz made them to believe more firmly their conceived opinion. So that of so great a number, there were not many that returned back again into Provence, and to A●…, and that without the spoils of Languedoc.  
While these things thus came to pass at Sangiles, monsieur Beaudisne and the townsmen also were great lie careful and occupied in fortefying Montpellier, and in providing all things necessary for the same. Notwithstandig the soldiers of monsieur Joyse boldly went about to invade them: and after consultation, they went about to overthrow a Mill which the townsmen great lie occupied, being about half a mile distant from Montpellier: notwithstanding in vain, being driven away by those that kept the Town, and some of them slain, among whom was Petrus Lapia the Spanish thief.  
Then news was brought concerning the slaughter of the Papists at Sangiles: the which as it dismayed Monsieur Joyse, and his men, so it greatly confirmed and encouraged the inhabitants of Montpellier. whereupon they caused a solemn assembly to be made to give thanks unto God, the which being done, monsuer Beaudisne gave commandment that fires should be made upon the tops of every house (for at Montpellier every house hath a tower built higher than itself of stone, and open in the top) both to put the enemies in mind of the vi●…tory, and also to discourage them quite. And there were so many fires made throughout the City, that it seemed to be on a light fire.  
Monsuer Grill taking his hands of men returned towards Montpellier, and was come to a little Town called lunel, being in the midway between Montpellier and Nismes. This was well enough known to the enemy, but not understood of monsuer Beaudisne, monsuer Grill not thinking it necessary, to give intelligence here of to the inhabitants of Montpellier, and because of the fame of the late victory he conducted his Soldiers out of order, and carelessly. When monsuer Joyse understood of the coming of monsuer Grill, he chose out the most serviceable men in his whole Army, and went out of his camp by the break of the day, making a show as though he would go toward the sea, but casting about again▪ he took his journey toward lunel.  
The which when the watchmen that were in the Towers see, they admonished monsuer Beaudisne, there of: who suspecting where about monsuer Joyse went, he armed and appointed soldiers so fast as he could went out of the City and marched forward in haste: and when he was come to his iournyes end, he found his fellows dispersed, out of their array, and fléeing, monsuer Joyse following full fast. Then there began a hot skirmish between them. But at the first meeting the Soldiers of Montpellier being the stronger part, monsuer Joyse began to retire till he came to an Olive grove behind him, and there he and his men planted themselves, and skirmished whotly with their gu●…nes, by which th●…y had now the vantage: for their gonners were foot men, and the place into the which they had got, was both very sand die, and also full of trees: at the last monsuer Joyse entered into a vineyard, & so returned back again to his camp▪ The dead bodies of both parts that were found in the fields were a hundred and fifty, of which the greater part were Protestants. This was done the third day after the victory of Sangiles.  
Notwithstanding monsuer Joyse having no hope to be aided from Provans and Awergnoys▪ thought it not best to attempt any farther, for that he was more like to be in peril of his enemies than to annoy them. Therefore packing and trussing up his bag and baggage, he marched his army to Lates, the third of October, having thus spent in vain all the month with loss of C C C. of his men at the foresaid skirmyshes. And the soldiers disdaining, & almost ready seditiou●…y to fall upon monsieur Joyse, because they wanted their wages under the colour of the spoils of Montpellier, (for that was promised them for their service) they sacked and spoiled by the sufferance of monsieur Joyse a little Town called Florence, in the territory of monsieur Cursoll.  
Where upon this jest was made of them, They favoured 
Montpellier a town of Surgery & physic.  of purpose Montpellier, because they Wanted Surgeons, that they might spoil and sack Florence, but not Florence in Italy.  
From thence they went to Villeneufue, and there tariing certain days, they minded to go to aged▪ which bor dereth upon the Sea to assault the same. This aged was kept by the Garrison of montpellier, monsieur Senglar having charge of the same. There were sent also from the borders of Blitter a hundred hargabuzeres to aid those of aged▪ To assult this aged monsieur Joyse planted his ordinance and began to ba●…er t●…e walls, and at the length ma●…e a breach in the same forty pa●…es broad, at the which monsieur Joyse and his men seeking to enter, the towns men valiantly descended themselves, and gave them the repulse▪ & slay at this ski●…mish. CCCC. of them at the ●…east, among which were the Captains and chief men of the Army. When ●…nsieur Joyse saw that he could not p●…uayle▪ & was certif●…ed by his scouts, that the men of M●…tpellier prepared themselves to raise the siege, he removed his camp from thence: and had scarcely▪ passed over the river, when as the men of mont pellier, came to aged, and being certified that the enemy was ●…n, they went 〈◊〉 the river▪ and began to pursu after: & monsieur 〈◊〉 in pursuing, 〈◊〉 with CCC. footmen which had forsaken the army, & went to the hill country to rob & spoil, these he with a certain troop of horsemen s●…ew: and then he reto●…rned to montpellier again with two ensigns, and a very grea●… sp●…il▪ The rest of the Army ca●…e to Narbon with monsieur 〈◊〉 ●…oyse and 〈◊〉. These were the events and exploits of both parts, in Languedoc.  
But for all this▪ the Guise▪ and his compartners, ceased not to proc●…de in their former wicked purpose. For Poitiers being won (as we said befo●…e by the marshal of Santand●…, the army was conducted with all the power that might be made, to assault and win Burges in Berry, being a city of great force and ner●… to Orleans. Mo●…sieur de Juoy, a man of noble birth, was governor of this city under the Prince of Conde, & had under his charge a well appointed garrison containing to the number of ten engsignes of footmen▪ & CC. horsemen. Now all the cities of Berr●… being rendered up, and the whole Region almost being spoilt, Burges was also besieged the ●…. day of August, with a very strong Army. In the which Army there were three thousand horsemen, and fivetéene hundred footmen: and they had with them 
The besieging of Burges in Ber●…i.  very many great guns. The King and the Queeve, & the King of Navarre, almost followed the Campe. The city being shaken and ●hattered very sore with their great guns, they made at the length great breaches in the walls▪ the soldiers of the Guise lustily giving the assault. Notwithstanding they of the Town like taule Soldiers▪ manly defended themselves▪ and gave their enemies the repulse: also daily they broke forth of the city, to the great annoyance and hurt of the enemy. But whilst there were sending from Paris more men both horsemen and foot men to aid the Guise▪ and greater guns also▪ with store of shot and powder▪ the Admiral removed from Orleans with a band of well appointed soldiers, and set upon them at Chasteaudun as they were going with the foresaid provision. And he slay many of them, took their great guns, and carried away all their artillery▪ But for want of horses and carriage to carry away the great guns, the Admiral gave commandment to over charge the great guns with powder, and so to shake them in peers, and to fire the 〈◊〉 powder that remained.  
Notwithstanding, the same day, monsieur de Juoy, either for want of aid and vittayles; as he afterwards excused himself, or else by treason, as the soldiers for the most part commonly reported, took truce with the Guises about the yielding up of the city upon these conditions: namely, that monsieur de Juoy, his Captains, his soldiers, and all in the town, should escape with their lives and goods, and be left to the liberty of their consciences: and to be in no peril of harm for bearing armour, or for their religion▪ Furthermore▪ that all his army should join with the King's power, and so be under the king's protection, and under the protection of the King of Navarre▪ and of all his Princes▪ also that monsieur de Juoy his Captay●…es, & noble men, should have lea●…t to salute the King. And, because monsieur de Juoy said, that he had made an oath to the Prince of Conde, pretending the obedi●…ce of the King, it was agreed that he should have leave (his soldiers remaining in the mean time with the kings power) to go to the Prince of Conde: and coming back again from him, should signify unto the King his whole mind and conscience: as whether he and his fellows could found in their hearts to be sworn to the King without any exception or condition: if not, he should have leau●… to go home to his house without peril of any manner of harm●…, either to him, or too any of his Captains or soldiers, upon this condition, that they should never after bear armour against the king or enter into any city which was kept against his Majesty. And finally, it was ●…gréed, that whatsoever monsieur de Juoy at the commandment of the Prince of Conde, had taken out of the King's treasury, or from the Church, to 〈◊〉 this war, should never be lay●…d to his charge, or to the charge of any of his deputies, or substitutes: and that the Decrees of the Senate of Paris, or of any other Court, against these things should be ●…ayde.  
Upon these conditions the City was rendered up, possessed by the Guise's soldiers, and the Garrison of monsieur de Juoy brought out of the Town to the Guise▪ army. Then monsieur de Juoy went toward Orleans sending a messenger before him to signif●…e the whole matter to the Prince of Conde, and to declare the cause of his coming: Who, when he understood that 〈◊〉 de Juoy mad●… request to be discharged of his oath, he sent him word that he should not approach near the Ci●…ie: willing him to consider what it is to make an oath to God and to Religion: certyfying him herewith that he would not be an instrument and partaker of his treason and falshehood. And so monsieur de Juoy returned to the Guise●… army again, the which he followed afterwards, almost during all that war, and certain other Captains and soldiers with him. Notwithstanding the greatest part, by the sufferance of the Guise, were dismis●…: and returned to Orle●…ns under the conduct of Damplerre. Therefore all that region, even to 〈◊〉, yielded to the Guise: the faithful being everywhere cruelly handled, to whom notwithstanding a certain town called Montargis was a present refuge, by the benefit of the Duchess of Ferrer called R●…nee, the daughter of Lodowic the twelve. King of France: the Duke of Guise being greatly offended thereat, and threatening the Duchess whom notwithstanding he favoured as his mother in Law, and the King's daughter.  
The Duke of Guise having got the victory, removed from V●…aron the eleventh day of September, & came to 〈◊〉: the chief City in Normandy, which we said before, Duke de Aumerle besieged in vain. But now it 
The besieging of Rouen in Normandy.  was more strongly besieged, both with a mightyer army, and also with more valeant and expert Captains: and was so assaulted that notwithstanding the manhood, & strong defence of County Momtgomery and his soldiers in the town, the Guise obtained both the Castle of Sancatharine, and also the City. Notwithstanding, County Momgomery and a great number of soldiers with him took ship, and escaped. Great murder was committed in the City, and the same thoroughly sacked. And among others that were put to death in the City, Augustine Marlorat was one, being a Minister of god's word in the reform Church of Rouen, whom they hanged openly upon a pair of Gallows: yea the professors of the Gospel in every corner of the City went to the pot.  
In the time that the City was besieged, the King of Na●…ar, as he was leaning upon his Ten●…e, or making water against the same, with his back toward the 
The death of the king of Navar.  town, was shot in the shoulder with a small pellot: & being sore wounded, was carried from thence by the river of S●…in to Paris: and there within few days after, being weary of his life through extreme pain, desperately died: The Queen, the King of Navars' wife, being very careful for his health: who showed herself alway 
the Queen of Navarre a virtuous Lady.  very modest and constant, both in doing her duty with all obedience, notwithstanding his evil disposition towards harlots, and also in firm abiding in the truth: being also very careful for the virtuous education of her children, but specially for the training up of her son in the reform Religion, whom the Guises went about to nuzzle in all kind of wickedness.  
Therefore the Prince of Conde written letters of comfort vnt●… her: certefying her, that a great many at Orleans were sore aggrieved for the death of hi●… husband. This therefore was the end of the King of Nauarr●…, who after that he had forsaken the defence of the truth, was the cause of many troubles▪ being so much more hurtful to the church, as he might have been profitable, if it had not been the purpose of God to declare that he himself is the only author, builder, pre●…eruer and defender of his church, and not man, how noble so ever h●… be: for herein standeth the glory of God.  
The Prince of Conde had oftentimes entreated the Queen of England●…, while there was some hope that peace might be had by entreaty▪ that her hignnes would be a help to him therein: but at the length, the matter being brought to be tried by force of arms, as we showed before, he required of her highness, money and ●…ouldiours to maintain war.  
Therefore about this time, when there was a rumour spread abroad of the coming of the German●…s, and of the ●…ide out of England, to help the Prince of Conde, there 
A writing published by the Queen of England concerning the help she sent to the Prince of Conde.  was a writing published in the name of the Queen of England, (who also had sent Ambassadors to the king about the same pacification: but they little profited, yea, & returned almost without any answer) In the which she both laid to the Guise's charges that they were the authors and causes of all the war, and also affirmed that she would take upon her, as it become her, the defence of the Kings cause: And also that all Christian Realms and Princes, aught both to be moved to compassion and pity, at the afflicted and troubled state of France at this time, and to move them to have a deep consideration and care to provide remedies, by which not only the King a child, the Queen his mother, and all the Kings sons her children, and so all the people of France, may be delivered and free from present trouble: but also to evil and rend up by the roots, so great a mischief, lest the same should spread itself to other nations: Notwithstanding (saith she) there is no man to whom this common care doth more specially appertain than unto me: which being both of myself inclined to care, and also confirmed and provoked thereunto by the judgements of my counsellors, have hitherto go about by all means, to do the best I could, to stop and prevent the first beginnings of the great mischief like to ensue. And why I aught thus to do, both the commiseration and pity of the king, my well-beloved brother, a child, and my neighbour: of the Queen his Mother, of all the Kings children, and of so great a people: and also the present peril of conveying the same war over the Sea unto as (all men of sound judgement, either hare, or ●…ls where, both beholding and talking of these things, and also praising this care, of itself very commendable) may sufficiently declare, and show my mind in this matter worthy of commendation: Notwithstanding it seemeth reasonable to setforth in open writing how and after what manner I have behaue●… myself herein: that all men my see how I have dealt with my neighbours, and how I mean to deal hereafter.  
First, all men might see how greatly even since the beginning of my reign, I have desired, that every 
She means▪ Calais.  Christian might enjoy prate and concord: when as because of the same I have willingly departed from my right, and have let go some part of my ancient Dominion for a time: when as otherwise they for whose sake I have received this loss, recovered and received by and by all that was taken from them. And yet notwithstanding▪ all men remember and know in how short time after, and for what just and manifest causes I am constrained, seeing that I am offered great injury and violence, 
She means the Scottish Queen.  to proclaim also myself, open war: both to deliver me and my kingdom from peril, and also to free my neighbours which fled unto me for succour, from open tyranny. In the which matter notwithstanding how uprightly I have dealt, all men may see: first by exhortations to abstain from war: then by open declaration that I minded to deliver myself and mine from violence and wrong: after that, by all manner of good government and disposing of matters: and last of all by the very 〈◊〉 and end of the thing itself.  
After the pacification of those troubles, to the end I might leave nothing undone to make true and assured peace & concord▪ I made a firm and everlasting League with the Queen of Scots my well-beloved Sister, and my near neighbour. In the which matter; how sincerely and truly I have behaved myself, God knoweth, & sundry benefits and gifts whith I bestowed upon the Guises, Uncles to the Queen of Scots, and upon their servants, may sufficiently declare my great good will herein: beside the mutual and friendly communication also which I had with the same Queen of Scots. But among these deliberations, and communications concerning peace, beside the lack which I had of the fruit of peace. I am also constrained to have a study and care for those new troubles in the kingdom of France, raised up by those, which have always showed themselves to be enemies towards me: and what they have done to make new suspicions between me and the Queen of Scots, for the same Queen of Scots sake, I have always hitherto kept silence.  
At the beginning, when I known well enough, if these troubles should prenaile, it would not only come to pass amidest the Civil dissensions, that the kingdom of France should come into great peril of destruction as now it is: but also that other Christian Realms, & especially my own Realm should fall into the same peril, both for the nearness of the places, and also because the authors of those troubles are my enemies: I used all means that I could, both by Letters & also by Ambassages, that there might some ways be taken for peace and concord between both parts. Notwithstanding one part refused the same; and bursted forth into open violence and mortal war, yet I ceased not from my purpose and good intent.  
But when I saw, that the desire of cruelty daily more and more enereased, and that every where bloodshed, & butcherly murder was committed: and (which was most perillons) that the young King and his Mother were suddenly besieged, and came into their hands without aid and succour, and that he was so forced by them, that he would suffer his authority to be abused, to the murdering of his poor and innocent people, to the besieging and spoiling of his Noble Cities, to the breaking of good and wholesome Edicts, to the injury of the Kings kinsmen and Nobles, and to the ruin & destruction of the Kings faithful servants, beside an infinite number of wickednesses more: and all, to satisfy their wills and minds, which determined to break the Kings Edicts, without punishment: which Edicts were made by them States of the Realm, for the preservation of peace and tranquillity, and for the safety of the kings Majesty: When also I perceived that they went about and had already put in practice to overthrow and destroy the Religion, and the professors and followers of the same: I thought it good and most necessary for these causes, to provide out of hand a more effectual and forcible remedy, that the authors of these troubles, might at the last he constrained, to come to peace and concord, upon reasonable conditions: lest the whole Kingdom of France, through the unbridled and outrageous wills of a few, should be brought into so great peril.  
And for these causes I sent some of my Counsel Ambassadors into France, wise, grave, and experiensed men, and addicted to neither part: that in the extremity of these matters, there might be a remedy found out, whereby their King and sovereign Lord might be obeyed, and the peace and tranquillity of the Realm maintained. Notwithstanding this my labour and good endeavour, was not thankfully taken, neither could I have any answer from the young King, nor from his Mother the Queen, being made a feared by that part which was the cause of all these troubles.  
Whilst therefore I was carefully busied about these things, and had no other care than for the profit of the King, my well-beloved brother, without condemning of either part: I was other wise dealt withal than I looked for. Whereby appeared that their will and mind was, which so often times denied the bearing of those things, which were propounded by me and mine at my commandment, for peace and concords sake. For all my Merchants of London and of other parts of my Realm, which came into certain places of Britain, only about their Merchandise, and were preparing to return home again, were taken, and rob and despoiled of all their goods: and they which sought to defend themselves, were cxuelly slain, their ships & Merchandise taken, by the Magistratrs of those places whereunto they arrived: and that for no other cause, but for that they were reported to be huguenots By the which word, although it seemed strange to those poor Merchants and Mariners, who known not what it meant, it sufficiently appeared from whom they received commandment to do these things, and what they would do more, if time and occasion would suffer. This was no small rapine or light spoil, but of great weight: it was not done suddenly or marage, but by the common Magistrate, upon the commandment of the Governor of those parts, and that by great contention with my subjects. The matter being complained of to those that should have reform the same, nothing was done: but to make a mends, one of my messengers coming homewards with letters of my Ambassador was rob: the which also escaped unpunished without any farther examination. Whereby I perceive, that the King, or Queen his Mother, or rather the King of Navarre, do rather want authority than good will. And certainly it is manifest both by this and by an infinite sort of other arguments, in what state and condition the young King standeth: when as he may not preserve his people and household, establish his laws and Edicts, nor give no just answer to other Princes and Nations. By which, and by other wicked devices, practised against me and my Realm, it appeareth to all men of sound judgement, how greatly that violence, (which is now used in France by the Guises and his fellows) doth touch not only France, but also me, and my whole Realm, more than any other Prince.  
Therefore, forsomuch as the dignity and authority of the King and the Queen his Mother, & of his Counsellors lovers of peace, cannot at this time so much prevail, as to have ability and leave to rule and govern, or to do any thing else appertaining either to their own people, or to other Nations, or to their own proper people: seeing also the Kings tender age, and the Queen his Mother are so circumvented and snared, that they must condescend and agree to whatsoever the Guises will have them: as may testify those great destructions and manifold calamities, which the authors of these troubles have brought, in besieging, assaulting, and sacking the Kings Cities and Towns, and in shedding the innocent blood of his subjects: also, seeing they have caused civil war that they might abolish and extinguish in every place the reform Religion, & do seek to make mortal war in every part of the whole world: furthermore seeing they are the authors and fautors of these pitiful and lamentable troubles & are noted so to be of all men, who, if they might have time and opportunity, would seek by all means possible, to violate and diminish the state and dignity of my Realm: and to conclude, seeing of late also they have openly go about to contend with me by force of arms, (but by the grace and goodness of God were disappointed of their purpose) and do yet diligently seek the same, & also to advance themselves to my incommodity: shall I suffer and bear with those sworn and mortal enemies to peace and concord? Shall I suffer the blood of my neighbours to be cruelly shed, if by any manner of means I might let the same? Shall I suffer the young King my well-beloved brother, to be besieged and in great peril, and not to be counted unthankful and merciless? Shall I as unwise and negligent have no consideration or regard to my mortal enemies, and to their practice. Therefore for these just, evident and necessary causes of the Kings subjects, requiring my help and aid in these tempests and calamities: I commanded many of my subjects, to be armed both by Sea and land, to deliver the subjects of my well-beloved brother the King of France, from tyranny, Rapine, murder, and destruction: and to keep certain Cities, bordering upon the sea coast and more near unto us, in safety from those enemies, lest the peace made between me and my brother the King being broken, they might the more easily war against my Realm.  
To provide for the which things time calleth upon me. For I have the testimony of a good conscience, and do protest that I in these things do use such sincerity and integrity, that I seek and iusue christian peace, as I aught: and I doubt not, but that the protection and defence of innocent blood is acceptable unto God: & willbe taken in very good part, of my well beloved Brother, when he shall come unto that age, that he shall be able with equity to judge of these matters. It will serve also for the lawful protection and preservation of me and of my people.  
And to be short, by the great goodness of God, it shallbe an occasion of more firm and sure peace, between me and my well beloved Brother the King of France: that either of us may peaceably use our liberties. And this one thing also I most earnestly say and affirm, to my beloved Brother the King of France, to the Queen his mother, to the King of Navarre, and to all his faithful counsellors and servants. That I, whatsoever any malicious person hereafter shall report, will deal in this matter with such sincerity and integrity, as both the thing itself and the time shall require: and will usurp nothing to myself, nor offer injury and violence to any one of his subjects. And this I protest before God, his Angels, and before all men in the universal world, that my full mind, & intent is, in these extreme and perilous times, to deliver the subjects of my brother the King of France, from the destruction like to come by these Civil wars: seeing that I embrace the peace and concord made between me and my Brother the King, I will omit no occasion to set him in his former liberty, and to restore peace and tranquility to his people. The which shall come to pass, when it shall please God to give a better mind to the authors of these troubles, and to make them content with that which is their own, that they may both keep them within the limits of their duty, & also as good subjects to be lovers of peace. The which at this time aught specially to be sought for, namely, rather peace and concord, by the con sent and agreement of the Christian Princes and states, than to stir up lamentable war among Christians, by fire and sword.  
About this time there was a certain writing of 
Letters of the Princes of Germany, to the Germaynes which were in the army of the Guises.  all the Princes of Germany that were protestants, sent to those armies of horsemen and footmen, which served the Guise under the conduct and charge of the Rokendolph to this effect following: All the Princes Electores, protestants, of the sacred Empire, will and command this thing to be notified and declared to all the Germans, which serve the Duke of Guise under the conduct of the Rokendolph▪ being by him dereyved: which Guise abusing the age and authority of the king of France, would abuse your hands and power to be instruments, to ertyrpe and destroy all those which profess the Gospel. And although the horrible murders & cruelties of the Duke of Guise, of his Brother the Cardinal, and of the rest of his fellows, have been openly showed upon all Christians lovers of the truth, yet notwithstanding, you (which we herded of to our great grief) are ready to help & aid the Duke of Guise. And besides this it is evidently known to all men, that the Rokendolph your Captain is banished discredited, and openly proclaimed a traitor, by the public judgement, and solemn decree of the Emperor, and of all the states of the Empire, for his false betraying of the Germans into the hands of the Turk: notwithstanding you being deceived by their wont guiles, and subtle words, have agreed to go with him into France, and at this time also are ready to obey him, and to do whatsoever he will have you: whereby it is plain that you will forsake all christian faith and charity, and love of virtue and praise, for the Duke of Guise, and for the Rokendolph your captains sake: such an example given hereby as hath not been herded of heretofore among the Germans. For these causes, we will and command you, being admonished by this writing, and do exhort & earnestly require all and every of you, which have any regard to your good name and fame, and have hitherto been deceived by the fraud and subtlety of the Rokendolph, that you take heed and have regard to the great infamy and reproach which you shall sustain hereafter: that you forsake out of hand your Captain the Rokendolph, and the Army of the Duke of Guise: whose principal purpose and intent is, to root out and destroy Christians, whom we mind to defend with all our might and power. And therefore whatsoever he be that shall refuse to obey this our commandment, let him be well assured that he shall have the same punishment of ignominy and shame that the Rokendolph hath: Let all men know this for a surety.  
¶ These letters greatly troubled the minds of the Germans, of which the greatest part of the Guise's army consisted: but the under Captains and Centurions being corrupted for the most part with money, they little or nothing prevailed. Notwithstanding a few under the charge and conduct of County Waldech forsaking the Guise's army, came to Orleans to the Prince of Conde.  
The Duke of Guise having good success in his business according to his mind, and contrariwise the Prince of Conde, coming daily more and more into farther 
Quillebedovius.  extremity, many forsook the prince of Conde, among which were many noble men: who, by the Guise's commandment, were peaceably received, notwithstanding with the reproachful name of Quillebedovius, which signifieth a Traitorous coward. These startaways had the King's letters of warrant given to every one of them, in manner and form as followeth.  

Thomas. R. or J. B. or else such a one, hath declared unto 
The King's letters patents granted to those that started away from the Prince of Conde and the fruits there of.  us that he was persuaded to put himself in armour, thinking it to be done upon his allegiance and obedience towards us, because he was told that we & the Queen my Mother were captived: and to this end he hath followed those which have taken many of our Cities. And for these causes he is condemned by the sentence of our judges to dye, and his goods already brought into our treasury and his house straightly watched and warded, to the which he dare not come but by our gracious benefit and help, the which he most humbly requireth. We therefore upon consideration of his mind and pur pose, which he says, and of the which we are certyfied also, shallbe to live ever hereafter in our obedience: and also to the end we may gratify the requests of certain of our faithful servants: For these causes, and for divers other great and weighty causes also moving us hereunto, we have permitted and granted, and by these presents do permi●… and grant to the said T. R. although he hath born armour, and hath contributed money to aid those which as enemies have armed themselves in this our Realm against us, and for the establishing of the new Religion, or hath otherwise helped and furthered seditious people with their advise and counsel, and hath go to besiege Cities without and contrary to my will and pleasure: that it may notwithstanding be lawful for him to go home to his house, and peaceably to enjoy his goods: and for none of all those faults to be in no peril hereafter by any manner of means, either for wearing armour, or for Religion: commanding that all sentences pronounced against him for these causes to be void and of none effect: and that his goods & substance which hath been brought into our treasury, be given & restored to him again: and commanding also the watch & ward about his house to cease, whatsoever hath been ordained and decreed in our Parlements for this matter, notwithstanding. Also that it shall not be needful for the said T. R. our suppliant, to have any other argument or proof to declare our will and pleasure herein, but these our letters only. Notwith standing provided that he be no author of seditions, of rapines, or of spoiling of Churches, nor that he secretly convey to our enemis either money or armour: and also upon this condition that he live ever hereafter, Catholicly, and come not to the service or rites of the new Religion: & that he never hereafter bear armour against us, nor do aid and assist those that are our enemies, any manner of way.   
But as by these means snares were laid to trap & entangle the simple and héedelesse sort (as shortly after appeared in many when they were come home) so there was no stay of excommunications thoondered out at Paris. at Tbolouze, and at Bordeaulx, and in other places where the papists ruled, against such as were counted huguenots: straight charge being given to all men to detect such persons: the pain appointed, threatened to such as should conceal any such so suspected, and a reward promised to him that would detect any such person: the King's Attorney being commanded to inquire and ●…nd out such causes, and to bring them with all speed before the Senate. Then after the publishing of those letters of warrant from the King, whereof we spoke before, the Senate or Parliament of Paris decreed, that all those men which came from Burges, Poitiers, Meaulx, Roan, Lions, and from other Cities which were kept by the Prince of Conde, to Paris, should be taken: and that they should be punished according to the prescript of the Kings edict, which commandeth all men of the new Religion to go out of Paris, notwithstanding that they had got the kings letters of warrant, and had made a Catholic confession (as they term it) of their faith.  
Roan being won, as we declared before, the army of the Guise came to Paris about the beginning of November, 
The Guise tetourneth to Paris.  the rumour increasing more and more concerning the aid of the Germans and of the English men, which should come to the Priuce of Conde very shortly.  
Therefore Rouen being fortified again, & the breaches of the walls being builded up, and a Garrison left in the town, the Duke of Guise returned back again with 
The Guise cometh to Paris.  his army to Paris. In the mean time came the armies out of Germany to Orleans, sent by the protestant Princes under the conduct and charge of the Marshal of Hessen. They were thirtéen ensigns of horsemen, containing 
Aid cometh from the Princes of Germany to the Prince of Conde.  in just number 2600, and eleven ensigns of footmen, containing three thousand soldiers. Then the Prince of Conde, when he had gathered together an army, minded to remove from Orleans and to go to Paris. But before his departure from thence, he published a writing, in the which he cleareth himself from being the author of the first motions, and of the civil war, deryving and laying the same upon the Guises & his fellows: and protesteth that duty moveth him too enter into war, to deliver the King and the whole Realm from those injuries and violence. This which followeth is the sum of his letter.  

I have hitherto sufficiently (sayeth he) by many writings 
Another writing of the Prince of Conde.  published and sent abroad, evidently declared, that the Guises, the Constable, and the Martial of S. Andrew, are the authors, and the first and true causes of those troubles, which we see at this time to be so hot & outra giouse in the Realm: because they took disdain, that they should be removed from the government which they usurped in the days of King Frances the second, and were offended at the decree of the States of the Realm, in which they are commanded to make an account of the exceeding number of gifts which they had received in the former King's days, and of the ordering and bestowing of the King's money: greatly refusing, not only to be delivered from this account, but also using their former subtleties, to enrich and set up themselves by the ruin and decay of others. After that I showed the divers Counsels and secret deliberations had, they covering their conspiracies with the cloak of Religion, and how they began to arm themselves by their own private authority, contrary to the express commandments of the Queen, and the Decree of the States, breaking the common peace: how they contemning the queens authority, & the decree of the States, by which they were commanded to go home to their own houses, came with an army ofmen and took the King and Queen into their hands perforce, with so much grief to the King, that he declared the same with tears openly. I have also declared, and will ever evidently declare that I have for just and necessary causes, and by the express commandments of the Queen herself, (as may appear by letters sealed with her own hand) armed myself: and have been nominated and elected by her to take upon me the defence of this cause: as can testify Monsure Jarnac, Monsure Soubize, and monsieur Pordillan, to whom she expressly declared, that it was her will that the King's faithful subjects should obey me, and that they should at my commandment withstand the counsels and practices of the kings adversaries, to restrain their licentious wills. And as for me, if I should not take the sword in hand, the King and queens Majesties, and the Realm cannot choose but be ruled by the wills of the adversaries, whom experience hath showed of late to be the tyrants of France. And now, although I have the testimony of a good conscience towards God and the Queen, who hath power and authority to govern the Realm: and although I have already declared all my actions and the truth of my cause, by divers writings: yet nevertheless, because my adversaries, according to their wont wicked custom, do sand abroad into foreign nations many false reports and slanders in writing, impudently burdening me with false lies, making me the author and cause of all these troubles. I which desire to have a good name and report among all Christian Princes & Nobles, and among the kings faithful subjects, & which desire to keep my honour and dignity: thought good, after many other to publish this writing also.  
To the end all men may understand, how carefully even until this present day, I have laboured & sought by all means possible to mitigat and pacify those troubles raised by their wickedness: not only because I know what great destruction will come thereby, but also because I have a singular care and desire, both to establish the King's authority and dignity, the safety and preservation of the King's faithful subjects, the liberty of their consciences, and also the peace and tranquillity of this Realm, in the which I was born. And I am fully persuaded, that the only demonstration of the which I have done and will do, shall prove those my adversaries, liars and slanderers, & shall bring to pass, that never hereafter any indifferent man shall give credit to the like. First of all, every man may behold and see, how I alone in the beginning of this our King's reign, procured peace and tranquillity, and sought to put away all occasions of seditions and troubles: for the which cause, I had much ill will and displeasure in the days of King 
Of this mention was made in the second book of commentaries  Frances. II but I have forgiven that injury. Since that time hitherto, those enemies of God, the King, and public peace, were offended with the decrees of the States, and with the form of Government, which they then perceived to be contrary to their ambition: when as they had determined to pervert all things, & to enlarge their power and tyranny: to the which end and purpose they conspired with strangers: the which conspiracy is more pernicious and detestable, than was the conspiracy of the Triumuiri of Rome, as now appeareth by the lamentable effects thereof: but I, on the contrary part, to quench that burning firebrand of troubles, have left nothing undone that I could do. Neither did I regard the goodness of my cause, nor the wickedness of my adversaries cause (when as they armed themselves of their own private authority, to overthrow the edict made by the consent and advise of the States) neither did I so esteem of my place and dignity, that I would put myself in armour, without the express commandment of the Queen: yet in the beginning I of my own accord offered to unarm myself again, so that my enemies would do the same, and that the edict so solemnly made by the Decree of the States, might be thoroughly kept: as may appear by my writing concerning this matter. The which conditions seemed to all men very indifferent and reasonable, saving to themselves. Furthermore, to the end we might the better and more safely enter into peace and concord, I sought diligently that many Christian Princes might be admo nished of this matter, and I entreated them by letters and by Ambassadors that they would be means to pacify the same, and to take away all occasions of greater dissensions.  
But my adversaries even at the same time, when all things might have been brought to some quietness, went about to take away all hope of concord, and sought for the nonce to exasperate and provoke our minds to displeasure by new cruelties showed upon our brethren: making more careful provision to war against me and mine, than doth the foreign enemy, when he invadeth the bounds and limits of the Realm. Beside this they suffered not the Ambassadors of the Princes of Germany, which were now coming forward in their journey, to do their office about the pacification: but sought to procure the Italian, the Spaniard, & the Swisser to aid them in their war: and because a certain Noble man of France called Gonor, did disallow the coming of foreign power into the Realm, they abused him with injurious words openly among the kings counsel. Whereby it may appear to all indifferent men of sound judgement, what I and my adversaries have sought for: and whether I could in this time of the King's minority, devise more profitable means and ways, to avoid these grievous troubles: and also whether they can do more than they have done, to increase the same. For they have go about to bring in new, hard, and violent laws, plain contrary to the King's edict, made by the consent of the whole Realm, and agreeing with the Spanish Inquisition, which is the ruin and overthrow of peace and tranquillity: that thereby they might not only bring in an infinite heap of troubles, but also the confusion of all things. The which also I myself by publishing a writing contrary to the same, showed how much it was disagréeing from all reason and indifferency. But what soever I could show unto the Queen, they had her in such bondage and captivity, by force and subtlety, that they made her an instrument and mean to do what soever they would themselves. Notwithstanding she perceiving what great inconvenience would come by war thought, she might do much good if she could bring the matter to parley. Therefore, the Queen, my brother the King of Navarre, and I met together in the midway between Paris and Orleans. Then I made declaration unto them of two things, which I said were the causes of troubles, the which causes being taken away, the effects, that is to say, great troubles shall with them be removed also.  
To take away the causes, I said, the first was: That the Guise, the Constable, and the Marshal of Santandre, who had broken the peace by arming of themselves by their own private authority, and had forcibly dealt with the King and Queen, and also had broken the kings Edict of January, might go home to their own houses and might be forbidden to be of the Kings Counsel, 
The conditions offered by the Prince of Conde, at the first par ley.  during this time of his minority: And I myself, though I were of the kings blood, and of much higher degree than they, promised to do the like.  
The second was, I said, that the Edict of January might be fully observed, and that according to the tenor thereof, the use of Religion might be free for all men throughout the whole Realm. To these two▪ neither the Queen nor my brother would agree. affirming that it was not lawful for those being the Kings servants, to departed from the young King being in such extremity as he was: the request, they said, was neither indifferent nor profitable for the Realm.  
Moreover they said there could not be two Religions together in one Realm, and therefore the Edict of January could not be suffered, because they of the Church of Rome were so many in number & so sharp set to maintain their Religion▪ that if they should not have their wills, greater troubles would daily arise▪ To this I replied again saying, that it was neither indifferent nor profitable for the Realm, for them to abide with the King, which had both abused the kings age and dignity, and also had brought him & the whole Realm into great peril, and unhonestly broken the kings Edict. And concerning the Edict of January, I said, what could be more unseemly than for a few private men, so little to regard the Kings dignity, that they dared break the Kings Edict, to observe & keep the which, they themselves were sworn: by the benefit of which Edict, not only Paris, but also the whole kingdom enjoyed peace. Also I said it was a very evil example, for the people to be armed to break the king's Edicts, and was the ready way to make them ever after more disobedient: also that the Religious were not so contrary, that the Christian name should not every where be retained: As for that Religion which I and my fellows embrace, it is the true and reform Religion, which is also received and embraced of great Nations, and pourged from Romish Idolatries and superstitions. And to make the matter more plain, what say you to the late example of the Emperor Charles the fifth, who after he had assayed to establish in Germany that Religion which he himself approved, and could not bring it to pass, thought it to be the best way, although he had got the victory by force of Arms, to let every man use what Religion he would, for quietness sake. What should I need to repeat many other examples, when as experience teacheth us, that this is a necessary remedy to keep the people of this Realm, in peace: To let them have the use of what Religion they like best. But for all that I could say or do in that Parley, the Queen dared not go from that which was prescribed unto her to speak. So that the Armies were prepared on both parts again: Then we entered into parley again: by which they went about very subtly to betray me: First, I yielded unto my brother the King of Navarre the Town of Baugence, the which he meant to use for him and his family during the time of entreaty for pear, which I had good hope to obtain by the means of the queens letters. Then I did put myself into my enemy's hands; minding thereby to win peace. The Guises and his fellows feigned a departure away, but they were not far of, but had encamped themselves within the compass of three miles minding to oppress me, as appeared afterwards by their Letters which came to my hands.  
At the length I and certain of my fellows came in parley and conference with the Queen At the first we were denied to have the liberty of our consciences. We strait way affirmed that the liberty of our conscience was to us the most precious thing of all and the chiefest thing that we desired: and added this also, that if the departure of a few, would be an occasion of peace, and of the liberty of Religion, we ourselves would willingly go into crile, even to the utmost parts of the world. The Queen took our offer, and liked of the condition: and when she had made a long protestation of her good will toward us, she persuaded us to prepare ourselves to take our journey, and she would sand unto me whether soever I would appoint ten thousand Crowns, promising there withal that my exile should not be long. But when I was certified of the platform and snare which the Guises had made for me, at the entreaty of my fellows I made hast back again to my Army. Then them Queen before my departure required of us an answer, the which we referred to the common counsel and advise of my fellows: affirming notwithstanding for ourselves, that we were ready, not only to go into exile. but also to suffer any manner of extremity willingly for a common wealth.  
But afterward I had taken deliberation and consulted 
The reasons that stayed the Prince of Con de from going into exile.  with my fellows, they answered: That except I would forsake God, the King, and my Country, I could not nor aught to go to any other place: declaring unto me that the ancient and approved Laws and constitutions of the Realm were, that when the king by reason of his young and tender years cannot take upon him the Government of the Realm, the Princes that were the Kings near kinsmen, with the counsel and advise of the States should provide a form of 
The form of the government of the Realm in kings minority.  Government. The which during the time of the king's ninoritie, aught to abide firm and immutable,  
At the first beginning of this king's reign, the States, (whose authority hath bridled always their ambition, which would abuse the tender age and facility of kings) decreed with the consent of the Princes the King's kinsmen, That the government of the King and the realm should be committed to the Queen: and that she should discharge and pay that debt which the King's ancestors had left the Crown in, and should also maintain the peace and tranquillity of the Realm of France, divers other things and they decreed more particularly, concerning such as had taken any othe●… to serve foreign power, whethe●… they should be of the kings Counsel or no: and whether two brethren at once, except the Princes the King's kinsmen, should be of the same coun cell: concerning also an account to be made by such as had the trust of treasure committed unto them in the former King's days: and divers other things they decreed as is to be seen in my former declarations in writing published. But amongst all other it was decreed by the Queen, that matters concerning Religion, should be established, for peace and unities sake. First of all therefore the matter was handled by Disputation at Posset but in vain. Then the Queen caused an assembly to be made of the Princes the King's kinsmen, of the King's Counsellors, and of certain, chosen out of all parliaments of the Realm, that they might make an Edict concerning this matter. Then there was an Edict made in the King's Counsel: to the which they were all sworn (and they also which at this day have broken the same) and which was published and confirmed, according to custom, throughout all Courts in the realm: by the benefit whereof the Realm in every place seemed to be at peace. Notwithstanding this, three private men offended with the kings Counsel, and inflamed with their own desires, because they knew that they were bond to obey their Decrees, and to give up their accounts: conspired together how they might remove the Queen from her authority: gathered an army of men together, without the commandment of that Queen, contrary to the authority and decrees of the States: denied to go home to their own Provinces, at the commandment of the Queen, and to unarm themselves: came armed to the King, and so took him: stirred up war, and put the king to great expenses: not only entered into the king's Counsel, from which they were secluded by the Decrees of the States, but also did put in and put out such as it pleased them: and finally they broke the king's Edict solemnly made and confirmed by the advise and determination of the States, & from the time that they armed themselves, they have not suffered the same to be kept, without the which notwithstanding, it it not possible that the public peace should stand. By which their wicked acts and presumption, they have broken the authority of Magistrates and Laws, & have plainly declared themselves to be enemies to God, to the king, to the Realm, and to common peace. For these causes my friends said unto me (considering my state and calling in the Realm) that it was not meet that I should give place unto them, which by violence had go about already to confounded all things: Neither that I should forsake the cause which was not particular, but generally belonging to all men: and that I should resist open force and tyranny, and restore liberty of conscience to the men of the reform Churches, by the benefit of the king's edict, after so great and so long affliction, whereby they said I should preserve the authority and dignity of the king and the Estates. For these causes the greatest part of Noble men and Gentlemen, upon conscience of their duty, knowing that they were bond hereunto both by divine and also by man's law, have followed me: and with these the greatest part of the kings subjects, and his most noble Cities, have voluntarily joined themselves with me: and rather by divine than human reason, have elected and created me with one voice and consent, for this cause to be their Captain. The which office, I being of the king's blood, and naturally bond to the Crown of France, have taken upon me, and have sworn to maintain the glory of God, & the dignity and conservation of the king & the Realm: having also entered into league with them, in respect whereof I have bond myself unto them, and cannot be discharged of my oath again, without the solemn consent of my fellows, to whom I have given my faith. And whereas I offered to the Queen to become a banished man, upon this condition: If by the departing of us few, the common peace, and liberty of Religion might be obtained: it is manifest, that my departure shall open a gap to more miserable destruction, and therefore there is no cause why I should be bond by that my promise. If I should depart the realm, I should leave the King in this his nonage in peril of the ambition and violence of strangers: and the Crown of the which I am by nature a defender and protector, in hazard of lying in the dust. Again, it cannot be, that the kings subjects should be in the more security through my departure, when this one thing is manifest, that the shepherd being away▪ the Wolf may the more easily destroy the flock. Can I think that so great a multitude, can be sent out of the realm, without their great hurt, and without the great destruction of the whole realm? Therefore, for my duties sake, to do the which I am bond both by nature, and also by my oath, I cannot, neither aught I, to departed out of the Realm, specially in these perilous times: unless I would incur the fault of a fugitive and startaway. For as touching the reasons which my adversaries bring, to cover their wickedness, and to dissuade me from the defence of so just a cause, they are so weak & of so small weight, that no man will esteem them, but those which are affectionate unto them.  
For, whereas they say, that from that time hitherto, the Queen hath altered her purpose, disallowed the edict, and allowed their bearing of armour, and had given her authority to the King of Navarre, to rule and order the whole matter: it is nothing.  
First, because it is more probable and agreeable to reason, that whatsoever the King, the Queen, and the viceroy, determined and decreed, when they had full liberty, and when the kingdom was in peace, is more firm and sure, than that which they approve and confirm in these troublesome times, when they are after a sort constrained by force of Arms.  
Secondly the Queen cannot allow the gathering together of domestical and foreign Armies of men, and the beginning of war, contrary to the ancient custom of the laws of France, and the late decree of the states, and that for so evil an end & purpose, as to break the kings edict, & the decree aforesaid, made solemnly by the queens commandment: but she must also overthrow the foundation, upon which her authority standeth, which by that means should be of no force. Neither can she of herself, put over to another her authority, and power to govern, because it cometh not unto her by natural right, but is given unto her by the benefit and consent of another. Moreover touching the king of Navarre, whether he be Viceroy or Legate, he hath no such authority, that he may command the Guises, or any other to gather together armies of men, and that without the commandment of the Queen, or the kings lawful Counsel choose by the states. The which was not observed when the Queen gave them commandment to put of their armour. Neither is it of greater weight or force, that the Queen, since that time, hath approved the bearing of armour and the mustering of soldiers: because in those matters it cannot be sufficient to have only a bore allowing or approving, in the which a sure and express commandment is required. To conclude, admit the kings Counsel were such as it aught to be, by the decree of the States, and that there were joined therewith the authority of the Queen and of the King of Navarre: God forbidden that any man, how great soever his authority be, in the time of the kings nonage, might gather an army, proclaim war, and put the power of the King and the Realm into the hands of a subject be he never so faithful, without the will and consent of the States first had: and specially when the purpose is so evil, and that the Kings▪ Edict should be broken. These things of me considered, I have determined, not to forsake my king in his young age, and my Country and Religion, all which require my help. Therefore I have brought my army more near my enemies, my soldiers being very willing and courageous to set upon the enemy, and to join battle. But our enemies which have so often triumphed over us & scorned us, have found no better way, than to pack and steal away secretly in the night. Therefore forsaking to join battle with us, they came to Blais a town without any Garrison, unlooked for, & besieged the same: and when they had wone it they showed all manner of cruelty: and since that time they have spoiled, & as yet do spoil cruelly many of the Cities of this Realm. And as for the Queen, though she know the goodness of our cause, and that I have done nothing but by her commandment: yet nevertheless, because she is more a frayed of the power and subtle practices of our adversaries, than she trusteth to the good success of our part, mindeth to give herself wholly unto them, anddoth more openly and vehemently favour them: as may plainly appear by these effects. Therefore she gave herself wholly to the Cardinal of Lorrayn, who at that time was with her, to be governed by him: although she knew well enough the covetousness, ambition, & cruel mind which is in him and in the rest of that stock, which have been the causes of most grievous troubles in the Realm of France▪ since that time that they have born any rule. Therefore the Cardinal left nothing undone that might hinder peace, as may appear by his letters which by chance came to our hands.  
Moreover because the Germans (which came to aid them under the conduct and charge of the R●…kendolph & the Rheingrave) understanding some what of our cause, refused to war against us, they devised a new practice, and brought the King and Queen into their Army, to colour hereby all that they had done. Neither do they omit any subtlety or craft to allure strangers to aid them: and yet notwithstanding they deride and scorn the Germans and their Religion, as though they for the greediness of money came into France to subvert and overthrow the Gospel which before in their own country they had defended with peril of their lives, And they impudently lied and feigned unto them to bring the confession of Ausburge into France: which they said they had done long a go, if so be I had not been a let unto them.  
Besides these things they object against me & mine most shameful slanders, saying that, we are Rebels, destroyers of the worship of GOD, usurpers of the kings Crown, possessores of the kings Cities, and treasure, Heretics, Anabaptistes, & Atheictes, without any Religion or faith. With these and divers other like crimes they do so fasty slander us, that we appeal to the consciences of our adversaries, if they have any conscience at all. But by the grace of God we have a firm and sure testimony of our Religion, that is to say, the confession of the reform Churches, so evidently declared and offered to the King, to the Queen, to the King of Navarre, to the Princes the kings kinsmen, and to all the kings Counsel, as they can testify which now go about to suppress the same, and sealed with my hand & with the hands of a great number besides, which also we doubt not to seal with our own blood. The which, as it aught ●…o stop the adversaries mouth, so also it aught to s●…oppe their ears to whom our adversaries are not afeard to slander and backbite us.  
But and if the life and manners of both parts, if the effects of our Religion be compared with our adversaries, although I will not altogether excuse ourselves from many sins, yet notwithstanding this I say: that our life, by ●…he grace of god, is not defiled with blasphemies, with whoredom, with impieties, & with horrible lusts against nature, as the life of many of our adversaries is, which notwithstanding call themselves Catholics, & glory in those filthy crimes. As for Heresy, and Anabaptisme, we are so far from them, as it is manifest that our adversaries are guilty in them, and have been by us proved so to be. Can they clear themselves of Anabaptisme, which have rebaptized those infants that were baptised in the reform Church, which is an heresy in all times reprobaled, and condemned also by the Decrees, and constitutions of Counsels? And as for the worship of God we have not abolished the same, for the defence whereof we are ready to spend our lives, desiring vothing more than to have the same purged in the Realm of France, by the purity and truth of the Gospel from so many superstitions: and also that it would please God to illuminate our King with the pure know ledge of his word, to bless the Sceptre of his youth, and also to deliver him from all corrupt Tutors & masters.  
But how shameful a thing is this, for the Cardinal of Lorraine to make as though he loved the confession of Ausburge, the which he utterly refused to allow in the disputation of Possi. And it may appear what love he and the rest of them bear toward that confession, by the horrible murder committed at V●…ssi. As for the Cities which they say we possess, they have not hitherto disobeyed the king, neither will they hereafter, so long as they obey my commandments. And whereas they obey not our adversaries, the cause is, lest they being at their commandment should be utterly destroyed. The Kings money also is kept from their hands, lest they having the same, should spend it upon war against the kings subjects. But whereas they say that I go about to usurp the Crown of 〈◊〉: 〈◊〉 actions of my life past, free from ambition and 〈◊〉, and my hands pure from innocent blood, do so plainly prove this to be a false lie, that I am fully persuaded, that no man of sound judgement will approve the same. When as ou the contrary par●… all men know, by what and how many means my adversaries have go about to trouble and molest all the whole Realm, by ambition and covetousness: and have so enriched themselves, that they have made a plain and ready way to ●…et the Crown. To put away the suspicion whereof they can never bring sufficient reasons, the effects of their desires being so manifest, the events also so lamentable, that they shall never be able by any manner of means to hide them. All men see, since the time that they have had the government in their hands, they have brought the Realm into so great troubles, that it was never in so miserable an estate, being brought all most to ruin & extreme destruction: the King brought into great debt, and his subiect●… oppressed with tributes and customs. There is yet another exquisite lie devised by the same Cardinal: For he is not afeard to give out to divers strangers by his letters, that the King and Queen having established and confirmed the assurance of the common faith, do give pardon to all th●…se that will put of their Armour, go home to their own houses, and live there without offence. But none of all these things are contained and set down in the form of any Edict or Rescript: for they are but deceitful baits and snares to entangle men with all, and so are they to be counted. Daily many men are both cast into prison and also put to death, and that for no other fault, but only because they professed the reform Religion, which they make The cause of Sedition, of Conspiracy, of unlawful assemblies, and of the breaking both of God's law and man's law. And being not contented with so great blood shed, knowing that many have escaped the cruelty of their Decrees: they have caused the Bishops & their Popish officers, to publish and thunder out Excommunications, giving charge that they which known any of the Kings officers, which came either to the public or private sermons of the reform Churches, to the administration of the lords Supper, to their prayers, or to any other rite or ceremony, contrary to the church of Room: or if they known any that did either eat or drink with those preachers, that they should within three days after disclose their names. And of late also they have published a Decree, In the which they commanded and do command▪ That so many as are come from Orleans, Lions, Burges, Roan, Poitiers, and from other Cities which are kept at my commandment, to Paris, and that all men or women of the reform Religion, should be taken and punished according to the form of the Edict, what Privilege soever to the contrary they were able to bring. Whereupon many were taken by the force of those decrees & put to death, which came home to their houses upon trust of the kings Letters of warrant. Whereby it may evidently appear, how falsely they have made report to Princes of other Nations of the security that men should have, if so be upon trust they would put themselves in their hands.  
And because certain Princes knowing the goodness of our cause, and the unjust dealing of our adversaries, have sent unto me aid to avoid those miserable calamities at hand, they make exclamation, to discredit me and my cause, that I bring foreign aid and power into the Realm. But what I did before I took this remedy in hand, many Princes know, whom I entreated to be means to make a pacification, and who can testify that their Legates were hindered herein. Also, seeing they have replenished the whole Realm with strangers, as with Spaniards, Swissers, Germans, and with Italians, to the end they might execute their tyranny: how shameless be they to reproach and discredit me in saying that I bring foreign power into the realm? And I protest, that as I was constrained to take this remedy in hand, so I have determined ever hereafter, to seek by all lawful means and ways, to deliver the Church of God, the King, the Country, and myself from this oppression.  
But whereas they have every where published abroad the Decree of rebellion against me and mine, which they have caused to be made, sure cause not known nor herded, by certain seditious persons, which displacing certain good men out of their rooms, take upon them the name, and countenance of Senators of Paris: I have appealed from them, and showed in wri thing the causes of my appeal. And to the end their fraud and deceit may appear the more impudent, they have exempted me from the number of those whom falsely they call rebels. Howbeit, if this good and just cause may be called rebellion, I myself above all the rest, aught to be burdened with the same: seeing that I accounted myself to be their Captain, and have taken upon me the defence of that cause, & have called those that attend upon me, to show their obedience to the King, at the commandment of the Queen, and do as yet retain them with me to this end. And I affirm, that there can be greater injury done unto me, than to be separated from so honest and faithful a company, in whom I do note so great fidelity and obedience toward the king in this so present a necessity, that I think that the same their dutiful obedience willbe commended among all posterities for ever. This therefore is the sum of those things, which I have done unto this day, the which I have with great simplicity, and without all cooler declared. And I pray all those that love the truth, most earnestly, which shall read this writing, that they will uprightly and without all prejudice weigh the matter: and to judge not by the words, but by the actions. God for his mercy's sake, order and direct the whole matter to the glory of his name, to the peace of the Church▪ to the tranquillity of the Realm, & to the confusion of those his enemies, which are the authors of these troubles.   
This writing being published abroad, and all manner of warlike provision being prepared, the Prince of Conde (as we said before) removed with his army from Orleans, and conducted the same by the Country of Beausse toward Paris. And as he went, he besieged a town called Plu●…iers, which was kept with seven ensigns of footmen, and at the length, when he had sore battered the same with his ordinance, he had it delivered up unto him. Then he took two of their principal Captains, and caused them to be put to death, as for the rest of the common soldiers he spared them. After this many Towns yielded unto him, as Escampes, la Ferte, Dordan, and others, which he received into his service upon trust. Also he minded to besiege the City of Corbeil, which the Guises kept and maintained with a great garrison of soldiers. This City is of great fort, b●…rdering upon the river of Sein, by which river great provision and store of victuals, were carried to Paris. And while he was making all things ready for the siege, word was brought unto him of the death of his brother the King of Navar. Whose office of Uiceroy, he perceiving that he aught to have by order during this time of the King's minority, and then hoping to moderate and end all things by peace, he left of his purpose of besieging Corbei●… and coming nearer Paris he pitched his camp at Arcel▪ the first day of December. Therefore the Queen sending letters unto him, desired to confer and talk with him: not purposing nevertheless (as the event declared) to conclude concord and peace, but only to delay and differre the time, and to diminish the force of the Prince of Conde his army, until the armies came out of Spain and Gascoigne, which were daily looked for: this was done by the subtle practices of the Guises. But because the Prince of Conde was not at that time very well at ease, the Admiral went first to talk with the Queen, passing over the river of sayn by the port Angloyse. In the mean time the Constable came to the Prince of Conde for a pledge. But this journey was in vain, the Queen saying, that she would never agree, that the reform Religion should be used in any part of the Realm. Then was the parley appointed again in a more convenient place, ●…éere unto the suburbs of S. M●…rceau, in a certain Mill. At which meeting, the Prince of Conde propounded these conditions of peace: First, that the use of the reform religion might be free in those Cities, in the which it was before the war began: and that the faithful might live peaceably in other places, and that they might go unto such Towns, as they known the reform Religion to be used in: also, that there might be diligent heed taken, that they sustained no manner of peril for enjoying the benefit of religion. Secondly, that it might be lawful for all men of the reform Religion, to enjoy their goods, offices, & dignities, but specially their religion in what part of the Realm soever they dwelled: and that all sentences and judgements of any Court pronounced against them for religion be void and of none effect: that they which for religions sake were fled the realm, or having before fled were now come home again, might enjoy the same benefit, and might have leave at their return to enjoy all that they had: that every Noble man might have liberty to use the reform Religion in his house: and also that it might be lawful for every one of the King's Counsel to have the same religion in or about the Court, so long as he shall there give his attendance. Thirdly, that the King himself might ratify and allow the war which they had maintained, and what soever they had spent of the King's money to maintain the same: that there might be a common and general Counsel appointed in some convenient place within this six months, in the which neither the Pope, nor any other for him might bear any rule: Or, if it might not be general: that then it might only consist of our country men, leave being granted to every one to come thither, that both armies whether they were domestical or foreign, might departed home, every man to his own house: and that it would please the King to accounted the Prince of Conde his army, as his own, the which he protested he gathered together to serve and obey him: And finally, that for the establishing of this concord, it would please the King and Queen to give their faith, and that every one of the King's Counsel, and Governor of any Province within the Realm, might in like manner swear to observe and keep this peace.  
These were the special conditions which the Prince of Conde required, which were for certain days sent abroad into divers places, the Guises for the nonce practising with the Queen subtly, so to do, that they might have the better hope of the aid which was coming, and also that the Prince of Conde beginning now in the winter, might fall into greater straits. For the Duke of Guise went about at no time to seek peace & concord, fully persuading and assuring himself to have the victory of the Prince of Conde and his. And hereupon it is reported that the Duke of Guise said to the Queen when she went about to make peace, If I thought that you would make any certain and firm pacification with the Prince of Conde, I would never agreed to the same. To the which the Queen made answer again, that she never meant it.  
This therefore was the answer that was made in the king's name, to the petitions of the Prince of Conde. First, the liberty of religion was granted, but with so many exceptions, that it was no liberty at all. For the king denied any of his Counsel to use the reform religion in his Court: he deprived the Cities of war which were in the utmost parts of the Realm, of the benefit of the Edict: among which also he put in Lions, being no city of war: He also exempted Paris, & the whole Territory of the same, from the use of the reform Religion: commanding the army of the Prince of Conde to break up, and to departed home, but the Army of the Duke of Guise, which was called the King's power, to remain at the kings pleasure as it was he denied also leave, for those that had forsaken the Realm to come home again, having not already enjoyed that benefit: He would not have the Decrees and sentences pronounced, to be quite frustrated, but for a time suspended: He denied any Protestants too enjoy his office, saving the Prince of Conde: And finally, he refused to allow that expense of his money upon the war.  
Upon this answer, the Prince of Conde was out of all hope to have peace. The Guise would not go out of the City of Paris, minding by delay to weaken the power of the Prince of Conde. While these things had this success on both parts, the Guises, because they would lose no time, went about to make Monsieur Genly, a Noble man, whose Brother was Monsieur de Juoy (which had forsaken the Prince of Conde, after the yielding up of Burges) to take their part also. Monsieur Genly therefore, being earnestly travailed withal, fallen from the Prince of Conde to the contrary part, and was received into Paris: Whose departure made the Prince of Conde to altar his former purpose, because he known that he being one that had known all his secret and privy Counsel, would now bewray the same to the Guises. 
The Prince of Conde removed from Paris to join to him the Englishmen  So that when he should have approached nearer Paris, & have besieged the City, he altered his purpose, and removing his Camp, went from Paris with his whole power, going through Normandy, minding to join himself to the English men, who were now come to the Haven le Grace, being a City which bordered upon the sea coast: that then he might be the better able to join battle with the Guises.  
IN the mean time there came Armies of Souldi ers out of Gascoigne and Spain to aid the Guises: the coming of these men grealy encouraged the Guises, for they were in number xxxii. Ensigns of tall and well experienced 
The Duke of Guise seeketh to stay the Prince of Conde from joining himself with the Englishmen  soldiers. Therefore now he fully determined to pursue the Prince of Conde, before he joined unto his Army the English men, which were sent, with great store of money also to aid him, by the Queen of England, lest by the coming of that money he should be greatly helped to maintain war: for he hoped that the Germans at length, wanting their pay (because the Prince was bore of money) would come unto him. There fore to keep the Prince of Conde and the English men asunder, the Duke of Guise removed with his whole Army and power from Paris, and making great haste he come to a town in Normandy, which is called the Teritory or plain of Dreux, where also the Prince of Conde stayed, and both Armies pitched their Camps with in two French Leagues, one of another. The Guise had choose a very convenient place to encamp him selue on, both for the nearness of the town of Dreux, which was kept with their Garrisons, and also because there were villages and woods hard by them, to flee unto if need were. Between both the Armies there ran a pleasant long plain, having but a little valley only, which lay on the side of them.  
THE PRINCE OF CONDE, when he saw that his enemies were approached so near, after consultation with his fellows, determined to join battle with them, leaving the event to the providence of God. Notwithstanding the Duke of Guise had a great number of footmen more on his part than the Prince of Conde had: For he had XXVI. thousand footmen, where as the other had scarcely XI. thousand footmen. But of horsemen the Prince of Conde had four thousand, where as the Duke of Guise had but III thousand.  
THE Prince of Conde intending to join battle with his enemies, early in the morning by the break 
Anno 1572 Decem. 19  of the day, set his soldiers in their array: the horsemen in the first front, which was divided into divers ranks: In the first rank or vanguard he placed Monsieur Cure with a four square troop of shot on horse, containing six Cornets, upon each side of the which vanguard, were two wings of Lances, one wing of Frenchmen under the charge of Monsieur Move, and Monsieur Auerill, and the other wing of Germans. After the French wing, which was upon the left hand of the battle, came the Prince of Conde and Rochfocaut, with a Troop of Lances, to the number of 230. 
If that (ge●…tle Reader) thou look in the printed battles, and descriptions of the skirmishes of the Civil wars of France, this shallbe much more plain unto thee: for in them thou shalt have a lively view.  After the second wing came the Prince of Porcian, and the Admiral, having the charge of two Giddons of Lances, to the number of 120. Then followed them a very strong square battle of footmen Germans, containing twelve Ensigns: having a little before them 500 shot on horse. Then was there a very great Squadron of Frenchmen, containing 23. Ensigns, placed to keep the great Ordinance, which were also guarded with a wing of horsemen Germans, on either side. And thus the Prince of Conde marched forward with his whole Army, to encounter with his enemy: who also had his men in a readiness. First the Guise with a very huge Troop of Lances guarded the corner or point of the Squadron of the first Army, which was on his right hand, containing fourteen Ensigns of footmen Spaniards, and the point of the second Squadron, which was on his left hand; containing 22. Ensigns of tall Frenchmen, having planted before them against the enemy 14. field pieces of Ordinance. Then the Marshal of Santandre having six Giddons of Lances, came with the point of the third Squadron, which contained a seven Ensigns of footmen Germans: At the other point of the which Germans there were also five Giddons of horsemen, under the charge of Monsieur Dan ville. Between which five Giddons and the 12. Giddons of the Constable, were placed two great Squadrons, the one containing 22. Ensigns of footmen Swissers, having planted before them eight pieces of Ordinance, & the other containing 17. Ensigns of Britons & French men. So that in all on the Guise's part there were five Squadrons of foot men. Every Squadron is a battle in proportion four square: so that between every Squadron from point to point, saving between the two last, there were Giddons of horsemen at Arms, to guard them. This battle had his proportion in length: but the Battle of the Prince of Conde not so much in length, but more in breadth. Whereupon against the Constable, the Admiral was opposite at one end, against danvil, the Prince of Conde: but against the other end, which was the first Army, where the Guise, and the Marshal of Santandre were, there was none opposite.  
The Armies on both parts being placed as you hear, the Prince of Conde, first of all commanded his whole Army to make their prayers unto God, the which being done, he road round about the Army, exhorted his soldiers to be of good courage, and then commanded to sound the Trumpet to battle.  
Then Monsieur Curee, Captain of the vaunfgard, not 
The first battle in the which the Constable was taken, and the Swisers dispersed and slain.  staying till the great pieces, which were bend against him were discharged, with the rest of his troop discharged his shot at the Swisers▪ after whom followed the Prince of Conde, and at the first encounter so charged the horsemen of the Swisers (whereof Monsieur danvil had the conduct) that he both put them to the chase, and also broke into the squadron of the Swisers: Rochfoucant in the mean time standing still, and keeping his ray. At the first the Swisers, that were the footmen, both by the force of the great guns, and also by their own artillery, withstood the first charge given by the Prince: notwithstanding by the often shot discharged by the horsemen they were constrained to break their array and to retire before the Lances, who also broke upon them, and caused them to forsake their great ordinance: the Prince's soldiers sleying and kill so much as possibly they could. The Admiral also prevailed almost no less against the Constable: and having with him the troops of the Germans; they skirmished with the horse men of Monsieur Danuill, which came again to rescue the Constable, and greatly annoyed them with the hail of their shot. The Prince of Conde having destroyed and put to flight the Swisers, encountered then with the next Army of french men, and breaking their ray, over ran them and put them to flight. In the mean time there was a sore battle between the Admiral and the Constable, both parts quighting themselves, very valeantly. Notwithstanding the Constable's side being not able to make their part good, the Constable himself also being sore wounded in the head with an arming sword, and in other parts of the body with divers shot, and taken in plain fight, they fled away, the Prince and the Admiral, pursuing the chase.  
The Prince having so good success, had good hope to have the victori, for the greatest part of the enemies army, was either slain or put to flight, the great guns belonging to the second Army taken, and the Constable also as is a foresaid.  
The horsemen of the Prince of Condes part, being 
The second battle.  occupied, almost every one, in pursuing the enemy, the Armies of the german and French footmen of the Prince's side lay open & naked before the Guise & Monsieur danvil. The which when Monsieur danvil perceived, he vaunced all the power he was able to make thither ward, of whose coming, so soon as the Germans were ware, they disordered themselves and fled to a village hard by called Bleinuill, without any manner of resistance.  
Then the Prince's army of French footmen being left alone, a very great troop of horsemen charged them 
The third battle.  sore: and being discouraged and made a feared even at the first onset, they turned all their backs and fled. Where fore a great number of them were slain in chase: with loss of a few of the Guis●… horsemen only.  
Thus the Prince's footmen being disperf●… & slain, the Guises by the mutable chance of war, had good hope to foil the Prince of Conde. For almost all the horsemen of the Prince of Condes side were wholly occupied in chase and kill the remnant of the Switsers and Frenchmen: Whereby also it must needs be that they were greatly disordered and out of ray. Wherefore Monsieur 
The Prince of Conde taken prisoner.  danvil the Constable's Son, advanced his power of horsemen, to encounter with the Prince of Conde & the rest. Who being unable so match with their enemies be 'gan to flee, & the other followed the chase. And the Prince himself seeking to escape through a wood hard by, had his horse slain under him with a shot: and for lack of a fresh horse to shifted him, he fallen into the hands of Monsieur danvil, and was taken prisoner.  
The Admiral seeing in every place his men fléeinge away, (the German horsemen also fléeing by h●…apes hard by, according to their manner, to charge their guns, & then 
The fourth battle.  to return again with one force to annoy the enemy: the which manner of fight, because many understood not, & suspecting that the Germans fled, were afraid:) and perceiving also that they were quite discouraged because the Prince of Conde was taken, was much troubled and grieved in mind. He see also to his great grief, three great troops of horsemen, which the Guises, very politicly and prudently had reseruid even till the very pinch came, (in the which was the Marshal of Santandre, Duke Daumale, Monsieur Niue●…ne and other noble men which he speedily dispatched to the chase, he himself tarrying still behind to see the end: the Admiral, I say, seeing these things made haste out of hand to recover the German and French horsemen, and when the French men see that the Germans returned out of the wood again in their array with their Harguebutes charged, they received such courage and boldness, that valeantly together they bid battle to their enemies again: both parts fight with like courage: Notwithstanding the Guises part recoiled by little and little: and the battle had been more hot, (the minds of the Prince's soldiers being fierce,) if so be the night had not caused the wearied soldiers to stay and cease.  
Therefore the retract was blown on both parts▪ and both armies retired to their camps. The Admiral for want of horses, left behind him four field pieces. In this last battle, the Marshal Santandre was taken, and being wounded in the head with a shot died in the field, and was despoiled: this man was of very wicked disposition, and the cause of the troubles of France. In this battle also were slain Monsieur Mombrun the Constable's Son, Monsieur Piennes, Moncharne, and one of the Guises called the Grand prior: there were sore wounded the two Brosses, Monsieur Giury, Annebauld, and divers others which notwithstanding lived: But D'aumall, and the Duke of Nevers, being sore wounded died, and many others which were wounded and slain: Many also noble men that were Papists were taken prisoners, as the Lord Rotchford, Beawais, & divers other Gentlemen to the number of 100 Of the Protestants side, Monsieur de Movy, and divers other Noblemen, and Captains were either taken or slain. God did so moderate this great battle, that neither part could be said either to conquer, or to be conquered: thus ordered and appointed by God, jest so great a Kingdom denided in itself, should come to utter ruin and destruction.  
The Prince of Conde also the fa●…tor and defender of the cause of the faithful, was taken. And of the papists, the Constable was taken and the Marshal of Santandre slain. And as of the Papists side many Swisers and Frenchmen were slain, so many Protestants were slain also by the Papists. The greater number of horsemen were slain by the Guise's part, and of 22. Ensigns, there were but a few left. But for all this, the Prince of Conde found more lack of his men though they were the smaller number than did the Guise.  
THE Admiral, who now in the absence of the Prince of Conde had the whole government of the protestāns, was very careful for the preservation of his Army. Therefore when he had gathered together so much as he could, the remainder of his horsemen and footmen, and had increased and furnished his army again, which was not a little weakened by the loss of the footmen, he came to Orleans, differing his purpose to join with the Englishmen because it was now winter until a more convenient time. And the Constable was also brought with the rest of the Captives to Orleans.   

The sixth Book of Commentaries, concerning the state of Religion and of the common wealth of France under the Reign of Charles the ninth.  
THE Duke of Guise minding to repayer his decayed army, came with the same to Paris, & then appointed new troops of horsemen, new Captains also in the steed of such as were wanting, with a great number of common soldiers. And to the end he might make the King and the people think the loss of his men to be the less, he said that he had got the victory: and hoping to draw many in these troublesome times from the Prince of Condes part, he brought to pass that there was an Edict made and published in the Kings name, promising unto them peace and security which had and would forsake the Admiral and come unto him. The Edict was to this effect. The King being moved, both with the due advise 
The King's Edict.  and counsel of his counsellors and also by his inclinable and natural goodness hath sought even until this day, all means & ways possible to appease these troubles in his Realm, and to bring his subjects to their accustomed peace and tranquillity: and to bring to pass that they which without his commandment have rashly put themselves in Arms, might unarm themselves again. The which his majesties good will he hath declared by many tokens, writing Letters to to all places of his Realm, and seeking a reconciliation again by parleys and conference at sundry times with the chiefest of their Captains: the which, touching divers both with remorse of their offences, and with the love and desire of obedience which they own unto their natural Prince, hath done some good, insomuch that many have returned from their wicked purpose, and thewed themselves since, good and faithful subjects. Yet notwithstanding that remedy could not so much prevail as he hoped for: albeit he left nothing undone that might preserve them, and that might bring peace and concord, the Queen his mother also, with certain of the Princes that were of Royal blood, and endued with no less good will riding to and fro at sundry times, to confer and talk with them, and to declare unto them her true intent and meaning, to bring them into her favour again by pardoning their offences. But they continuing still in their former evil enterprise, God would have the matter come to the very extreme and last remedy, that is to say, by bidding battle against those which have so obstinately go forward: the triumphant victory whereof, it hath pleased the same most holy and righteous god to give unto him, by which he hoped to receive that fruit, which so greatly a long time he had wished for, namely, their return and acknowledging of their faults, which had erred and go astray: at which time they shall understand, that although their offences are great, yet he is ready to embrace them with the arms of mercy, and to receive them into his favour again: for the which cause he thought good to signify the same to all men. And because he desireth nothing more than the reconciliation of his subjects, and would use this victory to the Glory of God, & to the peace and tranquillity of the Realm, & to show his natural clemency and goodness in the beginning of his reign: he willeth and commandeth all his subjects what condition, state, or degree soever they be of, which without his will and commandment, have put themselves in Armour, taken Cities, encamped themselves against him, have been at any battle or skirmish, or had done any other thing against him, to unarm themselves again, to leave those places and assemblies, to show their obedience, and to renounce their company & fellowship, In so doing they shall sustain neither loss nor peril, in body or goods, for bearing Armour, nor for their conscience, what soever hath been heretofore decreed notwithstanding: but shall be received with all their families into his favour and protection. So that, ever hereafter they shall live obediently and quietly, Catholiquely, and without offence. And upon this condition also, that they shall within sixteen days after the publication of these Letters, put of their armour, and departed from those places and assemblies prohibited and forbidden. Whatsoever he be that shall do otherwise, & shall favour, support, and maintain his obstinate subjects, he straitly charges and commandeth his Magistrates and officers, severally to execute upon him such punishments as by the Laws are appointed.  
¶ The Duke of Guise used these letters, which were published under the Kings name, to the intent he might entangle and snare his enemies by all manner of means possible.  
After the besieging of Burges, the Duke of Nemours with certain troops of horsemen, came at the commandment of the Duke of Guise, into Burgundy, that joining the inhabitants of Dolpheny and of Auernois with Monsieur Tawanes, Lieutenant of Burgundy, he might assay to win Lions, and Dolpheny. And at the very first assay, he won Vienna, a noble City near unto the Rosne, 
Nemours winneth Vienna.  and bordering also upon Lions, by the means of the pa●… pistes which were in the town. The soldiers were conducted by Monsieur Mogeron, who, after the surrender of the Town, committed great murder and rapine. The loss of Vienna was very hurtful to Lions, the passage being shut up into Dolpheny and Languedoc. Then Nemours picking out so many soldiers out of his own men, and out of the Burgundians, and Indwellers of Awergnois, and of Forest as would make an army, removed with the same near Lions, to besiege the City. The Lieutenant of Lions (as we said before) was Monsieur 
Soubize Lieutenant of Lions.  Soubize, a very wise man, who with great diligence, prosperously provided for the fortyfying of the City. Notwithstanding Nemours did not encamp himself hard by the City after the manner of besieging: but taking the suburbs and places bordering thereabouts, sought to keep them from victuals and other necessary provision: Notwithstanding the towns men divers times broke forth upon the enemy, and lightly skirmished with them.  
But for all this, the enemy at the length was in hope to win the City: yet their hope was frustrated to their own damage and hurt. There came into the hands of Nemours a certain inhabitant of Lions, of a reasonable good wit, and at that time, of some estimation and countenance. This man declared unto Nemours certain means and ways to obtain Lions: promising unto him, that if he might be sent thither, he would prepare and make an easy entrance for him into the City: For (sayeth he) I when I am in Lions, am appointed to watch and keep the city, joining divers other of the Garrison with me, can open the Gate unto you, and can let in such a sufficient multitude of soldiers, as coming unlooked for, may easily take the City: Only set me at liberty and give me leave to go into the city, & give me my reward when I have brought it to pass. Nemours took his offer, and after fair promises made he set him free, and bade him go to Lions. He, when he was come into the City, declared the whole matter to 
Nemours deceived of his purpose  Monsieur Soubize, governor of the city: who commanded the man to keep the matter secret, and also to flatter Nemours in hope thereof still. Therefore he appointed Nemours the time and place, where and when he should come to the City: watch words were given: and the matter was so appointed, that Nemours had great hope to have his purpose. Whereupon he commanded a great number of arquebusiers and certain troops of horsemen, when the time was come, to go before, and he himself followed after with his whole army.  
In the mean time Monsier Soubize had very well fortified the City in every place and corner: the which being done, he commanded him to go toe the Gate of the city, whom Nemours had put in trust for the treason, & the watchmen about the gate to be very hush and silent without any manner of noise, as if they were a sleep: and then to give the watchword. The soldiers of Nemours hearing the watchword, came with all speed, and were let into the City: And when three hundred of them or there abouts were entered, the warders of the gate, perceiving that the whole army of the enemies followed after a pace, they discharged with all speed a great piece of Ordinance against those that were without. Whereby Nemours perceiving that he was betrayed, fled back again with the rest of his army so fast as he conld: then the Townsmen fallen upon those that were entered the City, and slay them, very few escaping their hands. After this, Nemours went his way, and would never more come so near Lions to besiege the same. Notwithstanding they had after this certain small skirmishes between them.  
Against the coming of Nemours, Monsier des Adretz had gathered together out of all Dolpheny, so many soldiers as he could, to help the men of Lions, and he conducted 1500. footmen, with a very small troop of horsemen. The report hereof caused Nemours to take a new devise in hand: and because he understood that the army of footmen of Monsieur des Adretz, wanted horsemen to guard and defend them, he determined to set upon him with his horsemen. Wherefore, not far from Beaupere he met with Monsieur des Adretz and his men: and skirmishing with them, troubled them sore, & had slain a great number of them, if so be both the opportunity of the place, & also the manliness of M. de Adretz, in conducting his men, had not helped them. So that notwithstanding the greatest part escaped & few were lacking.  
Notwithstanding for this cause the inhabitants from Vienna all a long the river Rosne, were greatly afeard: and greatly also the news hereof dismayed Turnon, although it was strongly fortified with Garrisons of Soldiers. And about this time the inhabitants of Nonay sought to win the City of Sanstephen, being a very Noble and famous City in the Territory of Vivaretz: and this was the occasion: there is in the country of Forrest a City called Sanstephen, near unto Nonay, where divers kinds of weapons and artillery (the place being very convenient for the same) are made by Copper Smiths. of which there are there great store. 
The winning of Sanstephen and Nonays'.  The men of Nonay, being desirous both to have weapones, and also the spoil of the City, which was of reasonable wealth, by the advise and counsel of their governor, they intended to win the same: Imageninge that by reason of the nearness of Nemours, and of Monsieur Caumont, a man of great power in that Region, and of divers other noblemen which dwelled about them, they were secure and careless, and might therefore more easily be oppressed. And in deed it came to pass according to their imagination. For the greatest part of soldiers, and almost all the young men and boys in the Town, having the governor of the Town their Captain, went out of Nonay: and travailing all the night with great speed, through woods and secret places, were very early at the City of Sainstephen.  
And so soon as the Porters and Warders of the gates had carelessly, suspecting nothing less than the coming of the enemy, opened the gates of the City, they violently rushed in, and oppressed and slay a great number of the Townsmen, as they were making of them ready to arm and defend themselves. Their purpose was to return back again to Nonay with as much speed as possibly they could, when they had got them armour and weapons and taken the spoil of the City. But when by the example of their Governor, the soldiers gave themselves to spoiling of houses, and spent the time in vain upon dalliance with women, they gave great occasion ●…o Monsure Caumout, which was not far from them to work their destruction. For he being certified of their delay and security, gathered together by and by so great a multitude as he could from the places: thereabouts, alarm being sounded in every street and corner. Therefore the men of Nonay being busied in their prey, in so much that they neither remembered to depart, nor yet suspected the coming of their enemies in so great number, were suddenly hemmed in with a great number of soldiers which came under the charge of Monsieur Caumout: and falling into their hands, were slain for the most part of them with their Governor, and the rest fled.  
And when Monsieur Caumont understood the matter, he marched with his army, taking with him certain field pieces, towards Nonay, and finding the same void of any garrison, and greatly amazed with much fear & 
Nonay cruelly spoilt  grief: after he had battered the walls, at the length, took the City. And then showed extreme cruelty, kill rashly both Papist and Protestant together, with women also and children: which murder most cruelly continued for the space of two days. But when it was reported that Monsieur des Adretz was coming by Turnon, with a very great host, Monsieur Caumont removed in the night: and causing great silence to be kept throughout all his army, he stolen away secretly. And what soever the soldier at his departure could not carry away, that he spoiled, as corn and wine, & such like, casting the corn abroad in the streets, knocking out the heads of Toonnes of wine, and setting fire on divers places of the City. I myself (which have written these things) am also an eye witness of this horrible cruelty, being present at the same, and carrying yet, and shall do while I live, certain marks by wounds in my body, to remember the same.  
Nonay being desolated with this horrible murder, Monsieur Sainmartin a Captain, Lieutenant of the Region of Vivaretz, came within few days after with a garrison of soldiers, and repaired the broken walls, and fortified the same so well as he could.  
Monsieur des Adretz having gathered an army, entered into consultation about the besieging of Vienna, whether Nemours was come with the greatest part of his army: and removed his army which he had taken out of Dolpheny and Languedoc, to Uienna, minding to besiege a city in the utmost parts of Vivaretz called Saint Columbe, but he bore at that time a false and traitorous mind, as experience afterward declared.  
Therefore after certain small skirmishes, they entered into parley with Nemours: and Monsieur des Adretz was let into Uienna: and coming out from thence again, showed manifest tokens that his mind was altered. And he agreed with Nemours to yield unto him forthwith Roman and Valentia cities of Dolpheny. Therefore he removed his army from Vienna, and appointed Nemours to be at Roman that day, where he himself had given his faith at the self same time to be: and he himself went to view and win other cities. When his other fellow captayn●… understood of this, as Cardet, Lieutenant of Valentia, Blacon, Bari, Movens, and others, they admonished Monsieur Cursol of the same: and they with the help of Movents took Monsieur des Adretz while he was at Valencia, they having sit occasion offered them thereunto. And then the subtle lying in wait of Nemours being detected and bewrayed, who came with his soldiers at the day appointed to Roman, he returned again to Vienna disappointed of his purpose. And so the treason of Baron des Adretz being discovered, he was brought to the city of Nemaus, in the province of Languedoc: but because of the benefit of peace which was concluded by an Edict, he escaped present and deserved death.  
In the mean time the Duke of Guise, having augmented his army, and provided all things necessary for war, removed from Paris, and went to besiege Orleans, in the 
The admiral goeth into Normandy.  month of january. The Admiral was go from Orleans, with the greatest part of his army, and with all the troops of german horsemen to join with the English men, leaving to keep and defend Orleans, his brother the 
The siege of Orlean.  Andelot with the other part of the army. For the Admiral stood in great need of money: Of the which when the Guise understood, he sought all that he could, to draw away the Germans from t●…king part with the Prince of Conde: & because they were discouraged from the Guises, because he warred against religion; and because the faithful contended for no other cause, than to deliver the King from captivity, and to defend the edict which concerned the reform religion: the Guise affirmed and protested that he neither maintained war against Religion, nor kept the King nor any of his captives. And for this cause he procured the King's letters, in the which the King and Queen declared to the Marshal of Hessen, and to the Germans which aided the Prince of Conde under his conduct, that neither of them were captives. This is the sum of their letters.  
In consideration of the great friendship and unity, which hath been heretofore between the german, Princes, 
The King's letters to win from the Prince the Germans.  and the Kings of France our auncetoures, and in respect of the mutual love, which the one hath always showed towards the other, to the profit and commodity of both parties: it could not but seem wondered and strange unto us, that certain of those Princes of Germany, our friends should aid and help our subjects, which have lifted up the sword against us, and have seditiously brought our Realm into great troubles. But we think that it cometh hereof, that those seditious people have deceived the Princes with a false colour and pretence, making them believe that we are captived: and that they for the duty and obedience which they own unto us, have go about, to deliver us from the same. In the which opinion, even at this day also they go about to persuade and retain both the Captains and also the Soldiers of those Germans, whom for the cause and pretence aforesaid, they have brought into this Realm: of whose goodness and estimation we are so persuaded that we doubt not but that they will for very grief and sorrow, be offended that they have been so deceived. For these causes we signify & declare to the Marshal Hess, the Captain general of those Germans, and to the under Captains and soldiers, that we were never kept by any manner of violence, nor Captived any manner of way. But have always enjoyed both the freedom of our bodies & minds: and have ever found those our subjects which are accused in this behalf, to be most loving, faithful and obedient. furthermore we have not commanded or given leave to those our seditious Subjects to put themselves in armour, and to join with for rain Nations: as we think now the Marshal Hess himself well perceived, so soon as he came into the Realm, both by the late success of the battle, & also by the infinite number, of murders, rapines, and spoils, which that seditious sort do daily commit against our poor subjects: whereby there cannot be a more firm and certain argument to declare what the purpose and mind of those seditious persons, is: In so much that we must needs persuade ourselves, that those Soldiers of Germany, by the admonition of these our letters, will be certified of the truth, and beware of that error with the which those seditious persons go about to blind them. In so doing they shall both win ●…ame to themselves, and also deserve well at our hands, but especially main ta'en and defend the glory of God.  
To these letters subscribed Alexandre the kings brother Duke of Orleans, Henry Borbon Prince of Navarre, Charles Cardinal Borbon, Lodowicke Borbon Duke of Monpenseir, Frances Bourbon county de Alphine, and Charles Borbon Prince Rochsurion, the xxiiii. day of januarie.  
After this the Duke of Guise besieged Orleans with a great host of men, and with abundance of great guns: which he planted against that 〈◊〉 of the City, by which the River of Loire ran, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the midst of the same: by reason whereof the Guise persuaded himself the more easily to win the same: For on the other side of the City, the ground lay level and plain, which was very unmeet to encamp upon: and besides this the City had very strong forts and Towers on that part to defend itself. At the first therefore he to●…e the Suburbs called Porterell, and the german footmen that were set to keep the same fled away: at the receiving of whom into the City there were a great number of Gascoynes and inhabitants of Languedoc slain which made the Citizens sore afraid. After this the Guise bend his ordinance for the battery against the city, and gave a very hot assault to the same. In the mean time th●… Andelot, though he was sore troubled with a quartern ague, took great pains in forte●…ing and defending the City. At the length, by treas●…n the Guise got the tower which standeth upon the bridge foot, by which the townsmen might have been greatly annoyed if so be they had not beaten down a great part of the bridge from the same, at the commandment of the Andelot: the Island being very well fortified and defended.  
¶ While these things were thus in hand at Orleans, the Admiral was in Normandy, and had joined himself to the English men▪ whereby his army was not only much increased, but also he received a great sum of money: whereby the Germans were not a little encouraged.  
The Duke of Guise daily, more and more urged the men of Orleans, and sought new ways to work their 
Pultrotse●…t from Lions to thee: Admiral.  destruction. But behold as the Guise mused and de●…ised with himself to work mischief, there came a certain Soldier from Lions, called Pultrot Merae, carrying letters of Monsieur Soubize to the Admiral, being of body great, taull, and strong, but in courage and stomach, a very coward.  
This Pultrot, when he had delivered his letters to the Admiral, declared vuto him that he known an easy way to discomfit the Guise's army, yea if need were to kill the Guise himself: shewing himself very ready and willing to bring the same to pass. The Admiral wondered at the boldness of the man, being to him a mere stranger: and also had no great trust in him at the first: Notwithstanding because he was commended unto him by Monsieur Soubize, he granted unto him according to his own request leave to be a spy, and secret beholder of the Guises doings, and commanded him also to certify him thereof so soon as he could: deriding and little regarding that his imagination concerning the kill of the Guise. First of all therefore the Admiral gave unto Merae for to play the spy, twenty french Crowns: after the receit whereof, he went to the Guise in his camp at Orleans: and made protestation unto him that he was very sorry that he had born armour against the king, craving pardon for his offence of the Guise, and promising ●…uer after to show himself a true and faithful subject towards the King. The Guise hearing this, very lovingly received and entertained Pultrot Merae. Then from the Guise he went to the Admiral again, showing unto him how well he had sped, and received of him again a hundred crowns to by him a Horse. Therefore he returned again to the Guise's camp with a better horse, and tarrying there cerdayes, he earnestly studied in himself how he might bring to pass to slay the Duke of Guise: and he made the more speed to finish his purpose, because he see the City of Orleans like to come in peril. Wherefore when he had fully determined with himself what he would do, he began to devise with himself, whether he were best to kill him when he had many men or few about him. When he had fully resolved himself how and after what manner he would accomplish this enterprise, he came to the Guise, as he was viewing the strength of the Town and the manner of his siege, and waited upon him according as he had done before. At the length the Guise being weary mounted on his horse intending to go home to his house, with two men only weighting 
Pultrot killeth the Guise.  upon him, and Merae followed him also. And when the Guise and the rest were come over a certain Ferry, not far from his house, Merae suffered the Guise to ride about six or seven paces before him, and then discharged at the shoulder of the Guise a pistolet, which he had charged be-before with three pellettes. With the which he being sore wounded, within a few days after he died: But Merae, so soon as he had done the deed set ●…rres to his horse, and fled with speed. And riding all the night from place to place, the night being very foul and tempestuous, (as it is commonly in the winter) he came again to the same place from whence he had ●…ed the day before which was at a village called Olivet near unto the 
Pultrot taken,  River Ler●…, the which village was the appointed place for the Army of the Switsers. And running upon the Switsers unawares, was by their outcry bewrayed: Not withstanding he fled again, but was taken within few miles of the Guise camp.  
Now the death of the Guise for certain days was kept from the knowledge of the men of Orleans, the captains slacking never a whit less the siege that the Guise had begun. Notwithstanding the army being herewith much discouraged▪ and the Queen, and the Prince of Conde giving commandment that truce might be taken on both parts, they raised their siege and departed.  
Then a peace was entreated, the Constable faithfully, 
Peace taken.  as it might seem, promising the same to the men of Orleans. Therefore there was oftentimes mutual conference between both parts, & free communication had also even among the common Soldiers.  
In the mean time the Admiral prospered very well and had good success in Normandy: and having won 
Cane in Normandi won.  Cane a noble City in Normandy, and having great store and abundance of money, had no doubt brought greater things to pass within a short time, if the peace had not been a stay unto him.  
Therefore the peace was now in question between the Queen and the Prince of Conde, the Constable earnestly soliciting the same by his letters. The Queen although she saw her part to be in worst case, two of her principal Captains being destroyed, and the third taken: and on the contrary part, although the Prince of Conde were taken, yet that the rest of the Captains flourished and prevailed, although I say she saw these things: yet notwithstanding she dissembling with a double heart, made the Prince of Conde believe and hope for great matters, and made him bend unto her will so much as she could. Therefore certain conditions of peace were propounded to the Prince of Conde, but not indifferent: in the which conditions many things were decided concerning the Edict of january: by which edict the Prince of Conde would have had the peace form and framed.  
Then the Queen, the Prince of Conde, the Constable, and the Andelot came together to Parley in a certain Ileland called Boum, near to Orleans, the Admiral which at that time was in Normandy being advertised of the same. And after much communication to and fro, the peace was at the last concluded, the xiii. day of March in manner and form following.  

ALL men see and know with what troubles, seditions, and tumults this our kingdom, for certain years, by the just judgement of God, hath been tormoyled and tossed, our subjects being the occasion and cause thereof, through the diversity of opinions concerning religion. To provide a remedy for the which, there have ben hitherto had many convocations of the most singular and wise men of the whole realm, by whose advise and counsel, many Edicts and decrees have been made, as the necessity of the time required: meaning thereby to prevent a mischief, and stop greater inconveniences like to ensue. Nevertheless the iniquity of time by little and little hath so prevailed, and the Lord by his secret and just judgement, provoked by our sins and wickedness, hath not restrained but suffered those outrageous trou bless to have their course: and that so far forth, that an infinite sort of murders, bloodshed, rapine, spoil and destruction of Cities have come thereof: beside the violating of temples, the joining of battles, and an infinite number of mischiefs mother in divers places. In so much that if this mischief proceed any further, seeing there are so many strangers in our Realm, and more daily like to come, we may plainly see and behold the inevitable ruin and destruction of the whole Realm: beside the great loss of so many Princes and noble men, and valiant Captains, already made by the authors of these troubles, which Noble men, under the mighty hand of God, are the only strength and true defence and protection of this our Crown. The which things we have diligently considered, and devised always and remedies to help in time: yet notwithstanding seeing we see that all the inconveniences which come of this war, do redounded to the diminution and detriment of this our realm, and have felt by experience, to our great hurt and loss, that this remedy is not sufficient for this purpose, we have thought that there can be no better way, than first of all for us to flee unto the infinite grace and goodness of our Lord God, & by his help to seek for peaceable & quiet remedies, to cure the soreness of this great and mischievous disease, in the eyes of man almost incurable: to bring the wills of our subjects to unity and concord, and to the acknowledging of that obedience and duty which belongeth unto us, being speedy remedies to keep our subjects in peace: trusting that the fruit of a general or national Counsel will bring such assured peace and certain tranquillity, to the honour and glory of God, that we shall have all great cause to joy in the same.  
In the which matter we will have the good and wholesome Counsel of the Queen, our most loving and reverend mother, of our most loving Cosynes the Cardinal of Borbon, of the Prince of Conde, of the Duke of Monpensier, and of the Prince Rochsuryon, of the Princes that are of the King's blood, of our beloved Cosines also the Cardinal Guise, Duke de Aumerle, Momorencius the Constable, of the Duke Estamp, of the Marishalls Brissac, and Burdillon, of the Lords the Andelots', and of other peers of the Realm, and men of the King's counsel: All the which, with one consent and mind have thought meet and necessary that these things following should be ordained and decreed, for the common wealth and profit of our realm: the which we will and command to abide firm and immutable, that is to say. THAT all noble men hereafter, having the rule and go vernement of Provinces, may peaceably and with the liberty of their consciences live in those houses in the which they shall devil, with their families and servants, and enjoy the use of the reform religion, so called, with out any impediment or trouble. And it shallbe lawful for all noble men and their families, what jurisdiction soever they have, to use the same religion at home and in their houses, so that they devil not in those villages and towns that are subject to the greater jurisdiction. In which places they cannot have the use of the Religion, without the leave and licence of the higher powers. We appoint to every Office, Senate, or Court, whose first appeal belongeth unto the higher courts, a city, at the petition of the men of reform religion, to the which city the men of those offices and Courts may come and have the use of the reform religion, and no otherwise nor any where else. Notwithstanding all men may live every where peaceably at home, without any peril or harm for the use of religion and their conscience. Furthermore, all men in those cities, in the which that religion was exercised the seven. day of this month of March, beside those cities which shallbe specially appointed to every Court, shall have leave to use the administration of that religion still, in one or two Cities, which shallbe appointed unto them. Notwithstanding it shall not be lawful for the men of the reform religion, to occupy the churches of the Catholics and priests: whom we will and command to be restored from this time forward to the full enjoying of all their Goods, Houses, Lands, Possessions, and profits, whatsoever: that they may enjoy the same as they did before these troubles were begun: that they may use their divine service in those places where they were wont, without interruption or trouble of any man. We will also and command, that the city and Court of Paris be free from the whole use of that Religion. Notwithstanding whatsoever he be of the reform Religion that hath any house, or revenue in the city of Paris, or within any part of the same, may freely come and go thereunto, and shallbe in no peril of harm for any thing past or to come concerning Religion. All Cities shallbe brought again to their former and wont intercourse of buying and selling: and all Strangers shall forthwith be sent out of the Realm.  
And to the end we may the better quiet and stay the minds of our subjects, we will and command, that all men be under our protection, patrociny, and defence, & that they be restored to their offices and revenues, what state, degree or condition soever they be of: notwithstanding the statutes, ordinances, and decrees, made since the disease of our dear Father Henry of happy memory, for Religion, or for the Armour which our well-beloved cozen the Prince of Conde hath born, or any other at his commandment. The which statutes and decrees we command to be void and of none effect lest through them, they, their children, executors, heirs, or assigns, should be stayed hereafter from the use and possession of their goods and dignities. Be it therefore sufficiently provided by these our letters, and let all men be out of doubt, that we set and restore them to the possessions of all their goods and lands, which they now have or had heretofore.  
AND lest any man should stand in doubt of the faith and true meaning of our cozen the Prince of Conde, we say and affirm that we do take and account him for our well-beloved cozen, and for a loving subject, and faithful servant in all our affairs: In the which number of faithful subjects we esteem and account all the Peers, Lords and Nobles, and all the inhabitants of the Cities, Towns, and Villages within this Realms, which have taken part with our said cozen, and have served in these tumults of Civil war, in any manner of place within this Realm: Thinking that those things which our subjects have done, have proceeded from good intent meaning, and for their duty and obedience sake. Furthermore, we will and command, that the Prince of Conde our well-beloved cozen, be fully discharged of all accounts for such sums of money as he hath himself (or any other at his commandment) taken out of the Treasury: and to be free also from making an account of such money as he hath taken out of Cities, or corporat Towns, or from Ecclesiastical people: or for the coining of money, the casting of great Goonnes, the making of Goonpoulder, the fortefying of Cities, or for the pulling down of Edifices or buildings at the Prince of Condes commandment to build up any fort or hold: Of all which things we discharge and fully acquit both him and all others at that time under his service, by these our Letters and Edict, by us subscribed and sealed. And so many as were taken either in war, or for Religion's sake, or which are kept in durance for any other cause, we dismiss and set at liberty by these presents. Such notwithstanding excepted, as are thieves and murderers, to whom the benefit of this Edict shall not appertain.  
AND because we specially and above all things wish, that all these causes of these troubles may be cut of, and all men's minds truly reconciled and pacified, that by this consent and agreement, the obedience due unto us may be confirmed, we will and command also these things following.  
First, that all injuries and offences which have grown by iniquity of the time and by the occasions coming thereof, and that all oaths things sprung up by these tumults, may be extinguished, forgotten, and buried under foot, even as if they had never been.  
We deny and forbidden also upon pain of death, all our subjects, what state, condition or degree so ever they be of, to provoke one another with contumelious words, and to stir up anger by envy of things past: but do exhort them, rather to behave themselves loving lie one towards another as brethren and fellow Citizens: him that shall otherwise do, we will and command too be executed forthwith without any further examination or judgement, according to the severity of our Edict.  
For the which cause, to the end all scruple may be quite taken away, those our subjects, shall shake of and reject the making of any manner of Leagues or partakinges, either within this Realm, or without: neither shall they make hereafter any convocations, moysterings of men, nor collections of money, otherwise than they are permitted to do, by this our Edict, and that without Armour. The which we straightly forbidden them to do, unless they will incur the punishment, for breaking this Edict. And we will and command, that this our Edict, be sollemnely proclaimed throughout the whole realm, and that it be also put down in the Court Roolles, and diligently observed and kept of all men. THIS we command by our authority to abide firm and irrevocable for ever.   
THE XIII. day of the same month, Poltrot Merae, the same whom we said before had killed the Duke of Guise, was examined, and after examination confessed himself to be guilty of the death of the Guise: and for the same was by the judgement of the Senate of Paris, con demned, to be drawn in pieces with four horses. This is a most cruel kind of death, which hath been ever of old time used upon Traitors. The manner of the death was this. They tied to the wrist of each arm a strong rope, and likewise to the small of both his legs: and then the other ends of the same roopes being fastened to four great horses, the horses were made to draw two of them against the other two till they had rend his limbs one from another. This kind of death Poltrot suffered. After this his death there was a Libel set out concerning his examination, and published and reported also among the Germans in the admirals Camp, that Merae, appealed the Admiral to be the author of his wicked deed, and Theodore Beza and a certain other Minister, which he named not, to be provokers of him thereunto, and the County Rochefoucaut, as accessary to the same. To this accusation the Admiral answered, and affirmed the same to be false, saying, that either Maerae had made no such accusation at all, or else if he had made it, that then he did it falsely, being provoked thereunto either for fear, or for hope. For probation whereof he alleged the rash and sudden punishment of Merae, which was so speedy that he had not leave to come before the judges, according to order of Law, & to have the accused present before the accuser.  
Now concerning the peace, it was reported of every where, every one rejoiced because of the same, yea the naming of peace was pleasant in the ears of all men, every one hoping that so great troubles and calamities were now at an end. Notwithstanding the Protestants greatly m●…ruelled what the Prince of Conde meant to agree unto those slended conditions, seeing the principal heads of their enemies were destroyed, some taken, and the ●…ost 〈◊〉 discouraged: whereas on the contrary part the Prince of Conde had now the lawful government of the Realm, and many couragions captains to take his part: whereby they were like to have ●…etter success than ever they had.  
Moreover the Admiral in No●…ndy, and Monsie●… Cu●…sol in Languedoc prospered very well: notwithstanding by letters sent to him from the King, and from the Prince of Conde, concerning the edict: and to Monsieur Cursol also, which was then besieging of the Castle of Pyle, they unarmed themselves, & embraced the peace. And the edict was there by and by 〈◊〉 ●…ed, and in all Towns also where the Protestants inhabited. The Catholics also were suffered freely to go unto their Cities, and enjoyed all things to them appertaining according to the benefit of the kings Edict. Notwithstanding at Bourdeux and Tholoze the Papists made much a do about the receiving of the kings edict, in so much that the Protestants dared not go home to their houses, but were feign to make often complaints here of to the King.  
The English men by the sufferance of the Prince of Conde kept the Portele Grace which is a City bordering upon the Sea in the edge of Normandy: who refusing for certain causes of covenant between them to go out of the City, the kings army removed to besiege the same, the Prince of Conde also himself being present with a great part of his army: at the which the English men greatly marveled, thinking that he requited them not as they had deserved. Notwithstanding at their queens commandment they departed from thence, upon certain conditions: a League being made between the King of France & the Queen of England. Both Armies also of the Germans went home & almost in every place men wholly unarmed themselves: notwithstanding certain of the Guise's army and of the Prince of Condes also were reserved still in their armour for another purpose as shallbe hereafter declared.  
The end of the second part.   

¶ The third part of Commentaries , Containing the whole discourse of the civil wars of France, under the reign of CHARLES the ninth.  
Translated out of Latin into English, by Thomas Tymme, Minister.  
Seen and allowed.  
Imprinted at London, by Frances Coldock.  
And are to be sold at his shop in Paul's churchyard at the sign of the green Dragon.  
1574.   

The Table for the third part.  

A  
abbey of Saint Florent burned. page. 201  
Acts in the time of the kings progress. 46  
Admiral, accused by the Cardinal of Lorraine. 11  
admirals purgation. 13  
Admiral cleared of the Guise's death by the King's sentence. 47  
Affairs of the low Country. 77  
Agreement between the king and the Duke of Orleans. 40  
Amanzi slain. 131  
Answer of the faithful to the oath which they should take. 124  
Andelot cometh to the Prince of Conde with a great army. 174  
Andelot passeth over the River of Loyer. 176  
Andelot joineth with the Admiral. 176   

B  
battle won by the Protestants at Awergnoys. 107  
Battle in the which the Prince of Conde was slain. 208  
brotherhoods of the Papists. 43  
Brissiac slain 215  
Boysuerd slain. 175   

C  
Cardinal accuseth the Admiral. 11  
Cardinal taketh foolish and ●…ain journeys. 70  
Cardinal of Lorraine practiseth too take the principal protestans. 118  
Cardinal of Lorraine practiseth too take the Prince of conde. 121  
Cardinal S●…astillion fleeth into England. 162  
Church of Lions diversly vexed. 50  
Charters besieged. 108  
charity, besieged and taken. 221  
Cities and Towns which took part with the Protestants. 107  
Cities yielded to the Prince of Con de. 174  
Cipiere cruelly slain. 119  
Conference between the Nobles, and the Duchess of Parme. 86  
Conspiracy of the Papists to destroy the Gospel. 92  
Constable slain. 102  
County Panpadon slain. 215  
Counsel of Trent traveleth to hi●… der the Gospel. 23  
Congregatiou of the Protestants at Pamiz 37  
Crafty disposition of the Queen Mother. 11   

D  
Death of the Prince of Condes wife. 41  
Death of Ch●…els Son to King Philip. 162  
Death of the Lord of Morueile. 227  
Death of the Duke of Deuxpons. page. 223.  
Declaration of Rossilion gave a great overthrow to the Edict. 50  
Description of the Duke's camp. 223.  
Description of the prince's army. 224  
Discipline appointed by the Prince of Conde. 164. &. 165.  
Duchess of Parme causeth an assembly of states. 83.  
Duke of Alba cometh into Flaunders with the Spaniards. 94.  
Duke of Anjou marcheth toward Lorraine. 106.  
Duke of Anjou put to the worse in fight. 193.  
Duke of Deuxpons promises aid to the Prince. 197.   

E  
Edict wrested by the Anuil. 5.  
Edict falsely interpreted. 27.  
Edict enterpreted. 45.  
Edict against the Gospel. 106. &. 177  
Edict collerably made by the Catholics. 112.  
Edict not observed. 115.  
Edict of peace. 300.  
England a fuccor to France. 109.  
Endreau revolteth. 212.   

F  
n built at Lions 49.   

G  
Germans take both parts. 196.  
Government of D'anuil over the Churches of Languedoc. 3.  
Gospel beginneth to flourish in ●…launders. 77.  
Guyses' seek to disturb the peace. 20   

I  
Impunity for the murder done at Towers. 69  
Images in Flanders go to wrack. 85  
Injuries done to the Protestants pag. 60. &. 113.  
Interdiction of Sermons. 48.   

KING  
kings progress with the causes thereof. 38.  
King cometh to Lions. 48.  
King cometh to Languedoc. 74.  
King Philip certified of the increase of the Protestants in the Low country. 79.  
King and Queen remove to Paris. 97.   

L  
Letters of the king to the Prince of Conde. 67.  
Letters of the Prince to the K●…ng page. 98. &. 132.  
Letters of the papists intercepted page. 130.  
Letters of the Queen of Navarre ●…o the King. 168. to the Queen mother. 169. and to the Cardinal of Borbon. 173  
letts of the Queen of Navarre ●…o the Queen of England. 187.  
Letters pattens from the Pope. 184.  
Lord Boccard dieth. 216.  
Luzig surrendered. 241.   

M  
Messenger sent by the Prince of Con de taken. 162.  
Merindol appointed for the exercise of the reform religion. 73  
Monsuer Cure slain. 44.  
Monsuer Saltane displaced out of his office, and Monsuer Lossay succeedeth him. 50.  
Mons. Cochay taken and many of his men slain. 197.  
Mons Movens, and his soldiers slain. 186.  
Motton commanded to be hanged by the Anuil. 6.  
Murders most horrible. 119.  
Musters of Souldier●… 130.   

N  
Niort besieged. 237.  
Noyers' won. 198.   

O  
Oath of the prince of Navar. 212.  
oath collerably made. 130.  
Order of gods f●…ruice in Nemaux. ●…   

P  
Papists brag of abolishing the Edict. 10.  
Petition made by the Prince of Conde●… 98.  
Peace concluded. 110.  
Peace requested by the protestants. 232.  
Poitiers besieged. 242.  
Pey battered 244.  
P●…ince of Conde enticed from the defence of the Gospel. 33.  
Prince of Conde escapeth the Papists snares. 40.  
Prince of Conde complaineth of injuries. 54.  
Prince of Orange cometh to Antwerp. 87.  
Prince of Conde marcheth to Lorraine. 105.  
Prince of Conde flieth to Noyere pag. 121. &. 164  
Prince of Conde in great peril. 131.  
Prince of Conde seeketh to encounter with Mompensier. 190  
Prince of Orange seeketh to join with the Prince of Conde. 195.  
Preaching forbidden, 48.  
Practise ●…o stcale away the prince of Navarre 167  
Proclamations for the observation of the Edict 68  
Pultrot deareth the Admiral. 14  
Protestants commanded too return to Monachisme. 52   

Q  
Queen of France encourageth the fouldiours. 224   

R  
Reconciliation between the Guises and the chastilion 47  
Restraint of Synode●…. 51  
Rochel 〈◊〉 to be besieged 130   

S  
Sanser besieged 202  
Sermons 〈◊〉 preached. 217  
Slaughter of the Parisians at Saint Dionyse. 102  
Slaughter of the faithful at Tow ers 53  
Slaughter of the ●…thful. 41  
Slaughter of 10. thounsande protestants in the space of 3. months, in the time of peace 〈◊〉  
Spy sent to view Noyers', taken. pag. 122  
State of the common wealth, after peace was taken 1  
State of the Church of Orleans. 1  
State of the Church of Lions. 2  
State of the Church in Dolpheny. 3  
State of the Church in, Burgundy and Provence 3  
State of the Church of Venais. 7  
State of the Church of Orange. 8  
State of the Church of Paris. 8  
State of the church of P●…eardy. 8  
State of the Church of Britain & Normandy. 8  
State of the Churches of Gascoigne and Guian. 9  
State of the protestants in the second war 100  
State of the Churches in the low Country, after the coming of the Duke of Alba. 102  
Supplication of the Nobles of the low Country 82  
Succour of the Pope. 224  
Strosius men slain. 224  
Suburbs of Rochereul thrice assaulted 253  
Subtle practices of the papists against the Gospel. 25   

T  
Troubles at Lions 116  
Troubles at Paris 117  
Tyranny of the Duke of Alba. 196   

V  
Valencia besieged 89  
Valencia surrenuered. 91  
Violence done to the Protestants. pag. 60   

W  
Watch and ward at Havens and Bridges 114   
FINIS.   

The seven. Book of Commentaries, concerning the state of Religion and of the common wealth of France under the Reign of Charles the ninth.  
ALTHOUGH that France was now (as 
The state of the come mon wealth & of the church after peace was taken.  it were, very desirous to be at rest; after so great broils of that grievous, and lamentable war: yet heavy occasions of new troubles, seemed to be offered every day, and the hearts of the Papists were espied by manifest tokens and talk, to wax more spiteful. New haven a town lying on the sea cost of Normandy, being received again of the English men, part of the King's army was quite, discharged, and part of it was choose to lie in garrison, in those Cities, which were held of the Protestants in the time of war: and for this purpose also, were taken some of the Prince of Condies' 
The state of the church at Orlcaunce.  bands, especially those who in the time of service had forsaken the Prince, and gone to the Duke of Guise. The state of all the Churches being scattered throughout all the provinces of the Kingdom was such as here followeth.  
Monsieur Sipier a noble man, had again, by the king's commandment, the government of the Church, at Orleans: and the City itself was fortified with a very grievous and troublesome garrison. Notwithstanding the Church flourished there, both in great number of the faithful and also good plenty of learned men: there was a school ordained for the use of the reform Church, and beawtyfied with most excellent Doctoures & Teachers: but amongst the wrongs and verations that they of the Garrisons did daily work, the Protestants of Orleans were greatly encouraged, by reason they of Chastillon dwelled so near them, the Cardinal Odet chaste illo 
Odet cardinal of Cha stillon.  also very frankly and liberally helping with money, the needs and wants both of their Church and school.  
The Marshal de Vielleville came to Lions, and the Protestants at his commandment forthwith laying 
the state of the church at Lions.  a side their armour, whilst (as he said) he went about to put the Edict in execution, he fenceth the City with a strong Garrison, and by force of the King's letters, stayeth the building of the Church, which the faithful had begun, being thrust out of the Papists churches which before in the time of war they had used. And yet, they of Lions were not in worst case, for the Protestants there did both quietly live amongst themselves: and also enjoyed, freely and without restraint the use of the reform religion, certain places being by the kings majesties grant, for that purpose appointed. All which time Petrus Uiretu●… a Godly and eloquent man, together 
Petrus Vire ●…us.  with his most excellent fellowlabourers, did very profitably travail in that congregation, which was greatly frequented and furnished with men of all sorts and degrees so that to the Godly it yielded a joyful and pleasant spectacle but to the Papists, a heavy and lamentable sight.  
The government of the Country of Dolpheny fell into the hands of Monsieur Mo●…gron, and Gordes and garrisons of soldiers were placed in the chief towns thereof, as in Ualence, Grenoble, Roman, Uienne, Montillon, 
the state of the church in Dolpheny.  notwithstanding they did not long bear the wrongful dealing of the Soldiers, especially in that part of the Country which was ruled by Monsuer Gordes, for they procured unto themselves his favour by gifts, and so by that means were delivered from the Garrisons. But the congregations in Burgundy were evil entreated, by Monsieur Tavennes and the Counsel of Diion. 
the state of the church in Burgun die and Proditor vance.  But chiefly towards the Country of Provence, they were very cruelly handled, for there the Papists were so impudently emboldened, & as it were fleshed through the impunity and liberty of the spoils they had committed in the time of war, that the Protestants being utterly discouraged, with the often tidings of the injuries and murders that were there committed, durst not once to repair home to their own houses, although they did not openly practise their Religion. But yet at the length by the kings commandment, they were suffered to return home, and divers punishments executed upon such, as had been woorkers of mischief there, as in place convenient, we will more at large declare.  
The Constable had procured the government of the 
the govern meant of M. Anuil over the Churches in Lan guedoc.  Province of Languedoc, (over which he was chief ruler) to be committed over to his Son Monsieur Anvil, with exceeding strait and sharp commission: For the men of that Country, had manfully and courageously behaved themselves all the time of the former war. Monsuer Anvil therefore imparting the matter to the counsel of Tholouze, and having their advise how to behave himself in the exploit of all his affairs, went to the other parts of this Province with more stomach and courage: and to those Cities which in the time of war were held by the Protestants, he came with ranged and warlike armies, as though he had meant to have encountered with some enemy. By his commandment also there was watch and ward appointed at every gate, and flags set out upon the battlements of the walls, like as the manner is in Cities that be vanquished by force. Moreover he very straightly commanded the Protestants, that they should bring all their armour to the common halls of every City, and charged his own men, that they should ransack all the houses of the faithful. At Nemaux, he caused one to be beaten with cudgelles, because he had brought in his armour, somewhat to late: and under colour and cloak of that example, did very heinously slander before the King, the whole company of the faithful in Languedoc, as obstinate and stubborn. And dividing Garrisons of Soldiers into every City, where any congregation 
Albanoy  was, surveyed and viewed them himself, and with certain troops of Horsemen, whom he had reclaimed to his own lure, and made fit for his own pitch, did spoil and waste all things wheresoever he came. The Soldiers that were in Garrison, and also they which waited upon the Anvil began very cruelly to rage's against the whole families of the faithful, even as though they had been taken captive in war: neither did they abstain from robberies, and ravishing of Uirgines but did scotfree and without check commit horrible murders, the Anvil being in the mean time wholly given over to the filthy love of whores, & beastly excess of that good and gentle wine of Languedoc: and for these two causes, he went divers times to Avignon, and there did compel (a sight truly almost of incredible impudency) his own wife, a noble woman of the worthy & honourable house of the Duke of Bullion to salute, & entertain, at her own table an whore of that town, a widow, whom, he being taken with her beauty had caused to run headlong after filthy gain. And whereas fhere was an order appointed by the Profestant●…s in 
The order of calling upon god his name in Nemaux  the Court of Nemaux, that before they took any thing in hand thereshould be prayers made unto God, whose aid and help in administering justice, aught to be craved and sought for: the Anvil commandeth that that custom should be fortwith laid aside, and when the chief Justice had said unto him, who then shall teach us true Justice, if the righteous and just God, be not called upon? He made answer, that if he, or any of his, had any care or regard of that invocation or calling upon God's name, yet not withstanding it was not the kings pleasure, to lay any such burden upon them, who did little set by any such customs and rites, as that was: and so at the commandment of the Anvil the invocation of God's name was utterly banished out of the Court of Nemaux.  
Through the unreasonable outrage of this furious raging precedent, there were divers injuries and damages wrought against the Protestants, either under colour of the Edict, or else by plain and open force. Of the which these things that follow being taken out of, almost an infinite number of other may be sufficient examples. The kings edict of peace did give free liberty to exercise the reform Religion in all those Cities 
The Edict violently corrected by the Anvil.  in which it had been practised the seven. day of March (as it was provided by flat & express words of the u branch of the edict) besides other Cities, that were severally to be appointed, throughout all and every one of the Provinces. Against this did the Awille set this interpre ●…acion, So that it be thought Lawful by the chief Lords of those places. And so by these means, he hindered the use of the reform religion in many places: and every where scattered and dispersed abroad the congregations. And although by the express tenure and form of the edict, liberty of Religion and conscience was granted to all and in all places of the Kingdom: yet he did so curtal and weaken the lihertie of the edict, that he did not only compel those which were newly come out of the Cloisters and Abbeys, or else had forsaken some other Popish Rites, in the time of war: but also those who long a go, had left that kind of life and were entered into some better trade of living, to take again their former life of monkish superstition and to put away their wives if they had married any: or else to departed out of the bounds and limits of his Province. And by these means he plucked away many of the ministers of Gods word from their congregations, and drove them out of all the Country, where he ruled. A notable example of this extremity was showed in Moton the minister of the congregation. Who having long before forsaken all kind of Monkery, had married a wife in honest and lawful matrimony: and laboured ver●… fruitfully there in that Church. To him strait commandment was given, either quite to forsake his wife and leave the ministry, and then to take upon him h is former kind of life, or else to departed out of the coast of Languedoc within three days: who when he had made answer, that he was content to departed, for that he was so commanded, and having provided all things necessary for his family, and being set forward on his journey, as he passed by Monfrin (a little town of Languedoc by the way that leads to Avignon) he went to visit the congregation there, and was requested by the elders of that Church, that according to the custom he would preach a sermon to the people. Moton was content, and 
Monsieur Anvil con maundeth Moton to be hanged.  preached. The matter was signified unto Monscur Anuil who by and by commanded the chief executioner, forthwith to hung up Moton, as guilty of breaking the king's edict, for that he had preached contrary to his forbidding. Wherefore Moton was violently apprehended (the ●…earefull Protestante●… of the Church of Monfrin standing round about him) and being haled and drawn out of his wiue●… arms, that pitifully cried out, was bond unto an almond tree. Where after that he had comforted his wife, and protested, that he did willingly seal there with his blood the truth of his doctrine, for which unwor thely he was so troubled, he was strangled to death by the common hangman. All which time while this was in doing, Monsuer An●…ll lay carelessly at Avignon wallowing in the filthy pleasures of whores and wine. The churches of Languedoc did complain of these ini●…ryes to the King's majesty and the Queen his mother. The like did the Prince of Conde being desired there unto by them of Languedoc but all was in vain. For the Constable was a careful maintainer of his lonnes mischiefs, and so wrought, that all the complaints that were put up against his son were void and to no purpose, in so much that they which complained were in peril and danger▪ Whereby it came to pass that ●…he congregations in Languedoc, which had any thing at all born out the brunts of the former war, were very hardly dealt withal, and felt that peace was more grievous than wars: and many of them through the cruel government of that precedent, were scattered abroad.  
In the County of Vena●…s, being part of the Pope's Dominion, a very fruitful soil and a commodious country: 
the state of the church of Venais.  the Protestants by the Pope's commandment were erceding cruelly entreated, and the goods of all them forfeited that did profess the reform Religion: neither could the king's Edict case them by any means, notwithstanding both the King and the Queen were ●…iuers times sued to by suppl●…ations. Wherefore the greatest part of the Protestants of Uenais, being spoilt of their goods, went to Dolphiney and Orange: where the use of the reform Religion was freely allowed, both by warrant of the kings Edict, and also through 
The state of the churches of Orange.  sufferance, and favour of the Prince of Or●…nge.  
The use of the reform religion, was banished, out of Paris, by especial commandment, of the Edict. Not withstanding the Protestants of Paris, that were returned 
The state of the churches of Paris.  home, began to devise and consult among themselves▪ for the renewing and gathering together again, of the congregation. Wherefore straglinge abroad in sendry companies, they enjoyed the preaching of God's word: but always, there resorted but a small number together in one company, lest they should be accused, and condemned as breakers and violaters of the king's decrees. And yet although the Parliament of Paris, was very sore offended, and moved against the faithful, and the Guise's spies and promouters, also were very busy, and left nothing, that might be done, untried: not withstanding through the policy, and wisdom of the Marshal Momorency, who was Precedent there, a certain kind of peace and quietness, was kept, which was (as it were) sauced and entermingles, now and than, with bitter and grievous vexations.  
In Picardy, the Prince of Condies' Province, the pro 
The state of the churches of Picardy.  testantes through the faithful and diligent travail of the Precedent: lived, almost in every point, according to the order prescribed in the Edict Heverthelesse very few congregations were in that country: both because the people of themselves were much given to popish ceremonies, and also they were stirred up against the protestants that were there, by divers of the Noble men.  
Moreover in Britanny, chief by the means of the 
The churches of Brit tanny and Normandy  Andelot who held a great part of that country, by his wife which was Heir of the county of Lavall: and in Normaudy there were some Churches that lived quietly, and yet many times were in great fear,  
Among the Gascoignes (for at Bordeaux the thief City 
The Churches of Gas coin and of all Guian  was a famous church,) the Santones, the men of Poictures and other countries of the province of Guian (where were very many congregations, the protestants were diversly molested and wronged by the lieutenants, Monsieur Monluc,) Mousieur de Beri, Monsieur de Lude, and Monsieur de la Taride. And yet the Queen of Navarre having the chief rule, almost over all those countries, being a very godly & christian woman, did what possible she could do, that all things there might be done in peaceable quietness, and according to the order appointed in the Edict. She had also in the Dominion of Bearne (it is a Country on this side the mountains Pyranaeis, 
The Churches in the dominion of Bearne.  and part of the kingdom of Navarre, where she reigned in sovereign and princely authority) granted free liberty of the reform Religion: but as then she governed her subjects, according to the prescript order of the French Edict. There was to be seen, the churches live in perfect peace under a good and Godly Princess.  
In the Country of Mets which had been long before 
The Churches in the Country of Metz.  kept by the kings Garrison, the Church did enjoy the benefit of the Edict: and many of the Captains of the Garrison, and the Soldiers themselves did frequent the Sermons. They had also at that time their Leuftenant Monsienr Auancie, enclyninge to and favouring their procedings very much.  
The Churches that were in those Cities of Predmont 
The Churches of Pie mont.  which were held by the French king, and those in the Marquesdome of Salus, defended themselves by the warrant of the Edict.  
Thus all the Churches dispersed through the whole kingdom of Franec, were in divers states and conditions, and the greatest part of them enjoyed the benefit of the peace taken, but evil favouredly, and all through default of the common Courts and of those that were appointed commissioners for the execution of the edict, and others the Lieftenantes of the provinces. The papists had raised and bruited a rumour abroad, that the king 
The Papists brag of abolishing the Edict.  being in his nonage and enforced by necessity of the time, had made that Edict, but for a certain space: but when he attained unto more ripe and discreet years, he would utterly root out and pluck up the seeds of that new Religion, and bring home again his Subjects to an uniformity of one Religion. And this forsooth was the will and pleasure of the King, his Mother the Queen, and almost of all other the Péers and Nobles of the Realm: and that they of the new religion should either consent unto this order▪ or else be utterly destroyed by the King: or at lest be spoilt of thei●… Gods, and banished out of all parts of the Kingdom. So that by the voice of the papists, the faithful had granted unto them but (as it were) the loan of the Edict for a very short space and at their pleasure, and that to, with many great troubles and injuries. In so much that a man might perceive, very much to be taken from the former Edict made in January, and the peace granted by the 
an. D. 1563.  benefit thereof, greatly diminished. Notwithstanding the rage and troubles of that most cruel and unnatural war being pacified, the churches were miraculusly preserved in the time of truce, and by dispersing of some congregations, others wore wonderfully augmented.  
It was easily perceived how the Guises were inflamed against the protestants, and highly effended, that 
The fetches of the Guises to disturb the peace.  the use of their religion, was after a certain fort granted unto them in France and that by warrant of the king's Edict: but yet there were many things, which stayed them, that they burst not out into open war: for the present and urgent state of things that had moved the Queen to make peace would not suffer any new broils or troubles to be raised again. They perceived also, that they could not frame her mind to their pitch, although she were of herself froward enough against the protestants, and very favourable to them and their 
The crafty wi●… of the Queen the King's mother.  parts. For the Queen greatly feared new tumults, and did therefore feign to be very careful, both to maintain the Edict, and also to see it put in execution for the protestants sake: whom she flattered very subtly, and against her stomach, especially the Prince of Conde: whom of all other, she chief, by all means and ways possible, desired to win and draw unto her.  
To these lets also was added the extreme difficulty and almost impossibility, of taking any new matter or exploit in hand, so hastily (as it were) in the neck of so great wars but newly ended, Frances the Duke of Guise being murdered, the chief and most expert Captains dead: finally the Constable himself, a man of a most spiteful and cankered stomach against the Protestants, was afraid and trembled at the remembrance of the bloody slaughters that were before committed: and was very loath to fight again a fresh any new battles. Wherefore they take another way, and devised new fetches and sleights to compass that, which by open force they could not achieve. Of which devices the Cardinal of Lorraine an old enemy of the reform Churches, had coined great store and put them forth to be practised.  
The Counsel at Trent that had been often before renewed by great diligence: was now again summoned. Thither went the Cardinal●… of Lorraine, in the name of 
The Cardinal's sharp accusation against the Admiral.  all the Popish Prelates of France, having before he took his journey, by the help and counsel of some of the counsellors of Paris, devised, and protested a grenous and sharp accusation against the Admiral: as though he had commanded Merae to kill the Duke of Guise, and given him money for that purpose. Mere was now already dispached out of the way with extreme punishment, (as we have before declared) and a writing published abroad in the time of war of his examination: wherein the Admiral was called the author, and procurer of that murder. The Admiral (as also is expressed in the former book) had made answer to that writing: in which his answer he first requested that Merae might be kept a live, to the intent the accuser might appear face to face with the accused, according to order of Law, and justice. But after that execution was done upon Merae, he complained that the same was done in such post haste, to the end (all means to purge himself by the accuser, being taken from him:) preiudicat and hurtful opinions of false accusations, might be conceived against him. But the Cardinal laboured by all means possible, under pretence of that accusation, to procure hatred against the Admiral: and had replenished many men's minds with displeasure and malice against him: always laying abroad, and showing the horror and unworthiness of that murder, so shamefully committed by treason upon so worthy and noble a man.  
And besides a great number that were well-willers and followers of the dead Duke, he stirred up the hearts of foreign Princes against him: and written to the Emperor Ferdinando of the same matter: and to divers other Princes of Germany. And this was the cause and beginning of many and great troubles▪ The King of Spain also, being moved thereunto by the often letters of the Cardinal, did writ unto the King, that there was no peace to be observed and kept with such betraying Traitores, that had defiled themselves with the blood of a man so notable and famous. The Admiral written to the King & to the Queen his mother, and as much as he can purgeth himself, and shifteth of his accusations, complaining that they were but injuries offered unto him by the Cardinal of Lorreine: and publisheth abroad for his own defence, a certain writing, as hereafter followeth.  

Those things (says he) which I answered to the 
The Admiral publisheth a wri thing, where in he cleareth himself.  accusation of Merae, in my former writing given up to the Queen, the kings mother, and published abroad throughout the whole kingdom, aught to be sufficient to discharge and free me of all kind of blame, with all men of wisdom and discretion, and not before them only which have had trial and knowledge how I have led my life heretofore: but with them also which know and understand, how natural and unfeigned, the hew and colour of truth is: and how simply and plainly she useth to tell her tale. Especially seeing I did so earnestly request, that my accuser Merae might be reserved, to appear against me. Which certainly I would never have done, had I not been thereto moved by an assured & clear conscience of my just cause and innocency. This my request was not in vain, nor to cloak the matter: for I did not ask it by violence forcibly: nor yet for a fashion, slightly, but only for this one end and purpose: that the truth might be known and made manifest to all the world. But this request being denied me, I did verily think with myself, and esteem all the judgements that the parliament of Paris had given against me, as voided and of none effect: whose intent was (as by the hasty and speedy execution of my adversary it did appear) to pres me with false and prejudicial surmises, all means of reproving & convincing mine accuser being quite cut of. I have therefore done that which my duty required: and requested that the matter might be handled and known according to order of law. And whereas besides the letters, I sent to the Queen of this matter I have newpublished this writing abroad, I have not done it with out great and weighty cause, and the advise and counsel of wise and politic men. For by that my request, I was in good hope to have stayed the speedy expedition of the execution: which, the judges being very sore bend against me, did hasten and help forward all that they could. Also by this means I thought (the end of the broils and troubles that were then being uncertain) to have satisfied the desires of many men, which desired to know the matter: especially of foreigners and strangers, amongst whom I was evil spoken of, by infamous Libels and false malicious slanders: until such time as I having my adversary before me, might have better occasion more clearly to purge myself. Moreover I did know for a certainty, not only that Merae had utterly denied and renounced his former accusation against me, whereby it was manifest that he did that which he did by plain force and threatenings: but also that his privy and secret confessions were in my ememies' hands, by which ●…e did declare me to be innocent and guiltless of the matter. All other accusations therefore, wherewith Merae did charge me (and yet if he had flatly and without all doubt pronounced me as guilty, my answer all men know might be ready▪ that, forasmuch as I could not be suffered to talk with him, all these things which are objected against me, were violently extorted and wringed out of him, either in hope to escape death, or else to moderate and lessen the torment and fury of his punishment) I hold and take as forged and feigned: seeing that it may appear by the testimony of many good and very worthy men, that Merae had often times said, that he had declared before the judges, that I was clear and free from all manner blame in that matter: and that when 
The words of Merae.  he was drawn and had to execution, he expressly and openly said, that those accusations against me, were written and penned down by my enemies, before them only, who had left no way in this cause untried, that might seem to further my accusation, and for their sakes, in winning of whose favour, (all men might see) they had set their consciences to sale. which thing certain letters may easily prove (which when occasion shall serve I can bring forth) that were written from the appointed commissioners to the parliament the vi. and xv. day of March for the hastening of the execution of Merae: in which these words were written. That the Keepers of Merae were corrupted: and that therefore his death was not longer to be deferred: for that he would call back again that which he had said. But I understand, that some do take occasion to coygne and forge a slander against me, because I confessed in my former writing, that I had given a certain sum of money to Merae. which thing, although I did then and there sufficiently answer, and thereby showed that I dealt plainly and truly: when as I declared the whole matter simply without any manner dissembling: yet notwithstauding, I will plainly and sincerely lay forth the cause of the giving of that money, and thereby evidently prove, that it is but a mere and malicious surinise, whatsoever in this matter is objected against me▪ and chiefly that I may satisfy them that are trained in marshal affairs and do exercise that kind of life. For I am not ignorant that this matter, which came to pass through the occasion of war, and in the Camps of troublesome warriors: can not easily be known and understood in the peaceable Courts of quiet laweyers. And yet I could this way easily make▪ manifest my integrity and innocency, but the testimony of my own conscience, shall suffice me before God and men, the double and contrary answers of Merae in his examinations, his mind strooken and amazed with the terror and fear of death, the hope of life which he conceived of the judges promise, if he would accuse me (which hope he held still even unto the last hour of death: and of mine own part, the request which I made to have mine accuser to appear face to face, and my pro testation of my innocency if that were not granted: the perplexed and headlong affection of the judges long before by me refused as incompetent. To be short, the astonished unquietness and wavering inconstancy of my accuser, do manifestly and sufficiently declare my unguiltiness and innocency: neither truly would I have differred so long to have showed my purpose and intent, wherefore I gave this money, unless (that having written to the Queen, and testified unto her my innocency) I had thought my enemies would not have made such post and headlong hast with the execution, as they did: which although it was done for evil will, and contrary to all reason and equity: yet could they not have got a more manifest testimony of my guiltless uprightness then that, which they themselves thereby did give me: especially, because it was necessary that he should have been kept a live, not only for that I was accused of the kill of the Duke of Guise: but also for a greater and far more weighty accusation as though I should have go about to have murdered the King. Whereby it ap peareth how shameless those surmises were of the crimes laid to my charge. But let that pass, and let us come to show the end, wherefore I gave that money to Merae: lest that amongst Strangers, giving credit to rumours and tales, the good cause of an harmless and innocent man be oppressed, the matter being neither known nor made manifest.  
And first of all, where Merae says that he offered me his help in this matt●…r: it is even so. For when he had (being commended unto me by Monsieur Subize his letters as I have more at large declared in my former writing) lustily and frankly proffered me his service, I demanded of him, in what thing he could stand me in best stead: He answered, that he had great acquaintance with the Aumale, for that he had served in times passed under him in Picardy, of whom, if he could find him in the Duke's Camp, he would easily know all the Duke's intents and purposes, and that he would forthwith certify me of them, but if the Aumale were not there, yet he was so well known of a great number of Captains and soldiers that served under the Duke, that he did not doubt, but that he should have both easy and also safe passage into their Campe. The which certainly did make me suspect him, when I see him offer himself in such a bravery (and I said as much to Monsieur Granmont who was then present there with me, declaring 
Monsieur Granmon●…  unto him that I had known him not passing three or iiii. days, and that only by the letters of Monsieur Subize.) Notwithstanding I gave him at that time, xx. crowns, that I might have a trial of him. For such as are skilful in feats of war, know what spies and scouts may do, 
Scouts.  and that money in such a case is not to be spared: & they who know me, can testify thet I set but little by money when such occasion is offered. And this was the first and chief cause why I gave him that money: the which truly I counted as cast away. For there was nothing I less looked for, then for Merae, when as suddenly there came unto 
Monsieur Tranuie.  me, ●…ying at Newille, Monsieur Tranuie a noble man, who said he was come unto me at the commandment of the Andelot my Brother, to bring a certain fellow unto me, that was newly come from the Guise's camp. And although I looked not for him (for I was very often troubled with such matters) yet I talked with him, and asked him of divers small and light matters: in the which he seemed to answer me very readily and cunningly: wherefore I inquired further of him whether the Duke known of my departure from Orleans, & whether I vould go. He answered, that the Duke known not the certain day when I would set forward: but he known certainly, six days ago, that I meant to go to Normandy, and had so provided for the matter already, that I was sure to found many lets and stays in my journey. And for this cause there was commandment given to the Marshal of Vielevill and the County of Ringrave, that they should 'cause all the Towns both great and small to be fortified: that they should so work, that there might be enemies for me in every place that I could not lay siege to any Town, for that I lack both footmen and ordinance: that the Duke himself would see that all the Horses that could be got should be brought to Paris, and that he would provide all such Horses as should be needful for the carriage of the guns, that he would bring the matter about, that he would bring three orfoure thousand shot on horse besides his light horsemen, and men at arms, that he would follow me so hard, and trace me so nearly, that I should have no opportunity to join with the aid of Normandy, not, not so much leisure to rest me, finally, that besides, that the German horsemen waxed faint & weary, he would drive me into such straits and distress, that either he would make them to come unto him, or else (which was more) would 'cause them bend their force against me.  
And because I feared that most of all other, I told Merae that it was convenient he went again to the Guise's camp, & to certify me what the Duke meant to do. To which he answered, that he was ready and willing to do it: but he wanted a horse for that purpose: and truly (quoth I) I would to God I had one to give thee, But to say the truth, I have not one left: to which he replied, that he could quickly buy one if so be he had money: Marry (quoth I) I will give thee money with a good will, so that thou bring me certain and true tidings what the Duke means to do: thou shalt want for no money, only make diligent inquiry whether the Duke mean, to pursue me or not, & if he attempt any thing against Orleans see thou carriest word of it to my brother the Andelot. After this talk, I gave him 100L▪ crowns: and he forthwith, not once saluting my brother the Andelot (although he passed through the Suburbs of Orleans,) came to a Town called Nun. And this was the cause why I gave him the 100 crowns. Moreover I protest, that when he began to talk with me of killing the Duke: I made him no answer, as though I had either allowed or disallowed the fact: for I little cared whether he either would, or could do it And when I gave him the hundred crowns, I protest, I did it, for no other end and purpose, but only that he might speedily certify me, whether the Duke meant to pursue me or no. And why I should fear this thing, there were both weighty and manifest causes which I will not stick to set forth here particularly. I could not be ignorant that the Duke known of my journey, for I was constrained, to provide and take order for it, in a great assembly of horsemen eight days before I departed, neither could I set forward any sooner, because the german Horsemen, were feign to leave their carriages and other necessaries behind them, and surely I had very much a do to bring that matter to an end, being a thing neither herded of, nor practised amongst the Germans. And that the Duke of Guise knew of this, it is passed all peradventure: for there were divers that remained amongst our horsemen's bands, to entice and move the Germans to defection and sliding away from us to the Guises: in so much that some of them were in such case and so minded, that the Marshal of Hesse and others their chief Captains began to mistrust them. Moreover, besides that I was admonished by Mere, I did also know for a certainty, that there was commandment given throughout all Normandy, that all manner stops, 
The Marshal Hesse.  lets, and hindrances that might any way trouble our army should be practised against us. And for the more assurance of this matter, there came certain letters into my hands, wherein was contained very strait charge for the accomplisment thereof, and for the furnishing of the Cities with victuals (as afterwards we understood to have been done in many places) & that the miles should be so spoiled of their furniture, that they should not grind, and that in every place, they should set upon me with all their force and power. Wherefore, all the Cities being taken before hand, and the ways where I should pass stopped: it was impossible for me to get to the sea side, to receive money out of England, for which I longed very sore to pay the german horsemen their wages. The which thing as soon as they once known, there was great danger that sedition should have been stirred up amongst the soldiers, in so much that they feared not to talk and mutter of it in their common and open communications. Wherefore, if the Duke had attempted to have skirmished but with the stragglers and tail of our army, it was likely that we should have been greatly endamaged by him and shamefully foiled: but sure it was passed all peradventure, that he might so have hindered and troubled us that we should never have got to the sea coast: wherein did consist (as far as man's reason could reach) the whole and only hope of all present aid, namely of money, without the which I could not have paid the german horsemen their wages, whereupon without doubt would have followed a most miserable calamity and overthrow of all my affairs, especially being thereby not of ability to encounter or join battle any more with my enemies. For after we had been past the plain of Neufburge, the way was so uneven and discommodius, that 500 harguebuzeres did compel ten thousand horsemen most shamefully to fly and the best remedy that I could wish, to rid us out of ●…o great distress, was that I might have both opportunity and occasion to join battle, which neither I could have done, without very exceeding great and gr●…uous loss and danger, being beset on every side and as it were hedged in with fenced and fortified cities, to which our enemies had free recourse and passage. There was also an other let of great weight and importance, and that was that the Villages and Towns were so desert, waist, and so forsaken of all men, and the families in that country so scattered and dispersed abroad, that very hardly there could be gathered together the number of fifty horsemen. All which difficulties and lets the Duke and his Captains known full well, which made me to judge that he would rather set forward towards Normandy to pur sue me, then to attempt the siege of Orleans. For if so be my army had been once destroyed: it was very likely that Orleans should soon have come to ruin and wrack, but if my army had been safe and preserved, there was good hope, yea although Orleans had been wone, to have maintained and gone forward with the war. These things I have here more particularly declared and set forth, to the intent I might show to them that have any experience in these matters, whether it had been expedient and fit for me to have spared my money in such an extremity, wherein it was necessary to know what way the Duke meant to work, and for this purpose I had hired very many, who received of me good round sums of money and yet do not make their brags and vaunts thereof. And whereas I amongst all these distresses and dangers that I knew to be certain, did adventure upon that journey, I was truly against my will compelled thereunto, by the extreme peril and hazard I should have been in, if I had been forsaken of the german horsemen through want of money. To these foresaid causes that I have showed why I gave this money, I may add also this, that M●…rae was wont (as it is to be proved by the testimony of divers and sundry men) long before, to talk of the murdering of the Gu●…se, and yet it appeareth by his own saying, that I never spoke unto him or had any knowledge of him, before the time that he brought Monsieur Subize his letters unto me. Where upon I may truly conclude, that it is neither true nor like to be true, that I should be the author of that thing which he long before had conceived and purposed in his mind. Moreover where as Merae was very near of kin to M. Rainold (whom the Duke had caused to be slain) it was likely that he was inflamed and stirred up against the Guise, by some private quarrel and special hatred. And as I have declared before: even so of a truth the case stands. whereby me think it is evident and plain that they who persuade themselves that I was the author and procurer of this murder, (besides that they use very fond and childish reasons to prove the same) do not know my nature, for if so be I had charged him to do any more than that I have before declared, I would not fear to confess it with like frankness and boldness. And truly, I would gladly ask this question of them: whether they im●…gin, that there was any other cause why I should 'cause my other answer to be published, then that I desired the matter might be understanded of all men. And it there were any thing else, why should I dissemble? why should I cloak it? why should I not confess it: who ever was a more deadly and open enemy unto me, than the Duke of Guise? for what other cause did he besiege Orleans, but that he might utterly destroy and cast away me, my wife and children, and whatsoever else I held as dear and precious unto me? yea there are men of great credit, that can and will testify, that he used often to brag and make his vaunts, that whensoever the City were taken, he would spare none, neither man, woman, young nor old. Neither needeth any man to doubt, that amongst all them that were in the battle at Dreux, it was he I sought for, and chiefly he with whom I wished to meet. And certain it is, that if I myself could have discharged any shot at him, I would full glad lie have done it: yea truly, if I had been Captain over ten thousand gunner's, I would have charged them that they should every one have leveled and shot at him alone. To be short, I would have left no devise that might stand with the law of arms, untried: so that I might by any means deliver myself from an enemy so spiteful and deadly against me and mine, & all good men. And last of all, I protest before God and his Angels, that I commanded nothing else, but that which I have declared in these my writings. If there be any man that desireth to know more, let him repair too me, and I will make him answer.   
Whilst these things happened in France, the Popish Prelates sat still at Trent, labouring very diligently to provide and establish the estate of Popery, with a long rabble of Decrees: the exact rehearsal whereof (being 
The travel of the council of Trent to hinder and stop religion in France.  at large already set out in a book for that purpose) shall not be needful to be brought in here in these our Commentaries, especially for that our only purpose & intent is, briefly to show the estate and condition of the faithful in France, and how they were troubled & vexed in the time of Truce, and how afterward they were enforced to break out into open war. The Council of Trent therefore did very carefully travel in maintaining and defending the Pope's authority and dignity in the kingdom of France: and this matter, as a thing of greatest weight and importance, was thoroughly and most earnestly laboured of all sides. And the great and large revenue that came out of France (which thing did chiefly inflame the zeal of those reverend Fathers) and the great danger and present hazard they were in, to lose them, if the reform Religion had prevailed, did make them busily to bestir them, and to take the matter in hand.  
There was present at the Council the Cardinal of Lorraine, having great knowledge and experience in the affairs of France, and a subtle and sleighty old coygner of new fetches, and besides that, the matter for his own cause stood him upon: he was also incensed with an outrageous hatred and malice against the men of the reform religion, and chief against the truth itself, which he both known and renounced. At his request and setting on, they began to consult how they might utterly deface and root up the reform Religion out of France: the readiest and fittest way for that matter that they could devise was, that there should be a league made betwixt the King of Spain and the King of France: and that the King of Spain, (because it was a thing of great difficulty and could not without much a do be brought to pass) should help the French King at all times with such aid as should be needful: and that all ways and means should be sought to abolish and disannul the Edict wherein was granted the liberty and use of the reform Religion. This league which was made for the rooting out of true religion, the holy fathers of the Council of Trent did call the Sacred and holy League. The Cardinal of Lorraine doth promise' all possible diligence and travail in this matter: and that he will persuade the King to finish the league, and as for the Queen, being of herself prove & inclining to their part, and the consents of the Nobles, he accounted himself sure of them.  
As the Cardinal (a most bitter enemy to the reform Religion) did what possible he could for the accomplisment of these matters in the Council at Trent: the enemies of the Gospel were not idle at home in France, in defacing and putting down the edict: and the Queen was not only every day more wayward & disliking of the reform religion, but was also very furiously incensed against it: and did by all means she could device, go about to engraft and so we hatred and malice in the tender mind of the young King against religion: that then he might proclaim perpetual and everlasting war against all the reform Churches in France.  
The Constable Momorencie was also very forward in this matter, and was very maliciously bend against the truth, because he purchased so great infamy and dishonour in the former wars. So that the Edict had in France enemies both many in number, and great in 
The King being of the age of 14. years i●… declared to be of full & lawful ag●…  power and authority. About this time the King being of the age of xiiii. years was declared to be of full & lawful age by the decrees and judgement (as the manner was) of all the high Courts of parliament, and within few days after, was according to the custom solemnly crowned, and all such estates as had to do with the administration of the Realm as vicegerents and protectors and such other, were displaced very profitably & fitly, both to make their confederacy, & also to raise & stir up new broils and troubles, which otherwise they could not have done, without the authority and assent of those estates.  
All the noble men being thus encensed against the 
The su●…til and crafty devices of the aduersari●…s against Religion.  reform religion, yet nothing was attempted against it by open force and warlike manner: neither could they have done it without great danger, conside●…inge the Estate of things at that present time. Wherefore this was the wily and crafty fetch of the Cardinal of Lorreine, that nothing should be done openly against the Edict: but that they should by little and little assay it, and as it were undermine it privily till the time were come, wherein they might set forth and declare that sacred league, and that they might by the kings authority utterly overthrow & destroy the Edict. In the mean time the people should be born in hand and made believe, that the Edict as concerning Religion was not perpetual, but at pleasure and for a space, till such time as the King might conveniently bring the whole Realm to one only uniformity of Religion. And that the King especially and his Brother might be inflamed against the reform Religion. And last of all that no occasion that might seem to make for the accomplishing of these matters, should be let pass, but that all ways & means that might in any wise▪ further them should be practised warily and with great discretion and policy.  
The devices that were used were these. It was talked openly abroad, and that very much among the courtiers, that it was the Kings and the Queen his Mother's will and pleasure, that the edict should be diligently observed and executed, and in the mean time by the cardinals devise and the queens commandment, there were privy and secret commandments sent out to certain picked and choose men for this purpose, that they should not fear to violate and break the edict in any thing, whereof they had occasion offered them. And if so be that any of the Protestants that were wronged contrary to the prescript order of the edict, did complain thereof, (as very many did) at length with great suit having leave to show their griefs and wrongs, they always received this answer: that it was the Kings will and commandment that his Edict for and concerning Religion, should be every where observed and kept, and that whosoever were found guilty of the breach and violating thereof should be grievously punished: and as this was his pleasure, so they were bidden to take heed lest that they themselves who did so much complain of wrongs and injuries done unto them, had first transgressed against the edict, and then maliciously and falsely accused others for it. So by this means a great number of such as complained were feared and shaken of with threatenings and angry words, and many of them also were thrown into prisons and clapped fast into yr●…ns, as authors of false accusations and workers of sedition & trouble. And if so be I should go about to repeat here particular examples of such matters, it were but in vain, being the office rather of a just and full history then appertaining to our purpose, which in writing these short & bri●…fe Commentaries, we have taken in hand. But notwithstanding all this, those that were appointed by the protestāns, sued still that their matters might be had in question and examined, and at length obtained it, and Commissioners, choice fellows appointed for the purpose: in so much that the matter was so handled, that new devices and fetches were brought in to oppress & entangle the truth: so that, what soever was brought in by the protestāns against their enemies, was either judged manifestly false, or else not so evident true, that the offender thereby should be punished: and if so be a Papist had been convinced and found guilty, by and by there was one special cause or other devised, whereby it was proved that, that which was done, was done according to law and equity: yea and the capital and chief faults were turned upon the protestāns heads against whom they had been committed: whereby there was quarrels piked and occasion taken to interpret and expound the Edict at the pleasure and liking of the Papists, so that hereby the faithful were every day more and more afflicted through the factions & inclinations of the people, waxing every day more cruel and haughty, by reason of so great impunity and winking at mischief.  
When the Cardinal of Lorraine was returned home 
violent and false interpntations of the Edict set ●…orth by the King's commandment.  into France from the Council of Trent, the Papists were marvelously thereby encouraged and emboldend to attempt and enterprise new matters: but they had their lesson given very subtly by the crafty Cardinal, to cloak and dissemble their intent and purpose of abolishing the Edict. And yet they were not content that they which were offenders went scotfree without punishment: but they also stayed for the King's letters & warrants, whereby their impunity should not endamage or be hurtful unto them, and that they might have licence to offend hereafter worse than they had don●… before, and that by warrant of the Kings will and commandment. There were therefore new interpretations of the Edict solemnly published, which should be of the same force and virtue that the Edict for Religion was, as hereafter shallbe declared.  
The Prince of Conde being often moved & requested by the protestants, had divers times complained both to the King and the Queen his mother, declaring that the Edict was many ways violated and broken, and thereby the faithful grievously wronged and spoiled. But always against all the Prince's complaints, was held out as a buckler of defence, the King's pleasure & mind for the expounding and interpretation of the Edict: and that this his pleasure might be more manifest and better known, all the King's Counsel was commanded to repair to Paris, and certain of the chief of the parliament of Paris with them. To this assembly also the Prince of Conde was commanded to come, accompanied with divers of the Noble men that were professors of the reform religion. Which done, every man spoke his mind, and the Papists voices being more in number and prevailing, there was a Decree enacted, wherein was comprised (under the name and authority of the King) the interpretation of the edict in this form:  

Whereas we have endeavoured to provide remedies for those broils and troubles which have many ways shaken and afflicted our kingdo●…e, and have for that purpose given out and granted our Edict of peace, wherein was granted to those our subjects that profess the new Religion, free liberty and licence too exercise the same: we do now eftsoons will and command that it be held and accounted as firm, and ratified of all our liege people and subjects. For our purpose and intent was thereby to give unto those our subjects the benefit and commodity of peace and quietness: the which our Edict we do promise in the faith and honour of a King, shallbe kept and observed as far forth and as long, as it shall seem good and expedient. For we know what authority and power we have received from above of God, which we do mean to use with all moderation and integrity, to the profit and commodity of our subjects: of which (as we have next to the glory of God) chiefest care and regard: so do we wish that it may be advanced and furthered by that our Edict. And there fore whereas we understand that there are certain things comprised therein very generally, which being either wrong understood, or not rightly executed, have given occasions of great troubles, & are like hereafter to breed greater inconveniences and broils, if they be not speedily provided for: which we are fully purposed to do.  
Wherefore, for these considerations our pleasure is (to the intent we may answer and satisfy the just complaints of all our subjects) to give a full and plain declaration of our mind, as concerning certain clauses of the Edict, which be now in controversy and diversly taken. And because that all things may be done in better order for the profit and common utility of our subjects, (for which we are most careful) we have consulted with the wisest and greatest of our Counsel: by whose advise we have here set forth a more full and expres●…e declaration of our pleasure concerning the edict, the which we will and command to be established and ratified: not that we mean to take any thing from the Edict, but too interpret it according to our will and meaning to whom it appertaineth so to do, lest that such clauses as be doubtful, breed contention and strife.   
To the first Article which is. That all noble men that were of chief authority might live quietly without trouble or molestation in their mantions & dwelling places, & to enjoy together with their families & subjects free bertie of conscience, & the peaceable use of the religion which they term reform, this exception is to be added in the way of interpretaion. It shall not be lawful to be done or practised in any places that were either bought or taken from the Ecclesiastical livings, or in any which were held of the church, to which we forbidden the use of the reformed Religion, both publicly and privately. For there were divers of the church livings that were sold at the Kings commandment, & were by that means held & possessed of the Protestants, who used the benefit of the edict for the administration of Religion in those places, to the great grief of the Papists. There were also divers that had great and fat benefices, brought to the knowledge and profession of the reform religion, but chiefly one of great reputation the Cardinal Chastillon a man endued with many goodly church livings and was archbishop of Aeges: and many other of the noblest houses in France. Who if they once had got by the edict liberty of Religion, it was very likely, that it should have been spread and sown abroad far and wide in divers places. For many places where those benefises lay, had previledges of great authority, and very large and ample dominion & rule: so the Papists by this interpretation were well eased, to the great hindrance & discomodity of the faithful. To the first article of the Edict wherein was. Be it free and lawful for all cities, in which that religion was used the seven. day of march (besides other Cities that are particularly to be set out & appointed in every Province) still to have and enjoy the use thereof. There was added a new interpretation. That those Cities were understood & meant, which were kept and held in warlike manner, and in which the reform religion had been publicly and openly practised, at the day before assigned. So by that means there were certain cities barred and shut out from the use of their religion. To the sixt article wherein was mentioned, That the city & the whole province of Paris should be free and clear from the use of that religion. There was added a more strait restraint and prohibition, That it was not lawful for any that dwelt within the City or precinct of the Province of Paris, to go to any Cities licenced by the king of the provinces near adjoining, to exercise that Religion, unless they did devil in them: neither shall it be lawful for any such people to have any mansion place or dwelling within the limits of the City or province of Paris. This restraint was manifestly known to be annexed for no other purpose, but only in despite and hatred of certain Senators and Aldermen of Paris, worthy patrons of the truth, and other worthy and famous men, that thereby they might be constrained to leave Paris, and remove to other places.  
And where as in the fourth article mention is made, That all men might live quietly in every place, without any trouble or danger for the freedom and use of their Religion and conscience: it was restrained with a very strait exception: That none, neither man nor woman were accounted in that number which either in, or after the time of war had forsaken either abbeys, Nunneries or other religious houses: and these were straightly commanded, either to return again to the places of Religion they came from, and if they were married to forsake their wives, or else forthwith to departed the Realm. So that by this means many families (but with greater discommodity and wrong of a more number) were eased and helped: to the which both young men and maids that were in times passed thrust and shut up into abbeys, were now returned, being endued with a more pure and sincere knowledge of the truth, and sued by the law for their patrimony and parts left by their parents. But by this exception, all liberty and licence to sue and plead for their own was taken from them, and they either come pelled to re-enter the Cloisters they had forsaken, or else enforced to departed out of the Realm. And by this means there were many occasions given of divers great and grievous injuries, as for example: That horrible & accursed murder committed by M. d' Anvil, (as we have before declared) upon A. Motton, a minister of the word of God: which detestable fact was cloaked and defended under pretence of this Inter pretation.  
Furthermore the use of the religion which was termed by a common name, The administration of religion, was maruetlously abated and diminished by a new devised interpretation. That it should not be lawful for any man to be a minister of that religion, but for such as were born there (that is) bread within any of the Provinces of the kingdom of France. So that by this fetch divers of the Churches were bereft and spoiled of their good Pastors and Doctors, as namely the Congregation at Lions, of that learned and eloquent man Petrus Viretus, who did very effectually and faithfully travel, in advancing and spreading abroad the Gospel in that most famous and populous City and mart Town of all France, to the great grief and heart sore of the Papists, for whose cause especially they had procured this exposition of the Edict. Wherefore he departing thence went first to the Country of Orange, and afterwards at the Queen of Navarres commandment, he came to Bearn, to confirm and set in order the Churches and Congregations that were there.  
The Papists now began to mock and laugh in their sleeves, to see this Declaration given out by the King, and published abroad in open writing, whereby it was made manifest, what an overthrow was given to the Edict: and being in a bravery and all upon the hoy set day, and appointed the time, and that with threatenings, when as it should be utterly abolished and quite done away: and warranting themselves upon this beginning, they every day more & more without check violated the Edict.  
There be also new devices put in practice, whereby they might entice and allure the Prince of Conde from 
New sleights put in practice to entice the Prince of Conde from the reform Religion.  the reform Religion. This fetch was practised before by the Cardinal of Lorraine against the king of Navarre, and had prevailed, & therefore he thought good to prove and try once again against the Prince, thinking with himself that he might as easily and with the same devices wherewith he had overcome the king of Navarre, win also unto him the Prince of Conde: the Queen of herself was ready and desirous to take this matter in hand, & many other means there were that seemed (as it were) to proffer their help for the accomplishment thereof. The Prince of himself was of a mild and soft disposition, desirous of peace, and even glutted with the loathsomeness of the former wars, and being altogether bend to keep and maintain peace, did from his heart abhor and detest strife and contentious troubles. Wherefore he was much and often at the Court, and very familiar both with the King and the Queen his mother. The Guises also of set purpose seemed not too come so often to the Court, nor to be in such favour with the Queen as they were wont to be, and all for the Prince's sake: to win whom, there was no fetch, no devise, no subtlety left untried. The Queen herself used very often and lovingly, to show the dear good will she bore to the Prince: and told him that of herself and for her part she did favour and love him: that it was & should be both the Kings and her will & mind to esteem and love (as right & reason required) the Princes their near kinsmen in their degree and place: that there was good cause, why there should be more near and dea●…e friendship betwixt her and him above all others: that he should not think that any thing had or might hereafter happen that should stay or s●…ack the true and perfect good will she bore him: so that he would do his duty, & let no occasion slip, that might advance and enlarge the glory and honour of hers & his. And many other trayns were intermingled with this talk, whereof that subtle and alluring woman through her courtly tricks and baits had great store. Beside this, there were more particular promises made: and that old forged devise was renewed of the yielding and giving up of the isle of Sardina: which had been divers times before that offered to the King of Navarre and was now again promi●…ed to the Prince by the Queen, and that in the name of the King of Spain. And that it should not be thought that the matter were but triffled withal in words, there were many great gifts bestowed upon the Prince and his Children. Marriage also was attempted that there might be a more sure band and conjunction of amity amongst them. The marshal of Saint Andrew, a man of exceeding great wealth, being slain in the battle of Dreux, had left behind him one only daughter, who was heir of all those goodly and ample possessions. To her (being almost marriageable) the Queen went about to couple the Prince of Condies' elder son, who was then called the Duke of Augnien, the mother of the gentle woman, doing all she could to bring that marriage to pass: And although the honour and nobility of the two howfes were nothing like equal: yet the Marshialles daughter had great abundance of richesse on her side, which surely is the thing that striketh the stroke and beareth greatest sway in marriage matters now in these our days wherein men are altogether given to get wealth and riches. The Prince himself was not very unwilling, and therefore kept company very fami liarly with the widow the Marshialles wife, and great curteousie was exercised betwixt them. The Marshalles wife gave unto the Prince of Conde a very fruitful and beautiful place called the Territory of Ualeri: and the Marishiall himself had bestowed there for the trimming and beawtifying of it, much ricks which King Henry had given him in gifts and rewards: this place did she give unto the Prince, withal the right, Title, and possessions thereto belonging, the Queen ratifying and allowing the matter very well: wherefore every man looked every day when that marriage should be solemnized. And who in the Court then but the Prince of Conde: who (as the nature of man is to slide and fall through ill company from exercise and virtuous travail to pleasure and idleness) began (contrary to the institution of the reform religion and good conversation) to give himself to the wanton desire and lust of women, and tasting very licentiously of the baits & snaring trains that were laid for him, seemed every day more and more careless of that good and virtuous Matron his wife, who was of the house and family of Roye, and waxed cold and faint in the profession and defence of the reform religion, to the great grief & fear of all good men, but to the great joy of the papists, who made their vaunts and cracks saying, that the Prince would dance the same dance that his brother the king of Navarre had lead defore him. And surely there was great likelihood of most lamentable and sorrowful decay and ruin, had not the merciful providence of god, speedily prevented it, as hereafter in his place shall be declared.  
In the uttermost part of the province of Languedoc in the way as they go to the mountains Pyren●…es, there is a City called Paniez, a very rich and populous town: This town was kept and held by the Protestants in the time of war, but after that Truce was taken and peace concluded, and that Monsieur de Anvil (as we have before declared) was come into Languedoc, and had even wearied all the cities thereof with his outrageous and unruly garrisons: the Inhabitants of Paniez foreseeing their own danger by other men's harms, written unto Monsieur de Anvil, desiring him that he would not press and charge them with needless garrisons, whereof there should be no need nor use, seeing that they were and would be ready priest to obey all his commandments: and did purpose truly & faythefully to maintain and keep the peace. Monsieur de Anvil was thereby more earnest and h●…te, and did straightly charge the Consuls of the City (for so they in that Country do call their chief Officers) that they should leave of their suit and enterprise, otherwise they should be sure to smart for the common people's faults, wherewith they being terrified, made answer that they were ready to obey him in whatsoever it pleased him to lay upon them, and calling the commons together to an assembly, did bitterly and very sharply rebuke them for their stubburnes. But the commons on the other side protested, that it was against all law and right, and that it was done con trary to the tenor and form of the peace concluded, that they would rather complain to the King of the tyranny of th●… Precedent. Finally, that they would not for any cause commit themselves, their goods, their wives and children into the hands of the Lieutenant, being (as he was) so sore incensed and angry against them. But whilst words went too and fro amongst them, there begun a hot contention betwixt the Magistrates and the commons. The people being set on a fury, chased away the Magistrates, and forthwith fortified and ●…ensed the city, and no entrance would be granted to M. de Anuilles garrison. Who complaining to the King of the matter received commission from him to punish the offenders very severely, with commandment also that the Townsmen should receive in the Garrison. The King also sent thither Monsieur 〈◊〉 a noble man with charge, that they should either receive such Garrison as the Lieutenant the Anvil should appoint: or else to be grievously punished who coming thither to the City was forthwith received in by the Citizens, who declared unto him that they had not committed that fact in way of rebellion, but were ready to obey the King their chief sovereign Lord and governor: that it happened through the rash and hasty dealing of the Magistrates, that the commons being moved and stirred up with fear of further harm to ensue, had behaved themselves otherwise against them, than become them: finally that they did willingly and gladly submit themselves, their children and goods, to the Kings will and pleasure. So upon this M. Ram●… being entered the City, certified M. de Anvil of the Townsmennes' minds, who strait ways coming thither accompanied and guarded with certain bands of horsemen and footmen was very reverently and humbly received of the Citizens. But he was no sooner entered the Town but he immediately began to use and handle them as enemies. The City was spoiled of all her privileges, the walls razed, the Noble 
The spoil & wasting of the congregation at Paniez by d'Anuille.  men diversly fined and punnisht, many of them beheaded, their Minister hanged, their goods given over to the Soldiers for a pray and a spoil, the furious Soldiers were let lose upon the honest matrons and Uirgines of the City, to the number of 800. citizens were banished: to be short that worthy City was utterly wasted, spoilt & made desolate of the greatest part of her inhabitants, by the cruel and detestable villainy of the Anvil.  
About this time, there came news abroad of the kings progress, throughout the whole Realm and forsooth there was a cause of this progress devised: and 
The King's progress & causes thereof.  that was, that it stood the King upon, to take a survey and a view of his whole kingdom, that he in his own person might hear and receive the complaints of his subjects, and with present remedy help and ease their grée●…ed minds, and that with his presence he might confirm and encourage every on to do his duty. And though this cause was pretended, yet the queens had another fetch & purpose in her head. (Whereof the Cardinal of Lorraine both known, and was also author and first inventor of it, although for other causes he was not in this progress,) the mark she shot at (as it is reported of divers that were more thoroughly acquainted with the matter) was (the King himself as it being ignorant of it) that the sacred league with the King of Spain which was begun in the Counsel of Trent, might be ratified and confirmed: and that in the mean season the tender mind of the yowg king, might be, by all means possible provoked and stirred up against the reform Religion and all things were of set purpose so ordered in every City where the King should come, that the Protestants might complaime as long as they would but all should be in vain and to no purpose: yea and they themselves rather accounted and taken for the causers and authors of troubles, then obtain any thing where by to redress their wrongs and injuries.  
Whilst preparation was made for this journey, there came a commandment from the King to all those Cities that were held of the Protestants in the time of war.  

Where as now after pacification of all former troubles, ther●… is nothing that we more wish and desire than that peace and quietness may be restored in all parts and quarters of our kingdom: we do now will and command (to the intent all occasion of new broils may be removed and quite taken away: that all such munitions, fortifications, and bulwarks, as were made and built in the time of war for the defence of your Cities, be quite defaced and taken away: that all our subjects hereafter may quietly and without fear of further danger, keep and maintain our peace: especially for that our faith and promise sufficiently declared in our edict aught to be to all true and faithful subjects, in s●…eede of a sure brickwall and shield of defence etc.   
So by this means all kind of munition and fortifications was defaced in divers Cities, as in Orleans, Mountaubane, valence, and divers other of the most famous Cities in France to the great discommodity and 
Montauban  destruction of the whole Realm. And that chiefly in 〈◊〉, a most necessary and profitable City to the whole country yea and that in the most dangerous times of the Kings and kingdom, especially in the time of Charles the seven. 〈◊〉 the Englishmen were conquerors far and near, and when all Normandy and Paris the Metropollitane City of the Realm were w●…nne and vanquished, together with the Countries to them adjoining & all the Kingdom in an uproar with enemies, than was Orleans a chief and special place of succour and refuge both for the King and all his. Notwithstanding these Cities were defaced and marked with the tokens and blemishes of Rebellion, for that in time of trouble they had preserved a number of good and true subjects, especially Orleans was shamefully spoilt, and made almost a poor simple Oraunge or village: and a Castle built (at the gate it leads to Paris) to govern and keep under the Citizens, and a very cruel Carrison of Soldiers placed there. And yet for all this the administration of Religion was not left of there. Like cruelty was exercised upon Montaubane, 
Montauban  because they had manfully and courageously defended themselves against the assaults and invasions of them of Tholouze.  
About this time by the ad●…ise and consent of the 
agrements made between the King & his brother the Duke of Orleans  Queen and the counsel, order was taken in certain grave and weighty matters, betwixt the King and his Brother. The Dukedom of Orleans was by old use and custom of inheritance, always given to the King's elder Brother. But because many contentions, and controversies did commonly arise between the Kings of France, and their second Brother's Dukes of Orleans: for divers considerations of the commodities of that City and country, it was thought good and profitable, both for the King and the Kingdom, that that Dukedom should be taken from the kings Brother. Wherefore the two Brethren agreeing themselves, Alexander▪ the Duke of Orleans yielded and gave up his Dukedom to the King, and had of him for it the Dukedom of Anjou, and the Title of Viceroy general over all the provinces of France was given him, and had also a yearly stipend of an hundredth thousand Crowns, which afterward was largely augmented. Thus was Orleans taken from the kings brother and he very liberally recompensed for it.  
We spoke before of the Prince of Conde, and how the Papists laboured by all means possible to entice him from the reform Religion. And surely they had made 
The Prince of Conde eseapeth the papists snares and baits.  a great breach & wide entry to their purpose, through the to much licentiousness of the Court that the Princ●… used, and the great hope of large gain that was offered him on all sides. But as they were in the midst of their jollity and triumphing, as though they had quite vanquished and reclaimed him to their lure, he manfully & luckily escaped all their trains: and by this occasion, as the Prince did thus give himself to all pleasure and looseness of living, his wife (a most godly and chaste matron) took sorrow and inward thought at her hushands imtemperate and disordered conversation, and thereby (with other causes) fallen grievously sick, and striving & wrestling long with her disease in great sorrow and languishing of mind, at length departed out of this troublesome world: but before her death, she had very wisely and wittily admonished her husband, to look well 
The death of the princes wife.  about him, and to remember what duty, the knowledge he had of Christian religion, and the dignity and place that God had called him to, did require of him. The death and this counsel of his wife (of whose singular, dear, and chaste love in his greatest extremities and distress he had always had sufficient proof and trial) did so move and stir him, that weighing and pondering his estate and calling more nearly and wisely, ever after he took unto him a miraculous and most valeant courage, and diligently and willingly obeyed and harkened to the counsel of such as were good and godly, and waxed every day more and more earnest and zealous in the study of true godliness & piety. And yet at the first, his wife's death seemed to give great occasion to further and advance the papists wish and desire: for it was common then in every man's mouth, that the Prince of Conde should marry with the Queen of Scotland, a veryfaire and beautiful woman: and that then the Prince and the Guises should be all one. But he using and obeying better advise, did manfully and valiantly contemn and despife all those vain baits and enticing allurements, and afterward married the Duke's sister of Lon gueville, a famous and worthy man.  
In the mean time news came out of all quarters of 
The slaughters of the faithful.  the cruel slaughters that the papists committed upon the protestants, which if I should go about to tehearse, it would be a thing of an infinite and endless labour, & nothing appertaining to our purpose: for there was account made (as is evident and to be seen in the common registers) of an hundredth and thirty great slaughters committed in divers places upon the faithful since the publishing of the Edict. But there was no mention (I warrant you) nor talk of punishment: wherefore the Papists were by this lose and negligent impunity more and more encouraged to all unnatural and outrageous cruelty.  
The men of Main, under the conduct and leading of their Bishop (who had waged Soldiers for that purpose) made horrible havoc and spoil in many pla ces upon the Protestants both man, woman, & child, without all respect of years young or old. Many complaints and supplication were put up to the king, and the faithful company of that Country set out a writing openly, wherein they declared the horror and abomination of those mischievous facts, with example of such▪ fury & cruelty as was not erst hard of amongst the Frenchmen. Such savage and cruel madness had. (by reason of impunity) inflamed the Bishop's mind with hatred against Religion. Wherefore through all the C●…untrey of Maynes in every Town and City, great cruelty was exercised at the Bishop's commandment, as God willing shall one day be more plainly seen in a full and large discourse of these matters.  
At Crevan (a Town of Burgundy a place appointed by the kings commandment, to prea●…h the word of God in) when as there was gathered together from divers places of that Province a great number of men, women, old men and children, altogether naked and unarmed, to hear a Sermon▪ the Papists that dwelled in the Town assembling together, ran violently and rushed with force upon the Protestants. And as they began to kill and murder them, there was by and by a great uproar and tumult raised: on the contrary part, the papists were suddenly amazed, and fearing lest the aid of the Protestants near adjoining and of other noble men professoures of the reform Religion had been there, craftily left of their enterprise: and so by that means the faithful escaped. Notwithstanding many of them as they strove to get home to their houses, were slain at the first brunt: so the Papists in Burgundy, what by the sufferance of their lieutenant, by the setting on of the Counsel, and through the help and aid of Mo●…sieur Begat▪ a seditious and factious counsellor waxed more and more bold and insolent against the Protestants. Moreover there assembled (under colour of gathering together the states of every Province) certain companies which they termed the Confraternities, or brotherhoods of the holy Ghost: to 
Brother hodes of the papist.  the intent to proclaim and denounce everlasting and perpetual war against the Hugunotes, and under pretence of these assemblies, many things were heinously & seditiously committed. Wherefore the Prince of Conde complained of these misorders to the King. Where upon these conventicles by the kings interdict were forbidden and prohibited: but all in vain for the letters wanted that p●…iuie signet: whereby (by the cardinals subtlety and other Papists of great estimation) such letters were known as it were of any weighty matter or importance. Monsieur▪ Begat▪ the counsellor had always very rife in his communication the great renown of the Spanish King: whereat many men marveled to see such a fellow born with all, and to be in favour with the people, who in open assembles would so frankly set out and b●…ag of the fame and glory of a foreign Prince, and such a one as might the easier an●…oy them by reason he was so near adjoining unto them: yea certain Orations that he had made of that matter, were at the Cardinal Granuillans commanded printed at Andwerpe and published abroad. Wherefore the people encouraged by the example of Monsieur Begat, began to talk of the Spanish King's name, and to boast and vaunt themselves of his favour: and the Papists in every place mingled and interlarded the Catholic authority and power of Spain with the affairs of France, as though the King of Spain had had the ordering of Religion there, and the government and moderation of the kings Edict.  
Monsieur Curee (who as we have before declared, 
Monsieur Cure that famous & valeant cap ta'en is slain.  had valiantly behaved himself in the vanguard of the battle of Dreux under the Prince of Conde) was by the King's commandment ruler and governor over the Province of Vendosme: a man much given to the stu die and embracing of the reform religion, and therefore greatly hated of all the papists, in so much, that the filthy bloodsuckers encouraged by the impunity of the hau●…cke made upon the faithful of Macine, and having their hands read and died, with the blood of the miserable subjects, began now to conspire the death of their head and ruler: and laying snares and ambushementes for him, set upon him suspecting no such thing, and cruelly slew him. Monsieur Curee his wife and his brother 
And yet scaped unpunished.  complained of the matter to the King, declaring what an horrible villainy was committed upon the person of the kings Lieutenant: and after they had tarried and waited at the Court sir whole weeks, at the last with great suit & much a do they obtained, that the murder should be brought in question and examination. Whereupon the doers of the deed were accused, and apprehended, and when the case was proved by so many certain and evident arguments, that every man thought it should have proceeded on & be put in further execution, & that no man could withstand it: behold suddenly those heinous and traitorous murderers were delivered & dispatched out of hand by the King's commandment: & he that apprehended them & sent them to ward, was commanded to appear and that under pain of sharp punishment, to give account of his doings (for he was charged to have done more than his commission would bear him in,) his house was made flat with the ground, and he himself appeared, and was thrown into prison, and very hardly at length got out again. The murderers (as though they had done well) were not only pardoned and forgiven, but had also great rewards for their well doings and offices also bestowed upon them. A notable surely and an evil example, of contemning and overthrowing of justice.  
There came out also about this time the King's letters containing certain new exceptions against the 
Mo●… interpretations of the Edict.  Edict: That it should not be lawful for any Ministers of the reform (they term it new) Religion, to dwell or inhabit in any other place, then in such as were in every province appointed for the hearing of sermons, for this purpose, that they might not visit and comfort the sick, nor take any heed or care of the households and families of the faithful: And that it should not be lawful for any of that profession to be schoolmasters or keep any open school for to bring up or teach young children. And this was the old fetch of the Cardinal of Lorraine, that taking away all discipline, the purity of doctrine should utterly decay: and that all knowledge of good learning and liberal Sciences being banished, the study and desire of truth might be darkened with the dusky and loathsome clouds of barbarous and savage ignorance. A practice used in times passed by julian the Apostate, and now put in ure again by the Cardinal, a good and cunning scholar in such matters, and worthy of such a master, whereby he might declare himself an open and manifest enemy to all humanity and pure doctrine. Notwithstanding there were causes and matter pretended that in show were very godly as: That it was so enacted, to the end all things might be done in good order, and lest that the greater part of his subjects being thereby stirred up, might give occasions of new trou bless: not that it was the King's pleasure to change or altar any thing in the Edict, but that this was the very plain exposition of his majesties pleasure, which he commandeth and willeth to be received and kept of all his subjects.  
The King (as we said before) under colour to survey 
The King's progress.  and view his Realm, came to Paris, and from thence he first went to Troy, a noble and famous city of campaign, thence he removed to Lions, and so along through Dolpheny, Provence and Languedoc towards Ba●…onne, a City of Guian, situate upon the Sea coast, and next adjoining to Spain, that there the Sacred league might be made and established, as hereafter we will show in place convenient.  
It were a long and tedious matter to rehearse here what was done in every City, what complaints and 
The sum of all that was done in the time of the kings Progress.  supplications were put up to the King, what injuries done to the protestants, and what sleights and devices were forged and practised to inflame and incense the young King against Religion: that must be done hereafter by some more large and perfect history. But we, because we mean but to draw out brief and short notes of the wars, will briefly (setting apart all long discourses of so large and copious matter) set forth the sum of that was done in this progress. The papists spared no sleights, no forgery, no lies, no saucy malapart●…es, no imp●…dencie nor any kind of malicious & spiteful wickedness, whereby they might by any way procure hatred and envy against the protest and 〈◊〉 and their cause. I se●…aunder no man, for 〈◊〉 I am bond by reason & order of this my enterprise, to say the truth, I will not spare to speak it: From every quarter came great flocks of the faithful complaining of their wrongs: supplications were offered up, but when any satisfaction was to be made to their complaints, they were so posted over from this man to that man, from this place to that place: that whilst the execution of law and equity was prolonged and differred, justice was quite go and fled from amongst them.  
We have spoken before of the accusation commenced 
The Admiral adjudged free of the Duke's murder by the kings own judgement  against the Admiral, as though he had been author of the Duke of Guise's death, and of his answer there too. But because the matter seemed likely to breed further trouble, and that it was such as might hinder and disquiet his progress, both parts being so earnestly bend to wrath and revengement: the King thought it best to decide and take up the matter before he proceeded any further on his journey. Wherefore at Molins, the chief City of the Dukedom of Bourbone, the Admiral was 
The Guises and the Chastillon are charged to be reconciled.  declared by the King's decree, free and clear from that accusation, and that he aught not in any point to be charged therewith, and commandment was given that the matter should on both sides be buried in the dark grave of everlasting forgetfulness and obli●…i on, and be trodden under foot, as though it had never been done. The Guises also & they of Chastillon were charged to lay aside all hatred and grudge and to be reconciled, and everafter become friends and lovers. This commandment was obeyed and received of both sides, whereby the wound was stopped & covered for a while, but not thoroughly healed.  
Notwithstanding the Cardinal of Lorraine was here by, sinely beguiled and defeated of his purpose, thinking by this to have had just occasion (as the Spanish King bragged in his letters) both to have displaced the Admiral, and also under a fair show of this cause to have violated and broken the peace.  
The Prince of Conde, the Admiral, the Andelot and other of the chief Nobles that were professors of the reform Religion went not with the King on this journey. The Cardinal also of Lorraine tarried behind in France, as we shall hereafter declare.  
After this, the King came to Lions with a very great 
The King's coming to Lions and what he did there.  train, and was Royally and sumptuously received of the Townsmen of both Religions. Here they had determined to frame and put in practise many conceyptes and devices: for that, if they could overthrow and suppress the congregatign that was here, being of all other the chief and most famous, they should the easier deface and destroy others that were less. For the state of that most flourishing & populous church did grieve the Archepapistes at the very hearts. Wherefore they thought it behovable and very expedient, by all ways possible, to oppress and disquiet it. Yet contrary to their purpose and meaning, they tarried but a small time there, by reason the plague raged so cruelly, that through the stubborn wilfulness of the Queen that meant to have stayed the Court longer there, the plague came even into her own chamber, and dispatched one of the Noble women of her own train out of the way. Wherefore, through fear of the pestilence, the Court removed from Lions to Rossilon, a territory belonging to the house of Tarnon, their houses being very stately garnished be fore with the Kings own provision and furniture: and yet the papists were not idle at Lions, although their abode there was both short and dangerous. For the 
An enterdiction for Sermons.  chief men of the reform Religion were charged to abstain and not to resort any more to Sermons or other assemblies. And that this might the better be done in all places where the Court should pass, there came out a commandment from the King, forbidding That the reform religion should be exercised in any place where the king should pass, or in any place where he lay, as long as he made his abode there, and that it should not be pra ctised at any time hereafter in any of the kings houses and palaces, (the cause also was added) lest the Catholics, being grieved and offended with it, new troubles should arise. There was also a pface adjoined, That, the same was omitted in the Edict, whereunto the king would all men should understand, he meant not by this interpretation to add any thing. So thus they used the name of the Edict, where in deed they endeavoured to overthrow and abolish it.  
A fortress also by the King's commandment was 
A fortress built at Lions.  begun to be built at Lions, to keep in subjection and overlook the Townsmen, upon the hill of S. Sebastian, in the highest part of the City, & the garrison augmented with a new supply of fresh soldiers, whereby the protestants were manifestly marked with the note of rebellion.  
We declared before how the City of Lions in the be beginning of the former war, was kept and fortified with a garrison of the protestants: and how Monsieur Saltan, a noble man, had as then the government & rule over the City, who being very earnestly requested of the faithful, that he would in the King's name go forward in the administration of their common wealth: notwithstanding refused to do it, and leaving Lions, got him quietly home to his own house. By his default and negligence the Duke of Guise when he lived, would say, that Lions was taken of the protestants, and many complaints and accusations as touching that matter, were put up against him, by the chief of the popish Nobility, and certain Italians were suborned to accuse him before the King for betraying Lions into the protestāns hands. To these complaints Monsieur Saltan maketh answer and albeit he had sufficiently proved them to be but mere surmises and false slanders, and was also quited and discharged by the Kings own judgement, of that accusation: yet notwithstanding no punishment (although he complained divers times to the King thereof) was executed upon these wrongful slanderers. Moreover, entreaty was made with him by Interpreters in the kings name, that he would give over his 
Monfieur Saltane removed from the govern meant of lions & mon sure Lossay succeeded him.  Presidentship: wherefore being nothing desirous of glory and authority, willingly gave place and resigned his office, in whose room was placed Monsieur Lossay, a man of very crafty and deceitful disposition, and exceeding haughty and proud. For it is almost impossible to be told with what intolerable pomp and excessive pride he vaunted and boasted himself, and how great impunity and carelessness in offending against the protestāns was granted to the papists by him. The particular discourse whereof (as I have often said before) doth not appertain unto our purpose: for so should we take upon 
The sundry troubles of the church at Lions.  us an other man's charge, and our Commentaries which we purposed to make but short and brief, would grow unto a great and large volume.  
About the fourth day of August a new interpretation of the Edict was enacted, and called the declaration of Religion, wherein first was placed a preface at the first view very goodly.  

That it was the Kings will and pleasure, that his Edict 
The declaclaration of Rossillon a great overthrow to the Edict.  of and for religion should be straightly kept and observed every where, that they that should be guilty of the contrary should be punished: that law and justice should be ministered unto all men indifferently and without partiality, and that his majesty did survey and visit his Realm and Provinces, to th'intent he might meet with, and provide for all such confusions and disorders as were in the common wealth. But whereas he is given to under stand that the liberty that he had granted out for the use of religion, did daily minister occasions of strife and contention, he was ready to provide remedy for that mischief. And to the intent, that here after no doubtful or double understanding of the Edict which was made and set forth by his authority, be left still uncertain: and for that the declaration of his own and very true meaning, doth only appertain unto himself: for these causes he hath thought good to set it forth in open writing. And whereas (says he) we do licence our noble men to exercise their new religion freely, we will that it be so understood that this benefit do reach to themselves only and their families: and that this was our intent and purpose: the very form and tenure of the words therein, do sufficiently prove. Wherefore we forbidden and prohibit all and every of our noble men, to give any licence to any other whosoever do use the benefit of the Edict, vnlesle he be of the number of his or their subjects: and that who so shall do to the contrary, him or them we take and denounce as Traitors to our majesty and do appoint for them such punishment as is due and fit for traitors & rebels. We also will and command, that none of the new religion shall (as they were accustomed) gather together or summon any assemblies or conventicles in way 
Restrain of Synods.  of Synods any more hereafter, and that who so faileth herein, be punished according to the greatness and estimation of his fault. And where as very many treading under foot the holy ordinances of Religious houses, have forsaken their former lives of priesthood and monachisme, either in the time of the former wars and trou bless, or else after the pacification of them, & contemning the vow of religious chastity, have thrown themselves headlong into the state of most detestable and accursed marriage, we will and command, that all such men be by imprisonment enforced and compelled to forsake and renounce 
protestāns commanded to return to Monachisme.  their wives, and the women likewise their husbands, and so to return to their former kind of life. or else to be punished with perpetual exile and banishment, and within the space of two. months to departed the bounds and limits of our Realms and Dominions The neglec towers thereof by this our sentence we adjudge (if he be a man) to the galley there to remain for ever a galley slave, (if a woman) to perpetual imprisonment: and this our declaration we will and command to be established and in as full force and authority as the edict itself.   
The protestants were greatly endamaged by these exceptions, for they who were scattered abroad through the Provinces and could not conveniently repair to those Cities that were appointed for preaching, were by the first article forbidden to resort to any other places to hear sermons: for they that sought or resorted to any such place were both in great danger as they went, and were also charged to be violaters of the Edict. Yea the noble men themselves were in great peril & trouble. And where the assembling of Synods and collections of money were forbidden, there were all means and ways of bringing any thing to pass taken away, and the authority of discipline quite defaced▪ which being maintained by Counsel, was the chief and greatest instrument whereby the Church was preserved. The ministry also was almost destroyed, all things that made for the relief & sustenance of the ministers, being by these exceptions taken away. For the use amongst the Protestants was to contribute and give their money together, wherewith their ministers lived & were maintained. And as for the commandment whereby they were enforced to return to Monkery, and the disannulling and destruction of such mariadges as they had contracted, every man may see how dangerous & hurt full they were and of all men to be detested and abhorred: so full farst and stuffed are the papists budgets with sleights and subtleties to overthrow religion.  
While these exceptions and breaches of the edict were by the papists (under pretence of the King's name) forged and invented, others of their side, committed divers 
The great slaughter of the faith full at Tours.  acts of extreme outrage and boldness in violating it. In Towers. a famous town of France, there was a Congregation, beautified and furnished with a great number of faithful Christians. But because they had not liberty by the Edict to practise the reform religion within the City itself, there was a place appointed for them by the King's commandment, at the castle next to the city, called Loray: whether when the congregation had one day resorted to hear a Sermon, and great number of all ages and sorts of men & women were there, suddenly they (suspecting no such thing) herded a great shout and outcry of the papists, who rushing, burst in upon them with weapon and armour: and besetting all the passages round about, flew violently upon the naked and unarmed Assembly, and murdered and slay all they met with. And many of them as they fled straggling here and there were slain: many also were sore wounded both men and women, and their Minister thrust through, even in the very pulpit. Like cruelty also and fury was exercised within the City with all manner rapines, pillage, slaughters and havocs that might be. The brute and rumour of this so great villainy and mischief, amazed and feared all the Congregations round about them, and coming to the Prince of Condes ears, it marvelously moved & stirred up his mind, with the often remembrance of so many mischiefs committed against them by the papists without check or controlment: the shameful and cruel violating and wresting of the Edict, did grievously vex him. Wherefore he complaineth of the matter to the King, and the Queen in divers letters, whereof some were set out in print, which we mean here to repeat, because they contained in them the whole matter of all the rest.  
Whereas I have diligently and thoroughly weighed & 
The Prince of Conde complaineth of these injuries.  considered of the last answer I received from the Queen concerning my letters I sent to her, wherein I admonished her of such things as seemed to be prepared for the disquieting and disturbing of the whole Realm and public profit thereof, whose evil beginnings being full fraught with horrible murders and slaughters past, and augmented with shameful havoc and robberies which are but newly committed, & that without all manner punishment, do foretell and warn us of very grievous troubles hanging over our heads and like to ensue: and when I had with good heed and advise pondered each point and article of all her answers, and especially that which conteigned the causes of the Interpretation of Rosillon: And do now perceive that this mischief doth not only steal upon us by little and little, but violently doth invade and overflow us, and all through the disobedience and contentious factions of the King's officers, and the great indignation & disdain, that a great number of his subjects have conceived against him: which surely doth arise and spring of this, because that whereas they see the edict violated, and are daily oppressed and afflicted with all manner rapines, slaughters, and all other kind of outrage & violence: & yet can get no redress nor remedy of their griefs by the law, but are driven to such a pinch and desperation of mind, that I can not but greatly fear the danger of tumults and insurrections: and that they will endeavour themselves through indignation of the injuries done unto them heretofore) by force to put away violence, and by armour and weapon to defend themselves (unless very speedy remedy be had). For, and upon these considerations I have thought it my duty, to certify the King and Queen thereof: as becometh a good subject and trusty servant to do, which desireth by all means and ways possible too avoid and turn away so great and present danger and peril.  
Neither (sayeth he) is there any cause why I should fear that I shallbe accounted and taken of their Majesties, as one that is to importune and unreasonable, not regarding either time or person: albeit I have divers times troubled them already with these matters, especially seeing it standeth me upon my honour and honesty: and the present and urgent necessity of things, doth so earnestly require me to do it, that unless I will become both guilty and worthy punishment for so great and common calamities, I can not pass so weighty a business in silence. Wherefore I most humbly beseech your Majesties that you will not take it in evil part, that I am come by letters to entreat for them, that are without all law and justice most shamefully spoiled & slain, contrary to your highness pleasures declared in your Edict. And for that they could not by any other means obtain remedy and redress of their wrongs, they are come unto me for succour, thinking that in respect of my near kindred to your Majesty, & the place whereunto I am called in this realm, I might obtain for them that ease and relief of their griefs, which otherwise they could not get. Neither could I myself for these causes and for the obedience I own to your Grace, refuse to declare and show unto your Majesty with all humble modesty & reverence, these so great miseries and calamities. For all your highness Subjects have felt what great profit and utility hath come to the whole Realm, through your majesties Edict of peace: the which notwithstanding is so defaced and altered from his first form, that no man hath any care once to acknowledge, much less to observe and execute it. And although your Grace have divers times plainly declared and expressed, that it was your will and pleasure that it should be observed and kept inviolably of all men: yet notwithstanding, certain disordered people, that seek to abolish and deface the reform religion, have so prevailed, that certain interpretations of the Edict are set forth in your majesties name, whose prefaces are very notable and good: but if a man but of mean judgement do mark the end of them, he shall perceive that they be nothing else, but devices and means invented only to weaken and take away the liberty of the edict, and now of late at Rossillon, when as no man was with your Majesty that would maintain the cause and right of the protestants, there was a Declaration set out, by which the Edict is so rend and defaced, that it is not credible that it should long continue, for thus it hath.  
The Edict saith, Be it lawful for all noble men having chief authority, their families, and those of their jurisdiction that will, of their own accord to use and exercise the reform religion freely and without molestation. But the interpretation sayeth, That all such places are exempted from this liberty, as were either sold or taken by the king's commandment from the church living: neither should such that had any Church revenues, enjoy that benefit.  
Further, the Edict sayeth, That liberty of religion was not only granted to the noble men and their families, but also to as many of their subjects as would willingly resort unto it. But the Declaration of Rossillon sayeth further, Neither shall the Noble men suffer or permit any which is not their subject to come or resort to any sermons or assemblies. And that who so doth to the contrary, shall for the first time be fyned at 500 Crowns, and for the second time lose and forfeit all their houses and Castles, wherein any such sermons or assemblies shallbe had or kept.  
Which rigour and severity (as it is manifest) can never be observed and kept, seeing that many of the Noble men do not know all their subjects, and few of the subjects one another, whereby it may chance, that one may come to a Noble man's house, and yet be neither one of his subjects, nor known of him, who thinks & takes him for his own subject: and yet notwithstanding should by these means be enforced to pay a great fine, and loose also his house wherein the assembly was gathered together. The like dannger also should he incur if one of his neighbours did but come to see how he did. Which thing would not only hinder and trouble, but also bring to miserable thraldom and slavery the mutual and friendly society of men, the chief and surest bond of true friendship, and the stay and rock of all common wealths and Monarchies.  
The Edict says, That there shall be a City chosen out and appointed for the administration of the reform Religion in every Province or presidentship, and other places of judgement, from which it was lawful to appeal to the high Courts of Parliament, but this last point was never yet put in execution, neither could it be granted to the protestants: although they both earnestly sued for it: and the promise itself was confirmed, by the express commandment of the King's letters, and certain Cities named to be choose as fittest and most profitable for that purpose. Also where according to the order of the Edict, there aught to have been a place appointed for the use of the reform Religion within the suburbs of those Cities that were named, it was appointed in other inconvenient places. xx. or. twenty-five. leagues of. Whereupon followed divers slaughters and seditions in many places. Notwithstanding this Article of the Edict was altogether broken and violated, whereof I do not think your Majesty causer, neither any of them, who without prejudice to either part do wish that the Edict might be truly and incorruptly observed, but rather I judge your presidents and other officers to be procurers of it, who of a preposterus and disordered zeal and love they bear to the popish Religion, could not bridle their own outrageous lust, but suffered themselves to be carried headlong by their affections, to the breach of the Edict and spoil of them that profess the reform Religion.  
The Edict says, That liberite and free use of the reform Religion is granted and permitted to all Cities wherein it was exercised thee▪ seven. of March, 1562. besides those Cities that were to be choose and appointed in every Province: and this should be done in one or two several places of those Cities, according as the King thought good to appoint. But the interpretation doth permit none to enjoy this, but those Cities only, which were held by force in the time of war, and so, many are defrauded of that liberty, in which the use of the reform Religion was kept at the time appointed, namely the. seven, day of March, 1562, both before and in the time of the late troubles. divers other places also were spoiled of this free use of their Religion, who notwithstanding had it the. seven. of March at the earnest entreaty not only of certain Nobles who were mere Lords of those places: but also of such as were only governors substituted and put in trust by your highness grace and favour, which is nothing else but a ●…lat breach of the Edict.  
The Edict without any distinction or difference giveth free liberty of Religion to All men in every place, but by the interpretation of Rossillon all they (he or she) who came from any abbeys or Nunryes', are debarred from his freedom, & compelled to return to their Cloisters, and there to live according to the Canons of popish traditions: and yet the preface of that interpretation says, it was not made to derogate any thing from the Edict: the words of the exception be these. That all Priests and all other men or women that have received the orders of Monachisme, and forsaking that estate have married wives, either in the time of the former broils or after the pacification thereof, be compelled to forsake and renounce those Mariges, and to return to their former kind of living, and therein to live according to the rules and orders appointed ●…or them. Which thing, besides that it doth manifestly violate the Edict, which permitteth every man to live according to his own conscience, doth flatly repugn & stand against the commandment of almighty God, who is author and fautor of Matrimony. It would also breed great strife and dissension in the Monasteries and religious houses.  
In the declaration of Rosillon is also adjoined an interdict and prohibition of Synods, not only contrary to the Edict, but also flat against divers others of your majesties letters and commandments. For although the Edict do not expresely make mention of them, neither doth fla●…ly forbid them, & yet doth grant the use of such religion as is reform, it must needs follow that it doth permit them, especially for that they do appertain to that religion, and are not only as accidents and things belonging to it, but are also the very maintainers, and (as it were) the sinews wherewith that religion is governed. This kind of Synods the ancient fathers in old time did vs●… very often, before general Counsels were known. And surely the use of them is so necessary both for the rooting up of Heresies and corruptions of living, which do day●…y creep into the Church and also to ●…epe away and debar all wicked and vngraci●…us people from the community of the Sacramen●…es and other godly ceremonies, that without them it is impossible ever to 〈◊〉 unto any true and sincere purity, either of life or doctrine, and yet we do not mean that any unlawful or to high authority should be practised in them. Neither is there any thing that we more earnestly desire then that your Majesty would appoint certain men at your grace's discretion, to be present with us at those our Synods: and so should all suspicion of false and cavilling opinions be quite taken away.  
Besides these violent wrestings and breaches of the 
The gre●…ous ini●…ries committed against the Protestants.  Edict which are the only cause of all sedition: those that did make and frame them, have persuaded your highness that it was necessary for the better observation of them, to appoint and set down penalties for all such as did violate them, and yet made pro●…estation in their pre faces that those interpretations were not made to der●…gate any thing from the Edict, where as it is most manifest that no more effectual and forcible way could be invented quite to abolish and overthrow it. Confiscation and loss of goods, house, and land, is appointed for them as though they were rebels and traitoures to your grace. Whereby it is evident, that these fellows which do abuse your majesties name and authority, are most wickedly bend to destroy your highness subjects, and utterly to deface and raze the noblest and most honourable families of your kingdom, to the great decay and ruin of your faithful and loyal subjects, which when they have done, it will be to late to repent. And as for myself and all other of the reform religion, w●…e are so fully persuaded of your majesties goodness and clemency towards us, that we do not think it to be your will and pleasure that such sharp and severe punnishmentes should be executed upon us. But such is the wilful and outrageous lust of many your graces Lieuf tenants and officers, that they bestow wholly all their tra●…aile and diligence both of body and mind to see these clauses and interpretations observed, and only endeavouring themselves to destroy us, will, and do think this occasion good enough, by examination of our doings to trouble and endanger us. If so be they can but espy the protestants resorting to make their prayers to God, or else to hear his holy word in any other places then those that be appointed for them: or if they go to any other Noble man's house then his, whose subjects and servants they be. Which certainly doth make nothing either with or against the duty they own to your majesty, or the common & public utility of the Realm. But when as they see before their faces, slaughters, seditions and most dangerous and ●…amentable occasions of new tumults and breach of peace, than they turn their backs and wink at them, & in such manner deal with us that they had rather grant commission of inquiry out against them that were spoiled and are plain tife, then once to make proffer that they are willing to administer justice equally to all men, for the restraint of the cruel rage of so bloody murderers, who (as it is manifest by the impunity of all outrages committd upon us▪) are defended, maintained, and set on by them, as though we were abhorred & detested of your highness, and not in the number of your faithful subjects. And how true this is, daily examples do make to evident. News cometh every day of slaughters and seditions out of all quarters of your kingdom, but no word of any punishment executed for them. And besides infinite murders and havoc made in other Provinces upon the faithful, your majesty may behold those which were committed at Crevan, in Maynes, in Provence, in Aquitaigne, in Puy: and that lately done at Tours. For which we never to this day could procure any kind of redress may so unpossible it is to ge●… remedy, that in divers places commandment was given, that such mat ters should not come in question and trial, yea which is more, the commissioners did sit against those that were spoilt, which thing did not only grievously trouble them that had sustained damage and injury: but did also encourage and enbolden the hearts of the seditious. And divers other that might have been repressed with little labour, were by this example animated, and heartened to persever in all kind of violence and rapine. Wherefore two. great dangers are herein to be looked for and feared, the one is, that if your majesty do not speedily meet with these outrages, but suffer them to range and spread abroad further, it is very likely that when you would redress them, than you shall not be able: the other is, your afflicted and persecuted subjects shallbe driven in to such distress and desperation of mind, that when they shall perceive all right & justice to be taken from them, by treachery of your officers, flat against your majesties pleasure, they will of themselves, defend themselves from wrong, and also revenge the injuries.  
And yet I speak not this as though I known not, that your majesty had commanded comissions should be granted out, both for examination and correction of such spoils, which on thing doth sufficiently prove that it is your graces will and pleasure that the Edict should be kept and observed. But I beseech your majesty to consider, was there ever any remedy of any complaint whatsoever onward out by them to whom you have committed the correction and punishment of malefactors? Your highness Precedents and Lieuftenants, whose charge and office is to redress and restrain such disorders, and are for that purpose guarded with Garrisons of Soldiers, at the cost and charge of those over whom they govern, do abuse that aid given them to maintain justice, always to the favour of one part of your subjects, and utter destruction of the other. And if so be it chance now and then that they go to any place to sit upon any such matters, there is nothing done according to justice, but the catholics defaults and offences cloaked and covered: and as for the examination to be had there, it is either quite omitted, or else done in hugger mugger and corners that no man can know of it. But if any complaints be brought to your majesty of those whom disdainfully and spitefully they call Huguenots, forth with in post hast, before commission be given out for the trial of the matter, ther is judgement awardend against them, not once weighing the accusation whether it be true or false, and they condemned either to loose their lives, or else their goods, and their houses to be beaten down flat to the ground, as doth appear by this example. For when as Monsieur de la Taride only moved by a vain and uncertain rumour, had written not unto your Majesty, but to a private friend, as concerning a certain commotion which he thought was at Montauban, the report hereof was scant crept abroad, when straightway commandment was given to raze and beat down the walls of that City. And like sen tenses to this were executed in divers places, especially where the number of protestants was thought to be great, as of late in Ualence and Sisteron: but no such thing done in those towns where the Catholics bear rule, althought it be plain & manifestly known, that many seditions have been raised by and through them. And very slender was the travail and labour that was bestowed in the examination of Monsieur Cures death, although he was your majesties Lieutenant, and represented your own person. For when his brethren & executors did sue for punishment of the murderers, they very hardly in six long weeks obtained a Commission to have their matter examined: which thing doth plainly bewray in what estate and estimation we stand. And again on the other side, we know what commission the Duke Monpensier had to be executed upon Monsieur C●…agier, who had done nothing in the e●…aminatiō of Monsieur Cures death, but that which the commissioners appointed for that purpose had commanded him: and yet notwithstanding was charged either to appear presently upon sight of the attachment sent for him, or else that his house should be made equal and even with the ground. Which thing importeth nothing else but the utter subversion of justice, and manifestation of their greedy desire they have to vio●…ate & break the Edict, by all ways and means possible, but s●…ecially by three: By partial administration of justice: By unjust and unequal toleration and sufferance of mischief: and lastly, By deadly and cankered hatred against all th●…se that profess the reform Religion. And this last is that wherewith both the chief doers in this matter (who aught chief to seek the observation of the Edict) are carried headlong: and also the common people, who (through impunity of mischief and sufferance of the noble men) are waxen shameless in all ●…ind of tyranny and cruelty. For when they perceive the justices and judges of Law and equity, so heinously offended against us, that when we have any matter be fore them that doth concern both our safeguard and re●…esse of wrongs done unto us, we find them a sleep & loath to ease our grie●…es, but to be both ready and careful in all things that are to proceed against us: yea and too condemn us, not once hearing our cause: they do hereby take occasion proudly to triumph over us, and conspire against us. Of these injuries (after long and weary sufferance) the afflicted company of the faithful, have complained to your Grace's Precedents and other your Officers, and to certain who are near about your Highness, but can receive no other answer but that your majesties whole care and study is, to content and satisfy both parts, and that the Catholics do no less complain of the protestants, than they of them: which in very deed is nothing else but to suffer every man to be hurt and wronged without Law and justice, and to give the Catholics large reins and full swing to do all things that their cankered hatred against the faithful do drive them to, and freely to kill & murder them without either fear of punishment or danger, lest that they should at any time (perceiving that they were suffered too be injured of every man with out all law and equity) take armour, and so by force defend them from that violence which by law they could not avoid.  
We see this also happen divers times and oftener than needeth, that your Grace's justices in steed of administering Law and right to those that have proved their causes, do use to countervail their injuries done vntothem, with some other offences that they have committed: or else 'cause some rumour to be spread abroad, of some evil fact or other, done by the protestants, wherewith they use to stop the plaintiffs mouths, and so sand them home in as evil case as they came, without any redress of their wrongs. And yet it is well known, that the Protestants crimes be not so heinous but that they may be easily redressed: as to go to another place to hear God's word then your Majesty hath appointed, or not to have restored and set up again popish religion in certain places. But far unlike to these be the offences of the papists cruel and savage bloodsuckers, who have filled ai places with rapines & horrible murders: so that we do not doubt but God will one day have mercy upon his poor afflicted people, and hear the groanings, sighs and lamentable cries of his, that do fly to him only for succour and refuge, and can obtain redress no where else, all right and justice being taken away from them, by such as have most barba rously (contrary to their King's commandment) spoilt and wasted all things with unknown and almost incredible rage and cruelty: upon whose accurfed and detestable facts have followed to the number of 140. lamentable murders since the publication of the Edict, and yet not two of them, either punished or like to be punished.  
And now I trust your majesty doth perceive, that these be some causes why both I and other of the reform religion do say, that the Edict is violated, and we our sel●…es evil handled, besides many things that are done against us by the greatest part of your grace's presidents, and all because we are of a contrary religion to them, and infinite other devices which they daily (as it is manifest) do practise against us: all which I leave unto your majesty, to consider how disagréeing & hurtful they be to public peace and tranquillity. And these things I have thought good to signify to your highness lest I should seem to have omitted any one jot of that Loyal obedience I own to the same▪ most humbly beseeching your majesty to take in good part, and patiently to ponder and consider of these things, which I do with all dutiful modesty and humble reverence declare unto your grace, O noble King, and say that it is unpossible that true and steadfast peace be kept in this Realm, though rough the often declaration of your highness pleasure therein, unless the Edict be truly and incorruptly observed and executed in all points, and all interpretations thereto adjoined quite disannulled and taken away: yea and all disorders, seditions, and slaughters committed by either part after the publishing of the Edict sharply and equally punished: & lastly that the lose sufferance, and corrupt collusion of Magistrates and justices, be overlooked and corrected. And unless this be done, I can not see how an universal and firm during peace can be maintained in your majesties Realms. But contrary wise I perceive and foresee that they who have suffered so great injuries with out all remedy, are so wearied, and as it were tired with long sufferance, & being now in desperation & past hope of redress, will endeavour to defend themselves from wrong & injury by force, which must needs be occasion of great troubles.  
When these letters of the Princes were brought to the King, and the indignation that he and other professoures of the reform religion had conceived was known, the very necessity of the time enforced them to make some show of redress and correction of these misorders. For the king being now far in his progress from Paris, the chief & Metropolitan City, the Queen greatly feared lest the Prince of Conde should attempt 
The King's letters to the Prince of Conde.  some new troubles. Wherefore the King writeth to the Prince very lovingly, declaring that de doth like and allow of his care for the observation of peace, and saith that he wisheth nothing more heartily, than that law and justice should be equal without partiality ministered to all his subjects, and that this was his chief and only desire. And whereas he had set forth divers interpretations of the edict, he saith he was forced thereto by divers and sundry urgent and most weighty causes, and that they do greatly make for the use & public profit and commodity of his subjects▪ and yet he believeth so well of the Prince, that he judgeth he never once so much as meant or thought to govern and rule him and his doings at his own pleasure: and if so be any of his justices & officers had offended in any thing, he would so punish them, that all men should know that it was his will and pleasure, that the edict should be executed justly and sincerely in all places, and that all his subjects should have justice & equity showed them without respect of religion. Also he trusted that he (who aught to have special regard for the good and safe estate of the Kingdom) would so travail and labour, that no new broils should be raised by them of the reform religion that complained of their wrongs, seeing it is fit that they should not revenge themselves of such injuries as they say are dove unto them, but rather commit the charge and ordering of those matters to him, being chief Lord and governor over both them and their causes, and that unless they did so, they should purchase unto themselves most grievous and severe pu nishment: only he willed him to take heed that none were falsely accused, and that that which they objected a 'gainst others might not rightly and worthily be laid to their own charge. lastly he let him to understand, that it was his only, chief, & most desired with to have peace kept and maintained, according to the order taken in the Edict, which as he had oftentimes declared in word, so like wise he would fulfil and express it in deeds.  
About this time there came out new Proclamations 
New proclamations for the observation of the Edict.  from the King, wherein all men were very straictly charged to observe and keep all orders prescribed in the Edict, and grievous and great punishment appointed both for such as did violate and neglect the same: and also for all such Magistrates as did wink at them that should offend therein. He declareth also that it is his will and pleasure that all his subjects should live quietly together, and therefore doth appoint the Edict and the declarations that he had made thereof, to be a rule and square to order their doings by, which he straightly charged and commanded all men to do: lest they should to late repent them for so abusing his clemency, and at length prove his force and power to their own destruction.  
Shortly after this the mashal of Vielleville was 
The punishment appointed for the mur there done at Tours made frustrate.  sent to Tours to see execution done upon those seditious people that had committed that slaughter lately done there, but the matter was so handled that all was in vain for when the Marshal (saying he would do according to his commission) had begun to rip up the matter, Monsieur Chavigny a wicked and desperate man was suborned, who by open force resisting the Marshals doing, did so work that nothing could be done, faring as though if the matter should have been stirred any more, it would have bread a further and greater trouble, s●…ing the greatest and best part of the Townsmen was thereby so heinously moved and inflamed. Wherefore the mashal returned to the Court leaving the matter as he found it, and when he had given account of all his proceedings there, Chavigny was very liberally rewarded of the Queen, as one that had done a thing both fit and profitable for that present time: yea grea●…e offices were bestowed upon him, as to be Ambassador to foreign Princes and kingdoms.  
The Cardinal of Lorraine (as we said before) went not with the King, in this progress to Baion: which he did as the end of the thing proved, for two considerations: first that this league which he himself had devised might more safely be kept close: secondly lest the Protestants and the Prince of Conde (for that he was by them adjudged to be a man very prove thereto) should attempt to stir up any new broils in this the King's absence. Wherefore being guarded with a great number of his servants and retainers, he tarried sometime at 
The fond and foolish iorne●…s of the cardinal.  Mendon, and sometime at Nantevill houses of his, being near Paris, to the intent he might more straightly and circumspectly overlook the protestants doings. And upon a time he was determined to go to Paris, either to devise some new fetch, or else according to his old custom to confirm and strengthen the papists, and with a greater train of men than he was wont to have, to amaze and discourage the protestants. Mounsier Memorencie the chief Marshal had the charge and government of the city, who hearing of this, did forthwith advertise the Cardinal, that it was very dangerous for him to come thither in such diversity of minds, the King also being so far absent from them: it shallbe therefore good (says he) that you do not come ac companied with such a train, but if you shall attempt the contrary I will according to my office, do that which I think shallbe expedient.  
The Cardinal taking this answer in very evil part, and being besides that incensed against him with an old ●…ngraffed grudge he bore the house of Memorencie approacheth the City with a greater company then before he purposed to bring with him: the Marinell shall méeteth him by the way, and demandeth of the Cardinal's men, at whole commandment they bore armour, and whether they known not that it was contrary to the King's commandment for any man so to do: and they excusing their doings with the Cardinals come mandment, were commanded forthwith to disarm themselves, and to be carried to prison, there to be punished according to the order taken by the King for that matter: at which they were so amazed, that every one shifted for himself, and straglinge, were scattered all abroad. The Cardinal seeing his men thus discouraged and dispersed, took his heels & crept into a Merchants house thereby, whom he knew well, & thinking himself not half safe there, caused the brickwall of the next house adjoining to be broken down, that he might fly further from them. And thus was his goodly journey disgraced with great laughters of others, & much shame to himself: yea it was commonly talked of, and jesters and Rymers made songs and ballads of it s●…offingly, saying, that the Cardinal of Lorraine ran away from his men into corners, and bewrayed himself for fear. And this forsooth was the prudent and politic care that he had to observe and maintain the peace. Wherefore he returned back into Lorraine, in a great chafe: and lest he should seem idle, he began a fresh again his suit to the states of the Kingdom, desiring to be accounted and acknowledged as one of the Peers of the Realm. And after that, gathered together a great number of Soldiers, and pursued Monsieur Salsede a Spaniard, an old Servant of his, for that he had not in certain points obeyed his commandment. But he ●…eing captain (by the king's commandment) of a garrison that kept the Town where he remained, was safe enough from all that the Cardinal & his army could do unto him: such was the fond & shameful end of this angry soldierlike Cardinal.  
The Mar●…shall of Burdillo went before (the King 
the bloody survey that the Marshial of Burdillo made through out all Guian.  coming aft●…▪ to view and survey the Province of Guian, and in eu●…ry place where he came made declaration of the King's pleasure as concerning the observation of the Edict, and all was done in the King's name: for they greatly feared troubles and commotions there, because the Protestants of that Province had been very sharply persecuted, & were both many in number, and also very ready to defend themselves. Notwithstan ding all this great a do for the keeping of peace, Monsieur Rivier, a man known to be a protestant, was murdered in his own house, by a company of bloody ruffians that came under colour of friendship to visit him. But the Marshell of Burdillo was openly reported to be the author of this murder, both because he bore deadly ha' tread long before to Monsieur Rivier, and also for that he took him to be a fit man, and as it were, a ring leader amongst the rest of the faithful, to attempt any kind of vpro●…re.  
The King's Majesty having go through all that part of Dolphin, which adjoineth to the riner of Rosne, came to Valence and Montille, and being Royally and nobly received there, went thence to Orange, where he har●… very many grievous complaints of the desolate and oppressed citizens, and did view the great ruins and lamentable havocs that were made there. And th●…nce he removed to Avignon, and had there all kinds of pleasures that could be devised to delight his mind, both by the Citizens, and other Lordly Italians that were abiding there at their masters the Pope's commandment: and every man did herein what possible he could, and all for the favour of the Queen, who endeavoured all her study and diligence to entangle and snare the Kings tender young mind, with such pleasant and delightful baits, neither did they omit to use the filthy love of Maids and Virgins to entrap him. The young Prince of Bearn, the Queen of Navarres son, accompanied the King in all this long progress, but his good mother the Queen did look carefully to him and kept him from those poisoned hooks & nets.  
After this the king came to Provence, and having seen Arelat and Aijques two famous Cities, he removed to Marselles and was there very triumphantly received and greatly delighted with pagentes and shows that were upon the water. At which time the congregations of the faithful that dwelled there had peace, and lived quietly through the good and politic government of Monsier Morsau their ruler, both a prudent and godly Counsellor and a valiant and stout captain, who was sent thither from the Parliament of Paris at the King's commandment with certain other counsellors, to redress the disorders and enormities wherewith that province did then swarm. Wherefore as soon as he came thither, he deposed the Senate of Aijques for that they winked at and favoured the outrages there committed which done he began to search out the offenders themselves, wherefore many of them fled away, and some escaped punishment by favour of the noble men, other some and that a good number were sharply punished, the Papists fretting and chafing at it all in vain, for it was manifest and openly known that that City stood in need of severe and straight reformation, yea & the seditious townsmen would openly threaten to set open their gates to the Spanish King their neighbour, if so be that the reform religion did take place there. Wherefore the Queen burst not openly disallow those executions done upon the Papists, but would rather when the Protestants came to complain to her, praise them and make as though she liked very well of them, and all to show what desire she had that law and justice should be administered to every man equally without partiality. At the earnest & importunate suit of the Protestants, one place was 
Merindol a place appointed for the reform religion.  choose out of all that Province, for the assemblies, to have the use and administration of the reform Religion▪ but it was inconvenient by reason of the unevenness and crookedness of the way to merindol: Notwithstanding by the great providence of God, it came to pass that the same place which a little before had received the truth of the Gospel in the dark and dusky days of papistry, and had suffered much calamity for that cause, should by the King's Edict be made a receptacle and mansion place for the Gospel and the faithful, and thereby made very famous and noble. Therefore the faithful came out of all places of Provence to Merin dol, having free liberty to hear the word of God.  
After this, the King came to A●…inion, that fr●…m thence 
The king cometh to Langue do●….  he might go into Languedoc. And as he travailed, he was very princely received of every City wherethorough he passed, and had very large and stately gifts given unto him: of the which to make relation, pertaineth not to our purpose.  
When the King was come to Nemaux, there came thither a great multitude of protestants, making great moan and lamentation, in so much that the crying and pitiefull voice of the people came to the house where the King lodged: who might hear them crying and calling for justice of their sovereign Lord, and requiring of the Christian King the liberty of the reform Religion. This noise of weeping and crying was so great and so shrill in the King's ears, that the mind of the young King at the hearing of the same, was somewhat abashed, and straightway demanded what the matter was: the standers by dissembled and excused the matter: but he with angry mood answered and said, I see that my people are evil entreated: and turning to the Qué●…ne said, How chance this people are not satisfied? I will Lady (sayeth he) that this my people have justice Notwithstanding they by and by put in his head, that they were seditious people, which were wont after that fashion to do all things with tumult: And then this multitude being driven away with violence by the kings Guard, the Elders & governors of their Church were called for: and being come, they were sharply reproved that they had suffered the unruly multitude to come thither in such tumultuous order: and were commanded to deliver their grief in writing to the Master of Requests, and to come to Montpellier to receive an answer according to the same. The like complaints also were made by the men of Montpellier, when the king came thither: but they with the men of Nismes were sent to Blitters: and after this the churches of Blitters, & those thereabouts, making the like complaints, destring reformation, had the like success, they being pu●… of from day to day, and from one place to another: The Constable being sore offended that so many complaints should be made against his son d' anvil. And beside the infinite verations of d' Anvil which he brought upon them, the Senate of Tholoze left nothing undone to make the cause of the reform churches odious before the King. These were the mends made for so great injuries, and this was the profit that ensued the King's journey.  
THE new year brought with it a certain rumour 
an. do. 1566  of the King's progress into Baione, which was kept secret until this present tyme. Therefore consultation being had of the matter with the chiefest of the Senate of Tholoze, the king passing through Guian, & coming to every city, came at the last to Baione, in the month of july.  
Thither to her brother the king came Elizabeth wife to King Philip of Spain, and was very pompously received of the whole Court. But the cause why Philip her husband came not thither with her, notwithstanding that the same place bordered upon his kingdom, was (as it is reported) that the league concerning the destroying of the reform religion, might the more secretly be confirmed. Others attribute the cause of his absence to ambition▪ for that he would not seem in any thing to seek to the King of France. Notwithstanding by the coming of Elizabeth, that holy league (as they termed it) was ratif●…ed and established, by which was meant, as is aforesaid, to banish and abandon the reform religion. And to the end the Realm of France might be an utter enemy to the professors of that religion, the king of spain promised unto the king of France, so great power and aid as he could: the like promise also made the king of France to the king of Spain: both of them promising one to the other to embrace & observe the doctrine of Rome, with the rites & ceremonies thereof, and to do all that they could to remove & take away all lets and impediments to the same: and so to take the next occasions offered to bring this matter to pass. After the confirmation of this league to the ruin of the Church, there followed lamentable effects. But notwithstanding the secret conclusion of this matter, the prince of Conde and all the Noble men of the reforme●… Religion understood the same, whose deaths hereby were sought.  
Thus when the king had viewed all the Region of Guian he returned back again into that part of France, called by the Frenchmen Franc●…ys, toward the lat●…er end of this year.  
IN this year and in the next following, there was 
〈◊〉. do. 1566  truce taken between the Churches, and the faithful had some rest and breathing time, notwithstanding not without sustaining divers injuries. Yea, there were snaring baits laid, and privy platforms practised against the Admiral and the Andelot which were espied, manifestly revealed, and brought before the king: but in vain. The kings long looked for occasions to put their league in execution.  
It shall not be from our purpose, if we note certain 
The affairs of the low Country.  things concerning the affairs of the low Country called Belgio▪ about this time, for matters concerning religion: both for that the cause is all one, and also because the same Country bordereth upon France: notwithstanding observing the order of time we will inserte those things which specially appertain to our history.  
Therefore you shall understand that this noble and plentifnll country was exercised and much troubled about this time with divers and sundry contentious conflicts, for religions sake: Whereby we have divers examples set forth unto us of the wonderful prouid●…ce of God, in ordering and framing of his Church, quite contrary to humane reason, that is to say, whereby we may plainly perceive that the Church is not the workmanship of man. But seeing we are in hand with the affairs and acts of the low Country, let us first compare the state thereof, with the condition of the Church of France. As both Churches are in migh●…ye Monarchies, so ●…ad they for their adversaries mighty Monarchies, being vexed with the furies of Cardinals: both of them in the beginning very small, but in the end, great and mighty both troubled, with great conflicts.  
Amidest the cruel torments, and bloody murders 
The beginning & en●… of the church of Flaunders.  of the Inquisition of the new Bishops: the number of such as acknowledged and professed the truth of the Gospel wonderfully increased: insomuch that at the length, by the example of the Frenchmen, who by the King's favour, had got some liberty to use the reform●…d religion, the matter began to be handled more freely and openly, a certain form of confession of their faith and religion being published.  
But the Cardinal Granuel on the contrary part: against the minds of those Noble men which were appointed by King Philip, went about earnestly to afflict Andwerpe with the Inquisition of the new Bishops, which notwithstanding was exempted from the burden of the same, by special privilege. After this he being complained of by those Noble men, was put quit out of his authority, and sent for by the King's letters to come out of Flaunders. But he he had so provided before his departure, and the King was so affected at the instant suit of the Span●…she Inquisitors, that their Inquisition was the more severely executed in Flaunders: yea all things were done in the absence of Granuel, as he would have them. And among all other Cities, at Andwerpe great cruelty was showed against the faithful, one of the Ministers of the reform religion called Christopher Smith, being cruelly slain, the people so much disdaining thereat, that they were like to 'cause a dangerous tumult. This was in the year of our Lord M. D. lxiiii. at what time the kingdom of France was greatly vexed, and deprived of the benefit of the King's Edict.  
Notwithstanding the Churches of the low country daily more and more increased: many of the noble men embracing and professing the truth, which even until that time had been enemies to the same: Insomuch that certain Noble men, set on fire with the love of the truth notwithstanding the they saw themselves to be in great peril of the Inquisitors therefore, determined to make a league among themselves, That they would endeavour themselves all that they could by all lawful means, to help one another for the avoiding of peril, and to certify one another of the attempts of the adversaries. Thus when they had made this agreement, they went about to join and win unto them others that were inflamed and bend against the reform religion: Insomuch that a man might see openly a great many noble men with the greatest part of the people, both to detest Popish superstitious, and also receive and embrace the reform religion. But in the mean time the thunder claps of the new Bishops made such a stoure, that the faithful being no more so subject to injuries as they were before, it was to be doubted, lest while they went about to resist the violent force and cruelty of the Inquisitors, great vexations and troubles would arise.  
At this time the Duchess of Parme, under the King 
King Philip certified of the increase of the protestants in the low country.  had she government of the whole region. Therefore she at the Admonition of the rulers of those parts, foreseeing the peril to come, by their advise and authority, sent Egmond to Philip King of Spain, to declare unto him the great peril and danger which hung over the whole low country of Flaunders: and to certify him that so great troubles could not be prevented, unless both the severity of the Edicts, and also the boldness of ●…ertaine men outrageously abusing and violating them were restrained: yea, and that all sorts of men were so sore offended thereat, that unless there were some speedy remedy out of hand provided, there was great peril of great troubles and garboils. To this Egmond the King gave a gentle answer, saying that he had a care for the affairs of the low Country: and that he would endeavour himself, that all things might be done there peaceably and orderly.  
Then he commanded the Duchess ●…f Parme, to take order as necessity required, with the advise and Counsel of good and wise men, by which she might provide for so great inconveniences, and yet retain safe the catholi●…e Religion. The Duchess of Perme when she had received the kings commandment by Egmond, she by the advise of the rulers, caused a solemn assembly, in the which there were three Bishops, three learned Divines, three Canons layers, & three skilful Civillians, to whom she committed the ordering of the whole matter. They then devised and put down an order: & took such pains for the Inquisition, that the same could not be more conveniently established. For though the form of words were changed, yet the matter itself was more severely ratified & confirmed: the terrible word of Inquisition, being mitigated by calling the same, a visitation: In steed of burning they used hanging, as we will hereafter declare more at large.  
Notwithstanding it did not satisfy granuel, and the Spanish inquisitoures, as though this kind of most cru ell death had not been sufficient: they being such kind of men as were accustomed to show open cruelty, without shame. They brought the matter therefore before the King: they said that there was a way made to the v●…●…er subversion of Religion▪ asking whether the ●…inge should be afraid to make open profession of his Religion. Moreover by their means the Pope's legates persuaded with the King by threatenings, shewing that not only the name of the Catholics should decay, but also that he himself should be utterly overthrown, except he sought with all speed to deface and utterly to destroy, even the lest remnantes and relics of the new Religion in the low Country: the which coul●… not be done without the benefit of the inquisition. Therefore King Philip rejecting that order of government which the Duchess had taken by the advise of those grave and learned men, of whom we spoke before, sent at the length letters unto the said Duchess of Parme, That the Inquisition should be established throughout all the low Country of Flaunders, that the inquisitors should have certain counsellors out of the chief senate joined to them to every province, by whose help they might be furthered in doing of their office: that the ancient Edicts might every where be observed and kept: that Bishops should be consecrated in all places: that the decrees of the counsel of Trident should be every where proclaimed: and that by all manner of means, the Doctrine of the Gospel and the professoures thereof should in all places be persecuted and afflicted. This came forth in the year of our Lord M. D. L. X. U. and in the month of December.  
These letters of the King being made openly known by the commandment of the Duchess of Parme, made the Catholics not a little joyful, but greatly discomfited the minds of the protestants: but specially the nobles, and those of the richer sort, which saw that their goods were sought for. For what could be free from the outrageous cruelty of the inquisitors, seeing they had to help them the kings Edicts, the queens artillery, the kings prisons, and their own executioners? When as the noble men could not escape their tyranny. Therefore the Nobles and all the inhabitants of the low Country were brought into great peril.  
Amidst this so great fear and maze of all that dwelled in that region, certain of the noble men, seeing that the ruin of the Gospel which they had professed, besides the calamity of the whole country, and their peculiar destruction was at hand, devised a way in so great extremity to rid themselves out of peril, namely to defend themselves against the rigour & tyranny of the inquisitors, so far as the kings dignity and authority would give them leave. Thus when they had entered in to league, and solemnly confirmed the same with an oath, they sought such ways and means as seemed best unto them to withstand that calamity like to ensue. To this league three hundredth Noble men had given their consent: who determined and agreed that it was the best way to go to the Duchess of Parme, and to show unto her the present danger, that she might according to her duty provide a remedy for the same. But because they con sidered that if they should make any mention of religion, it would give occasion to the inquisitors to execute their tyranny first of all upon them, they thought it best and most necessary to avoid the force and rigour of the Edicts and the Inquisition, if they pretended only the liberty and ancient privileges of their country. This way pleased the most part: but some feared the severity of the Inquisition, from the which the King himself was not free: howbeit the most part of them thought it unreasonable, that the laws and liberty of the country should be violated and broken, and such tyranny executed upon their bodies▪ goods, and consciences, wherb●… would follow the utter ruin and subversion of the whole Country.  
Therefore three hundred Noble men almost agreed together in this confederacy at Brussels the third day of 
a●…. do. 156●…  April in the year of our Lord M. D. LXUI. and by a Noble man whose name was Brederod, they offered a Supplication to the Duchess of Parme: In the which, after they had protested their reverence, obedience, and 
The supplication of the nobles of the confederacy.  singular love which they aught unto the King, & to the Duchess of Parme, the King's vicegerent, by divers and sundry reasons they made their petition. That the Inquisition might be taken away: that the King's Edicts concerning Religion might be suspended, until such time as the King and the states of the Realm, had deliberated and determined concerning the same, and then they protested that they would in every point do the duty and office of faithful Subjects, saying, that if there were not a remedy provided for these things in time, the ruin of the country would follow. To this the Duchess of Parme made answer, That she would do any thing that she was able, that was either good or profitable for the common wealth: that she would endeavour herself to bring to pass, that the inquisitors and officers under the King, should wisely behave themselves, and not deal with any according to the severity of the Edicts: and that she would within six months understand the King's pleasure concerning these things.  
Then she written letters to the Governors of the Provinces, willing them not to execute the Kings laws with severity, until such time as they were farther certified of the Kings will and pleasure: She sent also to the King the Lord Montign●…, and the Marquis of Berge Noble men. In the mean time the Church of the faithful increased, and were joyful that they were for some while delivered from tyranny, & the cruel slaughter, hoping at the length to enjoy peace and quietness. On the contrary part the catholics were evil apaid, ●…earing that hereby they should have evil success. There fore they came often times to the Duchess of Parme, and declared unto her that she went about to bring herself and the whole Country into extreme peril, if so be these men of the new Religion so greatly prevailed with her▪ many other pernicious persuasions also they used to this effect.  
The Duchess of Parme being led by them, called all 
The Duchess of Par me causeth▪ an assembly of States.  the States together, choosing out such men, as seemed unto them fit for their turn, and not such as should have been of that assembly by order and course of every city. And before every man had uttered his judgement as the order of such assemblies requireth, they made a law, which they called the Moderation of the Edicts, and then were commanded to subscribe to the same, and ●…o confirm it with an oath. The sum of this Moderation was this. That all such as followed the new religion▪ or did by any manner of means favour or allow the same should be severely punished: that hanging should be the death for such offenders, and not burning: that also the punishments of proscriptions and banishment should be executed upon those that professed the new religion, according to the King's former Edicts. Therefore, now the matter seemed to be in worse case than before, because these things were given forth in the kings name, and commanded by the solemn authority of the States. And thus the petition of the Nobles seemed to be satisfied. It is said, that these things were done without the King's consent and knowledge.  
The Rumour of this edict being in all places, the green wound which before was scarcely salved, began to ware sore again, and the people began to complain a fresh, perceiving that great calamities were like to f●…ll upon them. Notwithstanding great was the number of such as professed the reform religion, and ●…t daily increased: howbeit they were fay●…e to have the use of their religion privily and in private houses. But at the length the people waxing zealous in this cause, that which before was done in secret began to be publicly and openly exercised, in so much that Sermons were made in public places that all men might resort therv●…to that would: nothing fearing the late made Moderation, which notwithstanding in some places was severely executed, many by this occasion feeling the smart of the Inquisition.  
In the very utmost parts and borders of Flaunders, first the protestants began to come together openly in 
〈◊〉 Ser●…ones.  ●…lockes, and in congregations, to hear the word of god: then straytway at Antwerp: after that divers other cities and towns following their example, did the like. This was toward the latter end of the month of june At the first, the people assembled themselves together without the Cities, notwithstanding in such number, that a man might see continual passage of people between the fields and every City. In the beginning, they came together unarmed: but when they understood that their meeting waxed dangerous, and that the In quisitours began to play their part, they carried with them at the first sword, but afterwards, more strong and better weapons, to defend themselves as they passed from their houses into the fields. At Antwerp the Magistrates of the city gave leave to the protestants, to arm themselves so long as they were out of the city in the fields, but in no wise to bear the same within the city: to the which the protestants willingly granted. This was the beginning of public sermons in the Churches of the low country, to the which there came many thousands of men, the inquisitors in the mean time seeking the pray, and making great complaints to the Duchess of Parme.  
And after that the Gospel had been quietly preached for the space of certain weeks, behold there ensued a great tempest and wrack among the Images and Idols 
Images in Flaunders went to wrack  of the Papists. And first of all they were thrown down and beaten to pieces, in the utmost parts of Flanders: after that, in divers places of Flaundres, the people making such a spoil among them, as if the Magistrates had commanded the same. The Magistrates were so amazed and abashed hereat, that although they followed the Catholic religion, yet notwithstanding they set to their hands & furthered the pulling down, defacing and breaking the Images.  
At Gend●…, a fair Town, by the sufferance of the fearful Praetor, all the Images and other ornaments used in popish service, were defaced and spoiled in every Church. The like was done at Lire in Brabant. At Antwerp the Magistrate kept himself out of sight, while the people ran up and down from church to church, & spoiled the Images that were therein.  
If any man condemn this rash zeal of the people, void of reason, let him there withal weigh the singular judgement of God against those Idols, with the which the world being blinded, had so many ways dishonoured his Majesty.  
The Duchess of Parme being careful, & not knowing what to do in these extremities, fearing lest there would ensue greater troubles, thought good to pacify & content the people with fair promises: and to make those Noble men that professed the reform religion, means to repress those troubles. Therefore when she had sent for them to Brussels, she desired them to endeavour themselves to stay the tumul●…e of the people: to reject all false conceived opinions, to be persuaded that the King would use all means and ways for their peace and tranquillity: promising unto them leave to have their Sermons in such places as they had them be 
The conference between the nobles, & the Duchess of Parme.  fore: and that she would give commandment to the Magistrates and Governors of every city, to appoint places for the Protestants, to the which they might quietly resort to the hearing & administration of their Religion▪ that the profession of religion should be hurtful to no man, so that he broke not the common peace, as in spoiling of Temples, and such like.  
To this the Noble men did condescend and agreed: whereupon the Conditions were solemnly confirmed between both parts with an oath, and engrossed, and sealed with the King's seal. Commandment was given to all Governors and Magistrates, solemnly to proclaim this agreement, and to do all things according to the tenure thereof. There was made also an Edict, by which all men were forbidden to do any injury, either by word or deed for Religion, upon pain of severe punishment. Upon this commandment the governors of every circuit or shyer, appointed out places for the exercising of the reform religion suffered churches to be builded for the same purpose: & willed both parts to stay themselves under their protection. This was about the month of August.  
The Religion and the professors thereof seemed now to be in good case, report everywhere being made, that the King was fully purposed to give licence to the inhabitants of the low Country to use the reform Religion. But the minds of the Catholics were not yet quieted: whereupon they sought daily new occasions of tumult, being full of envy for the breaking down of their Images. Wherefore there arose now again new troubles.  
And at Andwerpe specially there were great contentions: and as though the enemy had been at hand the gates were shut up, and continual watch and ward thereat. Thither therefore at the commandment of the Duchess of Parme, came William Nassau Prince of Orange to govern the City in the kings name, being 
The Prince of Orange cometh to Antwerp.  at such great contention. And calling unto him by two and two the Churches of the Protestants which consisted of Wallonnes and Flemings, he did deliberate with them concerning the best remedies to bring peace and tranquillity to both parts, as well to the catholics as to the Protestants▪ After which deliberation, they concluded upon certain articles, and confirmed them: which afterward were published & proclaimed in manner and form following.  It shall not be lawful for those of the reform Religion, to disturb by any manner of means the administration of the Catholic Religion of Room, or to take away such places as are appointed for the use thereof, but shall content themselves with those places which are allotted to them: to the which places they shall resort upon the days appointed, as upon the Sunday and other holy days or, if there be no holy days, upon the Wednesday. I sh●…l not be lawful for them to have any other Ministers, than such as be born within the Dominion and circuit of the low Country, and shallbe sworn to obey both the civil and temporal government so long as they shall there remain. It shall not be lawful for those of the forenamed Religion, when they go to their Sermons, to carry any other weapons or armour than swords: but to obey laws, & to walk as it shall become good and faithful subjects. It shall not be lawful for Preachers of either part, in their Sermons to use any seditious or injurious words, which shall appertain to the refuting of errors, or the corruption of manners. These things we will and command to be observed until such time as we understand the king's pleasure farther. And if so be it shall please the King to appoint otherwise, than it shall be lawful for those of the reform Religion to forsake the Realm with their lives and goods. 
After the proclamation hereof, it seemed to bring peace to divers other Cities, and to abolish quite the remembrance of other troubles: but yet for all this, the men of the reform religion were not free and at such perfect peace as they judged themselves to be. For the papists which inclined to the Cardinal Granuellan and the inquisitors side, took occasion by the foresaid casting down of Images to work their mischievous intent Therefore taking a courage amidest that great and sodame fear & maze, the greatest part of the king's officers, went about to bring in question the throwing down of the Images, as done against all order and the public authority of Magistrates. They refused also the letters of the Duchess of Parme, as to help any thing at all the offenders herein.  
Therefore gathering together a great number of Soldiers to serve their turn, they took many in all places of the protestants, and cast them into prison: and after examination, put them to death.  
After this also Norcam Manques of Berge, a notable enemy to the reform Religion, came with four bands of horsemen, & u Ensigns of footmen, & minding 
Valleucia besieged.  to besiéege Ualencia, took as he came a Town called Sainctaman, and committed their most cruel tyranny, as rapine, murder, and the defiling of Virgins, beside most horrible kinds of torment then practised. This was done in the month of November.  
By these cruel acts of the papists, which threatened extreme destruction, the protestants saw that it was now high time to provide for themselves. Therefore divers practised sundry ways & means for their defence: but God altering and ordering all things by his providence, would not suffer them to come to good effect. Great was the multitude of people, and great was their courage: but they wanted Counsel and Captains to guide them. There were sufficient men enough, which could have governed them and conducted them both with wisdom and policy: again the number of Noblemen was not small that favoured that side, who, if they had taken part with them, there had been good hope of victory, and to have had more quiet govern meant. But such as were of highest calling, standing still as lookers on, and seeking neither to defend nor to resist the one nor the other, all good occasion to bring any thing happily to pass, was lost: The which brought great ruin to the protestants of the low Country, and great calamity to those noble men themselves: So hard & perilous a thing it is for a man to seek to serve two masters so contrary the one to the other. The great test part of the Nobility professed the reform religion: and yet there was scarce one of them, which came at any time to the sermons of that Religion. Wherefore we must needs confess that our sins have caused the Lord not to finish that good work which he had begun. Hereupon came the pitiefull calamity of the churches of the low country.  
The Protestants therefore were both destitute of counsel, and also of a goide, but the Catholics wanted neither of them both. Wherefore their cities were daily fortified with garrisons, and they besieged as is said before, Valencia, which was quite void and destitute of any Captain. There came divers bands of Soldiers also, as scattered sheep, to aid the Protestants at Valencia, and that with good courage: and while they vainly looked for a Captain, the greatest part conveyed themselves away. Therefore all this mouth was spent with divers troubles, and divers cities of the pro testantes were won, and the inhabitants thereof put to flight.  
Antwerp being under the authority and government of the prince of Orange was not partaker of those troubles that other places felt. But the foolish men being weary of peace and ease, and as though there were not at Antwerp troublesome heads enough, they sent for Matth●…us Illyricus, and for Flaccus Spangenberge and other to contend with the men of the reform religion, about the Supper of the Lord, and the presence in the Sacrament.  
All things growing daily from evil to worse, the Protestants offered up at divers times Supplications to the Magistrates, to whom most humbly and reverently they committed themselves and their cause: promising unto them a great sum of money, upon condition that they might be in safety. Also, when divers of the Princes of Germany had sought to entreat the matter, and could not obtain that which they wished, Brederode and certain noble men confederate with him, offered up a Supplication the eight day of February, which consisted of these special points, That the agreement made between him and the Duchess of Parme, in the month of August, might be observed and kept: that the liberty of Religion might be granted: and that the soldiers gathered together (contrary to the form of the oath) might be dismissed. To this, within a while after, the Du chess of Parma made answer, That she never meant to grant the public administration of the Religion, nor the use of Sermons, Sacraments, and Consistories: and as fos the interpretation of the agreement, that (says she) dependeth upon me. Concerning the Request, to have the soldiers dismissed, all men may see whereunto that tendeth. Wherefore (sayeth she) I pray and come maund every man upon pain of the kings displeasure, to go home to his own house.  
This answer made Brederode and his fellows to doubt, & to fear the calamity like to ensue. And when they had tarried in vain thirteen days at Antwenpe, they got them home to Uian, a town in the borders of Holland: and thither straightway a great many fled.  
The rest of the month of February, was spent with divers troubles, the faithful Protestants being daily annoyed and vexed more and more, with proscriptions banishments, and such like. All this while was continued the siege of Valence, which at the last by the letters of the Duchess of Parma, wherein she promised 
Valence surrendered  all clemeney and favour, was surrendered to Noircarm the xxiii. day of March. After the which it cannot be expressed what great cruelty was shown upon the townsmen: the chief both of the City, and also of the Church, were taken prisoners: and among these two ministers, the one called Guido Bresse, & the other Peregrine Grage, and certain other honest Citizens were put to death: for that they had Sermons in the City without the Kings will and pleasure, and had also used the administration of Sacraments. In the midst of these garboils, it was reported that Frances de Tolede Duke of Alba was coming with a great army, to overcome and subdue all the low Country, otherwise called Belgio.  
IN this year also▪ the Churches of France were not a 
an. do. 1567.  little troubled, occasion being taken of the cruel murder 
The last con spiracy of the Catholiqnes concerning the ruin of the Church of France.  committed in the low Country, the which the Cardinal of Lorraine thought fit for his purpose to afflict and destroy the Churches of France, with the help of the Duke of Alba, of whose coming he was truly certified by the letters of Granuellan. The same Cardinal also procured the Pope's letters, and the letters of King Philip, to the Queen, putting her in mind thereby of her promise, of the holy league. Therefore this year they minded to work the utter ruin and destruction of the Churches of France. So that they having their consultations at Marches, and at Monseaux, (at which places the King and Queen most commonly abode) determined to provide out of hand bands of soldiers, and to require the help and aid of the Swissers: all the which they determined to do under the collonr, that the Duke of Alba with the Spaniards meant to give some attempt against the Realm of france, or that they minded to defend Calais against the Queen of England. They sought also other means and ways to quarrel and contend with the Protestants, minding to deal with them as guilty of the Edicts broken, and to examine those which had done any thing contrary to the edict, specially against that which was made at Rossillon: that is to say, which had go to any other places to bear Sermons than to those which were appointed them by the King's commandment: or if the Noble men had entertained any other to the hearing of the said Sermons, beside those that were within the compass of their jurisdiction: and such like offences. As these transgressions had annexed unto them the pain and punishment of exile, so their purpose was to seek a reformation of these things, by severe putting the same punishments in execution, according to the tenor of the Edict.  
But lest they might seem to have no regard to the Counsel of the Duke of Alba, which was: It is better to have one Salmons head, than the heads of a thousand Frogs: they went about to snare and catch those Noble men, which embraced the reform religion, as the Prince of Conde, the Admiral, the Andelot, the Rochfoucault, and other Noble men. And this seemed a present way to bring the same to pass, if so be the King sent for them, as standing in need to have their advise in those things that concerned the government of the Realm. Now if they should have refused to come unto the King, than had he good and just cause to complain of them, as none of his friends. And if so be they should have need to use any force, they had at hand two and twenty Giddons of horsemen, and certain Switsers also, of which they had already got six thousand.  
In the mean time the Prince of Conde, the Admiral and divers other Noble men of the reform religion, were very careful. For beside these flying rumours, both the daily news of the coming of the Duke of Alba, and of the aid of the Swissers, and also the manifest preparation of horsemen, with the evident state of all things else, caused them to have a great care. For concerning that Holy League, made between the king of France and Spain, to destroy the religion. The prince of Conde was fully certified by the Prince Rochsuryon, the Prince of Condes near kinsman, and of the Kings blood, of the house of Borbou: who a little before his death exhorted the Prince of Conde to provide remedy in time for so great troubles. The Noble men aforesaid, being very careful and withal uncertain what to do, fearing lest if they should obey the kings commandment (whose name they perceived their adversaries to abuse) they should suddenly be oppressed: or least they should be accused of rebellion, if so be they sought means to restite the force of their adversaries: they determined (I say) to seek all ways and means to appease and qualify these troubles, and to certify the King plainly of their will and mind herein. In the mean time because they perceived their enemies to be in a readiness, they sent divers mesiangers to the reform Churches within the Realm to prepare themselves, and to have a diligent consideration of all their actions. They certified divers of the princes of Germany concerning their affairs, requiring aid of them if need should require: This was in the months of july and August, of this year.  
The Spanish armies arrived at Nice, a City of the Duke of Savoy, minding to pass through Pedemont, Savoy, 
The coming of the spanish army with the Duke of Alba.  and the County of Burgundy: where the Prince of Orange had occasion offered him to finish notable exploits, if he would have taken his time, but as he did in the low Country so did he now, least he might seem to attempt any thing against the king: but within a while after he was very homely requighted by the Duke of Alba.  
Philbert Duke of Sanoy, required of the inhabitants of Bernoy, a great part of the territory which they had sometime taken from his Dominion, by war: and the matter between them was oftentimes solemnly debated in an assembly of the Swissers, the men of Bernoys affirming that the same Region was given unto them by the Law of Arms, and that they had lawfully received the same.  
Notwithstanding at the same time when the Spanish armies were looked for which came with the Duke of Alba, the men of Bernoys communed with the Duke of Savoy, and agreed with him upon certain conditions, and granted unto him the three Dominions or Lordships that were next to Geneva▪ By reason of this agreement, the administration and use of the reform religion was used in those Dominions, even as the men of Bernoys themselves would desire.  
Concerning the purpose and connfaile of the Prince of Conde, of the Admiral, and of others of the reform religion, we have spoken before. The Prince of Conde therefore, by divers messengers prayed and entreated the King concerning the seeking of a reformation for those troubles, which were like shortly to ensue. Declaring unto him that the coming of the Swirsors into the Realm again was so perilous, that it would 'cause the people seditiously to rise. The Admiral went often times to the Constable his uncle, and talked with the Queen, whom he known to be at Chantilly, the Constable's house, and freely declared unto her, that if the faithful were so handled, whereby they had just cause to suspect that war was a preparing for him, they could not any longer be kept in peace. Notwithstanding the Queen and the Costable pretended a notable cause why it was needful to have the aid of foreigners: for, say they, the Spaniards bear an old grudge and hatred against the realm of France: so that we have good cause to fear, lest they having occasion set upon us: but the King will reform all things so, for the faithfulles sake, that all men shall see, that he will deal uprightly and justly towards all men. After this also the Queen made these promises in her letters to the prince of Conde.  
Notwithstanding there came six thousand Switsers, in the beginning of September:: and a great number of horsemen were armed and prepared. And the Prince of Conde was fully certified, that the Duke of Alba which was already come to Belgio, had moved the King of France in the name of King Philip, to go forward with the holy league, and withal had persuaded him to take present occasion to bring his purpose to pass. At this time the Cardinal of Lorraine was with the King, and a great number of his adherentes also. Notwithstanding all things waxing daily worse and worse, the Prince of Conde, and the rest of the peers and Nobles which professed the reform religion, saw that there was no longer stay to be made, but that they must of necessity, when they could do no good by their letters, come before the king themselves, and declare unto him the present danger. Wherefore they appointed the day to go unto the King: and because they might the more effectually declare the matter before the King, and also escape the peril and lying in way●…e of the Cardinal, they determined to go with the greater number, & that armed to defend themselves. Therefore a hundred and twenty noble men, having the Prince of Conde their Captain, came to M●…nceaux, to talk with the King, and to offer up unto him a supplication in the name of all the faithful: the su●…ine whereof was this: That for so much as the King had made an Edict, to keep his subjects in peace and concord, which was necessary both for them and his Realm, they most humbly beséeched him that the same might be better observed and kept than it had been aforetime. And forso much as until that same day they had made the same complaints afore in vain, and that often times, they now at that time trusted, seeing there were so manifest peril of such great troubles at hand, that he would effectually declare, that he made account of the faithful as of the rest of his subjects: who being abused and injuried, have no other refuge to flee unto in their extreme calamities, than to his grace, their sovereign Lord and King.  
The Cardinal of Lorraine understood of the coming of the prince of Conde with the rest of the nobles, declared unto the King and Queen, what great peril and danger it was unto their people, for the Prince of Conde to come unto them with so great a power of men, intending he said, nothing else than to take the king, his mother, and his whole family, that then he might do what him list.  
The King and Queen being made afeard with 
The King & Queen remove to Paris.  these rumours, removed to Paris, being guarded with the bands of the Swissers.  
The Prince of Conde being sorry for this fear of the King and Queen, stayed at Rozoi, a village thereabout: to the which place the Marshal Momorencius was sent declaring unto him the causes of his coming, saying that he was very sorry, that he was fallen into so great suspicion. To whom the Prince delivered a Supplication, and prayed him to deliver the same to the King, and to certify him of his whole intent and meaning. Then he came to Clay, whether the King sent unto him the Chancellor Hospital, the marshal Viellevil, & Moruilliers: to whom when he had more at large declared the cause of his coming, he sent letters again to the King, in the which he protested his faith and reverent mind which he bore toward the King: refuted the slanders of his Adversaries, by which they went about to make him hated of the King, declared also that he was ready to tender all obedience to the King, for whose sake he said he would spend his life and goods, 
Letters of the Prince to the king  notwithstanding, he said, he saw wicked and ungodly men abusing both the kings name, and also his age and will: whom alone he thought to be the causers of all these troubles, and therefore would give place to none of them unless he meant to show himself a traitor to his King and Country. The Prince of Conde also declared his reasons more particularly, and put down this in writing as the sum of all his petitions: First, That according to the first form of the edict, all other interpretations and exceptions taken away, the faithful may enjoy their Religion: and that all the kings Subjects what Religion soever they be of may, according to their degree and calling bea●… office under the King: and because both the people and the Nobles have been oppressed with tributes, we desire (saith he) that it may please the King to ease us of the same.  
After this he removed from Clay, to the Town of Sandionyse, because the same being near unto Paris, he might the more conveniently have conference with the King. But all was in vain: the Cardinal of Lorraine inflaming the minds of the King and Queen against the Prince of Conde, and against the cause of the faithful. But because the Prince of Conde would, if it 
The last petition of the Prince of Conde.  might possible be, bring somewhat to pass, he made this last request of the King, That it would please him to have some consideration of peace, and men's consciences: and that all things hereafter might be ordered, not at the pleasure of their adversaries, but by the Kings will, but by a firm and infallible Edict.  
But the Papists thinking the Protestants to be quite done, and out of heart, with unadvised rashness, rushed to war again, the Constable very immodestly and contrary to his grey hears behaving himself at Paris, even as though already they had got the victory.  
Therefore beside the Soldiers which they had already got and prepared, there was choosing and mustering of men at Paris, and many were pressed to the war: in so much that a man might think that the Prince of Conde would easily now be oppressed and overcome, having so few men with him: notwithstanding within few days a great number came to him out of all parts of the Realm: and the faithful in all quarters armed and prepared themselves.   

The. viii. Book of Commentaries, concerning the state of Religion and of the common wealth of France under the Reign of Charles the ninth.  
WAR being thus a fresh begun, all men waited and looked for new things to come 
The state of the faith full in the beginning of this second war.  to pass. Notwithstanding these affairs of war, in divers places had divers success. The Catholics had many more Cities and Armies of soldiers, than the Protestants had: howbeit they again far exceeded the other in courage, and boldness, being as men, after long oppression by injuries, brought into p●…rill of their lives and goods. The Protestants had but a few cities in their possession. Lions, a town of notable force, ●…ell from them, which, by the diligence of the Governor of the Town, was out of hand very strongly fortified with new garrisons of men. Then went the faithful to wrack, being rob, spoiled, and murdered: the soldier & the townsman furiously running up and down the City, & ransacking the houses of the faithful: their Temples were set on fire, which were very costly builded in two convenient places, yea the honest Citizens went to wrack in every corner of the city. Howbeit, many escaped by the means of the castle of Sansebastian, the which notwithstanding was appointed for the destruction of the faithful, but the keeper was their friend. Geneva was their Sanctuary and refuge in this extreme time of trouble.  
Notwithstanding divers Cities took part with the 
The Cities & towns that took part with the protestants.  Nobles of the reform Religion: as in Dolpheny, Ualencia, Vienna, Roman, and Montill. In Languedoc, Nemaux, Montpellier, (notwithstanding the papists held the Castle of S. Peter, but afterwards were driven out of the same by Monsieur Movents) Castra-Albien, & certain Cities also of Rhodes, of Sevenas, and of the territory of Vi●…aretz: also by the industry of Uicount Burinquet, they had Montaulban and all that bordered upon the same. Moreover, Orleans and the Cities and towns thereunto adjoining, was possessed by the Protestants, and so was Rochel. In all parts of the realm tho●…e was some number or other of Protestants: but they were banished out of the Cities, which made the army of the Prince of Conde to be the greater.  
The misdemeanour and cruelty of the inhabitants of Lions, made the protestants in other places that were more mighty in power to arise. Therefore divers murders were committed in divers places: and because the Catholics had burned the churches of the protestants, they in like manner burned their Churches to requited their cruelty. In so much that in all those cities which the protestants possessed, there was not almost a church to be found which they had not burned, spoiled, and beaten down to the ground: the people crying, that all the remnants of superstition must be so taken away, that afterward there may be no remembrance or sign thereof to be found.  
While this business and garboil was abroad in divers places, at Paris, the papists were very extreme and cruel against such as they could but suspect to be favourers of the reform religion. All men therefore were set upon war and tumult. In the mean time the prince of Conde waited for his soldiers at Sandionyse and waxed daily more strong with new aid.  
The Constable being verily persuaded that he should oppress & overcome the prince of Conde, marched with all the power he was able to make from Paris, taking with him great gonnes, bragging & boasting that the prince of Conde had none such to put him in peril withal: but his brags and boasts had evil success. For 
the slaughter of the Parisians at Sandio●…yse.  after that the Parisians had discharged their great shot, and that the battle began to wax hot, they being not able to abide the charge of the Prince of Conde and his soldiers, though they were the smaller number began at the first to retire, and afterwards, when their array was broken, to quail and to flee, seeking to recover the gates of the City so fast as they could. In this battle the Constable was sore wounded with a shot, & his horse also, and falling to the ground, was wounded again: and then was speedily carried away by certain horsemen to Paris: after the which within certain days 
The Constable wounded to the death.  after he died. This man had lived five kings reigns, being of great authority in France many years, ye●… he was the second person in the realm: he was also a faithful and trusty servant to the King, being wise & circumspect to avoid the danger of his enemies, until such time as he joined himself unto them, for the hatred of Religion.  
Concerning the calamity of the churches of Belgio, we spoke before. After therefore that the people were 
The state of the churches of the low country after the coming of Duke de Alba.  in good hope by reason of the authority and promises of the Noble men that were of the Confederacy, they received notwithstanding at length the answer of the Noble men which seemed to be of greatest power in these matters, That it seemed good unto them to commit the whole matter to Maximilian the Emperor, and the Princes of the Empire, whereby they should be sure to enjoy the liberty of the confession of Ausburg. But Valence being left destitute of aid, and therefore cruelly spoiled, and the whole country being desolate, that, their purpose was frustrate. For the protestants fled out from all places of the borders of Belgio, by heaps: also the Ministers & chief Governors of the church of Antwerp, yea and the Prince of Orange himself, leaving his son at Lovayne, fled out of the country, and that in good time, as the pitiefull deaths of Count Egmond and Horn afterward declared: of the which we will speak anon. A great part of the Protestants of the low Country fled into England, and part into Germany, and into Cleveland, the Queen of Enland, the princes of Germany, but specially the county Palatyne, granting unto them Cities to devil in. God thus provided for his people, who is always a continual preserver and uphoulder of his Church, the which, when horrible destruction cometh, he buildeth up with out the help of man.  
The Duke of Alba therefore came into Belgio, otherwise called the Low Country, where he placed in divers Cities, garrisons of Spayniardes: and then proclaimed the King's edict concerning the establishing of the Inquisition, by which he willed and commanded the reform religion to be altered and ordered.  
Then also he ordained a new senate, consisting of twelve men, commonly called the Bloody Counsel, which should sit upon all matters concerning life and death. He displaced also divers Magistrates, and set others in their room. After this he took a great number and cast them into prison, having no regard or consideration of them what Religion soever they professed: to such as were fled the country, he appointed a day for their return, and before the day was fully expired, he adjudged their goods to be confiscate. Howbeit in the beginning he dissembled this cruelty, and made the people believe that whatsoever had been done before time for religion should be pardoned by the King's Edict. And thus were County Egmond, & Horn, Noble men brought & caught in the snare. And when sharp laws were made concerning the inquisition, the inquisitoures were not idle, but played their part, and cast a great number into prison: Infants which had been baptized before in the reform Churches, were constrained to be rebaptised: Women whose husbands were fled for religion, were constrained to be married again to new husbands: and at the commandment of the Duke de Alba, many of them were forced to marry with his soldiers. Now, the Spanish soldier began to pray and spoil in every City. Also, when the dissembled clemency of Duke de Alba, showed at the first, had drawn a great many home to their houses again, the Bloody Senate, was set a work: some were beheaded, some hanged, and some had their tungues first of all cut out of their heads, and then a bodkin thrust through their lips: these lamentable sights were daily to be seen, but specially at Brussels and at Antwerp. divers Noblemen also were partakers of these punishments, as the Battemburges which were brethren of a noble house, and were cruelly put to death: but these had more company, for heaps were brought at once to the place of execution. And at the same time, County Egmond, and County Horn, noble men, and such as afore time had born great offices, and done to their King and Country good service, were also with this bitter reward of cruel tyranny requited: and after they were beheaded, their heads were set up on forks. County Horn, all the time of his imprisonment, and even in death, showed a singular zeal of religion. It was reported that the Duke of Alba bore towards both of these an old grudge, but specially towards the County Egmond for that which he had done in the affairs of France, & not for religions sake, which neither of them at any time had professed.  
These things were done in the year of our Lord, 1568: the which we have here inserted, though as yet we are not come to that year, to the end the reader might the better understand the order of all the acts and affairs of the low Country.  
After the foresaid slaughter of the Parrisians, there courage was somewhat quailed, that they dared no more so boldly set upon the Prince of Conde. But the Prince of Conde, when he had sought and entreated peace by messengers sent unto the King, and could not obtain the same, and being as yet unable to give any greater enterprise, sent into Germany for aid to the princes. For there were prepared great Armies both of horsemen and footmen Germans, their general Captain being C●…simire Duke of Bavire & son of Fredrick county Palatine. And because the prince of Conde wanted great ordinance, the princes of their own proper charge provided reasonable store of great guns for him. At the 
The Prince of Conde marcheth to Lorain.  length the prince went himself with his army, to meet the Germans, that, joining with them in time, he might have occasion to bring notable things to pass. going therefore from Sandionise, he marched towards Lorraine, being the ready way into Germany. The prince being absent, the Catholics armies, which men commonly called the King's army, had the more liberty to increase their power: to whom, beside their domestical aid, came certain bands of horsemen and foote●… men out of Italy. The Catholics chefetaine General, was Alexander Duke of Anion a young man, & the king's brother: but he had under him to guide him divers expert Captains, as Mons. Martigues, 〈◊〉, Lessay, and others. They wanted greatly the Marshal Brissac, who died before the troubles of this second war, and to whom, the charge of the war was principally committed.  
The kings brother having gathered his whole Army together determined to march also toward Lorraine, 
The Duke of Anjou marcheth toward Lorraine.  that he might either stay the Prince of Conde, from joining with the Germans, or else by means or other might annoy him: and to the end also he might join with those Germans which came to aid him, under the charge and conduct of Captain Saxon & Baden. Thus for space of certain days, whilst one of them lay in wait for another, there was nothing done but certain small skirmishes made, the king's brother always refusing to join battle.  
While these things thus proceeded on both parts by martial affairs, the Catholics sought also to prevail 
The King's Edict against the faithful.  by Edicts, and with thundering threats. Therefore the use of the reform religion was forbidden in all places of the Realm: all Ministers were commanded to departed the Realm within fifteen days, upon pain of death: notwithstanding leave was granted to such to abide still at home, as could be contented to forsake the exercise of the reform religion: again, it did not appoint any manner of punishment for any diversity of opinion concerning Religion, so that the holder's of them did keep their conscience secret to themselves, and did not publish the said opinions abroad, nor join with the favourers of the Prince of Conde: also all such as bore any office, and favoured not the Catholic religion were commanded to forsake their offices▪ and to live as other private Subjects.  
And strait after this, the Senate of Paris sent out decrees by which they condemned the most part of the nobles, as guilty of treason, but specially the Admiral. Whose office was taken from him and given to Mons. Martigues, a very wicked and ungodly man, but yet a valiant Captain.  
The Armies pursued one another at Lorain, while they waited for the coming of the german horsemen. And the kings brother's Army was daily increased with new aid: to whom within a while after the Cermanes came and joined themselves: they were in number a thousand and CC. horsemen. But all this while, which continued the space of two months, there was no notable attempt given: the more was behind against winter.  
By the sufferance and favour of the Queen of Navarre, there were armies priest out of the Region of Foix (which is within the dominion of the Queen of Navarre, and adjoining to the mountains Pirenei) and they came to Montanbane: where other Armies also by the industry of Viscount Burniguet, and other noble men, were gathered together out of the Territory thereabouts. After this, by the diligent travail of Monsiver Monents, Monbrune, Ponsenac, and of other Noble captains, there were divers other bands of soldiers, footmen gathered out from among such as were banished out of Provence, Forests, Bourgondy, Dolpheny, and out of Languedoc: the which were minded to go together and to join with the Prince of Conde. And when they were in Auvergne, the Noble men of that region, 
A battle in Auvergne, the promise testants having the victory.  at the King's commandment, and by the furtherance of the Lieutenant, went about with all the power they were able to make too stay the Armies of the protestants. Whereupon, they meeting together joined battle at Cognac, a village, near unto the town of Gainat. The faithful understanding of the lying in wait of their Adversaries, at the first drawn back: Then being encouraged by their Captains, but specially by Mons. Movents, they did not only encounter with the enemy, but also caused them to flee, and slew a great number of them: at which time the foresaid Gannat, was a convenient place of refuge for them.  
Because the protestants wanted great guns, and were loath to linger their journey taken in hand, they left Gannat, & as they went, to wreck their anger, they set fire on the house of Haulltefull, a noble man, and one of the chief of the Catholics, who was also slain among the rest of the common soldiers, Mons. Pezenac, of the protestants side, was very sore wounded in that battle, in so much that he shortly after-died. This happened the. viii. of Ianuarye. After this, the protestants Army passed peaceably on their journey, and came into the midst of France. And while they waited for the coming of the Prince of Conde with the whole army, they through the encouraging of Mouent●… won a Noble City called Blays.  
The protestants in Dolpheny were often times skirmished withal, by Baron des Adrctz that traitor and Apostata, but to small purpose.  
THe Duke of Anjou, lingering and delaying to join 
an. do. 1568  battle, the Prince of Conde joined himself with the aid that Casimire brought out of Germany, and then sought all occasions to encounter with the enemy. And for this cause he determined to besiege Chartres a noble and fair City in the region of Belloge, being rl. Miles from Paris. He began to besiege this City about the end of February: at what time he battered the walls 
Chartres besieged.  of the city with the great gonnes that came out of Gerard many: the city was neither well fortified nor yet well governed by any skilful Captain: for the chief governor of the city was the County Dauphin, of the King's lineage, and of the house of Borbon, being a very young man, and the son of Monpensier. Therefore the King and Queen were sore afraid lest this noble city should be won: and Monpensier being very careful for his Son as well as for the city, made great moan to the Queen. Then the Queen sent messengers to the prince of Conde to entreat peace, promising unto him, that if he himself would, the same should be confirmed out of hand. The Prince of Conde, although now he was in the way to prevail greatly against his enemies, this noble city being almost won, yet notwithstanding, rejoicing more at this news of peace, very modestly answered the Queen, That there was nothing more dear unto him than peace, for the which cause also he was constrained to take this war in hand. And to the end he might appear to speak in good faith, he broke up the siege. The Queen being glad at this beginning, sent word again to the Prince of Conde, to appoint what conditions of peace he would, that the King might consider what was needful to be done both for his dignity, and also for the safety of the Realm. She desired also truce for certain days. This was a notable fetch of the Queen, both to deliver the city from peril, and also disarm the Prince of Conde, as the end afterward proved. Then the prince of Conde propounded the conditions of peace: namely, that According to the tenor of the Edict made in Anno 1562. the use of the reform religion should be received and embraced: that all added interpretations should be taken away: that men might enjoy the peace of conscience: and that such as should hereafter offer any injury to the protestants might not escape unpunished.  
This being done, there was some contention about certain particular points of the prince of Condes petitions: notwithstanding at the last Peace was concluded 
Peace concluded and the sum of the king's Edict  according to the form of those conditions which he had put down: and the same was confirmed by this Edict of the King.  

The King to provide for his kingdom, which hath been hitherto overwhelmed with troubles, and as yet is not free from the same, with the advise and consent of his mother, brethren, and of his privy Counsel, after wise and diligent deliberation had of all things, hath thus decreed and appointed: and therewithal straightly charged and commanded the same to be faithfully observed of every one. And first of all, he willeth and commandeth that the former edict of pacyfication made in anno M. D. LXVIII. abide firm in his full strength and virtue: and that the men of the reform religion, so called, use and enjoy the benefit thereof: and that all interpretations added to the same, be void and frustrate: also that the same exception which so straightly bindeth the noble men in their liberty of using the reform religion, be quite taken away. Furthermore, his majesties pleasure is that the noble men which inhabit Provence enjoy the same benefit, and that merindol only be reserved to the whole lievetenantship. That it be lawful for all men of that reform religion to return home to their houses, and to enjoy their goods, lands, and tenements. That the bearing of armour, nor any thing else that hath been done at the commandment of the Prince of Conde, or in his name be called hereafter in question Also, that all Edicts, arestes, sentences, and decrees made against those which have done any of the said things, be abrogated and quit taken away: that neither the Sentences themselves, nor yet their executions be injurious to them or to their children.  
Moreover, his majesty professeth that he doth esteem and make account of the prince of Conde, as of his near kinsman and faithful servant and subjects: and also all those for his good and faithful subjects universally and particularly, which aided him in this war. Also that he doth forgive him all that money which he hath either taken out of the king's treasure, or else out of the Church goods: and in such wise that no man never hereafter shall demand any thing of him or of them which have spent the same. In like mauner he pardoneth the coining of money, the making of artillery, of gunpowder, and of other munition for the war. Also it is the king's pleasure that those things which have been taken out of the revenues of farms or of Cities, from the beginning of this war, until the day of proclamation of this Edict, which he willeth to be proclaimed in the Senate of Paris the third day after the making of the same, and in all other Parliaments within eight days. And he commandeth all Lievefenants of every Province, to see that this Edict be proclaimed with all speed in every place, lest any man should pretend ignorance. He also commandeth every Parliament too proclaim this Edict out of hand, and too Register the same without delay. Notwithstanding his pleasure is, that Paris and the liberties of the same, shallbe free from the exercise of the reform Religion so called, according to the tenor of the former Edict. Furthermore, he straightly charges and commandeth all those of the reform religion by and by after the proclamation of this Edict to unarm themselves, to tender up and restore those Cities which they hold, and all such artillery as they have: and that all captives taken in war, or for religion, be speedily delivered after the proclamation if this edict.  
And to the end the occasions of all troubles may be taken away, he willeth and commandeth that the remembrance of all those things done for the wars, or for Religion's sake be for ever forgotten: and that no man be so hardy as to provoke his neighbour by word or deed for these things, upon pain of death, or to contend and dispute together about the same: but too live together lovingly & quietly as it becometh friends, and neighbours. Also he commandeth the men of the said Religion presently to break and fossake all manner of Leagues and covenants, which they have made either within or without the Realm: never to make the like hereafter, nor to gather any collections and sums of money. It shall not be lawful for them, to gather together any other assemblies, than such as are permitted by the former Edict, and that without armour: It shall not be lawful for them by any manner of means, either in word or deed to trouble Churchmen, but to suffer them to have the use of their goods and lands, peaceable. To conclude he willeth and commandeth all his subjects faithfully to observe & keep these things, upon pain of his highness displeasure: and also that this Edict be sollemly proclaimed according to custom.   
This Edict came forth the twenty-three. day of the month of March in the year of one Lord. M. D. LXUIII.  
This was the end of this second war, which continued for the space of half a year, namely, from the month of October to March. In the which there was nothing done worthy to be remembered, saving only that Edict of peace, of the which we have made mention before. The which was a notable platform devised by 
The deceit of the Catholics by this Edict.  the Cardinal of Lorraine, to disarm the Prince of Conde and the Protestants, and to sand away the aid which came out of Germany, which he known could not afterward easily be got into France again, because the Prince had spent his money already, about the affairs past. And yet notwithstanding let all posterities know that the Catholics had confirmed this Edict by an oath: which they observed not, but boldly cast aside all reverence of God's holy name, the King's faith, and all the bonds of human society: as shall appear both by that which we will more at large declare, and also by the lamentable effects, which have brought great destruction to this noble Realm.  
The Edict therefore being brought to the prince of Condes Camp, and there solemnly proclaimed, every man rejoiced, desiring to see their wives, their children and their household: and specially they rejoiced, because some liberty of Religion was granted by the Edict. The prince of Conde by and by dismissed his Army: Casmire after thanks received of the prince for so great a benefit, going homeward with his army: whom the prince very honourably brought▪ on his way. Then he having a few attending on him went into Picardy. And sending divers letters unto the faithful commanded them, according to the tenor of the Edict to deliver up out of hand the Cities which they held, and the most part of them did so. The King also dismissed the Germans, and certain bands or French men: the rest of the armies he commanded to abide in armour, and appointed the horsemen a day of payment.  
But contrary to that which was looked for, these things were done, the faithful being very heavy to see such lamentable beginnings: nothing less than peace seeming to be meant. For there was great silence every where of the Edict which was in very few places proclaimed. They which went home to their houses, were either not suffered to enter into the Cities by the commandment of the governors in divers places: or else such as had leave to enter into the Cities, were 
Great injures done to the Protestants.  commanded to lay down their armour at the gates of of the City: and being entered into their houses were so straightly dealt withal, that they might not come out of their houses nor salute one another without leave: So that it was better dwelling without the Cities than within.  
These things troubled the faithful and increased suspicions, they fearing some new garboil▪ both for that there were great garrisons maintained in every City, and also because the King's armies almost remained whole. Many therefore standing in fear dared not enter into the Cities, but abode in villages and Country towns▪ of the which notwithstanding a great ma ny were there taken and put to death, by the townsmen. Therefore they began to stray abroad by heaps through the fields and villages: not daring to come within the kenning of any City, being feared by other men's harms: howbeit commandments came forth willing them to have leave to enter into the Cities according to the benefit of the Edict.  
The Protestants which held any Cities, at the first sight of the prince's letters surrendered them up. Notwithstanding divers understanding of this strange dealing, were more slow in delivering up their City. But by the example of the men of Orleans, and by the second letters of the prince of Conde, the Inhabitants of Dolpheny gave up their Cities: and after them divers other Cities did the like also. In the which Cities garrisons of the Catholics were presently placed. Nowbeit there were certain Cities which resisted, as Castelalbiat, Miliac, Aubenac, Privac, and divers others which were very well reserved: as shallbe hereafter declared. Rochel also refused to receive any such garrison, pleading for the same their ancient privilege, granted to them by the Kings of old time. The like also did the men of Sanserre.  
At the King's commandment, both Cities and 
Watch & ward at havens & bridges.  havens, and all other passages by water were stopped and fortefyed. And commandment was given to the warders to look diligently to their business, & to look carefully to the protestants: which being known brought great suspicion.  
There was also a Rescript sent abroad the nineteeen. day of may in the kings name, to this effect, Where as I understand that many which profess the new Religion, having no regard to the leave given unto them to repair to their Cities, do wander abroad in the fields by heaps, to the great hurt & discommodity of many, pretending that they should disobey my commandment if they should unarm themselves at the gates of the City: I protest that it is my will that it be lawful 
Violation▪ of the Edict.  for them to go into the Cities without breaking my ordinance of laying down their weapons at the gate, and also to devil safely in those Cities according to the prescript of the edict. Wherefore I command that those vagrant persons which walk up & down through the fields, be admonished quietly to go unto their Cities, and to repair to their own houses. If they shall refuse so to do, I will that the Magistrates gathering together such aid as they shall think convenient, set upon them as open breakers of the peace, and to put them to the sword. The Issue of this declared that it was a pray and bait to snare the Protestants with all.  
And contrary to the express words of the edict, not one man that had born office under the King, 
Violations of the Edict  being of the reform Religion, was restored to the same again, & such as complained hereof were cast into prison. The prince of Conde also had no passage into Picardy, of the which notwithstanding he was Lief tenant, and Senarpont his deputy was removed from his office. also the houses of Noble men of the reform Religion near adjoining to any City, were committed to the charge and oversight of others, as to bocald, to Martingue, to Guian, to Esternay, and to Foissi. Who by the Industry and means of the Cardinal of Lorraine was choose into the order of Nobility who little before was accused of theft and homi●…ide, all men wondering at this so sudden a change.  
The Senate of Tholoz had earnestly withstood the proclamation of the edict: and Rapine the prince of Condes servant, which was sent with the kings letters of trust to Tholoz, to signify to the Senate the Kings con mandment concerning the proclayminge of the ●…dicte, they of the Senate condemned, as a Seditious person and put his neck to the axe. The prince of Conde making earnest complaint hereof to the King, at the last by the kings commanding letters sent the fourth time, they proclaimed the same adding this exception, Serteine Clauses reserved which are contained in the secret exposition of the Senate.  
The like was done, almost about the same time, in the latter end of the month of may, at Lions: two contrary predictes being proclaimed in one day: which was a notable jest. for with the edict of pacification there was another proclaimed, by which commandments were given to the lietuenant to persecute the faithful with the sword, which were not entered into the cities.  
Moore over, when the Inhabitants of the Church of Lions made request unto the King that they might have liberty to exercise the reform Religion: answer was given them, that the King would not have the administrati●… of that Religion in the city, but would shortly app●…int them a place without the city. But, not 
Troubles ●…t Lions.  only the liberty of the Religion was taken from them, but also leave to go home to their own houses. Yea bloody murder & Rapines were committed throughout the city of Lions, the people she wing their outrageous madness even upon the very houses of the faithful.  
At Paris, by the coming of the kings letters, the Garrisons of warders and wachemen were increased: 
Troubles at Paris.  & in divers places throughout the city upon the bridges watchmen were set to ward: the people also had leave to arm themselves: whereby it manifestly appeared that the death of protestants with in the city was conspired.  
In the mean time the popish Prelates in their 
〈◊〉 Sermons.  Sermons, on the other part encouraged their men to war, but specially the Jesuits, of which there were great numbers in every principal city of the Realm: these were pestiferous Locusts proceeding out of the bottomless pit, and sent abroad to be troublesome unto men in his last age: These I say in their Sermons tohght that there aught to be no faith kept with here●…iques, nor any agreement made: that it was a godly and meritorious deed, to say violent hands upon such ungodly men: and that all Christian people aught to arm themselves against them. Beside this, they brought also examples of such as were killed by the Levites, at the commandment of Moses: of those which had worshipped the golden Cal●…e, & of jehu, which by dissimulation shut up the priests of Baale and show them. Thus the people being stirred up and pricked forward, boath with the ungodly persuasions of such preachers, and also with the words of mighty men, were daily more & more inflamed to ●…uror & madness.  
Moreover it was given for the that it was the Kings will and pleasure, that the huguenots should be utterly destroyed: and that it would please him very well if the Catholics would do what they could too hinder the execution of the edict: and also that all his subjects might be brought to one uniformity of Religion. Whereby the people were provoked a fresh, & sought nothing more than to arm themselves again●… the faithful, who were now as naked men, by the means of the edict.  
Thus the people were brought to tumult, and not only by the means aforesaid▪ but also by societies and confraternities made in divers places, which they called the Confraternities of the holy Ghost▪ By these Fraternities, which confirmed and moderated by consistories, did they provide money and soldiers for the war. Therefore when a great number of men were gathered together at Divinion for this confraternity, the common sort of people, began to cast forth seditious words, threatening the faithful that they should have only three months use of their goods to live by, after that harvest and grape gathering was done: affirming that the King himself if he would should not altar there purpose: and, if he once sought to hinder it, they would make a monk their King. Therefore the reins of impudent boldness being loosed, all things began to war out of order throughout the whole Realm. The faithful wanted both armour and Cities: all passage both by hill and dale, by water and by land were restrained: the Catholics were very strong in each condition, with all things in a readiness for the war: so that the faithful being thus h●…mmed in on every side, might continually look for nothing but sudden death and destruction.  
And in deed all means & ways were sought to bring this thing to pass: and as the Cardinal sought diligent 
Practise of the Cardinal to take the principal professors of the Religion.  lie to bring this to effect, so wanted he no necessary servants and waiters to fulfil his commandments, throughout all parts of the Realm. Also, to the end his purpose might have the better success, he thought good to follow the counsel of the Duke of Alba, (with whom he consulted oftentimes by messengers) which was: That the principal heads of those that professed the said Religion should be taken, and then the rest would be tamed well enough. Wherefore he sought diligently by all ways possible to take the prince of Conde, the Admiral, the Andelot, and Cardinal Odet his brother, Rochfoucalt, and divers other noble men of the reform Religion. In the mean time notwithstanding very loving and friendly letters were sent to the prince of Conde in the King and queens names.  
But so great liberty, whereof we spoke before, being given to the furious and outrageous people, was not Idle. It would abhor any Christian mind to hear the declaration of so many horrible murders, which happened 
Horrible murders.  in so short a time: I mean not, to repeat all if I would, I cannot. strait after the proclamation of the Edict. the people of Ambian: a fair city in Picardy▪ assembled themselves together and conspiring the death of the faithful slay of them, to the number of a hundred and forty▪ At Altisiodor, (otherwise called Auxer) a city of Borgondy which was rendered up by the faithful, there were fifty slain, and their dead bodies cast openly into cannells of the streets▪ At Rhane, at Orleans, at Bery, at Sanleonard, and at divers other cities horrible murders were committed, upon the faithful as they went to their churches to divine service. 
Cipiere cruelly slain.   
Also Monsure Cipiere the son of County de Tanned, Lieutenant of Provence, a young man, about the age of twenty years, was also cruelly slain at Forun-iuly a city of Provence. It was reported that commandment came from the court that this Monsure Cipiere should be slain. The manner of this slaughter was this.  
Monsure Cipiere, was returned from Nice, whether he went to see how the Duke of Savoy his kinsman did, of whom he was very honourably entertained: but when he came near to the town of Forum-Iuly, he perceived that some lay in a bush in the wood hard by for him: whereupon he fled with all speed into the city with his whole train, which were in number thirty and five. Then they which lay in wait being three hundred armed men, having Baron de Arsi their captain, en tered also into the city: and crying Toxcin, or Alleyum, a great number of people were gathered together by & by, to the number of a thousand and two hundred. who beset the house in the which Cipiere was, round about. But the Consuls and Magistrates of the city being careful for Monsure Cipiere, made entreaty to the peo ple, and at the length brought to pass that Baron de Are si promised that he would departed with the whole multitude, if so be Cipiere would yield unto them his men & armour. The which being granted, he departed: but the people were scarce go out of sight when Baron de Arci returned with all his soldiers again, beset the house, and then slay all Cipieres men. But when they could not found Cipiere among the slain carcases, ‛ Baron de Arsi, sent for the consuls, demanded of them where Cipiere was (for the consuls had carried him away to another place) and promised that if they would tell him where he was, he would save his life, for he himself (he said) was careful for him. But so soon as Cipiere was delivered unto him, he stabbed him in with his Dagger: And thus the young man with many wounds was slain, and the dead carcase much deformed with divers hacks and cuts. In the same month also one of Monsure Cipieres servants was slain in the day time before the Castle of Lower at Paris.  
I am ashamed truly to repeat all that I could, concerning the butcherly murders committed. The whole Realm was replenished with sobbing sighs, and pitiful tears of widows, and fatherless children: Not place was free from bloodshed: yea, widows, before the blood of their slain husbands was through cold, were partakers also of the same Cup. Honest young, women, before their husbands faces were defiled and 
Ten thousand protestants slain with in the come pass of three Months.  forced: and afterwards carried away from their husbands, by the rude and ruffianly Soldiers. Within the space of less than three Months, there were more than ten thousand Protestants slain, as hath been well approved by just accounts: where as in the former war there were scarce five hundred slain in six months space. This was the goodly end of the peace made and confirmed by the Catholics. The remembrance whereof deserveth to be cronacled for ever, that all posterities may see and know, with what deceits, with what falsehood, treachery, treason, furor, and brutish madness, all humanity set aside, Antichrist, abusing the outrageous furies of Kings, and Nations, goeth about to establish his kingdom. These things were done in the Months of April, May and june.  
These great calamities caused the Prince of Conde to complain oftentimes by his letters unto the king, 
The prince of Conde removeth to Noyers'.  but he received nothing again but bore words without effect: and he was daily admonished, both by messengers, and also by the dearness of the king's Garrisons to look to himself. Whereupon, after notice given to the King by his letters, he came to Noyers' with his wife and children, which is a little town in Burgun die. And the Admiral being beset with garrisons round about, where he was, removed to Tanlay which was within the liberty of his brother the Andelot, and near to the Castle of Noyers'. The Andelot was in Britain.  
The Cardinal of Lorraine was sore offended and grieved that he failed of his purpose in taking of the prince of Conde, and the Admiral, which might have been 
The Card▪ of Lorraine practiseth to take the Prince of Conde.  done so easily and conveniently. But he meant to assay again by other means, thinking it best to see what he could do, by plain force: notwithstanding so craftily and covertly, that his lying in wait might not be perceived. Therefore he sent some to Noyers', to measure the altitute or height of the castle, minding this way too take the prince of Conde and the Admiral, who came oftentimes thither to confer with the prince. And the Spy which was sent to Noyers', was wonderfully taken 
The Spy taken.  by the servants of the Prince of Conde, as hereafter shallbe declared.  
Moreover, to weary the prince of Conde, there came letters unto him in the King's name, straightly charging him to make payment of a great sum of money, which the king had paid to the german horsemen that were soldiers under the prince of Conde. The sum amounted 
90000. franks, is in our coin four score and eightteen thousand and nine hundred, and seven and thirty pounds ten shillings.  to 900000. Franks, which was exacted of the faithful beside the great expenses of the wars: for payment of the which the prince of Conde and divers other Noble men stood bond to the king. Notwithstanding the King signified unto him, that he understood not the said money was required of all those of the reform religion: but only of those which had born armour under his conducts. And this was urged again with new letters.  
To the which letters of the king, the prince of Conde made answer, that in this matter he was greatly urged, and to much burdened, complaining of the subtle dealing of his adversaries: in that they went about too offer unto him and to all the rest of the reform Religion, open and manifest injuries. The Edicts (sayeth he) are by them broken: the faithful are worse entreated than if they were strangers, and the most wicked creatures in the whole earth: they are neither in safety in their own houses, nor in the fields. My house is guarded with garrisons of soldiers, which was never seen before, that any of the princes (the kings kinsmen) should be so handled. Moreover of late, a certain Spy was taken, which came to take the measure of the height of the castle of Noyers'▪ where I lie, that I might suddenly, and ere I was ware, béé taken. And vaunt is made abroad by the Catholics, that after Harvest & Grape gathering, there shall not be left one Huguenote in France, without excepting of women and children: yea, they presume so far, that they dare say, that if so be your bighnesse will have peace, they will make them a new King of a Monk. Furthermore, by the sufferance of the Lieutenants of the provinces, there are many conventicles and brotherhoods, which they call Confra ternities of the Holy Ghost: by which many things are wrought contrary to the peace.  
Wherefore, among so many injuries, I beseech your Majesty and all other Christians, to way and consider, I have and do behave myself, and not only. I, but also all that are of my profession. Therefore, if your Maiestiè suffer the edict (so violently in the sight of all men) to be broken, and the offenders to escape unpunished, it cannot be, but there will ensue most grievous troubles.  
This letter was sent by Theligny, a noble man, whom he commanded to declare divers other particular matters which I mean not hear to repeat.  
About this time the King sent to the lieutenants of every province a certain form of an Oath, according to the which the professors of the reform Religion, (but specially the Noble men) should be caused to swear. To this the Noble men made excuse and said, That by this peculiar oath they should have great injury done unto them, as though they were not to be counted in the number of the rest of the King's subjects: which also was done contrary to the express words of the Edict, in the which as the prince of Conde is acknowledged too be the King's faithful kinsman, and servant, so are they expressly called the King's faithful servants. Therefore they beséeched the king, the they might not be constrained hereunto more than other men: if all other men of the contrary religion, were urged so to swear, they would not refuse, they said, to do the like, seeing they could not do to much in shewing their obedience to the King.  
And because this Oath was published in writing, it shall not be amiss to set down the same according to the very tenor thereof, that all men may see how the adversaries of the truth go about to abuse the name of God to bring their own wills to pass. You may read 
Victor Vticensis lib. 3 pers. Afric.  of the like in the African History in Hunrich Wandallet time, practised by him against the Christians.  
The protestants said, that because in the form of that oath exhibited unto them, the Catholics (so called) 
the answer of the faith full.  were not comprehended, they plainly perecyved, that their fidelity and obedience past, and to come, was now called in question: and that the security of the king's protection was to them uncertain. Also they said, seeing they were fully persuaded, that the King's Majesty had spoken nothing unto them hitherto, but the which was true and unfeigned without all dissimulation, they could not nor would think that the same form of the oath offered unto them, was known to the King, but rather devised by some notable enemy both to him, and also to the public peace of all men. But nevertheless, because we desire this one thing (say they) above all the rest, namely, to show our true and sincere obedience, which we own to our King, and natural Prince Charles the ninth, we modestly & humbly desire to make our answer to that oath: praying & beseeching the King's Majesty, that before he proceed any further in establishing the form of the same oath, it may please him to consider these our petitions, which with all reverence and submission of mind we propose in manner and form following.  


The Form of the Oath.  
We protest before God, and swear by his name, That we acknowledge King Charles the ninth, too be our sovereign Lord, and natural King.  

The Answer.  
We will never doubt or stay, to swear, in so good and just a cause: but we most humbly beseech our king so to judge of us as he hath himself spoken of us in his Edict. For our conscience beareth us witness, that we never had any thing in our minds contrary to the form and meaning of this Oath.    

Oath.  
And are ready, to give unto him, all honour, obedience, and Submission.  

Answer▪  
To this, we will most gladly, and willingly swear, seeing that this exception can not be denied us, That according to the tenor of his Edicts, we have granted to us, the liberty of our consciences & the use of the reform religion.    

Oath.  
And that we will never bear armour, but at his express commandments, as shall appear unto us by his own letters: And that we will neither consent unto them, nor help them with Counsel, with Money, with victuals, or with any other necessary thing which may arm them against us.  

Answer.  
To this also we willingly swear, for seeing we have two Edicts of pacification, for certain and plain demonstrations unto us of his will and meaning, we will accounted all other commandments contrary to those two Edicts, for false and counterfeit. And we will, never bear armour, neither have we so done at any time unless we have been plainly constrained to defend ourselves from the injuries and oppression of those men, which breaking the commandments of his majesties Edicts, have go about to oppress us contrary to his will.    

Oath.  
Neither will we make any collections of Money, under the colour of any occasion, without his express commandment.  

Answer.  
We trust that in this branch, the Money which necessarily we gather for the releving of our Ministers, the poor, and for the repairing of our Churches, and for other necessary uses, is not comprehended. The which being gathered we swear, being ordinarily called, that we will not use them deceyt●…ully to any other end,    

Oath.  
We will not have any secret Counsels, nor privy leagues, neither will we consent unto them, but contrariwise we promise' and swear that we will certify him or his officers faithfully of all those things, which shall be practised against his Majesty, against the tranquillity of the Realm, or against any that are near unto his Majesty.  

Answer.  
By the order of this Article (whosoever was the author of the same) we seem to be accused: as though we had hitherto behaved ourselves otherwise than we aught to have done: the which certainly we will never confess: For the kings Edicts of pacification will not suffer us so to do, seeing it hath pleased his Majesty by them, to acknowledge us for such manner of men as in deed we are, namely for his lawful and faithful Subjects. This being added, we will swear, that we will with the help of God, constantly retain unto the death, this Article of the Oath.    

Oath.  
We pray and beseech with all reverence and submission of mind his Majesty, that it may please him to extend towards us his accustomed clemency and goodness▪: and to account us for his faithful and obedient servants and to keep us under his protection, to whom next under God we flee unto.  

Answer●…▪  
As we never doubted of the clemency and goodness of our King, whom we have acknowledged and do acknowledge for our natural Prince and supreme Lord next unto God: so are we ready most humbly to pray and beseech him▪ to co●…tinue the same his good will unto us▪ his most obedient and faithful subjects. Notwithstanding if it may be spoken with his highness favour and leave, we have no need to cra●…e his favour and pardon for the time paste: seeing, by the goodness of God our consciences do bear us witness, that we have neither done nor thought any thing against his Majesty: and therefore we trust●…●…hat this is not so meant or spoken.    

Oath.  
To whom we will pray uncessantly, for the conservation of his life and dignity, and for the happy estate of the Queen his mother, and of his brethren.  

Answer.  
We have, and always will, God willing, make our prayers from the bottom of our heart unto the Lord. And we give thanks unto the King, that it pleaseth him to think better of us than our adversaries do: who both by their words & writings, report us to be wicked, and call our prayers, blasphemies.    

Oath.  
And we do submit ourselves willingly to all rigour of pains and punishments, if there shall happen any troubles or tumults through our default, in this City, (Expessing the name of the City) for the defence whereof, under the kings authority, and at the commandment of his Ministers, we will willingly spend and bestow our lives and goods.  

Answer  
To this Article we answer with all reverence: This being so generally put down, experience hath taught us, that it will be a ready way and fit occasion for them, of whose minds we have had of late to large testimonies, to kill us at their pleasure, either by pretending judgement, or else by some seditious tumult: of which things, they are skilful workmen. Therefore as every one of us would willingly swear unto these things, so we most heartily pray and beseech the King's Majesty, to see diligently that we may have justice more truly ministered unto us than hitherto it hath been: and that according to the prescript of the Edicts. Again if any of us be found to offend against any of the Edicts, let him be punished according to order of law by some upright and uncorrupted judge: and let not the offence of one man condemn the whole multitude.    

Oath.  
And if it please his Majesty that we shall devil peacebally and quietly under his protection in our cities, all di●…sentions taken away, we protest that we will never depart out of the same, what extremity or loss soever we abide: but do promise that we will with heart mind, hand, and with all that ever we have, join with our citizens, to the obeying of them, and to the defence of our cities, toward the which we will all ways bear a true love and faithful heart.  

Answer.  
We cannot with a good conscience embrace this Article as it is put down. because it bringeth that in doubt which is evidently granted unto us, by the Edicts: that is to say, that by them the kings Majesty doth accounted us for his faithful and true servants, as by the grace of God we have been hitherto, and will be ever hereafter. Insomuch that we cannot doubt but that we are under his protection, being in those Cities of his dominion in the which we were born, or do devil, seeing that we are ready to persist and abide in his obedience.  
Therefore we are so far from doubting of his will and meaning, that we rather give him immortal thanks, & do beseech him to continue the same towards us still: and specially to be favourable unto us in the liberty of our consciences, and in the administration of our Religion. Without the use of the which, we are not only ready to forsake our Cities, but also our lives: where as contrariwise, granting the same unto us, which is more dear, by right, unto us than our life, namely the observation of his Edicts, we will most gladly swear and promise' to keep these things.    

Oath.  
And also a true and sincere good will towards the Catholics, until it shall please God to end all troubles: to bring the which thing to pass, we trust, that this reconcilliation will make a happy and pro●…perouse way.  

Answer.  
As concerning that love which by nature we own unto all men, the Religion which we profess teacheth us never to forget the same: and the rather we aught to show it towards them because they are our Country men: to whom we aught to do good for evil: the which we promise' to do so much as we are able. But where as wear required to enter into a sound & perfect reconciliation with them, we beseech his Majesty to enjoin the Catholics to the same oath: and specially to provide that their seditious preachers, which are the principal causes of these troubles, may cease to go forward, as of late they have begun. And that they may be punished except they obey according to the tenore of the Edicts. To conclude, if it please his Majesty that his Edicts may be observed, with all sincerity and uprightness (as we trust it is his pleasure, and that the execution thereof rests in his officers hands, which hither too they have been very neglegent in) we are ready to swear, without any exception, what soever a good prince can require of his subjects.     
This was the oath, and this was also the answer of 
The coloured deceit in this oath.  the faithful. They were woorkemanly devices made by their crafts masters, with which many might have been snared, s●…inge there was n●… mention made of Religion: that by this means the noble men being won with hope of peace, and bound with an oath, the way might be the more easy to bring their matters to pass.  
Whereas the men of Rochel (as we said before) pretending 
Rochel commanded to be besieged.  their privilege, had excused themselves, to be free from receiving any Garrisonnes of Soldiers, the King having often times threatened them by his letters, armies of footmen and horsemen were prepared out of hand to besiege the city. Monsieur de Anuil, and Monluce 〈◊〉, received the like commaunment to besiege Montauban. Notwithstanding Danuil was very much busied in divers places of his Liefetenantship.  
There were also in every Provines pressinges and 
Musters of Soldiers.  moystering of soldiers but only of the catholics side: and they were such as were counted able men. These were commanded to provide them Armour, and to be ready at the first call. Also divers & sundry reports were brought daily to the prince of Conde: as, That the faithful congregation at Blais going●… to hear a Sermon at the place which the King had appointed them, was almost 〈◊〉, to the number of▪ 200.  
Beside this there were letters found out in divers 
Letters of the Catholics sound out.  places, which greatly bewrayed the secret Counsels and devices of the catholics: and their practising of the holy League with divers other conspiracies.  
Therefore all things grew daily to farther mischief: and rumours were every where of new murders, also the proud threatenings of the catholics, as in saying that the faithful should enjoy their goods but one month, were manifest signs of wars. But among all other murders the death of Amanzi a noble and modest man, grieved very much the prince of Conde & 
Amanzi, a noble man slain.  the rest of the faithful. This Amanzi, was slain at his own doors as he stood there, holding a young daughter of his in his hand. He was a man of comely parsonage, tall & great, and no less beautified with gifts of the mind, of singular modesty and humanity, & so well-beloved of all men, that a man would have thought it unpossible that, so amiable a man should have found any enemy.  
There came news also to the Prince of Conde, that 
The Prince of Conde in great peril.  the Armies which were sent to besiege Rochel, were called back again, & were sent to take him at Noi●…rst and that fowertene Cornets of horsemen, with fowertene Ensigns of footmen were coming to that part of Borgondy. The coming also of Theligni from the Court with the kings Answer (which was notwithstanding seasoned with maruellouse fair and sweet words) foreshowed sorrowful news.  
Therefore the Prince of Conde hanging doubtful and not kowing what to do, and being also certified by daily messengers in how great peril he stood, requested the Countess of 〈◊〉; that she would go unto the King on his behalf, and declaring unto him these things, would also beseech him, That his promises, so sollemly confirmed by his oath, by his Edict, and by his letters might not be broken: being so much the more injurious, because all these counsels are practised under the colour of his name, although he doubteth not of his true and sincere meaning.  
But the Countess of Roteline was scars●…y departed, when the Prince of Conde was admonished by messengers again, That except with all speed he did look un to himself, he would afterward repent his delay: for that the armies of the enemies approached so fast: and that he could not without great peril escape the hands of the garrisons which were so nigh. Again they told him, that it was certainly reported that the purpose of his adversaries was, to take him, and the Admiral.  
Therefore when the Prince of Conde had consulted with the Admiral, they perceiving that they had no longer time to tarry, they commended the success of all things to the providence of God, and took with them their wives and their children, and fled the xxij. day of August: the same day the Prince of Condes letters being delivered to the King: in the which he declared unto him the cause of his departure, and complained also of the injuries offered unto him.  

I AM SORRY (says he) most Christian King, that in all my letters which I have sent unto you since the 
Letters of the Prince of Conde sent to the King.  proclamation of the Edict, you have found nothing but complaints and lamentations of your subjects, and yet I am constrained too writ of the same unto you still. For if ever any subject had just cause to complain and lament to his Prince and sovereign Lord: then I and the rest of my brethren have cause so to do: who, a long time, have been abused and oppressed miserably with all kind of injuries and violence▪ The which they have born the more patiently, because they have thought, that time at the last would ease them of all their evils: and because they would let pass all occasions that might renew the wounds of former wars: although▪ by the goodness of God, they might have repelled those injuries many ways. The causes whereof, we know, O King, are not to be imputed unto you, who of yourself are so well inclined and disposed, that you are an utter enemy to such ways. The which you have often times declared unto me by your letters, and also by the communication which you had of late with your Mother the Queen, by which you declared how odious the renewing of troubles was unto you: when as you requested her to seek to pacify all things, and to bring to pass that the civil wars might be no more begun, which could not choose but bring in time, extreme destruction. But we impute the cause of these troubles to the Cardinal of Lorraine, and to his fellows, your adversaries, and enemies to your Crown and dignity: by whose wicked counsel and familiarity which they have with the King of Spaeine; dissensions and hartburnings have been continued these six years among your subjects, and are miserably fostered and increased by murders, which are daily committed every where at their beck, upon those which refuse to join with them. Wherein they do openly abuse your Majesty, that they may make yourself the instrument of the detestable destruction of your Realm: and they do also obscure your majesties fame, while they go about to constrain you to violate the warrant of your faith openly given and confirmed by your oath: that this one thing might be to all your subjects, and to all foreign Nations an example, never to credit your faith hereafter whatsoever by words you shall profess: the which how perilous and pernicious a thing it is for the conser vation of your state, do you not see? For what shall they say which have herded of our prompt and ready obedience which we have showed towards you, in disarming ourselves, and in dismissing our armies with all speed, going home to our houses void of armour, and discovering our naked breasts to the sharp sword of our adversaries, and all under trust & warrant of your faith? Shall your faith be said to be a net and share to entangle and slay your better sort of subjects, and shall their faithful obedience be thus tried? How long shall an army at your cost and charge be waged to guard and defend your enemies, but to work the destruction of your good and faithful subjects? What shall they say which understand of the peace made? Surely, they will say that we could not sleep safe in our own houses: & that to save our lives we are constrained with our wife and children to flee from house to house. I was no sooner come to this place in Burgundy, but there were divers spies sent to view the walls thereof and the altitude of the Castle. And now, because our adversaries would not fail to bring their mischievous purpose to pass, they have sent hither the chiefest part of their power, to hem us in, and to set upon us: Insomuch that we are constrained to departed from hence, and too wander up & down until God shall appoint a place of refuge: and all to avoid the brutish madness, the furies, and cruelties of the Cardinal and his compartners, enemies to the Crown of France. Can there be found in any monument of histories, and Chronicles an example of so great falsehood, and such detestable treachery, executed under the pretenced name of the King? Will you suffer your faith, your promise, and name to be so abused by them: and your subjects which serve you faithfully and truly, to be so violently oppressed? Shall an unchaste priest, a Tiger, and a cruel Tyrant▪ with a ra ble of such as he himself is, rule you and the rest of your Princes, & the Peers and Nobles of the realm? How long shall your patience suffer such javelles too abuse your authority and name, and make you the author of your own destruction? How long shall they be counted for faithful subjects and servants which seek for your Crown to divide the same with strangers? And how long shall they be counted for Rebels, and Traitors, which willingly submit themselves to that obedience which they own unto you, and desire only to live peaceably under your protection?  
I might be more tedious unto you, (most Christian King) if I would speak all that I might to this effect: the which, seeing they are more particularly declared in the Supplication which I have sent to your highness by this bearer, I refer myself to the same: and I shall most humbly pray and beseech your Majesty, to accept, to consider, and to way the same, as proceeding from him, who seeketh so much the preservation of your dignity and Royal estate, as the Cardinal and his fellows are mortal enemies to the same: yea, as proceeding from him who only wisheth to live and die in that natural subjection and loyal obedience which he oweth unto you.  
Therefore the Prince of Conde sent with these letters a Supplication, which although it be long and tedious, yet notwithstanding because it declareth the causes and reasons of great and grievous complaints, and showeth also the necessity of the war which he took in hand the third time, we will not let to put down the same in order.  
And thus the Prince of Conde began.  
Although I never doubted (most Christian King) of your majesties singular good will, to have your Edicts of pacification observed: because it is the only and most present remedy to establish the peace and tranquillity of your Realm: seeing also your Majesty hath oftentimes signified unto me how greatly the same was grieved for that you could not provide remedies for all things as you would: yet nevertheless when I had read over and diligently perused those answers that were brought unto me in your name to the letters which I gave to Theligny, to deliver to your grace, and also when I had herded those things which your Grace willed him to declare unto me by word of mouth: I could not, neither can I choose, but give most hearty thanks unto god that your Majesty persevereth in that good mind, and no less thanks to your highness also for the same. And thus I reply again to certain principal points of your answers with all reverence, modesty, and submission.  
And first of all, I reply to the answer of the first and second principal point of my letters: which are these: There are many of the reform religion, which have not taken my part, nor allowed of my Counsels: but contrariwise, there are some of them, because they known that the sword was not taken in hand for religions sake, which have obeyed you and your Officers in all places.  
I pray and beseech your Majesty, to remember and call to mind, that when you had intelligence of my true meaning, and of the very purpose and intent of such as followed me, your majesty by due advice and deliberation, declared by an Edict made in the year M. D. lxii. That whatsoever I and they which followed me, had done, we had done the same to show our obedience, and to maintain your dignity, acknowledging me for your dear and faithful kinsman, subject. and servant, and all mine for your faithful and lawful subjects and servants. In this therefore there is manifest repugnancy and contrariety: because, if I and mine have born armour for any other cause than for the obedience sake which we own unto your Majesty and for the preservation of the same, than no doubt we should worthly be found guilty, both of rebellion and treason. But as we can by no means be persuaded that your majesty would be so manifestly contrary to yourself, so also I affirm that it may easily appear that these answers were forged and devised by the Cardinal of Lorraine & his fellows, to discharge that poison which a long time hath lyen in their stomachs, and also to make your majesties faithful and loving subjects to be suspected of treason and rebellion. Of the which crimes, seeing we are in no point to be convinced by the goodness of God, we are ready rather to die, than to suffer the same falsely to be imputed to us by the Cardinal and his fellows: but we will prove that the matter is far otherwise than they have falsely and sclaunderously reported the same unto you. In the mean time I beseech your Majesty to consider with what show of truth can these things be spoken, when as I, and others of my brethren were of late admonished of the counsel had at Baione with the King of Spain, to the utter destroying and banishing of all those, which profess the reform religion within the Realm: if the ways and means, by which I and the Admiral, under the colour of coming to talk with you at the castle of Vincen, should have fallen into the hands of our adversaries: of the new muster of men at Paris: of the letters of Duke de Alba to you, in which you were put in mind of the holy league: Truly it is not likely that we would have tarried the coming of the Swissers armies, or the Spaniards, if we had meant any harm. Can it be denied, but that we have sought all means & ways possible, that might be for peace? Can it be objected unto us, that at any time from the first beginning of these troubles, we have required any other thing of your Majesty, than the liberty of our consciences, and the conservation of our lives goods, and dignities? Saving that among other things, when I was at Saindionyse, I required of your Majesty that you would have some consideration to ease, not only the Nobility, but also the commonalty of those intolerable burdens laid upon them▪ And your answer being known to this our petition, we have not since that time spoken one word of the same. When we had about us great power, that if we would have abused the same, we had not been able to be resisted, did we then enlarge our petitions? When you offered unto us your faith, did not we embrace the same, making no further request? Was there any other mat ter propounded in the tractation of peace, than the liberty of our consciences? Did we not put our lives, our goods, and dignities into your hands upon trust of your promise? Were not we content with the observation of the Edict only? Doth the edict of pacification comprehend any other thing, then that which appertaineth to the conscience? If therefore you have not tried our minds in receiving the conditions of the peace propounded, and in showing ourselves so tractable: if the slanders concerning the violating of your dignity, be not sufficiently refuted (as in deed they be in the judgement of all indifferent men) yet notwithstanding you have certain and evident arguments of our promptness and obedience, when as so readily we unarmed ourselves at your commandments, and carefully dismissed our Armies. Notwithstanding the which sure and undoubted sign of obedience, we could receive no other benefit then that which was contrary to your promises: in so much that your Edicts may seem to be snares & traps only to entangle us withal, that is to say, that by the false colour and pretence of peace, we might receive that injury, which by open war we could never sustain.  
Concerning the fourth principal point, which is:  
That your Majesty hath willed and commanded nothing more, than the observation of the edict, after the troubles of wars were appeased, without any manner of impediment: and have always commanded your officers to defend your subjects all alike without respect of any Religion, and quietly to govern them without offering of them any injury.  
I marvel (truly) that the Cardinal of Lorraine and his fellows which have framed these answers, remember not that many letters were taken in the time of these troubles, by which you commanded your Lieutenants, your parliaments, and other of your officers, that they should do clean contrary to those things which were contained in the edict: Let them remember what was answered to the writing sealed in your name by your Secretaries, to the States of Languedoc: let them remember what answer was made to the parliament of Tholoz, against the four bloody decréese, by the same commanded to be put in execution, for you said in your letters, that this thing pleased you well, and would always be acceptable unto you, that you greatly desired that they would deal ever after in that manner, having altogether regard and respect to the rescriptes and commandments, by you already, or hereafter to be granted for Religion's sake: and in such wise, that all the men of our Religion, and they which by any manner of means aid and assist us should be counted as Rebels. And, to make the matter more plain by reasons, Is there any City which enjoyed the reform Religion after the proclamation of the edict? Nay, is there any City in the which there were any number of the faithful that hath not had the streets thereof defiled with their blood? Have they not in the chief cities, as at Paris & Lions, sold the goods of the faithful by port sale? Was not Lomen, one of your privy counsel, much abused, first his house spoilt, then, he himself greatly oppressed with divers injuries, and afterwards cast into prison, notwithstanding that he earnestly entreated you to have some consideration of him. Is there any place found with in your whole Realm, in the which the faithful at any time till this day might devil or sleep in safety? And if any by some miracle escaped the cruel and bloody hands of our Adversaries the former troubles, yet they were cast into prison, where many starved for lack of food, & many as yet remain in prison, and are cruelly entreated, as at Lions, at Pny, at Tholez, and in divers other places. And since the time of the edict, have there not some been cast into prison, at Cannot, Altisiodore (or Auxer) at Tholoz, and at Belu? And when your letters are delivered unto them the judges make answer that they have commandment to deliver none out of prison that are in for Religion. What City is it since the peace concluded, that hath given leave to the faithful peace ably to enjoy their houses therein, and in the which they have not been abused, spoilt, and in divers places slain? Moreover, is there any one of the reform Re ligion which hath not been in the stelde with me, that is restored again to his office from the which before he was deprived? And yet notwithstanding it was contained in the edict proclaimed in your name, that so many of the reform Religion as had been deprived from their offices, should be restored to them again. Are not all they banished from your Court which are suspected for Religion? And to come from the lowest to the highest. What authority have I in my Lefetenantship? what authority hath the Admiral in the admiralty? what authority hath the Andelot in his general captainshippe of the foolmen? Why was Bochaven put by his Lieutenantship? But if the Cardinal go about to make a distinction or difference, between those which hare Armour with me in the field, and those which abode still at home, why was Mornilliere, and Senarpont, who, as all men know, tarried still at home, and came not in the field, banished and deprived of their lietuenant ships? Can there be any thing more contrary to your edict than these things? We are sorry for these things not because of Ambition, but because we are counted disobedient and breakers of your Edicts: and also because we are out of hope, to be accounted and handled as your faithful servants & as we deserve, forsomuch as the law is in their hands, whom we know to be earnest stekers of troubles.  
And because in the said principal point, it is said, It cannot be found in any place of the Realm, if any thing have been done contrary to the edict, but that the same hath been by and by provided for and remedied. I cannot choose but marvel with that face the Cardinal & his fellows can defend this thing. Can it be denied but that after the proclamation of the edict of peace, there were an infinite sort of injuries and murders committed, of which so many complaints have been made to your majesty? Can it be truly said that there hath been any remedy had, (and much less, that there hath been any punishment) for these things? And to prove this thing, lest I should be tedious to your Majesty in expressing all things, I will repeat among so many the chiefest, which are not tolerable among the heathen and barbarians. And amoungest all other the cruel murder of Amboyse, in the which there were a hundred and sortye slain, of all ages, estates, and sorts of men and women.  
If you be remembered, when you could bear with so, cruel a fact, you sent thither marshal Cosse, who, when he had found out the authors of so great murders and had apprehended them, sent word thereof unto you. Then the Cardinal of Lorraine, like a patron of thieves and murderers, maintained their cause, and said to all your Counsel, that there aught to be a consideration had of those men, which were moved of a zeal to do as they had done: that is to say with such a zeal as his brother Frances Duke of Guise had declared aforetime in the horrible slaughter at Vasse. And in deed the matter was so handled, by the labour and travail of the said Cardinal, that the prison doors were set open, & those abominable murderers delivered. And to the end it might appear what small dislike they had of that deed, they brought to pass, that whatsoever the men of Amboys required, was granted. But specially they obtained. That no manner of use of the reform Religion should be had at Amboys, nor within three leagues of the same. The like happened at Auxer, where after the peace made were slain, a hundred and fifty: where also an infinite sort of mischiefs mother were committed: as the taking away of the money which we had provided to pay the Germans their wages: and the imprisoning and kill of many of those, which were put in trust to carry the same. Thither Monpenser and divers others were sent to examine the matter: but what was done to reform this great disorder.  
Was not the cruel murder of Cipierre with six and thirty men mother showed unto you, Baron Arci also named to be the author of the murder? and what other reformation followed them that which was wont to be? And yet notwithstanding the Cardinal says that all things have been provided for. But we affirm, which also is most true, that there is no reformation provided any where for any disordered wickedness, & wicked disorder. But if there hath been any reformation at all among so many cruelties, Murders, Robberies, force of women, ravishings of virgins, and among so many wickednesses of all sorts, committed at Troy, at Orleans, Lions, Valence, Amiens, Theloz, and in Maine, we must then needs confess that we have complained without cause. But if it be true, shall the Cardinal of Lorraine constrain us to confess, that justice is there, where injustice and impunity doth bear the sway? Shall he make us believe that the Sun shineth at midnight, and the Moon at noontyde? It may therefore be said, O King, that your Cities are places of refuge for thieves & murderers, despoiled of their true and native Citizens, full of errors and dissolute people void of all order, and deprived of justice, and all show of equity.  
To the ninth point, where you protest, That you have appointed watch and ward in the ports, bridges, & passages to no other end, than to keep your subjects within the bounds of peace and concord, to defend the good from the practices of the evil, and to restrain the force of the wicked. In deed I acknowledge your sincere and perfect good will: but to the end you may know how in pudently they abuse your name, I beseech you to command them to exhibit unto you a form and pattern of the commandments, which are given to those Warders, that they may order the whole matter after their own wills, preferibing the same to be done in steed of your commandment. And by those commandments you shall plainly perceive, that those warders and soldiers were appointed to no other end, than to vex and oppress by all means the professors of the reform Religion: and therefore, as they abuse your name▪ so also they abuse your will most impudently: as the effects like and agreeing with these commandments do sufficiently declare: in the writing of the which commandments I do note the style of the Cardinal of Lorraine.  
But as touching that which you say in the. xi. branch, That your Majesty, aught to have no consideration of appointed garrisons, when the advancement of your dignity is in question: and that the Queen's houses, & the houses and lands of other noble men also, have garrisons also set to oversee them: I pray and beseech you most Christian King, to persuade yourself that there is no man to whom I give place in showing my readiness and good will to obey your Majesty. If therefore it were profitable unto your Majesty, to appoint Garrisons to oversee and watch my house, I would esteem it for great honour to spend, not only my house and lands, but also my life, to obey you. And where as garrisons are appointed over the queens houses, & over the houses of other Noble men, it is done for another consideration. Moreover I had great injury done to me, when I was denied to have passage into my own Lieutenantship and circute: the which cannot justly be done except I were guilty of Treason, or of some such detestable crime. For whereas I am moved in that thirteen branch, Not to credit the rumours of neither part, that truly is very dangerous: for those things which are reported of us, can be proved by no manner of effect or deed: as for those things which are reported of the catholics, they are evidently proved by deeds. For whereas you protest that you never allowed those Confraternities of the holy Ghost, but counted them manifest violations of your edict: I will not hide from you what happened of late in this matter: About the eighteen day of july last paste, there was an open conventicle of three thousand men at Divion, in the which jan Begat a Counsellor of the Parliament of Divion, with Fio●…, Raimond, and Malleroy his fellows, and with the two sons of Tawans (because he himself being let with sickness could not be there) made a long oration to the whole assembly, showing how necessary it was for every man to be vigilant, lest they were oppressed by false Princes which went about to rule the King. Therefore he exhorted every one to provide Armour Money, great horse, Guns, and all manner of Artillery: for the which cause, a Treasury should be made, that therein money might be gathered together for the defence of the Fraternity. And for collecting of this money, was appointed the Abbot Bussier: and when he had exhorted & persuaded that assembly with many words to be contributors to the treasury, he commanded all that were present to hold up their hands, upon that condition, that if war were moved, every man should to the uttermost of his power seek to bring those things to pass which were deliberated & devised by the Consistory appointed to this end, without having any regard or consideration of Father, Mother, Brethren, Sisters, Wife, Children or Kinsfolks. And when one of those which were present by and by demanded of him whether your Majesty would allow the doing of these things: Begat, made answer that you had already confirmed these things with your letters: and that Tawans had given letters unto his Secretary, for the better credit whereof, he himself being sick, had sent thither both his sons to justify the same, until he could be present himself: which he trusted would be shortly. Also he added further, that if your Majesty should not allow of the same, it were no great matter, because there were others to whom they might safely trust and lean: saying moreover, that they ought to have regard to those letters, which your Majesty should writ to Tawans or to the Parliament concerning the observation of the edict, because there was between your Grace and them, a special and secret manner of talk, which was not of all men understood. Tawans also sent letters to the men of Crevan, which were delivered unto them the seven and twenty day of july: by which his letters he exhorted them to use the like society or brotherhood: promising unto them that he would bring to pass that your highness should confirm and allow the same.  The like confraternity was begun at Maine, many noble men entering into that society, being Catholics, as Baron Uasse, Tuarsi, Surchi, and many others which were either present themselves, or else confirmed that society by their substitutes, whom they sent thither with letters. The like are also to be found in divers other places of your Realm. And to the end all men might be the more encouraged hereunto, they which were present at these assemblies, were told, that your highness had allowed them by your letters: and to other some which were more subtle, it was said, That the Cardinal of Lorraine wonlde bring to pass that you should allow all those their doings. These things, O king are contrary to your Edict. If they will excuse themselves and say, that they had special and necessary occasions offered them thus to do, as by your special commandment, of the which also you written unto me, that there should be musters of men in every province, especially of such as were able men: I say that these societies go beyond that Commission, and are nothing agreeable with your commandment. I say also that the same devise to have a description and view taken of your people, hath given occasions to those pernicious assemblies to assault your dignity: beside that it is done contrary to the laws of your ancestors, which were ever aware and circumspect to keep secret to themselves the number of their power. 
But as touching the sixteen branch, where you say, That I know that your Majesty hath written to the Senate of Tholoz, concerning the rapine there committed. In deed I will not deny but that I known of the sending of your letters, to the men of Tholoz, in the which you said, that you had seen many decrees given forth by them expressly against Rapine, in the time of troubles: and that you thought, that they had done all things upon just grounds and considerations. Whereupon they conclude that the same sentence or decree is so confirmed by you: the which is false: seeing the same decree against Rapine, was given forth the thirteen day of April, and therefore after the Edict made and proclaimed.  
As touching the eighteen branch, where you say, That you are very sorry, that justice is not truly and purely ministered as you desire and would have it: the which you could not hitherto remedy, because the men of the reform Religion, had not so fully observed the Edict as they aught, all the Cities which they held, being not rendered up, when as your Majesty yourself had first of all given them an example of the observation of the Edict.  I would gladly demand of the Cardinal of Lorraine and his fellows, whether I forsook and rendered up Orleans, by and by, yea or not, and whether at my commandment the like was done at Auxer, at Suessi, and in divers other places in these parts: and as touching those cities which were farther of, I demand whether I sent not certain with my letters to command them to sollowe my example in yielding up themselves? But to be short, if I have pretermitted no thing which was my duty to do, and which I was able to do, can it be truly said that I have kept my authority still over those Cities which are not surrendered? To whom therefore may you justly impute the cause, but to the Cardinal of Lorraine, who is the the very cause of all violence committed, at Orleans, at Suessi, at Ualence, at Cisteron, at Auxer, and at Saint Spirit the which cities being cruelly vexed, have notwithstanding showed the principal part of obedience. Was this way to 'cause other cities to surrender, and to lay aside their armour? Was the staying of the proclamation of the Edict, the way, too make the same too be observed? Should not the Edict have been proclaimed, before the men of the reform Religion had been punished for not observation of the same? But they are so far from desiring the observation of the Edict according to the prescript of your will, that we have found some of their letters, clean contrary too the same, an example and copy whereof we have sent unto you: the letters themselves are in the hands of the Queen of Navarre, being written by the two Capitolles of Tholoz (the Magistrate of a town is so called) to their fellows, saying that your Majesty was sorry that the Edict was not proclaimed at Tholoz, because thereby the surrender of the Rebellious Cities would be delayed: and therefore it was necessary for the comen profit of all men, that the proclamation should be made in the Parliament out of hand: notwithstanding without any manner of solemnity in the proclaiming thereof, and with those exceptions which the Court shall think meet. But some will reply and say, that we must not have regard to a few seditious people: truly, we would with all our hearts make no account of them, if so be their seditious counsels were not effectually commanded and yours rejected. For it is most true, that you were feign so sand commandment four several times before your Edict would be proclaimed: and then it was not so ●…oolorably and fraudulently, as maliciously and spitefully done: adjoining to the words of the Edict, contrary to the express form thereof, this sentence, 〈◊〉 is contained in the secret and privy Commentaries of the Senate, by the which words it is plain that they have inserted exceptions clean contrary to the Edict. Whereby it may evidently appear, that they are more careful to defend and enlarge their own dignity, than the preservation of your Majesty and authority: As though their honour did depend upon any other than upon you: and although they had any other authority to defend than that which appertaineth unto you. The which they shall not do, so long as I can found any way to hinder, them. And yet notwithstanding their Rebelli on and boldness is so far from reproof, that you have written your letters, at the suit of some, to approve & maintain the exceptions and delays in proclaiming your Edict. 
Moreover, where as you say in the former branch, That your Majesty hath in nothing broken your promise, I pray you heartily give me leave to say, that neither I nor any one of the reform Religion, have felt as yet any fruit or profit by this peace, and have enjoyed none of those things which you have promised unto us: but have felt the oppression & violence showed to us ward since the peace made, to be a great deal more than the hurt and detriment which we received by open war: Insomuch that in respect of ourselves, we may truly say: The time of war, was to us the time of peace: and the time now of pretended peace, is to us the time of most cruel war.  
Concerning the last branch, where you say, That it is very unreasonable and far from the duty of a good subject, to go about to abrogate the authority of your Majesty, but that you might when peril is like to ensue and for the avoiding of the destruction of one of your chief Cities, to altar and change the places appointed for preaching of Sermons: and that you are fully persuaded that the reasons and considerations were such, why that liberty was taken from Lions, that I also would have approved them, if I had been of your counsel. I most heartily beseech your Majesty to think, that I would never so much forget myself and my duty, that I would but once have a thought to diminish your dignity: but contrariwise I protest that I would most gladly spend my life to seek all means and ways that might enlarge the same. Let your Majesty call to mind also, that this liberty of Lions is a matter of great weight, which also was so greatly debated among us, when the peace was in question. And it is well known that the same matter hath been handled heretofore in your counsel at Sangerman, when the making of the Edict of january was in hand: at which time were present the most principal of your privy counsel, & the chiefest men out of all your Courts within this Realm of both sorts of Religion: by whom, after long disputation it was concluded, that in the bordering Cities, as in Mets, Bolone, Callece, Ardes, and in such other like places, there should be a preaching place, with in those cities, to avoid all occasions of lying in wait & of treason. Notwithstanding the Cardinal of Lorraine and his fellows, will persuade, if they can, that they which seek and require the precise observation of ancient constitutions, and of the Edicts, would abrogate your majesties authority: and that they and their fellows, seek to maintain and enlarge the same, when as in deed they would have it quite abolished.  
Furthermore it is contained in the former branch, That your Majesty was sorry that your subjects would not persuade themselves of that security and peace, which they should receive from you, and that they would not obey you as it become them: Truly I protest that there is nothing more grievous unto me than that I cannot be with you, and obey and serve you alone, as I have always wished, and do also at this present most earnestly desire: But I pray and beseech you consider, that if spies be daily sent unto me to view my doings, and my house, to see if they can hurt me by any manner of means, what peace and security should I have if I were with you, when my enemy hath in his own hand the ordering of your power and authority. Therefore if it be certain, (as I neither aught, nor can doubt) that it is your will, that your Edicts should be observed, and that the public peace which you have granted and confirmed with an oath, should also be of all men embraced: but contrary to your highness pleasure, your subjects are cruelly slain, and murdered, throughout your whole kingdom, & that freely without redress: Again if flat against your majesties commandment, Leagues be concluded, Societies and Fraternities assembled, soldiers mustered, armour and harness made ready, money levied, and all other things that belong to open and manifest war be prepared: if for law and justice, Rapine and injustice reign, and your Majesty (with contempt of all estates) disobeyed, and that which is more compelled to violate and break your public promise made to all your subjects: upon whom I say shall all these tormoyles be fathered, but upon the Cardinal of Lorraine author & maintainer of all dissensions & disorders which do so furiously rage thorough all this Realm? And although your Majesty and all those that are not wedded to the Cardinal do know this matter to be so as I have said: yet because it tendeth to the defacing & overthrow of your grace's honour (in maintenance whereof I am more earnest because I perceive the Cardinal hath long ago purposed to overthrow it) he doth accuse both me and all other of the reform religion, and would with his wiles charge us with treason and rebellion, whereof he himself is guilty.  
Wherefore, seeing we cannot suffer so great injury any longer, we are determined to dissemble no further in so great and so weighty matters: for our long and almost incredible patience and sufferance of wrongs, doth but puff up the Cardinal, and make him to crow over us. And therefore to be short, I beseech your highness to consider what mark he shot at, when he & his family made claim and title to the Dukedom of Anjou, and the County of Provence, what he meant so curiously to search out his pedigree, whereby he purposed to prove that he was of the blood Royal of the lawful Kings of France, and that our Ancestors had wrongfully taken the Crown from his house, and usurped it▪ likewise, I humbly des●…re your Grace to mark for what end and purpose they used such outrage and tyramme in the time of King Frances the second, to destroy & raze out the houses of Bourbon, Momorencie, and Chastillon, whose destruction they had sworn and vowed long before, with all other the Princes and Noble men, which they thought would set themselves to withstand their wicked attempts: and that this was their intent, their doings of late sufficiently proved. For as soon as it was talked abroad that the Queen (your highness mother) was not like to live here any longer, forthwith they took counsel and devised how to murder the Cardinal of Bourbon, the chancellor, the Marshalles, and divers other Noble men of your Counsel: and sent moreover letters throughout the whole kingdom too their friends to raise up and gather together soldiers to destroy all such as did in any respect disallow of their d●…inges. But because this en●…prise could not be done under pretence of Religion (for with that cloak they use to hide all their mischiefs) because they whose blood they sought, professed the same religion that they did: they devised a new snare to entray them in, and charge them as earnest favourers of the protestants, & therefore to be expedient, yea and necessary to dispatch them out of the way, for so might they with less labour destroy the protestants themselves. Wherefore, they term them Neuters, and say that they are worse and more hurtful than the huguenots. And if so be the Cardinal could (which God forbidden) bring his purpose to effect both against the princes and Noble men of the reform religion & also against them which profess the Romish religion, and yet favour not their proceedings, (whom they call Neuters, because they love peace and hate trouble and dissension) is there any that either would or could defend your majesty from their cruel hands? Is there any that could stay them from rending your Crown of your Grace's head, which they say your progenitors have usurped unlawfully against their ancestors? Can your Majesty require a more lively representation or sufficient proof of the Cardinal's saucy ambitious boldness, then that he showed, when he took your grace and your highness mother the Queen weeping and lamenting, as captives & prisoners with open force of arms from Fountainblean to Melune, & from thence in tumultuous haste to Paris: and caused your majesties entrance into that famous City to be as dishonourable to your highness as it was wont to be honourable and glorious to your noble progenitors.  
Which his doings have been the only and true causes of the former wars & other dissensions that have ever since raged throughout your majesties Realm. And may it not be easily proved, how grievous your grace's authority hath been always to the Cardinal, and how continually he hath repyned at it, and done what possible he could to draw your faithful and loyal subjects from their duefifull obedience towards your majesty, as may appear in that his suit wherein he sought too have Frances, Duke of Guise, made one of the Princes of the Empire, and got for that purpose a warrant from the Emperor, which he would have proclaimed through all your Kingdom, had not Monsieur Ausant & Monsieur Halsede stayed him, who, although they were of one religion with him, yet could they no longer dissemble or see so great in●…urie done to your highness: as though your majesty could not protect and defendea Cardinal as well as other your subjects, unless he●… fled to the Emperor for succour, by whom or of whom he hath, I am sure nothing, unless it be a cankered imperial, and not a true French heart towards your majesty: whereof he gave sufficient proof in the Council of Trent, where in steed that according to his duty, he aught to have kept and maintained those prerogatives that time out of mind have been given and granted to the Kings of France your ancestors: He I say, in steed of this his loyal duty, called them in doubt and question, seeking by all means to challenge and claym●… them for the Spanish King. Wherein he hath both done great injury to your majesty and the will kingdom: and also sought thereby to bring your Grace in fear, and to stand in awe of him by reason he is in such favour and estimation with the king of Spain, to whom he communicateth all the affairs of this realm. There was never any devise invented or practised, neither in the first or second wars, whereof King Philip hath not been both an author and fautour, whose chief desire is, to see the greatest part of your Nobility destroyed, that he might the easier conquer your kingdom. For surely, there is no more effectual means to bring that his purpose to pass, then to set us together by the ears by sowing of strife and dissension. And to what other end●…●…an those Confraternities and brother hoods (as they call them) of the Holy Ghost be referred then to this. For some of the Noble men which are admitted into that fellowship, are so wedded unto it, that they utterly forget their duty, and do conspire with them the death of such noble men as profess the reform religion: whose desire is to live quietly with them in the band of brotherly love as becometh good subjects under one prince, and friends allied together either in kindred or affinity. And who I beseech your majesty, hath been the author of these holy brotherhoods, but the Cardinal? who hath promised to procure your warrant for them, notwithstanding your highness hath declared them to be hurtful and prejudicial to your honour, and therefore to be disallowed? And what shall we think of his sending abroad through all the whole kingdom, wherein he willed that no man should either give credit to or obey your majesties commandments, unless the letters which were sent were signed with special signet? and surely, through this his doing, no commission that ever came out from your grace for the observation of the edict was in any point obeyed and executed: so that we may both justly and truly say, that he & none but he hath been author of these broils and tumults. Furthermore, who did hinder the publishing of the Edict? and who doth st●…y the execution of it? who emboldened the Parliament of Tolouze, to rage's so tyrannically as they did? And who but he and his confederates hath driven your Majesty into such straight distress, that you are compelled to violate your public promise made and solemnly confirmed by oath, and thereby to have your credit and honour cracked amongst all foreign nations? yea we are able to prove how he himself written letters to your majesties mother and had the A●…males hand subscribed unto them, letting hi●… to understand, that he could not stay the conclusion of the peace (whereto necessity drane them) notwithstanding he would so work that it should never be kept. By whose means is justice & equity banished out of this realm, and most fi●…thy and dissolute liberty of factions and seditions brought in with all kind of traitorous murdering of those that will not yield to their tyranny. Who is it that sendeth ruffians and desperate people every day, yea even home to my own house to murder both me and the Admiral? and this have two (whom I have taken) confessed. Who enticed certain Knights of S. Michael's order, & other Captains to murder the Admiral, who (God be thanked) had warning given by them that should have done the deed? Who procured Monsieur Sipierre to ●…e slain and to the number of five and thirty Noble men with him, but he? For his Brother the Duke of Guise would commonly boast of it a month and more before it was done: and being done, he himself had the first tidings of it. Yea who but he or his men slew Monsieur Amanze, sitting at his own door with his young daughter in his arms, who had offended neither part, but lived quietly with all men of both Religions? Nevertheless, when his Nephew the Duke of Lorayn had advertised him, that it were expedient for him, that he absented himself from your Grace, because many did bear him deadly hatred: & because he, ruling all things at his own pleasure, should be charged as author and causer of all the troubles and miseries that had, or should endamage the common weal of the kingdom: He made him answer, That he ruled not at all, and that he made not his abode with your Majesty, but because he did not know any other place wherein he could be more safe and fr●…e from danger. Whereby it is euid●…nt, that for his ●…uegard only, your highness Army is maintayn●… t●… your exceeding great charges, which must needs bring with it a very dangerous and mischievous end. For if so be the safety and strength of a king doth consist upon the good will and love of his ●…ub ●…ectes, what cause can be invented whereby he should enforce your Majesty to take armour against those whose only desire is to show the liege and loyal obedience they own to your majesty? But he thinks the pretence and show of your name and authority sufficient to hide and cloak his mischievous doings, in so much he spared not of late to say, that your highness gave him this answer: That shortly men would have gathered in their hay and corn, and have made an end of their vinetage: that the Rivers would be so high with showers of rain, that men could not pass over the said Rivers: that your treasury should shortly be enriched with tributes: and that then war should be proclaimed against those of the reform religion: but in the mean time the chief maintainers thereof were to be dispatched out of the way. Yea such is the impudency of the man that he is not ashamed to brag that the Queen hath complaining wise found fault with him, That their purpose of our destruction was not brought to effect, notwithstanding the feast of San jan was passed, in which time he had promised to rid the greatest part of us out of the way. And as yet, none were dispatched but only Monsieur Sipierre: whereunto he made answer, That he had done the best he could, to keep promise: but all would not serve, because the Noble men were always speedily informed of all his devices: notwithstanding he was in good hope to compass the matter and in the mean season it was expedient that your majesty (O Christian king) should feed us with vain hope and gentle letters till they might spy out fit occasion and opportunity to accomplish their desires. And what other can your grace conceive of that sum of money which they procured jan Baptist to send to you? was not the usury beyond all reason to give a hundredth for an hundredth? do they not by this their money show what good will and love they bear your highness? wherefore can any man say that we of the reform Religion do without urgent and great cause assault the Cardinal of Lorraine? how long shall he with subtle treacheries abuse your Majesty, and make you believe that we seek not him but you? seeing we protest before God that we desire to have no man but him only and his confederates: and why we ●…o so we have declared both just & necessary causes. How long shall credit be given to his old jugglings and lies? I most heartily beseech the queens Majesty to remember his former talk at Chantelliere, where she told the Constable and the Admiral, that the Cardinal was born to sow strife & dissension wheresoever he was, and that he, was the chief and only cause of all the broils and factions that were fostered through out all the Realm. Let her call to her mind the purpose of that wise and prudent king Henry, who perceiving the ambitions and wicked dispositions of the Cardinal and all his brethren, was fully bent a little before he died to have banished them all from his Court to Lorraine. But here note the judgement that the Emperor Maximilianus that now is, gave of him when he written to your Majesty. That all the wars and dissensions that trouble the state of Christians, were both begun and maintained by a couple of Cardinals, the Cardinal Granuellan and him of Lorraine: notwithstanding all this he abideth with your Majesty, a great army is maintained to guard and defend him, that subtle Serpent at your charges is maintained to suck your own blood, who tarrieth for nothing but only to spy out fit occasion and opportunity to spit out his venomous poison against your grace. What blindness hath bewitched us that strangers and foreigners can see the destruction that hangs over our heads and yet we cannot perceive it, having it amongst us as it were in our laps? Is there any man so ignorant that doth not see him practise his old and I●…neterate treacheries to the intent he might thrust out and depose the lawful & true hie●…e from the crown, and then give it to a stranger? what doth he make of Religion but a cloak and a veil to cover his villainy? Can any man think that he setteth by or beareth any zeal to that Religion, which he willingly of his own accord would have forsaken, and in stead of it have embraced the confession of Ausburge, only upon this condition that Francis the Duke of Guise might be choose one of the Prince's electors of the Empire. If any man say unto him that it is very perilous & likely that the Spanish King triumphing at our destruction, will to our grea●… grief set upon and invade the Kingdom, such is his shameless impudency, that he will not stick to say openly that the Queen doth not much care for that, because she loveth her daughters as well as her sons. And although God would grant your Majesty both might and power to pacify all controversies amongst us for Religion, yet surely there is no hope ever to extinguish the engrafted grudges and hatred that the Cardinal and his companions do daily sow amongst your subjects. For what salve, what remedy can be devised for that wound, which through murders and spoils is made every day more and more incurable? Is there any hope to reconcile your subiec●…s and set them at one again, whose st●…macke are with these furious and bloody cruelties, set on fire with inquen●…h able flame of hatred? Nay sure it is passed all doubt that these old displeasures and hateful harthurning will last from one generation to another, and pass from one to another eu●… by succession and heritage as lands and ●…ubstance do, yea it is to be feared that the same misery and destruction will over whelm●… us that hath fallen upon the Queen of Scots, through the wicked and devilish counsel of the Cardinal. If we see the Commons to ri●…e up and ●…ebell for custom and tribut●… of salt and for unreasonable taxes that there Princes lay upon them (which causes be unlawful and feditious) what then shall they do that have just and necessary causes to allege forthemselues, who are not only spoiled and bere●…ed of there goods but also of there consciences, dignity, honour and life: that by this mean he might more easle compass his long desired wish to depose your Majesty and hath for this purpose full craftily raised civil broils as more fit for his purpose then foreme wars. Is there any injury that can drive a man sooner into desperation then when he seeth his conscience, his honour, honesty, and life affaulted? wherefore if I (whom it hath pleased God to place in near degree of bl●…d to your Grace & am besides that natural conjunction bond by other great occasions to be careful for the preservation of your honour and dignity:) together with the Admiral, one of your chief and most●… no●…le officers and many other Noble men who are your highnes●… natural liege and loyal subjects do see the enemy even before your gates, shall not we hazard and spend both life and goods to chase him away? shall we be such traitors both to ourselves and our Cou●…ey, that when we see the ●…atter mani●… we shall hold our tongues and suffer our enemies furiou●…y without r●…sistance to i●…ade v●…? shall we your Princes and subjects so behave ourselves that it may worthily and justly another day be cast in our teeth and said, That we without regard of our allegiance which by 〈◊〉 he w●… 〈◊〉 promised to your Grace, ●…ue suff●…ed our lawfu●…l Prince and appoyn●…ed by God 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of his throne: shall we suffer ourselves to b●… 〈◊〉 noted with such rep●…oche of perjury and treachery as to have seen the sceptre and Crown of ●…ur country rend from the right and true heir and given to an usurping stranger? but admit the Cardinals doings tend not to the utter destruction of your Majesty, yet no man can deny but that council which he giveth unto your grace is not only disordered and unjust but also very pernicious and intolerable.  
There is nothing more acceptable before God, or that draweth nearer too his divine purity, then for a King to govern his subjects and people with justice and equity: again there is nothing more beseeming the office and duty of a King, then to love, promote, and further peace and tranquillity, and to defend his subjects committed to his charge from all calamities and annoy. What hath been the cause that so many common wealths have been preserved in flourishing estate so long, but only the peaceable and quiet government of the commons without any violence or injuries? But amongst all those counsels which that wicked Cardinal hath and doth give to your Majesty, can one word be found that did or doth tend too the maintenance of peace and quietness? Nay rather at your graces great cost and charge, he maintaineth an army, that there by he may engender and nourish suspicions in your majesties breast, against those who covet nothing so much as to show the dutiful obedience they own to your highness. Is it not through him that you suffer those to be slain, murdered, and spoiled of all they have, whom your majesty is bond by your duty too defend and shield from all harm and distress? To be short is there any thing so contrary to justice and equity, as to wink at these infinite murders, and intolerable injuries, which by the cardinals procurement and allowance do so grievously afflict this whole kingdom, and are by them and his fellows falsely fathered to be your majesties proceedings.  
Wherefore, seeing this is evident and plain (as in deed it can not be denied) that it grieveth your Majesty (as you have often written to the Admiral and me) to be bereaved of lawful and due obedience, and to have justice defiled and corrupted, and have thereupon desired your mother that all things might be done quietly without any kind of tumult, and that the Edict might be observed, and all occasions eschewed that might pro cure civil wars, again being the extreme destructi on of your kingdom: if I say your Majesty have done all these things, and notwithstanding your faithful & true subjects do perceive that the Cardinal (who hath conspired our death) hath as it were violently and frau duntly possessed your authority, and abusing the same, doth charge your host and soldiers (contrari●… to the public warrant granted to us) to take both me and the Admiral by treason, and ambush: and doth also en force your Majesty to do all things contrary to the duty of a good and gracious King, to the intent he might weaken and slaken the good will and love of your subjects: Wese him also rule and govern the whole common wealth according to his own filthy lust, & to bring all things to such narrow straights, that every man's heart is ready to flame out with everlasting fire of dead lie hatred, by reason of so many horrible murders that escaped all unpunished & scotfree: seeing therefore that these things are so manifest what else can your subjects do in this extreme desperation, but to suppress that wicked Cardinal, author and beginner of all mischief. And surely the cause that urgeth them to seek this remedy is both just and lawful, seeing they can not suffer any man to reign over them but your Majesty: & see moreover your dignity and Crown their religion, honour goods, and lives, to be in the hands of their deadly enemies, nor have, nor can have any protection wherewith to shield themselves from such injuries as openly are both threatened and offered them. How can they either hope or suffer any longer, foreseeing in their minds that terrible and blustering tempest of troubles that is like to ensue? Whereof they have full many a time advertised your Majesty, & setting before your grace's eyes the fearful & lamentable state of things have very often most humbly craved remedy at your hands.  
These are the causes (O King) that have enforced me and the Admiral, and divers others of your subjects (who had rather to hazard their lives and die valiantly, and honourably, then to suffer so great injury & villainy to be wrought against your Majesty and the whole Realm) after long and earnest suit for other lawful means, to take this thing upon us. Wherefore we all desiring, and craving, the help and aid of all Princes & Noble men, confederate to secure your Majesty in these extreme dangers, do protest before God, and all the world, that this is our only intent & desire to have, The Cardinal of Lorraine and his fellows, and that it is they only whom we seek, as the very roots, causes, and maintainers of all trouble and mischief: Which threaten destruction & desolation to this kingdom, and to pursue them as perjured robbers, violaters of peace & chief and deadly enemies of all good orders and quietness. Wherefore let no man hereafter marvel, if I and my fellows refuse to obey any thing that shallbe ordained in your majesties counsel where in the Cardinal is present, not that we will disobethem as come from your highness, but as coygned and framed by the Cardinal and his companions, whom we utterly refuse & renounce both in public affairs that concern the common wealth, and also in private matters that only touch us, to the intent we be not charged with the troubles that may arise hereof, but he rather who is the author and father of them, the Cardinal I mean and his adherents.   
These letters and this supplication therefore being 
The Prince of Conde goeth to Noyers'.  delivered to the King, the prince of Conde went to Noiers with his wife great with child, and with his children also, of which, some were in their tender infancy. The Admiral also carried with him his whole family, & his brother the Andelots' wife, with her Son, which was then of the age of two years: with this weak Army the Prince of Conde went to Noyers', but not without great peril of the garrisons of soldiers which were at hand. Notwithstanding the Prince of Conde, what with his own men, and what with the household servants, of the Admiral, and certain other Noble men, which came to aid them, had an hundred and fifty horsemen to guard his train. But being in great peril and necessity, found out a remedy, though full of danger & adventure. Therefore, because the Havens, Ports, Bridges, and passages were warded with garrisons of soldiers, so that they could not pass, they determined to go over the River of Loyer. This River is in all places for the most part so deep, that a ship may pass by the same: Notwithstanding, because the force of the stream fretteth & worketh up great heaps of sands oftentimes, there is in certain places the less plenty of water. By reason hereof, they found by and by a shallow ford: over the which when an horse had safely passed, the whole multitude followed in like manner. The which passage was wonderful, seeing the very same place within two days after was so deep, that no man might in the same manner pass over again. The self same day certain armies of footmen which we said were sent for to leave the siege of Rochel, and to come to take the Prince of Conde, came to Sangodon, a village almost three miles distant from that part of the River, over the which the Prince of Conde had passed. Therefore when the Prince of Conde had a clear passage, he made the more speed in his journey towards, the house of the Rouchfaucalt in the territory of Santonge, shoonning all Towns and places, where he known Garrisons of soldiers to be set: and he written letters to marshal Viellevil, which was then at Poitiers, and to Monsieur Monluce, Lieutenant of Guian, signifying unto them, that his purpose was to go to the house of Rochefocault, only to leave his family in safety, and there to abide himself, until such time as he had received an answer of his letters (of which we spoke before) from the king.  
About this time also, the adversaries lay in wait 
The cardinal Chastillon fleeeth into England.  to take the Cardinal Odet Chastillon, abiding in the territory of Bellovac: of which he being certified, fled, and in fléeing, was chased by soldiers, till he came to the Sea: In so much that he was constrained to leave the greatest part of his carriage behind him, and to take Ship to pass over into England.  
It was also commonly reported about this time, 
The death of Charles son to King Philip.  that Charles, Son to King Philip of Spain, was dead. The causes were by divers men diversly reported: but that which was most credible, is, That the Inquisitors (suspecting him of certain things concerning religion) provoked & stirred up the displeasure of the Father against the Son, that he might deprive himself of his only Son, and of the lawful heir of spain. Shortly after this also, news was brought concerning the death of Elizabeth, wife to Philip King of Spain, and Sister to Charles King of France.  
Furthermore, the Duke of Alba, daily more & more played the tyrant in Flaunders, straining no courtesy at the shedding of innocent blood: whereupon the prince of Orange being moved partly to discharge his duty, being one of the Princes of the Empire, and partly for the love which he bore to his Country, caused a great Army to be in a readiness, that he might withstand the cruel tyranny of the said Duke of Alba.  
He had to aid him, great numbers of horsemen & footmen, which came out of Germany, out of France, and also out of the low Country. County L●…dowike also his brother, a valeant captain, came with a great number of good soldiers to join with him.  
COME LORD JESV, COME QVICKLY.   

The. ix. Book of Commentaries, concerning the state of Religion and of the common wealth of France under the Reign of Charles the ninth.  
THus began the third civil war in France being more notable than the others going before, both for the great attempts 
Anno Domini. 1568. in the month of August.  and enterprises, and also for the continuance of the same, for it troubled the Noble Realm of France for the space of two years. Therefore when news was brought to the Court of the departure of the Prince of Conde, there was open 
The state and condition of both parts.  provision made on both parts for the war: but both their conditions were not alike. For the Papists had Cities, Artillery money, and all manner of provision belonging to war, they had also the King's name, authority, and power, by which they prevailed more than by any other mean. But as for the Prince of Conde and the Protestants they had almost nothing, but the goodnes●…e of their cause, and courageous minds to defend them●…elues, who, though to the peril of the loss of their lives and goods, were almost desperate to defend the same: Moreover they which should have been helpers and furtherers of their cause, were hemmed in and shut ●…p throughout the whole Realm: in so much that it was marvel that the Prince of Conde was able to hold war, and to withstand his enemies, in so great extremity. There were great and urgent ca●…ses of new contention,▪ as the di●…pleasure taken for the breaking of the oath solemnly made, the breaking of the King's promise and common peace, and the me●…itable necessity of defending their consciences and lives. But the Papists being forward enough of themselves t●… destroy the godly, were pricked forward by the bloody ●…uriousnesse of the Cardinal of Lorraine.  
Therefore, by the King's commaund●…ment (for under this name the Papists did what they would) the Armies that were dismi●…t, were now called back again, new choice and muste●…s of men were had, and they were all commanded to be at Staples the. x. day●… of September. The whol●… ordering and charge of the war was committed t●… Alexander Duke of Angewe, the Kings brother, being but a young man: notwithstanding he had joined with him certain valiant captains as we said before. Then were baits and ●…nares subti●…ly laid, and in the kings name the governors of the Provinces published a decree, as thus: The King commandeth that all the men of the reform Religion 
The Kings▪ Decree.  be under his protection, no less than any other of his subjects: that they may have leave to complain of injuries done to them: that they may have remedies provided out of hand, as it is meet and convenient, for their defence: and that all Magistrates should be vigilant to defend them.  
In the mean time he that carried the Prince of Condes letters to the King, after the delivery of them, 
The messē●…er sent from the Prince of Conde 〈◊〉.  was taken, and committed prisoner to a certain noble man, and no answer made to the letters.  
The Prince of Conde, when he had stayed in the house of Rochfoucant certain days, went with his whole retinue to Rochel, of whose inhabitants he was very lovingly received. And thither came unto him the inhabitants of Xantonge, of Poictou, of Perigueux, of Engolmoys, and a great number of noble men of the Regions thereabouts, which embraced the reform religion: and as for the common sort of people, they came unto him out of all those quarters, by beapes. The C●…ties also called Saints, Tifauge, and Montagu, offered themselves unto him. But for all this, he sent letters to divers parts of the Realm, requiring ay●… of his fellows, and forsomuch as the Protestants were expulsed almost every City, it seemed good unto him that they should come with all speed to hi●… to Rochel, and then having greater power, to ioy●… battle with the enemy. Notwithstanding in many places by the wonderful providence of God, there were divers places of refuge reserved throughout the whole Realm, as to the men of Francoys, Sanferre, and Uezelay: to the men of Languedoe, Montalban, Castrealby, and Milliaulde, to the men of Dolpheny, which at that time were in great peril, the Cities of Uivaretze were reserved, as Albenac, Privac, and many others.  
But before the Prince of Conde began any war, he published a certain solemn declaration of the causes of the same: In manner and form, as followeth. I protest before God and his Angels, and before this holy assembly, that ●…as (I also declared in my last letters which I sent unto the King my Lord) intent to do nothing against his Majesty, which may either hurt his person or dignity: but taking him for my King and supreme Lord, next under God, by him so appointed, I protest that whatsoever I do, is for no other cause, but to keep and defend the liberties of our consciences, the free use of the reform Religion, our lives, honours and goods, from the tyranny and oppression of the Cardinal of Lorraine and his fellows▪ the which tyranny they have always hitherto showed, and mind still to use towards the men of the reform Religion, contrary to our kings will, which he hath openly declared by public Edicts and decrees, thereby breaking the common peace and tranqui●…itie. And for this cause, to the end I may defend their lives, honours, goods, and the liberty of their cons●…ences, which profess the reform religion, I affir●…e that I will spend both my life and whatso ever e●…se God hath given unto me:  
And b●…cause there came soldiers day by day unto him, and that all things might be done orderly▪ he appointed a certain form of discipline to be used among 
Discipline appointed by the Prince of Conde.  his soldiers, the which we thought good here to inserte as worthy remembrance. For the performance whereof this was the form of the oath that was ministered unto them.  

You swear and promise' by the name of the living God, that you, for the causes declared by the Prince of Conde, will give your lives, bodies, and goods to be at the commandment of the same Prince of Conde, whom you acknowledge to be the captain of this Army: You swear and promise, willingly to obey all those things, which either he or his deputies shall command, and faithfully to observe and keep the order of discipline which he hath appointed to the governing of his army. And that till such time, as they which are enemies to the common peace, be openly punished by order of law, for their murders rober●…es, spoils, and oppressions, which they have committed against the Kings will and against the peace, towards the professors of the reform Religion within the Realm: that we at the length may eni●…ya the freedom of our consciences, the security of ourdyves and goods, peac●…ably under the Kings obedience.   
But this was the description and form of the Discipline prescribed. because Order, as it is profitable to all men, sort is necessary for the lovers of the reform 
A descrip●… on of t●…e discipline of war.  Religion: I which am lawfully called to this war, have thought good with the advise and confent of the Nobles, Captains, and of other expert & wise men, to orday●…e and to give all 〈◊〉 to understand, That if there be any man which will not obey these things, there is no place for him in our army. I will therefore that every man faithfully observe and keep them. First, whosoever shall come to this Army, shall declare and give his name within six days, and shall ●…weare acco●…ding to the form of the oath appointed: the which except they do, their horse and armour shallbe taken from them and given to their accuser. And when he hath given his name, he shall give attendance and ●…de to his charge, whether it be to watch and ward day or night, or whatsoever else: if not, than he shall for●…ayte his armour. No man shall forsake his Ensign and go to another Ensign, without the sufferance & leave of his Captain: he that shall do otherwise, shallbe punished according to his offence. And because no man shall plead ignorance, let them which are lately come to our army, be certified of this decree. It shallbe lawful for the soldier to ask leave of his Captain: if it be denied▪ I will that he come to me, and I will order the matter at my discretion. I will also that the oath be ministered every month. And to the end the names of such as be lacking may be known, I will that the hills and Scrolls of the names be brought unto me ●… and that th●…re be none in the Army which keep back his name, or which is not allowed by the testimony of some other. He which shallbe found guilty herein the third day after the publishing of this writing, shall suffer death. Furthermore, I will and appoint that there be in ei very Giddon of horsemen one hundredth, and of every Ensign of footmen CC. and every Captain to have under him his undercaptains, & other officers. That no man presume to attempt any thing against the enemy, wiihout the commandment of his Superiors: if the Captain shallbe found culpable herein, than he shallbe banished his office: if the Soldier, his armour shallbe taken from him and then he expelled the host. That no man forsake his Ensign: and that such as are found robbing and spoiling, be severely punished as thieves, and their armour and horse given to their accusers. And because this war differeth from the other wars that have been heretofore, I will that th●… spoils be carried all to one place, for the common profit and wealth of the whole Army. If any shall pilpher or purloin from his fellow, he shall be punished as a thief: and he that shall apprehended and detect such a one, shallbe well rewarded. The spoils which shallbe taken at the yielding up of any City, shall 〈◊〉 to the general use of the whole army. And nothing shallbe counted for spoil but that which may be proved so to be, by sure arguments and testimenies, otherwise it shallbe accounted for rapine and theft. I will also that there be no vagrant and unprofitable members in the Army. Three footmen shall have only one Page attending upon them, who also shall follow his masters Ensign: if he be found otherwise, he shallbe hanged. It shall not be lawful for any footman to have horses, asses, or other cattle, but only for Captains and such like officers: provided notwithstanding that they abuse not this liberty. If any man shall take away the cattie that belong to husband men for tillage, he shall suffer death. Moreover, I will that there be no brawl nor contention mo●…ed, specially that one man fight not with an other: if any shall so do, he shall dye. If there happen to be any offence, ●…et the Captains be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 there may be some order taken and peace 〈◊〉. I 〈◊〉 that all privy grudge and ma●…ice be laid aside, and if any man refuse to be reconciled, I command 〈◊〉 that Captains be admonished thereof, that all sawfull ways may be sought for reconciliation. That no man take any other lodging than that which shall be appointed to him. If he be a Captain that shal●…e fasty herein, he shall lose his office, but if he be but a common soldier, he shall lose his armour or horse, beside other punishments at my discretion. And I will that all officers diligently come together to the appointed place of meeting for the Army, that they may foresee and provide whatsoever shallbe necessary for every occasion. That no man steal away the victual and provision belonging to the Army, upon pain of death▪ And lest any man may pled lawfully ignorance, I will that these Martial decrees be proclaimed every week throughout the whole Army, in some convenient place or other. Let these things be diligently observed and kept generally.  
They which abused the King's name feared lest the Queen of Navarre should go to the Prince of Conde 
A practis●… to draw away the Prince of Navarre from the Prince of Conde.  with the young Prince her son. Therefore Monsieur Loss was fent to steal away the Prince, but in vain. For the good and Christian Queen of Navarre, when she had made all things ready, and had gathered certain bands of men out of her dominion, came with her son to the Prince of Conde. Then they practised by other means to stay her, lest she should join herself with the Prince of Conde, writing unto her sugared letters, to win her from the reform Religion. With these letters was sent Monsieur Motte to persuade her, and to assure her of the King and queens good will. But the Queen of Navarre persisting in her former purpose, sent letters to the King, to the Queen, to the Duke's of Anjou, and to the Cardinal of Borbon: In the which because she doth plainly she we the reasons of her purpose, it shall not be amiss to repeat the sum of them.  
When (says she) I received your letters, I was rea die to take my journey, hearing the rumour of so great alte 
Letters of the Queen of Navarre to the King.  ration, the which notwithstanding was not unlike to come, our adversaries being so outrageous that their madness could not but take away from us all hope of peace, which was offered unto us (most Christian king) by your Edict of patification: the which notwithstanding was not only evil observed & kept, but plainly broken also by the subtle means of the Cardinal of Lorain: who notwithstanding your promises which you have made to your miserable subjects, hath not ceased, both by letters to the parliaments, and also to all those whose help he thought he might have, to frustrate and adnihillate the force and effect of the Edict: & abusing our patience after he had made a way to an infinite sort of murders, he presumed to proceed farther, and sought to prevail against the Princes your near kinsmen: of the which we have a manifest example in my brother the Prince of Conde, who was so furiously assaulted, that he was constrained, to crave aid of his kinsmen. And because my Son and I are so near of blood unto him, we could not choose but offer unto him that kindness, which the Law of nature requireth. We know sufficiently your mind, which you have declared both by word and writing, which is to have at our hands obedience, the which we are ready to yield unto you, even to ●…heading of the last drop of our blood. And furthermore we know most Christian king, that your natural goodness is wholly encl●…ned to preserve us and not to destroy us. Seeing therefore we see such practices against us, is there any man which, knowing you to be a faithful and just king, and seeing notwithstanding such contrary actions so manifest against your promises, will not judge that these things are done without your commandment, and that by the cankered malice and spite of the Cardinal of Lorraine: Therefore I pray and beseech you (most Christian King) to take it in good part the I was go from home, to serve our God & you also, which are our King and supreme Lord, and of our own blood: We setting ourselves, as utter enemies, against their practices, so much as we may, which presumptuously go about to oppress us. And I pray you to certify yourself, that we have not put ourselves in armour but only for these three causes lest they should utterly destroy us, as they have go about As touching mine own part, I say the the Cardinal hath done great injury unto you, in that he hath go about to change his power and authority into violence, seeking to take away my Son from me perforce, that he might be brought unto you: as though your only commandment could not sufficiently prevail both with him and me. But we say and affirms (O king) and beseech you so to think, that we are your most loving and obedient servants: in so much that whensoever it shall please you to try us, & to compare our faith with the falsehood of the Cardinal and his fellows, I believe you shall find more truth and trust in my deeds, than you shall find faithfulness in his words. The which also we will always perform with all willingness of mind  
But to the Queen the King's mother, she written after 
Letters of the Queen of Navarre to the Queen Mother.  this manner: I protest (sayeth she) O Queen, before God and men, that nothing hath been, is, nor shall be hereafter more dear to me, than the love of God, the King, my Country, and my own blood. The which have been so effectual in me, that Monsieur la Mott, whom you sent unto me with letters, found me go from home, with full purpose and intent to spend and bestow my life, goods, and all that I have, for their sakes. But I p●…ay you O Queen, if these my letters be over tedious unto you, that you would impute it to the necessity of the time, which hath brought me into such extremities, that I cannot choose but be long in repeating of them: meaning thereby to declare unto you my purpose, and to set before your eyes my whole mind: in the which you may have a lively view of those things, the which I know, are after a contrary manner laid to my charge. But I pray you, give me leave to repeat the whole matter from that time, in the which the Guises showed themselves to be enemies to the peace and tran quillitie of the whole realm: at what time they flattered the King my husband diseased with fair words, making him believe that he should recover his kingdom. You know with what kind of men he was then beset on every side, to my great grief, and to your grie●…e, I dare say also: for I known it then of your own m●…th. I pray you remember how faithful you have always found me, when as for the common wealth of the realm▪ I almost forsook my husband and my children. I pray you also remember what talk you have had with me, and what a trust you seemed to have in me, when I departed from you from Fontainbleau. From that time, I protest that I have been the same woman still. And I pray you remember how faithfully I obeyed your letters which you sent unto me when I was at Vendosme. Remember what I did after that in Guian, to obey your commandments. Then I lost the King my husband, that I might be partaker of the common chance & calamity of widows. I will not repeat every particular injury that hath been done to me, seeing that I mean to speak of them all generally. And I protest again, that the desire I have to obey god, & the love which I own to my kin●…olkes and country, have so possessed my mind, that I have almost no respect or consideration of myself. Let me come therefore to the time of the extreme troubles, them renewed again, when the Cardinal of Lorain brought us into such straits, as you & all men know. In the mean time I, by their malice & subtle practices, abode vnprof●… table in my own dominion, who sought all that they could to entangle me. And what I then did, you are so well certified of y● same, that I shall not need to make any farther rehearsal thereof. Therefore to come to this my present state, at what time I see the Edicts of my King, not only broken, but also quite contemned & set at nought, his au thoritie despised, his kingly promises not regarded: all which come to pass by the wicked practices of the Cardinal of Lorraine: whom I can not so well point out O Queen, as he is known unto you. And beside the barbarous cruelty which he and the rest of his fellows have showed, the boldness of those homicides increaseth insomuch that they dare give attempts against the princes of the King's blood, which are no less ornaments unto him, than are the branches to the tree, of the which notwithstanding they seek to despoil the King. It is not zeal of Religion that moveth them. God prospero you, O Queen, you know well enough that when you were sick of late, the Cardinal of Borbon my brother escaped not altogether the snares which they laid for him: and yetnotwithstanding he is a Catholic. It is therefore the blood and house of Borbon, that doth so grieve them: as they have evidently declared by persecuting my brother the Prince of Conde & his children: whose defence my Son and I will never neglect. Neither do I forget the practice of Monsieur Lossae against my Son: the which was done by the tyrannical counsel of the Cardinal of Lorain and his fellows. I know, O Queen, it will come to pass that many which shall hear my letters, will say that they are written by the form & copy of those, which are daily brought unto you from divers places, & that they come not from me. But I pray you to consider, that we which profess the reform religion, use not only one argument, but also almost one form of words: and also that it cannot be but that true and sincere fidelity must come from so noble a house, as the house of Borbon is. There are three reasons which have brought me hither. The first is, the obedience which I own unto god, seeing that I see, the Cardinal of Lorraine going about with the rest of his fellows, to destroy those which serve the Lord, and embrace the true religion. The second is the obedience of my king, that I may best own my life and goods, for the observation of the Edict of pacifiation, made by the kings will and consent: and lest this France our Country, the mother and Nurse of so many good men should be utterly destroyed with her children. The third is, consanguinity: the which, as I have said▪ calleth us to help our brother the Prince of Conde all that we can: whom we see manifestly to be afflicted and assaulted, by them which are in y● authority with you & the King, which they little deserve: who blind your eyes, lest you should see their evil dealing, and stop your ears, lest you should hear our complaints. But I would to God, O Queen, that your eyes and ears, being at the last opened, you may both see and hear, what good will and love every one of us beareth to your Majesties. But now as concerning those letters which you sent unto me, I perceive by them very well, how greatly you are incensed against me. Wherefore by this Messenger I have sent unto you my mind more at large, whom I have con maunded to signify unto you in my name, how necessary it is for you, if you mean to keep your authority, to separate them from you which seek to diminish the same, and to destroy those also which love you. judge of us rightly, and put a d●…fference between the good and the evil, and persuade yourself this one thing of me, that I have a singular care and desire to preserve peace, the which is so firm in me, that the Cardinal of Lorraine and his fellows can never take the same from me. For the establishing of the which peace if I might any thing prevail, I would think myself most happy.  
Her letters to the Cardinal of Borbon were more vehement, to whom, after discourse made of her letters sent to the King and Queen, and of the occasion of her journey, she written in manner and form following.  
How long (sayeth she) will you be suffragan to the Cardinal of Lorraine? shall he make you ashamed of your brother, sisters, and kinsfolks, and harden your heart against them? Truly if you will not be moved for their sakes which are so near of your blood, but will be an enemy to the reform Religion: yet remember what destruction he went about to bring upon you, the Queen being sick. After the which, for a while you were ware and took heed, lest you should fall into the like peril, but quickly you forgot the same again, you were so blinded with the persuasions of the Cardinal: because you are separated from us by religion, shall therefore the bond of consanguinity and nature be broken? Take heed, take heed what you do. They seek for the death of your natural brother: whose defence if you seek not, I and my Son will do it ourselves. But if you cannot defend him by force of arms, show your good will otherwise. For these have alured us, God, the King, and Consanguinity.  
The Queen of Navarre came to Cogn●… with her Armies, whether the Prince of Conde went from Rochel to meet her, with a great number of Noble men. A great number of men came daily out of the hither part of Guian, to the Prince of Conde. But it was marvel that the Papists did not stop their passage, seeing that they had great Armies of men in a readiness, and had already stopped up all passage by water.  
In the mean time the Duke of Anjou was at Orleans, gathering his dispersed Army together: but there arising a contention between the chief captains, he was much hindered: and the Prince of Conde thereby had the better occasion to proceed in his affairs.  
At the rumour of the coming of the Queen of Navars' Armies the City of San jand Angely, a well fenced 
Cities yielded to the Prince of Conde.  & copio●…s City in the territory of Xantonge, the strong Castle of Blay, and divers other Cities yielded themselves to the Prince of Conde, as F●…ntenay, and Sainmexant, in the territory of Poictou.  
When the Prince of Conde went from Noyers', th●… Andelot was in Britain. And being certified of his departure, he gathered together a great number of soldiers, out of Brittany, Normandy, Touraine, and out of the countries thereabouts: the Noble men of the reform 
The And lot cometh to the Prince of Conde with a great Army.  religion taking great pains therein. So that within a few days they gathered together to the number of one thousand and a half of horsemen, and more than two thousand and a half of footmen.  
And to come to join himself with the Prince of Conde, he minded to pass over the river of Loire. Now the purpose of the Andelot was to take a certain town called Saulmur, near unto the river of Loire, that he & the Protestants the, & ever after might have the more easy passage over the river. This thing Duke Mopensier (one of the Princes the kings near kinsman and one of the house of Borbon) feared, and therefore having the chief government in those parts, he gave commandment to Martiques' Lieuftenaunt of Brittany, a man very expert in the wars, to win Saulmur.  
The Andelot, little mistrusting that the enemy was so nigh, divided his army into three parts, that they might be the better vittailed by the villages & towns. One part was conducted by Monsieur Boisuerd, a very good Captain. The Andelot tarried at a village called Saintmalin, there to take his dinner. In the mean time, a Monsieur Boysuerd chief Captain of that army, was conducting his soldiers to the river of Loire, there met him a young man wonderfully dismayed and abashed, and when he perceived that Monsieur Boysuerd and the rest of his soldiers were protestants, he told Boisuerd that Monsieur Martyques was come with a great army of men, the greatness whereof, he said, had made him sore afraid. Monsieur Boysuerd regarded not this news, until he saw certain troops of horsemen, and then he sought with all speed to defend himself, and sought to make out of hand bulwarks and trenches between him and the enemy beside the river: this was a good remedy, but he could not have his purpose, the enemy marched so fast ●ne▪ Then Monsieur Boysuerd with all speed sent word to the Andelot, of the coming of Martiques: but before Boisuerd could set his men in their array, Martiques rushed upon him with a great troop of horsemen, dispersed his soldiers, and made great slaughter of them in the chase. For that they had not sufficient 
Boysuerd slain.  store of horsemen, Monsieur Boisuerd also himself was slain: many of the chief Captains also were taken, and many slain. Notwithstanding Monsieur Martiques marched forward with his army toward Saulmur, with five hundred horsemen, and ten ensigns of footmen. The Andelot for all this supposed to have the victory, becausé his enemies were fewer in number, as he thought: but when he understood that Boisuerd was slain and a great sort of his soldiers also, and that Monsieur Martiques had a strong army divided into divers parts, when also he perceived that his army had got the vantage of ground of him, he shonned them, and chose●… more convenient ground: suffering Martigues to pass by him toward Saulmur, many of the soldiers of the Andelot, not knowing what the meaning hereof should be yielding unto him, Then the Andelot gathering togi theridamas his men pursued with all speed Monsieur Martigues: the which when he perceived he road the faster & took Saulmur, which was then kept by the Garrisons of the papists: leaving behind them the spoil which they had taken from the Soldiers of the Andelot.  
Now the bridges being stopped up and cut away the 
The Andelot passeth over the ford of Loire.  Andelot was driven to seek other ways to pass over the river of L●…ire: he sought therefore to go over at some shallow ford or other: but he could not by reason of the winter floods, which had caused the river to be deep in those places where otherwise there is little or no water at all. Notwithstanding at the last he found a place so shallow and fleet, that his horsemen, footmen, Ordinance, wagons, and his whole army passed over the river without peril being most wonderful and the like seldom herded of before.  
After this their safe passage they gave thanks unto 
The Andelot joineth with the Admiral.  God, & sang altogether the 73. Psalm. beginning thus: IN JUKY IS GOD KNOWN, HIS NAME IS GREAT IN ISRAEL. And thus as they went forward on their journey, they saw certain troops of horsemen on that side of the river: against whom, when the Andelot had sent certain troops of horsemen, he put them to flight, and slay some of them.  
After this, they passing quietly on their journey came at the last into the country of Poictou, & took a certain Town called Tuars by surrender. & then joined themselves with the Admiral which came to meet them. After this conjunction of both armies, they took a noble City called Partenay, the Citizens willingly yéeldinge 〈◊〉▪ saving certain popis●… priests, who seeking to re●…st, were slain.  
Then they jointly, and together, besteged a noble City called Engolesme: but when they had assaulted the same certain days, and were out of hope to win it, they took at the last a certain young man which was sent at the ea●…est intr●…aty of the townsmen to Monpensier, to cr●…ue aid at his hands, by which young man they learned in what great necessity the town was in. Thereupon the Admiral gave a new assault to the other side of the Town, & by battery made such breaches in the same, that the Townsmen being void of all hope to defend themselves, came straightway to composition with the Admiral for the surrender of the Town. So that this City came into the power of the Prince of Conde. And strayt●… after this, that Noble City Niort came into his hands. In so much that it may seem wondered that so many Noble Cities in so short while having so near unto them great aid of the Catholics to defend them, should be taken. These things happened in the month of September.  
Toward the end of this month, a great Army being gathered together at Orleans, the Kings Edicts were théenderedout, in one of the which Edicts, the use and administration of the reform religion was quite taken away and forbidden. It contained this sum.  
Know all men, that the Kings our Aun●…etours of happy memory, to the end they might show themselves 
An Edict prohibiting the use of the reform religion.  to be Christians, and true defenders of the church, have used all lawful ways and means to preserve the same Church, and to take away the divisions of Religion, sprung up by secret sermons, and by scattering abroad of r●…probate books. And after the unfortunate disease of ou●… Father King Henry, there were certain Noble men, stirre●… up by the Ministers of this new opinion, which withdrew themselves and moved controuer●…, and that upon no zeal of religion, but moved by ambition to have the government of this Realm, under King Frances our brother, albeit that he himself was of sufficient years by the laws of this Realm, and was able enough to govern, both for that he had authority and wisdom enough, and also was ruled & counseled by the virtuous and wise counsel of the Queen his mother▪ & of other singular Noble men which were still about him after the death of his Father king Henry. who directed him in the steps of our Father: as plainly appeared all the time of his reign. Who had no doubt brought the kingdom into that former State and condition, in the which he found it, if the Lord had lent him longer life: notwithstanding the state of the Kingdom was then troubled by certain noble men, who when they dared not openly bewray their minds concerning the getting of the kingdom unto them▪ by the industry of their Ministers of this ●…ewe learning, they caused the tumult of Amb●…yse, under the colour of offering up a supplication, with a confession of faith to our brother the King: who, although he knew them to be the authors of that mischief, yet notwithstanding with great clemency, following the example of our heavenly Father, he pardoned all his subjects by an edict, which had strayed from faith and truth, & would come into the right way again, thinking hereby to prevail more, than by the Rigour of punishments. And by another Edict he left those under the power of Ecclesiastical laws which would not come into the right way: which Ecclesiastical power, is no bloody power, so that men break not the common peace. Notwithstanding for all this the King's expectation was frystrated by the secret conspiracies▪ of those Noble men, which went about to move war under the colour of Religion, and to trouble the Realm. And when he understood the whole matter thoroughly, he was constrained to come to Orleans with an Army of men, to prenent and provide for things in time, for the which cause he called all the States of the Realm together. In the which place he died, and I being of younger years, 
The King was twelve ye●… old when his broth●… Frances died.  and therefore less able to take upon me the government of so great a kingdom, was by the providence of God appointed to succeed him. And the convenient and ne●…essarie help which God left unto v●…, namely the counsel of the Queen my mother in the government of our Realm was greatly let and hynde●…d, through the contempt of this our young and tender years, by those Noble men, which next to our own brenthrens, are most near of blood unto us: and yet notwithstanding thus they have disagréed and contended with our mother. And to make themselves the more strong, they ha●… taken upon them the defence of that new opinion, by whose favour and travail, the same is wonderfully spread abroad & increased. To provides a remedy for the which matter so soon as we were anointed, we commanded our Princes, our privy Counsel; and all the Counsellors of the Senate of Paris, to come to Sangermane: and by their counsel and advise we made an edict, in the which we clean forbade the use and administration of the reform religion, or any other contrary to that which was received in the Catholic church by our Elders, after the receiving of the Christian faith. But because the fautors and maintainers of that new opinion, saw that their ambitious counsels and purpose were greatly let and hindered by this Edict, they would not suffer the same to be observed and kept: but in all places stirred up such as embraced that new opinion, by whom the making of that our Edict might be frustrated. And under the colour of those troubles, which by their means were raised daily throughout the whole Realm, they pretended that the Edict could be observed by no manner of means: and they were the authors that an assembly of exquisite and learned men was made out of all Parliaments, which might declare their judgements concerning the ordering of religion, and that by them an Edict might be made: an●… by this means, they being most mighty and of greatest authority, and having made whom they lysted to be of our counsel, they obtained their purpose, namely, That there should be liberty granted for the exercising of two religions, the which was confirmed by the Edict of january: the which Edict the Queen our Mother suffered against ●…ir will (which was ever godly) to take place, as did also our Cousin the Cardinal of Borban, the Cardinal of Turn●…n, the Duke Mo●…orencie the Constanble, the Marshal of Santandrae, and also the chiefest of our officers, which our Father and brother left unto v●…: w●…o at that time told the Queen, that it would be the less 〈◊〉 to suffer the same religion, seeing the use there of should not be within the cities: and because there was good hope it would come to pass that when we should come to our full and perfect age, we should amend and reform the same by our auth●…ritie and power royal. Therefore the Queen our mother went forward with singular faith and constancy to retain and keep us, our brethren, and Sister, in the catholic, and apostolic doctrine of Rome, which our ancestors embraced & received for a thousand years ago and more, and in those days flourished and brought notable things to pass: in consideration whereof we, and all our subjects are greatly bound to our mother the Queen. And although those men of the new religion should be sufficiently satisfied and contented with that Edict of januarye, if they had not another purpose and meaning than the liberty of their consciences: yet notwithstanding they being not content with that our sufferance, shortly after the Proclamation of that Edict openly declared their perverse minds, of their own private authority bearing armour against us, taking our cities and holds, bringing foreign strangers into this our Realm, and like mortal and sworn enemies, joining battle with us at Dreux, in the which it pleased God to give unto us the victory, having compassion on his people our subjects. To the end also we might win our rebellious subjects with clemency, and might 〈◊〉 them to our obedience, hoping that it would come to pass that God at the length, when we should come to more full and ripe age, would restore obedience and concord to his Church, we granted unto them another Edict, in the which we granted them some liberty to use their religion. And although from that time forward we had many ●…ecrées according to their own fantasy concerning public peace, to the end we might put them out of all fear and suspicion: yet notwithstanding they did very lycensiously break them: howbeit we made our edict for their peace and tranquilities sake, the which although we might have revoked as being only made but for a certain time, yet notwithstanding we faithfully have observed and kept the same, and have given them no occasion to bear Armour against us.  
The which notwithstanding they have done of late, and have come unto us with force of arms, pretending afterward that they came in that manner, to offer unto us a supplication for the preservation of their religion. Notwithstanding they have openly bid us batta●…l, in so much that they have besieged our principal City Paris, and have done all that they can to win the same. Yet for all this, we seeking to spare the blood of our nobility, and the lives also of the rest of our miserable subjects, and endeavouring to win them by clemency, have graun ted unto them, (they craving at our hands peace) the same edict, they certainly promising, that they will faithfully observe & keep the same, and will never hereafter trouble our Realm. Who nevertheless broke that same their promise, and refused to surrender unto us Rochel, Montalbon, and divers other Cities in Languedoc, kept still bands of Soldiers in sundry parts of the Realm, brought in strangers, and killed many of our catholic & faithful subjects: & all because (as they said) certain of their side were slain: for the examination & punishment whereof we gave commandment.  
But seeing we see them so oftemtymes to abuse our clemency and goodness, and can doubt no more of their wicked counsel and purpose, which is to appoint an other sovereign, and to destroy him whom God hath appointed: and by this means to draw●… from us our subjects: for these and divers other great and wayghty●… causes, with the advise, judgement, & consent of our mother. Brethren, of our Princes, and of our priyve counsel. we have & do inhibit & forbidden by an Edict irrevocable & everlasting, all men of what state, condition, or degree so ever they be of throughout our whole realm, to use any oh their religion than the catholic religion of Rome, which our ancestors have embraced, & which we following their ex ample do as yet hold & keep. Also we straightly command and charge that all the ministers of that religion do departed and avoid out of this our Realm, with in fifteen days after the proclaiming of this Edict. These things we command, upon pain of death, and confiscation of the offender's goods. Notwithstanding we will not that the men of the reform religion so called, be vexed and sifted in their consciences for their religion, so that they frequent & use no other religion than that which is Catholic and of Rome. hoping that it will come to pass at the last, both by the instinct of God's holy spiril, and also by the diligence of the prelate's of the church, that all our subjects shall embrace and receive one religion. And we do freely pardon and forgive every one which with in twenty days after the publication of these our letters shall put of his armour, and live peaceably as it becometh faithful subjects, whatsoever he or they have committed heretofore against us, and our family: all the which, if they will obey, we take under our protection: & do forbidden our officers to do unto them any harm. Also we will that all dissensions, between whomsoever they be, whether they be common, or private, beburied in silence: and that no injury be done to a ny, either in word or deed. Whatsoever he be that doth contrary here unto, he shallbe punished as a rebel. But when twenty days are expired, we will show against the obstinate all manner of severity and rigour by law: and will show unto them no manner of favour. We will and command that this Edict be published and promise claimed every where, and then straightly observed, and that we be certified from day to day of all things concerning the same. Whereunto, you that be our offices, look diligently.  
There was also another Edict made forbidding all those that professed the reform religion, to have any manner of office committed unto them: whether they had lived peaceably at home all the time of the Civil wars, or whether they had born armour to take part with the Prince of Conde.  
These Edicts were first of all by the Senate of Paris, then by all other Courts of the realm very joyfully received, and no less carefully published and proclaimed the same day, all solemn rites being diligently ob served, as though the kingdom after so long and so many vexations and troubles of war, had now 〈◊〉 peace.  
There came also from the Pope letters patentes, by 
Letters pat●…es from the Pope.  which the King had liberty granted unto him to take out and to cell of the Ecclesiastical livings and goods, so much as should be worth unto him yearly five hundred thousand Crowns, to maintain war against the heretics, that they might either be utterly destroyed, or else be brought to the obedience of the church of Rome. But first in the beginning of his letters, he spoke largely concerning the great boldness of heretics, and of their wicked coun●…ayles, which they had & have with the Germans and Englishmen.  
The Prince of Conde about this time put Monsieur Aciere in trust to gather an army of men together: too whom there came a great number of Protestants which were by the papists molested and thrust out of their houses, or which could not be in sufficient safety in their houses, out of Lang●…edoc & Dolpheny: and a man might see great heaps of men, women, children, and old folks, leaving their houses, and fléeinge to those Cities that were in the territory of Ui●…aretze and Sevenas, which are also in Languedoc, & were kept by the Protestants. Notwithstanding Monsieur Aciere gathered out from among these no small number of warlike souldi●…urs, which he minded to conduct to the Prince of Conde to Rochel. He had also of the men of Dolpheny seven hundred and five ensigns of footmen, and two Giddons of horsemen. The Captains over these▪ were Monsieur Monbrune, Monsieur Ancon, Monsieur 〈◊〉, Monsieur Viri●…y, Monsieur Blacon, Monsieur mirabel, Monsieur C●…elard, and Monsieur Orose: all which were 〈◊〉 come of noble stock. Out of Languedoc he had five h●…ndred and three ensigns of footmen, and 〈◊〉 Giddeons of horsemen. And among those were numbered the men of Uivaretz, which were also of Languedoc, of which there were xiii. ensigns of footmen, under the charge of Monsieur Pierregord: and one Giddon of horsemen under the conduct of Monsieur Toras. The Captains over the rest, were Monsieur Beaudisne brother to Monsieur Aciere, Monsieur Ambri, Monsieur L●…mosson, Monsieur Burlargues, and Monsieur Espondillan. And Acieres band contained two hundred well appointed horsemen. Monsieur Movents had gathe read out of the Provancialles ten ensigns of footmen: and Monsieur Uallovore, a Giddon containing a hundred horsemen. The place appointed for all these bands to meet was at Alice, a town of Languedoc in the territory of Sevenats: and the time of their coming together was the twenty-five. day of September, But the men of Dolpheny could not come into Languedocke, but they must needs pass over the river called the Rosne, the which was very hard to do, both for that the same was very swift and deep, and also because the enemy had stopped the passages by the bridges. But for all this, Monsieur Mevents, by his singular industry and travail, within ●…ower and twenty hours builded and raised up a strong Bulwark over against Uivarets: and so the Armies were carried over by ship out of Dolpheny, to the other side of the river. After this, all the Armies met together at Alice, and with great speed, when they had passed the territory of Sevenats, and Rhodez, Monsieur Aciere the xxiiii. day of October, passed over the river Dordonne at Solliac with his whole Army, and so came into Guian: Monsieur Monluc the Lieutenant, daring not adventure upon him to resist.  
The rumour being spread abroad of the coming of Monsieur Acier, Duke Monpensier, which a little before was in the territory of Poictou, minded to stop his passage, with four thousand horsemen, and with forty ensigns of well appointed soldiers, footmen. Therefore taking long journeys, he came with speed to a City called Perigueux, near unto the which Monsieur Acier had brought his army, to a little Town called Sainctastier: where Monpensier set upon the head and tail of Monsieur Acieres army, with two several bands: but by and by Acier gave him the repulse: who fearing lest the enemy would go to invade the other bands which were distributed among the villages, he by and by gave warning to Monsieur Moventes and to Monsieur Pierregorde to keep their Soldiers with in their Camps, and said that he would come by and by with the rest of the army. This advise pleased the captains very well, ●…auing only Monsieur Movents, who vaunsing his ensigns willed them to follow him. Monsieur Pierregorde & the rest of the captains fearing least by this destruction of the bands, there should be a way made to the enemy to annoy them, and protesting that the whole blame hereof should rest on him, they also with their bands marched forward. But they were not scarcely go out of the village, when they see Duke Monpensier coming with a great army of horsemen. Then with speed he prepared himself, and choose out five hundred harquebuziers to be in the first front, who straytway discharged a great peal of shot against the lances on horse: but they presently charging their lances, ran with such violence upon them, that they broke the ray of Movents soldiers, & so ensued a sore skirmish: and when they had resisted a while, the whole army of Movents turned their backs and fled: the two Captains also themselves being slain, namely 
Movents and his soldiers slain.  Pierregorde, and Movents, and the rest which fled, were for the most part slain by the Inhabitants of those quarters: notwithstanding many escaped and aim to Monsieur Acier in safety. In this skirm ishe there were slain and wanting of Monsieur Aciers soldiers si●…e hundred: and of Monpensiers' side, certain horsemen of great name.  
After this, Monpensier gave no other attempt, but returned to the City Perigeux: and Monsieur Acier, when he had gathered together all his soldiers, and the remnant of the soldiers of Movenes, came the next day to a village called Aulbeterre.  
The Prince of Conde hearing of the coming of Monsieur Acier, after he had won Engolesme, prepared himself to take his journey, and to meet him.  
The Queen of Navarre in the mean time dealt very substantially at Rochel, and had appointed certain Ships to keep the havens mouth belonging to the same: and also to the end she might have the more easy passage into England, which was a great friend and fur therer of the Protestants cause.  
Therefore the Queen of Navarre sent letters to 
Lettees of the Queen o●… Navarre to the Queen of England  the Queen of England, by Mousieur Shastiller, a Noble man, whom she had made General of that Navy: and when she had declared the causes of the war begun, she commended herself and her cause unto her, as followeth.  Beside the great good will and desire (most Noble Queen) which I always had to abide in your favour, there is also at this day occasion offered, the which truly would greatly accuse me, if I should not by letters declare unto you, what causes have led me & my children (whom God hath lent unto me) hither. And my fault should be so much the greater, by how much he, according to his infinite goodness, hath bestowed so many and so great benefits upon you, and hath given unto you such a zeal for the advancement of his glory, namely to you O Queen, whom he hath chosen to be a ●…ngular Nurse of his Church. By good right therefore are those things referred and brought before you, which do appertain to this defence of the truth & of the church of God. And truly, as I know that you understand the general state of our affairs, most noble Queen, so I pray and beseech you, persuade yourself, that there are three causes (of the which the lest aught to be sufficient) which have constrained me to forsake my own Dominion, and to come hither. 
The first cause therefore, is RELIGION, the which would have been oppressed in this our Realm of France, by the old and barbarous tyranny of the Cardinal of Lorraine, and of those which take his part, that I should (no doubt) have been ashamed of myself and mine, and to have had my name reckoned among the faithful, if so be, to withstand this error and horror, and to defend the truth, I had not sought all means possible, both by my goods, and also with peril of my life: and except also my Son and I had joined ourselves with this so honourable a company of Princes and Nobles: All the which are with me determined and fully purposed, by the help of the lord God of hosts, not to spare in this cause by any manner of means, neither life nor goods, nor any thing else which God had lent unto us.  
The second cause, which also dependeth upon the first, is, our obedience to the King: because the ruin of religion, is also the ruin of the King: for the preservation whereof we are straightly bound. And because my son and I have obtained at the hands of God this honour and dignity, that we are so near of blood to the King, this also, most Noble Queen, hath constrained us to make haste, and to set ourselves against those, which abusing our King's name and facility, do make him the author of his own detriment and harm, and (although of himself he is most faithful and sure of his promises) the breaker of his faith and promises: and that by those subtle means and ways, which they have devised to break the edict of pacification. The which Edict, as it caused & maintained peace between the king, and his good and faithful subjects, so long as it was observed and kept, so the same being broken, calleth and provoketh the fidelity of the subjects to lamentable and pitiful war, & so coacted and constrained, that there is never a one of us, which is not violently and against his will drawn thereunto. The third cause, most Noble Queen, is peculiar to my Son and me, namely, for that we see the old and sworn enemies to God and to our s●…ocke and kindred, with deadly and impudent hatred, to go about and seek to raze and utterly to destroy us and our family: when as also, my brother the Prince of Conde, to avoid the practices and conspiracies against him and his, was constrained with his wife and children, to seek a place of refuge and security, the mother great with child, & the children being in so pitiful a case, that I cannot repeat the same without tears: beside this also that I was certified & known the same for a surety, that some were appointed to steal and violently to carry away my son from me. With these reasons and causes we being moved, could not choose but come together, to the end that we being joined in one, might live and die together: as also the bond of consanguinity with the which we are mutually knit together, doth bind us hereunto, that it doth command us to do no less. These are the three causes (O Queen) which have urged me to take the sword in hand. We do not (as the good catholics lay to our charge) war against God and our King: we thank God for it, there is no such treason to be laid to our charge but are faithful servants and subjects both to God and our King. Of the which I most humbly pray and beseech you to be certified and persuaded, and to assist us with your aid and favour. In the mean time the mother and her children commend themselves to your Majesty, to whom they wish most happy preservation.  
This letter was written the xv. of October.  
Certainly England did greatly favour the cause of the 
England a succour to France.  faithful, as may appear by the second demonstration of their good will in time of extreme peril, binding the Frenchemen unto them for ever by the great benefits and good turns bestowed upon them. For they gave liberally to such as were exiles and banished men places to devil in, and very much comforted & succoured the poor, needy, and oppressed, in these tumults and garboils of civil wars. But to return to our former purpose.  
The Prince of Conde joined himself with the Army 
The Prince of Conde seeketh to encounter with Monpensier.  of Monsieur Acier, the first day of November at Aulbeterre: and then out of hand they consulted concerning the pursuing of Monpensier: of which when they had agreed, they took certain troops of horsemen of the first Army, and the greatest part of harquebuziers which came out of Languedoc, and then the Admiral went toward a certain village called Bertrizi, where it was reported the enemy abode: but when they had diligently inquired out the matter, it was found that he was departed from thence with great speed: and so with loss of that journey the Admiral returned back again to 〈◊〉 to the Prince of Conde. To whom, when he was come again, they determined and decreed together to seek all occasions of battle: and s●… straightway they pursue●… Monpensier: who with great expedition travailed toward the Duke of Anjou. For the Duke of Anjou, with the rest of the army, was at Chastelleraud in the territory of Poictou, who had also with him great store of great Guns. Therefore the Admiral with the first Army pursued Monpensier, who was not far from the Duke of Anjou: in so much that the Duke of Anjou being moved with so great celerity, removed his Camp nearer the City, and more strongly encamped himself & his soldiers: the Admiral not bidding him battle, but extending his army and displaing his Ensigns in great quantity of ground. Notwithstanding this day there was nothing done. The day following he marched his army more near, but first of all he gave knowledge thereof to the Prince of Conde, who sending before him his footmen, came unto him with the troops of horsemen of the second Army: but as he was coming, on from the Admiral met him, and told him that he could not 'cause the Duke of Anjou to join battle with him, because he had encamped his soldiers within certain valleys environed with hills, and also by reason of a thick mist, which was so foggy that one of them could scarcely discern and know another. Therefore this day also was spent with charge and discharge of thundering shot one against another.  
The Prince of Conde had taken a very strong castle, called Ca●…uigny, by surrender, which was situate near to the river of Vienna: This castle he battered down to the hard ground, because it should not afterward stand the enemy in any steed.  
Then the Prince of Conde, to the end he might entice the linger Duke of Anjou to battle, after deliberation had of the matter, retired back again with the Admiral and went aside, passing over the river again. In the mean time Monsieur Bocard was coming to the Prince of Conde with the rest of the army, and with good stoa●…e of great Ordinance, when he had taken Pont, a strong and well fenced city. The Duke of Anjou understanding of this, determined to set upon Monsieur Bocard, he being yet a good way of from the Prince of Conde: and passing over the river of Uienua, he came to a certain Town called Pamprui, where Monpensier tarried for him with the first army. The Prince of Conde also was minded to join himself with Monsieur Bocard, that if it were possible, by this occasion he might procure and allure the Duke of Anion to battle.  
Therefore the Prince of Conde came to that place the xvii. of November, & was no farther than half a league from Monpensiers' camp. And by and by there was a small skirmish between them, which was but short by reason that night approached. The Duke of Anjou was from thence about a league. Monpensier as though he had encamped himself, made certain fires to deceive the enemy, and in the dead time of the night came towards the Duke of Anjou at jazenail.  
By the break of the day the Admiral sent Monsieur Briguemauld with certain Troops of Horsemen as scouts to view the cost: and he himself abode there still, the Prince of Conde being not far from him. Then Monsieur Briguemauld, when he came to the place from whence the enemy was fled, found certain tents empty, and horses tied, with carriage which they had left behind them, and riding a little farther, he might discern the enemy going forward: then he sent Monsieur la Lo with twenty Horsemen to take a better and more certain view of them: who, when he had ridden more near gave knowledge to Briguemauld, that they were their enemies, who straight way with the rest of the horsemen road against them: at the sight where of the Soldiers of Monpensier were so terrified that they forso●…ke their carriage, and fled toward Mongontour, he leaving his purpose to join with the Duke of Anjou. And it seemed now that they had occasion offered them to give notable attempts, if so be the Admiral had not altered his purpose, fearing lest the Prince of Conde on the other part should be troubled with the Duke of Anjou, because he hard oftentimes the sound of the gonnes. For the Prince of Conde fought with the Duke of Anjou, with whom he skirmished divers times, even at his camp. Notwithstanding this was not done 
The Duke of Ang●…we put to the worse.  without shedding of blood: six hundred of the Duke of Anious Soldiers being wanting, and of them fiveteen captains. And if they had not been prevented by night, it was to be feared, lest the battle had been more blou dy by the rescue of the Admiral.  
The next day again the Prince of Conde came with his whole power to the same place, but in vain.  
The Duke of Anjou marched with his army to Poitiers, and the Prince of Conde with his army to a town called Mirebell, within four miles of Poitiers, which strait way was yielded to the Prince of Conde: where he tarried eight days.  
Then the Admiral, when he hard that certain bands of Soldiers tarried at the city Pontauzane, took all his horsemen both with lawnce and shot, and travailed in the night, & set upon the whole Legion, of the which the Brissac was Captain, and slew three hundred of them. There was also the greatest part of the enemies horsemen, whom he dared not set upon, both for that he known not where the Prince of Conde was, and also because there were great showers of rain which much annoyed them. Therefore returning back again they met with the Prince of Conde who on the other part went to pursue the enemy. And thus for the space of certain months the time was spent with skirmishes of horsemen.  
For this was the policy of the chief Captains of the Duke of Anjou, to defer joining of battle, thereby 
The Duke of Anjou by Policy delayeth to loin battle. Du●…e Dau ma●… in Lorraine.  to allay the force of the Prince of Condes Army, that his power being deminished by delay, which the Prince of Conde could not easily repair again, they might so at the last oppress him.  
While these things were thus wrought in Guian, the Duke de Aumerle was with another Army in Lorraine: minding there to reseyne the Germans which were looked for to come and aid the Papists: and also to stop the passage of such as should come to aid the Protestants, as we will declare when we come to the same.  
While the Prince of Conde was at Mirebell, there came a Messenger from the Queen to the Prince of Conde, who in the queens name exhorted and persuaded him to peace. To this the Prince of Conde made answer before a great multitude, that he was constrained to take the sword in hand to resist those injuries offered unto him, and not to enterprise any thing against the King's Majesty: I and my friends (saith he) seek only to invade the Cardinal of Lorraine and his fellows, from whose tyranny we will deliver our consciences, our lives, and our goods: for they are open and sworn enemies to the King and the Realm.  
All men know how greatly I have wished & sought for peace, as of late may appear by my tractable facility. But, saith he because the king is compassed about & beset with his enemies I mean godwilling, to make my petitions before the King himself. And so with this answer the Messenger was dismissed: whom fame reported to be sent only as a Spy, to view what power he had, and also to feed him with the vain hope of peace, that thereby they might make him the more secure.  
Concerning the prince of Orange we spoke somewhat before. Therefore, when he had gathered together 
Prince of Orange in the low country.  great bands of Soldiers, some out of Germavie, some out of the low Country, and some out of France, and when Mons. Gently a Noble man had brought unto him for aid a great Army of Frenchmen out of Picardy: ●…e passed over the river of Mensae, and came into Belgio, otherwise called the low Country: where he tarried certain months, and made only certain small skirmishes with the Duke of Albas' soldiers, and took 〈◊〉 on the Papists a few small Towns. And having no occasions offered him to give any notable attemp●…e, the 
Prince of Orange seeketh to join with the Prince of Conde.  Duke of Alba having the chief Towns in possession, toward the end of the month of November, he came by Liege to Picardy: and so came to Saint Remi, and R●…bemont with his whole Army, minding (as it was reported) to join with the Prince of Conde. By reason of the coming of the Prince of Orange all the Cities thereabouts were afraid, and Paris itself also trembled: neither had they any hope of aid and strength, the Duke of Anjou, being in the Region of Poictou, and the Aumerle in Lorraine, sufficiently occupied. For this matter the Cardinal of Lorraine so provided, that what they could not do by might, that they brought to pass by fraud and deceit: and sought to draw away the minds of the Germans, by whom the chief strength of the Army consisted. And they had the better occasion offered them to bring their purpose to pass, because the minds of the Germans were offended by nonpayment of their wages. One Schomberg, which had access to the Prince of Oranges Camp, by the means of the chief Captain, (whom they call the Marshal of the Army) to whom he was of kin, sought to bring this thing to pass. Therefore when the Prince of Orange was minded to March further into France, the Armies of the Germans refused, & required with angry mood to be paid for the time past their wages. The captains made excuse that they made no promise to the Prince of Orange to come to war in France, & that they could not so do, because they were the King's friends. And thus the minds of the Captains being distracted, the whole army was dispersed also: the Germans saying, that they would after so much lost labour, return into their own country. The French men also by reason of this distraction went daily away by heaps. And because there was no passage into France by that part, the Prince of Orange with certain French Captains, minded to return into Germany again, with the remnant of the army, that he might ●…oyne himself with the Duke of Deuxpons, which made provision to aid the Protestants.  
The Duke of Alba being encouraged with this 
Tyranny of the Duke of Alba.  success, pursued and persecuted the remnant of the faithful throughout all the low Country: and laying new ta●…es and tributes upon the people, he provided also new kinds of torment, bringing those forth to execution, whom before he had put in prison. Every where horrible and cruel murdering sights were to be seen: but specially at Tornay and Ualencia, where fifty Citizens, to the terrible fear of all the rest, were executed by the common hangman.  
Concerning the Duke D'aumall we have spoken before, 
The Germane●… take both parts.  and have showed for what causes he was in Lorraine: for the papists to destroy the truth of the Gospel went about to win Germany to take part with them, pro mising to the Germans great rewards of money, which is a ●…oble pe●…swader, and can bring mighty things to pass Besi●…e this also they used false persuasions, saying that they d●…d not war against religion, which the King maintained by his edict, but rather against Rebels, which without the kings commandment have put themselves in armour to trouble the state, the people for the most part being drawn to mischievous sedition, under the presence of religion.  
On the contrary part the Queen of Navarre and the Prince of Conde, urged and declared to the Princes, that the Gospel was specially assaulted, and that with their accustomed guiles they went about to cover their wickedness, and the breaking of the Edict: for that all men 
Duke of Deuxpous promises to help the Prince of Conned  might see both by the breaking of the Edict, and also by the manifest denouncinge of war against the truth by those last Edicts, published in the month of September, that they are mere slanders of the papists. Therefore Wolphang Duke of Deuxpous knowing and wisely weighing the cause of the faithful, promised help liberally to the Prince of Conde, and did so in deed, as we will here after declare.  
In the mean time, while Duke Daumall waited for the coming of certain Germans to serve the king, he herded say that there were certain bands of the faith full in the territory of Strausburg. Their Captain was Monsieur Cochay of Dolpheny, a good warrior: he had charge of eight Ensigns of footmen, and of certain troops of horsemen, which he had gathered out of the remnants of the men of Dolpheny, of Lions, and from among the remnant of the Borgondians: and he travailed this way, because there was no other passage to the Prince of Conde, all other ways being s●…opt up. The Duke D'aumall went with his power thither, and being prepared to fight, met with the bands of footmen and horsemen, travailing without order or ray. Then 
Mon sieur Cochao taken & many of his men slain.  Mon. Cochay, being thereunto constrained, sought to defend himself against the Aumerle, as time and place would suffer him, and that manfully. Notwithstanding the Aumerle, though to the loss and spoil of many of his men, got at the last the victory: and took Monsieur Cochay and certain of his Captains, and slew of his men. 120. The rest of the army which were go before Mons. Cochay, and met not with the enemy, escaped in safety, without any sight of the enemy. Then Mons. Cochay was brought to Ments: & being within a while after brought for the of the City, as though he should have been exchanged, was slain without the City.  
Noyers' a Town of Burgundy, from whence we said 
Noyers' won.  before the Prince of Conde was go, was notwithstan dinge kept in the Prince of Condes name with a small Garrison. About this time this town was besieged and won by Monsieur Barbezieux: the soldiers with in the town having very valeantly defended themselves so long as possibly they could. The Castle also was yielded up on these conditions, that the Soldiers should pass in safety with their lives, and carry away with them bag and baggage, and that Monsieur Barbezieux should give his ●…aith for the performance hereof. But these conditions were kept in no point. For so soon as the gates were set open, they cruelly slew the Townsmen so fast as they met them, only a few after they were ransacked & spoiled, escaped: all manner of household stuff was given to the soldier for a pray, but the rest was carried to Troy.  
The Germans which were under the kings pay, were by this time come over the river of Rhein, well nigh to Mogunce, about the latter end of December. There were of them five thousand and six hundred horsemen: whose principal captains were these Philbert, Marquis of Bade, Diere Hess, Levineng, County Rhingrave, and Bassompere. Duke D'aumall was so proud of this news that openly he threatened the Duke of Deuxpons and his Region. Notwithstanding the Duke provided so well for the matter, that this threatenings turned to bore words, and nothing else.  
But let us come now to the affairs and exploits of Poictou: After those skirmishes by horsemen against the Duke of Anjou, we said that the Prince of Conde took the town of Mirebell, and there abode: and the Duke of Anjou at Poitiers. Within certain days after the Prince of Conde brought forth his armies, and won the castle of Champiniac in the territory of Mompenser: and after this he took the Castle of Sawigniae, and beaten down the same to the ground.  
In the mean time the Duke of Anious army being increased and fortified with fresh bands of Soldiers, both horsemen and footmen, which were brought unto him by Monsieur Ioyse, Lieutenant of Languedoc, he determined to besiege Mirebell, because it would stand him in good steed being so near Poitiers, the Prince of Conde being go with his army to the same. And when by battery he had made the town sautable, the soldiers being not able to defend the same any longer, for want of victual & other provision, they surrendered the same: howbeit the Souldious that were in the Castle, stood still in the defence thereof. But the Duke of Anjou, leaving there the Lieutenant of Poictou called Montanus sieur Lude to besiege the same, went with the rest of his army to a town called Lodun, which was kept by Monsieur Acier. Who being summoned by a Herald to surrender the same at the commandment of the Duke of Anjou, answered that the city was committed unto him by the Prince of Navarre, the kings general Precedent of Guian: to whom again he said he would restore the same, & to none other, & if any man would go about to take the same by force, he would by force again make resistance, and if he could, give him the repulse. And then he certified the Prince of Conde of every thing as it fallen out. In the mean time the Castle of Mirebell was taken, certain soldiers being let into the same under the colour of parley.  
The Duke of Anjou hearing the answer of Monsieur Acier, brought his army nearer the city. The prince of Conde also came thither, in so much that both armies being in their battle array, and their Ensigns displayed might see one another very plain. Then they discharged shot one at another with their great gonns, spending all that day with shot and certain small skirmishes: and when the night came, both parts encamped themselves. This was done the sixteen day of December. The xvii. & xviii. days following, were spent as the other day before.  
The nineteeen. day the Duke of Anjou, toward the evening gave place, and went to Chinon, the Prince's soldiers pursuing the army: at which time there were on the Prince's side two hundred Swissers slain, and on the Duke's side three Ensigns of footmen.  
About this time the cold of the winter warred very eager: in so much that it was wonderful that the Armies would lie in the fields under the cold air▪ but such was the burning heat of hatred, that many of both Armies, by reason of the extreme cold, fell into grievous diseases of the which many died.  
Therefore both Armies for this time of winter retired. The Duke of Anjou brought his Army to Poitiers, to Salmure, to Chinon, & other places thereabouts: and the Prince of Conde brought his army to Tuars, & to Montrivibellay: And he made Monsieur de Juoy, which in the time of the first civil war, was Lieutenant of Burges, Lieutenant of Lodune. And these were the exploits of this year.  
Notwithstanding the troublesomeness of the time & 
an D. 1569.  the coldness of the winter, these garboils of war were not quite ceased: So that this year also was spent and overpassed with lamentable troubles.  
There was sent into Gascoigne Monsieur de Pills, & man very expert in the wars, which should make new collections and Moisters of soldiers, and carry them with him.  
For there, what with the aid of the town of Montaulbane, & what with the help of the armies, of the which the Uicountes had the charge, the faithful were of no small power: yea, they had also many towns in their possession: although the inhabitants of Toloze and Monsieur Monluce went about still to annoy them. So soon as Monsieur Pills was come thither, he took the towns of Beegerac and Saintfoy by surrender: and when he had gathered together ban●…es of horsemen and footmen, he returned to the Prince of Conde. And by the way as he returned by that place in the which (as we said before) Monsieur de Movents & his men were overthrown, he wounded and flew many of the inhabitants of that place, because they had destroyed such as at that time fled through their villages for succour.  
The Prince of Condes bands wan and spoilt Saint florent, a very rich Abbay near unto Salmure, which was 
the Abbay of Saintflo rend wone & spoiled.  guarded with two hundred Soldiers: but when they had slain the soldiers because they stood stoutly in the defence thereof, they set fire on the Abbay.  
County Brissac, one of the Duke of Anious Captains, and a very expert young man in the wars, going out of Salmure, came suddenly upon a troop of horsemen, being in number 100 under the conduct of Monsieur Borsauld, part whereof he flew, and part he put to flight. The same also came suddenly and unlooked for upon County Momgomery in the village of la Motte: in so much that Momgomery was constrained to flee into a Castle hard by: but his brother Corminuille with certain others were taken.  
For want of victuals, the Prince of Condes Army went from Tuarz and from Montrebell: and one Army came to Partenay, and the other to Niort. Thither came also the Queen of Navarre, to consult with the Prince of Conde and with other Noble men there, concerning divers things. And among all other this was decreed, That for so much as the papists to maintain this war, did pluck away and cell the land of Churchmen, according to the prescript of the Pope's letters patents, whether they were Catholics or protestants, the Queen of Navarre & the Prince of Conde also should do the like in those places which they held and kept. To bring this thing to pass, letters were given forth in the names of the prince of Navarre, of the Prince of Conde, of the Admiral, of the Andelot, and of the Rochfoucault: By which letters certain men were commanded to cell the land of Ecclesiastical persons, and to assure and warrant the byers in their names, quietly to enjoy the same. By this means, within a short time, they had got a great mass of money.  
And on the contrary part the kings Edicts, of the which we spoke before, were executed with great rigour against Religion. All the movable goods of the faithful at the first which were taken in spoil & reserved by the Magistrate were openly sold: their lands were made to pay great fines and subsidies, to maintain Garrisons and soldiers: Garrisons were set to keep Noble men's households: and the lands of the faithful by the commandment of the King's letters, were appointed to be sold.  
The Prince of Conde gave an attempt against Lasignan, being a very strong Castle, being come thither with the greatest part of his armies: but failing of his purpose he departed again from thence.  
Sanser a City in Burgundy was besiéeged by the catholics, 
Sancer besieged.  whose captain was Martinenge an Italian. To this siege came Monsieur Nemours, bringing with him three thousand footmen, at the lest, and certain troops of horsemen: all which he brought out of Provence to aid Martinenge in the siege. The General over these was County tend Lieutenant of Provence. With these also there came certain Armies out of Dolpheny, under the charge and conduct of Baron des Adretz: whom we said before forsook the faithful in the first war. The Townsmen valiantly for certain Months defended themselves, and by divers eruptions upon the enemies and skirmishes with them, they had slain many of them, and broken many of their great guns.  
Therefore Martinenge when he had wearied in vain his soldiers with the extreme could of winter he took up his carriage, raised the siege, and departed away secretly in the night. Then the warders & watchmen of the City, suspecting that the enemies fled, gave knowledge thereof to the chief Captains in the City, who going forth by the break of the day with certain soldiers slew many stragglers that lingered behind the army without order or ray. After this, county de tend went to the Duke of Anjou: and Baron de Adretz taking Nemours with him, went to the Duke D'aumall: This was about the beginning of February. The King was now at Mets: and before he came thither he had forbidden the Protestants to use the reform religion upon pain of death.  
The power of Duke D'aumall being greatly increased with new and fresh aid, he determined to encounter with the bands of French soldiers, which waited for the Armies of the Duke of Deuxpons: and came to Sauerne a town belonging to the Bishop of Strasburge, which favoured him, and there he stopped all the passage over the river against the enemy. But he could not there abide, being repulsed I put to flight by the Frenchmen his enemies. These French bands that put him to ●…light, were such as had fled out of the hither part of France thither, & partly which were left of the Army of the prince of Orange. About this time MonsGenly died at Bergasiber in the Dominion of Deuxpous, and because he was general of those Armies, Mons. de Moy a Noble man and a good Captain was choose in his steed.  
While Duke D'aumall behaved himself thus about the borders of Lorraine, there came to the Duke of Anjou, two thousand and two hundred german horsemen, conducted by the Rheingrane, & Bassompierre. He himself when he had paid the rest of the army their wages, went with all his power toward the territory of Engolmoys: minding to win Engolesme a very fair and copious City. But because the passage to the river of Charente, would be a necessary help for him, be minded to keep the bridge. And therefore he commanded Mons. Riviere to go and take the City & the Castle of I●…rnac, which bordereth upon the river of Charente. This was the occasion of a great and lamentable battle.  
The Prince of Conde being certified of the purpose of the Duke of Anjou, came to Niort with his main battle the first day of March: and from thence he came by the Town of Sanlan Angely, the City of Saintes. The Admiral went with the Uauntgarde to Cognac: and the next day after being the fourth day of March, he with his brother the Andelot brought all the horsemen of the Uauntgarde both with lawnce and shot to larnac, and with them two Canons & two dimi Canons. Then strait way the Admiral besieged the castle of jarnac, because Mons. Riviere by and by at the discovery of them left the city and went into the castle. But the roaring Canon shot did so shake the castle gates and the walls thereof, that Mons. Riviere desired parley: and the next day after upon condition that he and his s●…uldiers should escape with their lives, he surrendered the Castle. Leaving therefore to defend that place the Uicount de Montanmoy with his Legion, the Admiral and the Andelot d●…parted to view & espy the force of the enemies, because they were said not to be far of.  
The sixte day of this month the Prince of Conde with the Admiral and the Andelot, taking with them all the horsemen of the vanguard and main battle saving certain troops which tarried behind at jarnac with Briguemauld, came to Beawoire, beside the river of Mate; where the Duke of Anjou was with his army. So soon as the prince of Conde saw him he set his army in array, and commanded certain drums to strick up behind a little hill hard by them in covert, as if an Army of footmen had been there. Notwithstanding all that day was spent with certayn●… small skirmishes.  
The Duke of Anjou being driven from th●…nce, which is a place of passage over the river, sought another way: and certain miles beyond Engolesme, he passed over the river Charente with his whole army: and in his journey he suddenly gave assault upon the city of Mele, and on the castle of Ruffec, slew the garrisons & tok●… the same: and after this also he took ●…y surrender th●… city of Chasteau neufe, and there passed over the river.▪  
Report hereof being brought to the Prince of Conde, he perceived well that there was no linger of time, he went therefore with his main battle from Saints to Cognac: and the Admiral came with the vaunt guard ●…o jarnac. The eleventh day of this month the Duke of Anjou having commanded a strong bridge to be made at Chaste●…uneuf, came near in the mean time unto Cognac with the greatest part of his armies, making a counten●…unce as though he would presently besiege the City: The princes of Navarre and of Coude were then at Cognac, their Armies being distributed & lodged among the villages there abouts. Then by and by they sent word to the Admiral commanding him to come unto them with all speed. The Admiral, because it was needful for them to be at jarnac, sent his brother the Andelot to the princes, to the end they might both understand the necessity of his abiding still, and also to deliberate with them what was needful to be done. The Andelot was not so s●…ne go, but the Duke of Anjou with his whole army which was at Cognac, rushed with great violence, minding to recover and get the bridge of jarnac. But being forced to retire by the Admiral, they turned their backs: and many of them, and of the other part also, at this con●…ict were slain.  
In the mean time the prince of Conde deliberating of the matter, minded on the day following to remove his army: and he on the twelve. day came to jarnac, & the Admiral removed to Bassac. And the same day the Admiral came with the Uauntgard before Chasteauneuf, to view the place. He known that the enemy had made another Bridge of wood near unto the stone Bridge of Ghasteaun●…f that he might pass and repass over them with his whol●… army, the more speedily. And then he ●…eturned to Bassac again: leaving there certain bands for defence till he came back again.  
But because of the incommodiousnes of the place, which caused the army to be dispersed abroad, the prince of Conde sent to the Admiral willing him to be with him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 day early in the morning, and to bring with hi●… all his bands, and his ordinance: and to see that the horsemen were with him even at the break of the day. So soon as the Admiral had received the message, he sent word that night to every captain hereof. But many of them were so slack that they had the next day in the morning scarcely taken their journey by nine of the clock. The Admiral tarried their coming at the River to keep the same with certain bands of Harguabuziers.  
In the mean time the Catholics Camp passed over the river of Charente all the night with as great speed as might be: and were come before Bassac in the sight of the prince of Conde. But because the said prince lacked the Lord Plweaus horsemen and his regimen of footmen, left (as you have herded) behind and were now coming, he had no intent as yet to fight. The morrow after being the xiii. of March, the prince with his horsemen that were already arrived, presented himself in the morning in order of battle before the enemy above the village of Bassac. When all was arrived, the said prince returned with the battle, & drew to Matt● near Saint jean de Angelie, which the Admiral did also, leaving behind to direct the retract, the Lord de la Nove, who retiring a reasonable pace and yet not far of, was charged with a great host of horsemen, which forced him to take the charge, and chased him to Bassac, where the Admiral was ready to resist, and repulsed the catholics unto the other side of the village.  
In the mean while certain troops of shot of the Catholics entered the said village, & sought to skirmish with the Admiral, who likewise drove them out of the village: Notwithstanding they were relieved by the rest of the Camp that followed at hand, and returned to the village.  
The Lord Admiral seeing that the Catholics were so nigh, sent a Gentleman with speed to the Prince, to advertise him that the whole camp of the contrary side was there and almost at his heels: so that, seeing no mean to retire without fighting, desired him to advance such powers as he had of the battle. Immediately the prince recoiled till he was very near the Admiral, ringing themselves in battle at the foot of a hill 
The battle in which the Prince of Conde Was slain.  on the left hand. The Admiral was in battle ray on the right hand along a little Copies lookings toward Bassac. He had about him the Lord Plweaus regimen of five ensigns of footmen, who made a long skirmish: and seeing that the Catholics in the mean while were ready to charge him, coming between the Prince & him, turned his face right upon them, and with certain Cornets which were with him, pressed upon them so whotly, that he brought to the ground a great number, and so passed further.  
At the same instant the Prince (when he had mads his prayers unto God) went to battle with great courage: upon whom rushed a great Squadron of Reisters' or Germans, and set upon him on the side: at which charge his horse was killed and fallen upon him, and his horsemen put to the chase, whom the Catholics pursued. Albeit as they passed further, a French Gentleman, named the Lord of S. jean, known the Prince of Conde, and also the Lord de Argence: both which promised him to save his life, or else to leave there's in adventure. Where upon, as an Archer being descended on foot to help to shift the prince of Conde from under his horse, and had set him on his feet, one named Montesquion (who was thought to be the captain of the guard to the King's brother) knowing the Prince, shot him through the head with a pistolet: the shot entering behind, & came forth under his eye: of which he presently died. They which were present were very sore offended for this deed: but specially they which had given unto him their faith to save his life.  
This was the end of the Prince of Conde, a Noble Prince▪ who hath left behind him a glorious name among the French men: yea & among those that were his enemies for ever. There was in this prince a singular lo●…e toward the gospel, a desire most fervent to advance the glory of God, to further the dignity of his prince, & to maintain the liberty and peace of his country. For the which his enemies brought him into great peril: and sought by all means possible, to quench that burning zeal in him toward the Gospel. But he declared himself wise and valeant▪ in over passiug those troubles, and also constant in the truth of the Gospel: who, for the same hath forsaken great dignities and princely honour, and hath consecrated himself wholly unto God: and who, as he hath for the gospel of God, for the dignity of the king, and for the liberty of his country spent his life: even so, seeing he hath for these causes spent it, he hath in the foil got the victory of his enemies, and being dead, triumpheth over death and is yet alive. A miracle which all godly and christian men throughout all posterities, will ever embrace.  
In this battle there were two hundred of the faith full slain, & forty noble men taken prisoners: among whom was the bastard son of the King of Navarre, the Lord de la Nove, whose horse was slain at the first charge, the lord of Teligni, de la Balbe, de Soubize, and the Love: also the Lord Stuard a Scot▪ and Chastelher portant, who after they were taken, were stabbed with daggers and murdered. On the Catholics side were slain, the County de la Miraude, the lord de Monsaletz, the Basilius rons of Ingrande and Prunay, with many other.  
After this battle, one part of the horsemen drawn to S. jean de Angely, with the Admiral, the L. Andelot, the County de la Rochefocault, and Monsieur de Acier: the other part took their way to Coignac.  
In this Encounter the prince had no other footmen, than the Lord Pluneaux regiment heretofore mentioned: all the rest of his footmen was retired by his commandment to jarnac, as being not of mind to fight that day. There was made at jarnac a bridge of boats to pass the River Charente in time of need: over which the footmen seeing the overthrow, passed over to the other side of the river, & so then broke it in pieces for fear of pursuits, & soretired to Coignac, where were the princes of Navarre and Anguyen. The artillery brought from Coygnac, was brought thither again, having made not great way.  
The said princes of Navarre and Anguyen (now prince of Conde) departed from Coygnac the next morning, with such horsemen as were retired unto them. And the same day they arrived at Saints in Sainctonge, leaving their footmen at Coygnac, to maintain war against the Catholics: Who the morrow after being the fivetéene of March, presented themselves in battle before Coygnac with horsemen and footmen, making countenance to besiege it.  
There was a great skirmish upon them on the parks side thereto adjoining, by mean of a silly made by the Lord Baudine: In which encounter were left dead in the same place two hundred bodies, and great numbers hurt▪ which made the Catholics to retire the same day, returning to jarnac.  
In the mean while the Admiral understanding that the princes were retired to Saints, went thither too them: and with the horsemen of their train, he brought them to S. jean de Angely, and from thence to ThonieCharante.  
Now, the army of the faithful were in great sorrow, when the Queen of Navarre came to them, because of the death of the Prince of Conde: who used these persua sions and exhortations to quiet their minds.  
Whereas (faith she) the prince of Cind hath spent his life valiantly for the defence of so good a cause▪ which also in his life time he ronstantly defended the hath left behind him to his fellow soldiers, an example of Constancy, for them to defend God's truth, the King's dignity, and the liberty of their Country: against which wicked men rebel: Our good and just cause is not dead with the Prince of Conde: neither aught the minds and courage of so good men, to quail and faint by any manner of means: God hath so provided for his cause, that he had raised up Defenders thereof in the▪ Prince of Condes place, to succeed him. Those▪ and many other comfortable persuasions the Queen of Navarre used to encourage the morning Army: and then returned to Rochel.  
The prince of Conde thus taken away, and his death no small loss to them of the religion, the Kings▪ brother knowing the princes of Navarre and d'Anguyen▪ were passed the river of Botoune, determined to follow them, and in that purpose departed from jarnac and came to Dampierre where he passed the river: he lodged his army within half a league of S. jean d'Angely; of purpose to execute a certain enterprise within the said town, by mean of the captain of the Castle. In the mean while the Prince's Army passed Charante, as well at Thonye Charante, as at Tallibourgh, keeping the boats always on their side.  
The King's brother understanding the said army was passed over Charante, and also that his enterprise upon the town of S. jean d'Angely, was so discovered, as he could not commit it to safe execution, returned from whence he came, that is, to jarnac, Chastoau-neuf, and places about Angoulesme, attending his opportunity to effect an attempt which he had conspired upon that town, and that by mean of the captain of the Park, which was also discovered, as hereafter shall follow.  
The Princes being now on the other side of the river Charente, begun to survey their forces, viewing first their horsemen, and then their foot●… in order as hereafter shall be showed. All the horsemen were sent for in one day into two places: The prince of Navarre and the L. Admiral mustered the battle, and the d' Andelot with the County Rochefoucaut, the vanguard. There were viewed and enhabled about. iiii. thousand horsemen, well mounted and armed, with valiant disposition to follow the cause to a good end. It was openly read there to all the horsemen, that the prince of Navarre▪ declared himself chief of the army, with promise not to leave 
The oath of the Prince of Navar.  the camp till a good and happy peace, and much less to spare his life and goods in that behalf. This being published, the horsemen likewise protested by oath not to departed the army without his leave, nor forbear life 〈◊〉 living in the assistance of the quarrel.  
l'Endureau captain of a hundred light horsemen, after 
l'Endureau revolts  she last conflict, revolted, and took part with the County du Lude, governor of Poytou. He was grievous, (after his revolt) to the Protestants in a number of heavy evils, as in pilling and robbing them without respect, and also under shadow of his white Cassakins, wherewith he yet disgnised his people: He took the castle of Montaagu in base Poytou, yielding to the garrison no other mercy than by the edge of the sword. He made many incursions into Poytou, and annoyed them with such general peril, that the princes (to overcome him this troops) dispatched thither the Lord de la Roche●…ard with seven. cornets of horsemen, and the regiments of footmen of the L. lafoy Mousson, Saint Magrin, & Montamma, whose strength and travel was to small purpose, because the enemy had a special saüetie in his singular swiftness, as knowing well the straits and compass of that country.  
The princes being at Saints, got intelligence of the enterprise which the King's brother ment to execute within Angoulesme, and thereupon (knowing also that he was upon his way thither, dispatched to intercept that purpose) the County Montgomery with ten cornets of horsemen, over and besides the regimen of footmen of the Lord Montbrun and Mirabel sent thither all ready. The Montgomery, the better to execute his charge, in the beginning of April, summoned the said ten cornets of horsemen to be before him at Pons, the monday being the fourth of April in the evening. At his coming, he found only. vi. cornets with whom he departed after some expectation for the other which were not yet come: he travailed all that night, and the next morning was received within the town of Angoulesme without any let or impediment by the way: the other four cornets coming somewhat late to Pons, hasted on the way after their copanie, albeit as they were near Chasteauneuf, neither fearing nor for seeing any peril, they were charged by a great troop of horsemen laid of purpose in amb●…h to intercept them▪ & so pursued as the chase came to Coygnac, from whence they returned and found safety in the swiftness of their horses. At this encounter the L. de Chaumont, captain of one of the said cornets with certain other common soldiers were taken prisoners, and about. thirty. or. xl. slain.  
The County Montgomery was no sooner within Angoulesme, than he begun to devise and provide for the safety of the town: wherein for his first policy, he surveyed the wards and warders of the town: And because that those which afore made the view and search of the town, passed not by the Park (which is a new building joined to the town) which cut of all advertisement of any thing done there: the place itself also not unapt to receive companies, foisted in by night without knowledge to them of the town: The said Montgomery made pierce the walls, and open the gates of that side towards the park, so that always after the searchers of the town passed and visited the guards of the same. He removed also the Captain of the said Park to avoid treason, with order that every night the warders of that place should be changed. The Duke de Roavois being led prisoner (as you have herded) to Rochel, and there continuing till the month of january, was delivered upon this promise to pay within three more nethes after twenty thousand franks to ransom, or in default of either the time or sum, to return prisoner to Rochel. He failed and therefore was summoned to make good his word, which he refused, clearing himself by the death of the prince of Conde, to whom, as he had given his faith, so his death acquitted his promise▪ The Kings brother kept still about Angoulesme, all be it understanding of the precise direction of the Montgomery, gave over his further attempt, and departed from thence the twelve. of April, taking his way to Perigueux, and passing by Aubeterre, he took the castle by composition▪ for whose guard the L. of the place did entertain about a hundred men, who enduring only certain shot of the cannon, yielded themselves (their lives saved:) wherein notwithstanding they were abused, for that divers were killed, and the L. of the place arrested as prisoner: from Aubeterre he drew to Mucedan a town of Perigueux, afore the which, as the Lord de Montlue attended him with his forces: so the army being arrived, they began to batter with such fury, as a breach was speedily enforced. There were within the town seven or eight score popular Soldiers, who despairing either to fill up the breach, or to keep it longer, in respect chief of their small numbers, abandoned the Town and closed themselves within the castle being sufficient lie strong: the catholics being within the town, bend their battery against the castle, where they had no sooner battered a breach, than they cried to the assault. They within sustained the first assault, and likewise two. others in the neck of it, repulsing at last the catholics, whereof a great number left their dead bodies in pawn: then the King's brother (under their word of assurance) came to Parle with them, wherein he so prevailed, as they yielded, reserving only their lives, which notwith standing were violently taken away from them all without exception▪ contrary to his faith and word of honour: he lost at these assaults a great company of soldiers, with sundry Lords and captains of choice: 
Brissac slain.  amongst which was the county Brissac stricken with a harquebus shot in the left chéek: he was a gallant gentleman and of great hope amongst the people, of twenty-five. years of age when he died, and of great calling & function in France. For first he was Knight of the order, captain of fifty men at arms of the kings allowance, Colonel general over the french footmen in the kings camp, and governed also in this journey a regimen of xl. ensigns of footman: his brother succéeded him in most of his charges, saving the estate of Colonel general which was given to the Lord of Strossie: there died at 
Conte P●… pardon slain.  that slege the contie Pompaden: with many other to the number of u or vi. hundred.  
Mucedan being taken in this month of April▪ the Kings brother took way again to Angoulmois, & the Lord of Montluc returned to his government, and charge.  
The Prince's horsemen being thus viewed and mustered, they would also survey their footmen, in which business the d' Andelot was chief used, and theréfore immediately dispatched, to the end he might puruse the garrisons in every town of their obedience: he began his first travail in this charge upon the end of April, following the garrisons and mustering them in his own presence. In the beginning of May, he returned to Saints, feeling himself somewhat sick, the same growing so upon him as he died the Sarterday the seventh of the same 1569. to the lamentable grief and displeasure of the whole army, as being noted a most wise and valeant Gentleman, called commonly the knight with out fear: his office of general Colonel of the French footmen was given to the Lord d' Acyer▪ his company of men of arms since his death hath been governed by the Lord of Beawais, his Lieutenant. It was thought he was poisoned, and the physicians that viewed his body were of the same opinion.  
Immediately after, in the same month and at the same place died the Lord of Boccarde, having line long 
The Lord Boccarde dead.  sick, he was of no less council in matters of consultation, than of courage in the execution, his estate of the great Master of the artillery was given to the Lord janlis his son in law, with his cornet of horsemen.  
And now, to overslip nothing that was executed in this last April, there eye in the mountains of Daulphyne a Castle near to Bryanson, wherein the King keeps an ordinary dead pay of certain numbers of soldiers: A Captein called Colombyn born in Grenoble, understan ding by certain of the borough of Oysans, that most part of the said dead pay men were issued out of their charge, took the said castle, and finding no resistance other than the very captain of the place, who yielded being hurt with a shot, he made himself Lord of it, where neglecting one first and most necessary policy in a victor, he rather laboured to deface the images, than to furnish place that with convenient provision, which being not unmarked of certain evil neighbours, purlewing upon the Castle, they forthwith environed him with a siege▪ and so cut off his vittaill, whereof they known the castle had but slender store. Their siege continuing about xv. days, enforced him at last to tender the place upon composition and only reservation of life, which notwithstanding was not kept, for that all his soldiers were cut in pieces, and he only led on live to Grenoble.  
After the general view and muster of the Prince's footmen, the Lord de Pills (returned now from Gascoigne) was sent to seize upon the isle of Medoc, a rich Isle lying between Rochel and Bourdeaux, containing in length about xuj. or xvii. leagues, and 4. or 5. leagues in breadth: he provided necessary boats to pass the river of Gironde, and embarking himself with two thousand footmen, descended into the said I'll, and took haven without any let: he made himself master of the isle upon the sudden and unlooked for, finding great foison of riches, wherewith he and his soldiers loaded themselves plentifully.  
By mean of this isle he besieged Bourg a town in Berdelois, but being speedily called back by the princes, he raised his siege and came again to the Camp: At this siege died of a shot in his shoulder, the Lord Ualphe viere, Lieutenant to the late Lord d' Andelot, of his regiment of footmen, whose regiment was translated to the Lord of Rouray, a gentleman of France. This was upon the end of May.  
The kings Brother being now returned into the country of Angoulmois, and after he had somewhat relieved his army on that side to Villebois, sent to sommonthe town of Angoulesme, by a trumpet, wherein he was refused, and so took way towards Berry to join his force witht the Duke de Aumerle being in the said country: the Count Montgomery charged upon the tail of his camp, and discomfited certain of them.  
The Lady Marquis of Rottelin, understanding of the death of the prince of Conde her son in law, put her upon the way to come to Rochel, where was the widow princess her daughter: she passed to S. jean de Angely, & so to Thony upon Boutonne, where the said princess met her, and so returned into France without her daughter, whom she purposed to have with her. But the princes excused her upon her children, which were then at Rochel, whether she also returned: it was thought the Lady Marquis came to entreat a peace, which was not so, because her occasion was only as is aforesaid▪ this was in the end of May▪ 1569.  
In the first kindling of these wars, the Princes having true intelligence of divers numbers of strangers entered the Realm for the strength of the Catholics, determined also to fortify their army by the like mean. And therefore, knowing that the prince Wolfgange, the Duke de deux Pons, had erected great numbers of men of arms, as well on foot as on horseback, the better to defend his own countries, sent to him with request to yield them succours in their so urgent and extreme necessity, both with his army presently in point, & also such other powers as he might possibly levye, whereunto the said Duke condescended with promise to relieve them with all his forces, which albeit at that time were not fully assembled, yet he forgot not within short time after, to put an army in readiness to come into France: whereof the Duke de Aumale (lying in Lorraine) being informed by special Intelligencers, dispatched forthwith a Gentleman of his, by whom he advertised the Duke of the common brute that passed of the diligence he used in the levies of men of war in Almaigne, and all to assist the conspiracies of such as arm themselves against the Crown of France, with displayed war against the King, which for his part as he neither had nor would believe, so looking nearer into his magnificence and parts of a Prince, he judged him of no inclination to favour rebels against their sovereign majesty, considering withal, the ancient respect of amity so long continued between the house of the electors of the county Palatines of Rhine, & the sceptre of France: Albeit, his majesty desiring to understand an absolute truth, gave him special charge to dispatch this special Messenger, he also having authority of his Majesty to withstand the entry of any strangers to relieve the enterprise of the said rebels, which he hoped to accomplish, or else to leave his life in the charge.  
The Duke forbore to answer speedily, until his army were fully in point, albeit after that he had received his Riestres, he begun to march towards the county of Burgogne, and as he lay upon the frontiers of France, tarrying for his Launceknyghtes, he answered the d'Aumales letter, which he sent forthwith to the King: In the beginning he laid afore him how in the years afore, many Reistermaisters passing through his Duchy without leave, grieved so his Country, that the continual complaints of his people forced him to draw into companies of armed men, as well on horseback as on foot, to withstand further offence to his people. And that now in respect his cousins and dearly beloved Princes of Navarre and Conde, have lamentably imparted with him the unjust quarrel, urged upon them, as well to enforce their lives and goods, as to deprive the exercise of their Religion, contrary to the King's faith and plain proetstation of his Edicts: and that not only they, but all the Nobility and others, professing the same religion, have, and do endure miserable oppressions, as estranged from their own houses, thrust out of their charges and offices, their possessions & wealths, confliked into the King's hands: lastly, that there be raised huge companies of men of war aided with sundry sorts of strangers to cut them in pieces, as in other times of open hostility: in these respects together with their earnest motion and request for succours, and lastly upon an upright view and consideration of their present calamity, he could, nor aught do no less than aid them. And for their parts, the better to avouch their integrities in refusing all attempts, aspiring preiudicially to the crown of France, (as the d' Aumalles letters did smisterly suggest) the said princes have protested by letters, which he keepeth sealed with their own hands, that if (at his being in France) he see or know any inclination in them to conspire in any sort against the crown, that he would not only draw away his succours, but convert them to the enemy and contrary side, the rather to revenge their disloyalty: which makes him judge of the prince's side, & believe that they are not only far from the slanderous impositions of their enemies, but also of unfeigned desire, rather to rest quietly in their houses, than follow so hard & doubtful a war, whereunto they have been drawn of force as to defend the violent oppression of their malicious enemies: he alleged besides, that when his Cousin the Duke Casimir erected his army in Almaign in the like cause, he was also untruly informed (as of purpose to draw him from succouring the Prince of Conde) that it was against the Majesty royal that the said Prince did conspire, which notwithstanding was found otherways, as appeareth by his majesties Edicts of peace, both first and last, approving always the actions of the said Prince, as done for the service of his Majesty. And to take away all suspicion, he declared, that besides that, his meaning and purpose was to succour the said Princes of Navarre and Conde, his enterprise in coming into france, stretched also to relieve the little one's of the Religion, dispersed into their several miseries, to whom of very duty (being a Christian Prince) he could do no less than offer and lend his hand to lead them to jesus Christ.  
And to the end his majesty may unfeignedly resolve in the integrity of his purpose, & that he undertakes not this journey to spoil his subjects or make pray of their wealths, or for any other particular profit, he protested that if his majesty would grant them a safe use of their religion with a free exercise of the same without limitation and distinction of people and places, together with assurance of their goods, honours, charges, and estates, he would not only return and dismiss his army, but also defray the whole charges of the same and the said Reistremaisters in their passage, amounting in all to above a hundred thousand crowns, protesting for end, that if (in refusing his just and reasonable offers) the quarrel do aggravate by his coming into France, to wipe his hands in innocency of all imputations hereafter, and the fault to be laid upon the authors and chief counsellors of the war, being about his majesty.  
The Duke having now received his lanceknights, entered into France, and passing by Bourgongue, came to charity, being coasted sundry times both behind and before by the armies of the Dukes d' Aumerle 
charity besieged and taken.  and Nemors, without attempting any thing upon him: he arrived without let before charity, the. xuj. of may, which he battered so vehemently that he enforced forthwith a breach, in the mean while the Lord of Movy, passing over Loere a little above the said town, with three hundred harquebuziers, wone the suburbs towards the bridge, the same so occupying and amazing them that were besieged, that the Duke entered the breach, and put the whole garrison to the sword: this town was taken in good time, because that if it had lingered never so little, the Duke. d' Aumerle being very near with succours, had endangered the enterprise. The town was no sooner taken, than he was discovered not far of with. xviii. hundred horsemen, who coming to short to withstand the Duke's entry, returned in hope to hinder the Duke to join with the Prince's Army, by means that he met and assembled with the kings brother's power, who knit together for this purpose in the country of Berry.  
In the end of May, the Princes informed of the approach of the Duke de deux Pons, and the taking of charity, began to march to join with his army, and leaving the Lord de la Nove, to govern in the countries of Poycton and Sainctonge, took their way by Angoulmois, directly to Perigueux, and as they passed thorough that country, the Lord of Chaumontes' light horsemen, with certain companies of footmen, took the town of Noutron belonging to the Queen of Navarre, wherein were killed about four score men that defended it: this was the seventh of june. 1569.  
The morrow after the said Princes dispatched the County Montgomery into Gasoyne, to command over the army of the Uicounts', who otherways would not agree, as not acknowledging one above another: he took his way by Solliac, where he passed the river of Dordone, and so beneath Cadenat, he passed also over Lot & came to Montauban without any let.  
They of the town of Perigueux, fearing the coming of the Prince's army, desired the Lord Montluc to send them succours, to whom he dispatched immediately the knight Montluc his son with. twelve. Ensigns of footmen, with the which he entered the town the fourth of june.  
In this mean while the Prince's army kept the way drawing to Lymosyn, and the Duke de deux Pons hasted by great journeys to join with them, passing the river of Viene two leagues above Lymoges. The catholics had sent thither two. C. shot to defend the passage, who were all cut in pieces by the Lord de Movy, the ix. of this month, on which day the prince's army arrived at Chalus a town in Lymosyn, departing the next day to join with the army of the Duke de deux Pons in a village within two leagues of Chalus belonging to the Lord de Escars, Governor of the said country.  
The Lord Admiral accompanied with two hundred horsemen, went where the duke was to salute him: the 
The Duke de Deux Pons dead.  Duke enduring certain fits of an ague not many days afore, and not cured as yet, died the xi. of this month. 1569. in a village three leagues from Lymoges: a fore his death, he called before him the chief and principals of his army, with whom he communicated in many points, but chief in persuasion and request to pursue the purpose of their coming into France, leaving for their general leader in his place, the County Wolrard de Mansfeld, afore his Lieutenant General: his body was carried to the Town of Angoulesme, to be there huryed.  
In the army of the said late Duke, were xxviii. cornets 
Description of the Dukes Campe.  of horsemen, containing viii. thousand and u hundredth Reistres, whereof were Colonels, Hans Bucq. Reignold Grac, Henry d'Estam, and Hans de There's: six thousand lanceknights will armed on foot, and for the most part pikemen, divided into xxvii. Ensigns, where of were Colonels, the Lord de Gravillar, and the Lord Guteryn Gansgorffe baron of Grelezee, besides two. M. horsemen and ten Ensigns of foot men of French men, whereof was Colonel (touching the footmen) one of the sons of the Lord de Bricquemau. There were also in the said army divers personages of high estate, as the prince of Orange, his Son, the Countess' Lodovike and Henry de Nassau, his brethren, the Lord d' Moruilliers. the Marquis of Renell, the Lords of Movy and Esterney, besides many others: there were also nineteeen. pieces of artillery, & they either main pieces, or field pieces, with others somewhat less, whereof he left two of the great 
description of the prince's army.  test at Charity. There were in the prince's army about thirteen thousand harguebuzers, besides pikes, whereof were great numbers, about iiii. thousand horsemen, six cannons and two mean pieces.  
The kings brother now having received from the 
Snccours from the Pope.  Pope two thousand horsemen, and four thousand foot men Italians under the conduit of the county de Saint Fiour, came to Lymoges with his army, fronting always as near as he could the Almains, but not meddling with them.  
About this time the Queen Mother accompanied 
the Queen mother en courageth the Soldiers.  with the Cardinals of Bourbon and Lorraine, came to Lymoges, and there desirous to see in battle the army of the Duke her son, she visited thee▪ battles and squadrons of his horsemen one after an other, persuading them to omit no duty, to continued their service to his majesty, and so departed the camp, and went to Lymoges, where she remained certain days, and then retired to the court.  
The same day the Lord la Love marshal of the princes camp with his regiment of horsemen, was sent to Aesse upon Vienne, to guard the passage, whereof the kings brother having intelligence, came the next day being the eleventh of june, and encamped with in a league of the said Aesse, making out the same day certain numbers of shot to undertake the skirmish, who being repulsed, tarried not long there, but returned to the camp: the twelfth day arrived at the said Aesse, the footmen of the vauntegarde of the Princes, and thither came also other supplies of shot from the Catholics camp, and that in great numbers: they at the first coming repulsed certain shot which were with in the Subburbes on the other side Vienne, albeit they were forthwith rescued, and the other driven to retire, the skirmish endured long & hot, devouring of the catholic side about CC. men, and of the Prince's part only xx. or thirty.  
Within two days after the Prince's army marched toward S. Tirier lafoy perch, in the said country of Limosin, of purpose to refresh there the Launceknights, wearied with so long travail: the kings brother followed than, albeit so far of, as it was the xxii. of june afore he came near the Princes, and then lodged three leagues from the said S. Tirier, where the said princes were, who sent for their army as well footmen as horsemen to come and camp ther. The twenty three of the same month he advanced more near them, lodging within a league and an half of S. Tirier in a village called lafoy Roche, the same arguing to the Princes, that he would give them battle the next morrow, whereof they attended to see if he would come any nearer, which he did not, albeit the princes sent for their army to be ready at the first show of the day, who accordingly marched in good order to the said place de la Roche, where forthwith they bestowed themselves in squares: the forlorn hope were appointed to march both on the right and left hand, they of the right hand were led by the lord de Pills, whose regiment made the first wing, the others of the left hand were guided by the Lord de Rouray: the Lord de Movy, with his regiment of horsemen kept the left hand, and the lord de Bricqueman▪ and de la Love with their regiments of horsemen, the right hand making the wing of the vauntegarde: the lanceknights were ringed in two battles, the one a vanguard and the other a battle: the vanguard carried. viii. field pieces which were planted before their battle.  
The skirmish began of the Lord of Pills side against the Lord de Strossi, who with two thousand shot was behind a close pale, and sent thither for the defence of the passage, he had a great advantage upon the Lord de Pills, because his harquebushears shot in covert from behind the said close pale, and the said Lord the Pills was open and in a high place. Besides, the Lord of Strossi had to back him in time of need four Cornets of Italians, who seeing that the forlorn hope of the Lord de Pills, could not discharge their pieces by reason of the rain, charged so hotly upon him, as they forced him to retire a hundredth pace within the wood▪ kill at that charge about ten of his soldiers, albeit being rescued by two Cornets of light horsemen of the Captains la Motte and Brilliam, Gascones, repulsed with equal violence the Italians, & put them to flight, in which mean while, the said forlorn hope renewed more hotly the skirmish, and yet did neither hurt nor amaze greatly the said Lord Strossi, which caused the Admiral to draw thitherward, who assoon as he had surueted the place, caused to come to him the shot led by the Lord de Rouray.  
They began to skirmish on the let hand against the Lord de Strossi, beating him on the side: with constraint at last to habandon his shade and recoil: whereupon the Captains lafoy Motte and Brilliam, with many other companies of horsemen, gave upon his troops, and put them to the chase, wherein the lord Strossi was taken and led to the Admiral, who caused the victory to be pursued to a little river running fast by, and 
The Lord Strossi taken  many soldiers followed the fortune of this chase even within the tents of the Catholics camp, and hard to their ensigns.  
On the left hand the lord de Movy offered to charge certain Cornets of Italian horsemen, who refused to abide him, and so he returned back.  
It rained so vehemently that there could be no use of any har●…uebushe▪ so that without any other thing done, the army retired: the Strossi lost and left dead on 
Strossies' men flame.  the place about five or six hundred: Among others of account was slain his Lieutenant, called the Lord de Saint Loup, with thirty aswell Captains in chief, as lieutenants and ensign bearers, whose Targets remained also upon the place: Ofthem of the Religion were slain and hurt of all sorts only fifty, whereof were two Captains of footmen called Peyrol and la Merie Dauphynois, this was the. twenty-five. of june. 1569.  
The morrow after, four hundredth Italian horsemen, with certain Pikemen of the men of Arms of the Duke de Nemors, came to see if the Prince's army were discamped as the kings brother was advertised, as they approached near the camp, they were discovered by the watch, and so hotly set upon, as they were enforced to retire out of order, some slain and some taken prisoners.  
The. xxvii. of this month, the said Princes army were driven to discamp for want of victuals, drawing toward Perigueux, to relieve themselves.  
The lord de Moruillier, comen out of Almaigne as 
The death of ●…e lord of Moruill.  you have herded with the late Duke of Deux Pons, was sick in this time at Angoulesme, of a hot Ague, the same pressing him so sore, that within few days he died in the said town.  
The County du Lude governor of Poyctou, having assembled certain troops aswell of Touraine, & Anjou, as of Poyctou, departed from the Town of Poitiers, 
The siege of Niort.  and the twelfth of this month of june, planted his siege before Nyort, wherein was governor the lord de la Brosse.  
The first day of the siege the lord de Plwean, with 
The Lord pluneau succours it.  his Regiment of footmen, and his company of light horsemen, entered the Town in despite of the Lord de Lude, who notwithstanding those succours, began his battery the next morning on the side of the tour de la Pigalle, and followed it forthwith with an assault: which was so valiantly repulsed, that, he seeing the breach filled up with such speed, removed his battery, and forced a breach in an other place, albeit he dared not make it good with an assault, but understanding of supplies of succour at hand raised, his siege the xxii. of the month of june.  
He had four Canons and two mean pieces: Coming again to Poitiers, he left within S. Meseut, the lord de Anuony, master of the Camp of the Regiment of the late County Brissac, with such companies as he had with the said Regiment, with two Canons, two field pieces and certain other munitions, leading the rest to Poitiers.  
At this siege, the lord de Plweau was lightly hurt with a shot, and soon healed again: Of the du Ludes side were slain the Captains Flogeat, Gorbon a Gentleman of Sainctonge, Fresovet la March, the Captain Colonel of the said Regiment, the master of the mines, and Morlou guider of the artillery carriage, with a great number of footmen.  
The Lord of Teligni was sent for to go to the rescue of Nyort, with four cornets of Reisters', with certain other cornets of Frenchmen, and the regiment of footmen of the Lord Bricquimi●… the younger. Notwithstanding, afore he came there, the siege was raised, whereupon they went to the said S. Mesent, to intercept the artillery: which in the end they abandoned, as hereafter shallbe noted.  
The Prince's army being in the country of Perigueux was still pursued, but far off, by the catholics, keeping on the left hand: The Princes entered by composition within the town of Branthome, they took also two Castles in the said Country, the one belonging to the Bishop of Perigueux, and therefore commonly called the Bishop's castle: the other called lafoy Chapelle, in which were killed about two hundred and three score men, with like number of the popular sort withdrawn thither, and thereabouts.  
Upon the beginning of july, the Prince's army departed from the country of Perigueux, drawing to Confluence or Confolance, a little town upon Uienne. Near unto the which is a Castle called Chabaucy, then in question between the Uidame of Chartres and the Lord de Montluc: within the castle was a company of footmen, whose Captain refused to open the gates to the vittailers of the Prince's army, and therefore the vanguard came and besieged them, and the same day battered and took the Castle by assault, putting the soldiers to the sword: The Captain only was taken, who promised for his ransom twenty thousand franks, and withal to 'cause to be sent home▪ M. Pierre Viret, minister of the gospel, taken prisoner in the territories of the Queen of Navarre. The castle after it was taken the sixth day of july, was burned to the ground. Within two days after the Lord de Movy entered by composition the town of S. Genays' in Poictou. One chief covenant in the composition was, that the Town promised to pay ten thousand Franks, so that their goods were not put to the pillage or spoil, wherein they were duly dealt withal, as they also paid truly their money.  
You have herded how the King's brother pursued the prince's Camp into Perigeux, who now seeing (as it seemed) into their several purposes, turned away, and passing by Lymosin and Berry, came into Touraine. Being at Loches, he licensed a great number of his horsemen to recreate themselves abroad until the first of October, by which occasion his camp so diminished, as he had not about him of the French nation above a thousand e or twelve. C. horsemen, and very few footmen: almost all the Captains went to relieve & increase their companies.  
The princes being advertised, that the town of Chastelleraut contained not above three score soldiers in guard, dispatched thither the Lord de la Love with his regiment of horsemen, and a company of Harquebuziers on horseback: At his first coming he summoned the town, which without much resistance, was rendered unto him, reserving only that their goods should not be sacked, nor any the inhabitants hurt, upon which agree meant the gates were opened, and the Lord de la Love entered at one gate, and the lord Uilliers Knight of the order, and Governor of the Town▪ issued out of another. Upon the end of this month, the Lord de Sansac, with iiii. or u M. footmen and certain horsemen of the Catholics, besieged the town of charity, he battered it so vehemently, that within small time he made a breach, and suddenly marched to the assault, from whence he was repulsed with the loss of u C. men, the rest retiring from the assault to the artillery, whereof one of small experience let fall his match within a cask of canon powder, which in a moment flushed up such a general flame and fire, that it burned a great number of the said soldiers, and blew one on the other side the river of Loere upon the gravel, and so burned him to death in every man's sight. They that defended the town, made great resistance, and grieved many of the Catholics by their sallies which they made out of the Town: whereupon the Lord de Sansac (not able to force them) was constrained to raise his siege, hearing withal, that the Princes had provided to secure them with three or four thousand horsemen, which notwithstanding was rather incertayn, than a true report.  
After the taking of the Castle of Chabaney the prince's army took way to Luzignan, a strong castle, and (as it is said) builded louge since by Mellusigne: the guard of this castle were two hundredth soldiers under the Lord de guron, captain and keeper of the same, who, being summoned to tender it, refused, by reason whereof it was besiéeged the fourteenth day of the said month, when the battery began very furiously with six Cannons on that side to the park, they within being sore shaken with the cannons, and almost iiii. score of their soldiers slain, a breach being beaten open and flat, and the regiment of footeme in order of battle ready to offer the assault, began to faint in heart, demanding Parley, and immediately rendered the place under this composition, that the said Lord Guron with the Lord de Cluseaux, should departed with bag and baggage, and the Soldiers with their lives and only sword & dagger: within the castle were found four canons, two fiéelde pieces, with great store of munition: and as some say, huge sums of money. They established there▪ as governor the lord de Mirambeau, a gentleman of the country of Sainctong, with vi. hundredth harquebusheares to guard it.  
The Baron of Adretz, who had been at the D'aumals camp, and seen his ensigns but evil followed in respect of his slender numbers of men in his regiment, took way to Dauphine, very slenderly accompanied, without displaying any banner. Against his return the lord de Gordes governor there, had put in readiness two Ensigns of footmen to sand into Languedoc, whereof he presented the conduction to the said Baron of Adretz, who refusing such charge, the expedition was used by Captain Mestrall, who led them thither upon the beginning of july.  
About this time the Queen of Navarre, the Prince her Son, the Prince of Conde, the lords, Knights, Gentlemen with others that accompanied them, presented a request to the king, entreating an assured peace of the present troubles, which for the importance of the matter is hear contained in every singular word and point as followeth.  
Sir, it is a thing no less strange, than almost incredible, 
The protes tants request to the king for peace.  that amongst so many people put under your obedience by the resolute will and provision of God, as a blessed pawn and witness of his bountiful regard towards you, and the same contending in ordinary vaunt to be so dearly inclined to the upright proceeding of your affairs, and preservation of your crown, there is not one no not on amongst so many numbers, that once offereth to put himself in endeavour to quench or qualify this unnatural fire, so burning daily with in your Realm, as there lacks little of the utter confusion of the same: It is also no less true than the other marvelous, that of the contrary, infinite numbers do travail infinitely, not only to kindle that which is already burst into flame, but also by sundry sorts of artificial sle●…ghts, do study to entertain, aggravate and increase it.  
And albeit it aught first rather to move from such, 
To whom the troubles aught to be imputed.  who of a galantness of stomach, and to satisfy some particular respect in themselves, have incensed these troubles against the will of your majesty, making both peace and war at their pleasure: then from those, who besides, they are justly assailed & pursued in their consciences, honours lives and livelyhoodes, have no other purpose & meaning, than to defend their lives against such heavy and violente tyrannies, loathing always troubles and emotions, & loving with a singular zeal both peace itself, and such as labour to entertain it: yet the Queen of Navarre, the Prince her son, the Prince of Conde, with the Lords, Knights, and Gentlemen that accompany them, moved (afore the rest) with a natural bond and affection to your Majesty, and preservation of your Crown and Realm, neither can nor will suspend or defer any longer, to search and apply for their parts (as always they have done) such most proper and convenient remedies, as they thought most apt to warrant & defend this your realm from a lamentable subversion, where with it both hath been, and is presently threatened: And as in respect to establish a peace and public tranquillity, they have hitherto more forwardly inclined then the rest, happening by that means into such strange perils and adventures, as if God had not kept an eye upon them, there had now remained but a lamentable remembrance of their general confusion: so these things well considered with their several circumstances, they have small reason of hope, and less cause of expectation to effect that which so earnestly they desire, if God (the incliner of all hearts) change not the minds of their enemies that govern you, and give them a disposition to desire and embrace peace. The said Princes, Lords, Knights with others parties to this humble request, persuading rather y● in place to allow this their frank and liberal will, with their dutiful endeavour to advance a perfect unity and peace amongst your subjects, they shall be charged with slanders and sinister interpretation of their godly purpose, as heretofore they have been used by those who neither hate nor fear any thing more than to see this reconcilment.  
And as the said Princes with the other parties to this motion, have neither had nor held any thing in more dear regard, than the publication to your majesty from time to time of their actions and proceedings, the same as impressions and witnesses of their singular desire to live and die in the natural ●…bedience and awe of your majesty, and withal to make kn●…wne afore the whole face of the world, both how far their hearts & wills be from the slanderous impositions of the Cardinal of Lorraine and his adherentes (pensionary ministers and natural enemies to your Crown) and also that by their forces (whereunto they have been drawn with their great evil will and grief) they intend no other than to maintain their religion, lives, honours, and such portions of goods as God hath appointed to their shares in this world: Even so they persuade that such considerations, neither can nor aught to hinder their uttermost end●…uoure to pursue and purchase the effect of so blessed & necessary a peace to this realm and yielding withal vn●…ayned testimony of the humble and reverent respect they own to your majesty, which they had long ere this put in practice and proof, were not that their enemies would think & persuade others to believe, that the only necessity of their case have induced them to it, seeing first their untrue persuasion to your majesty, that there were no levies of men of war in Almaigne for the succours of the Princes: Secondly, that if any such were, yet the Realm was of sufficient mean and force to withstand their entry: Thirdly, if they did enter, it was impossible to join with the princes in respect of so many deep rivers and passages of danger between the one and other camp: fourthly, albeit their armies did knit and join, yet, (the prince's poverty considered) the charges could not be long defrayed, nor the plentifully long contented: seeming by these reasons to attend & temporize, till they had both joined and paid their said forces, & assembled others which were dispersed, and (as the world knoweth) of such numbers and faculty, as besides their ability to resist easily their enemies, they wanted neither way nor mean to execute any wicked attempt if they had had any will, as is suggested and imposed upon them: If then in the former troubles, the late prince of Conde, with the Lords, knights, & gentlemen of his part, received the conditions of peace concerning only the matter of religion & liberty of their consciences, and that immediately after the death of the Duke of Guise and Martial Saint Andre, and the late Constable of France taken prisoner, being three principal leaders of the army: if also in the last rising, as soon as was offered to the said prince and other Lords and gentlemen of his company the re-establishment of the exercise of religion, notwithstanding their great troops and strength of strangers joined with them, and upon the very point to assault the town of Chartres in the view and face of the enemies camp, which was for the most disordered, if at the only sound and pronouncing of peace made by a Trumpet sent under the name of your majesty, the said prince did not only forbear the assault, but also raised forthwith his siege and retired his army, reping notwithstanding of so ready obedience, but a bloody peace and promise full of infidelity: if also during the same stir, the morrow after the battle at Saint Denys: where both the prince had the better, and the Constable principal leader of the army was slain. The said Prince dispatched to your majesty the Lord de Theliguy, aswell to warn you of the ruin and desolation threatening from the instant your Realm if the strangers were suffered to enter hovering there upon the frontiers, as also to mediate and solicit in means and remedies to knit an absolute peace only in the cause of religion if (in short) your Edicts have been always published, and the peace accorded, at such times as they of the religion, (if they would have abused the opinion of your purpose) might in respect of their forces, persuade and believe, that aswell in all your parleyes and treaties of peace, there was no other mention than of the matter of religion, as also that their enemies have not been brought to it but by necessity, being unable by open force to maintain any longer against them: in what conscience or with what face, or countenance, may it be said that these troubles move & continued for the matter and cause of religion.  
And yet nevertheless the more to choke and convince the Cardinal of Lorraine and other his adherentes, of their lies and slanderous impositions which they publish daily: the said Princes, Lords, Knights, gentlemen and others of their companies forgetting the infidelity and all disloyal attempts heretofore conspired against them, declare and protest this day both before God and your Majesty, that what so ever hath been done or offered to them in evil from the beginning to this hour, they neither have nor will once impute it to your Majesty, as knowing your nature to be nothing touched with such injust severities, whereof you have given so many public experiences, that there is now no cause of doubt: neither have or do they think to change or diminish in any respect their duty and natural regard which they have always bend to the true advancement of your greatness and Royal estate: wherein, and also in so many effects aforesaid, if it be both known and seen, that they entertain no other purpose nor meaning, than (under the obedience and authority of your Edicts) to serve God according too his will, and as they are instructed by his holy word, with desire to be maintained with equal care as your other subjects, in their honours, lives, and goods, they are now ready to give such further manifest proof and witness, as their most enemies shall have lest cause henceforth to doubt them: And that neither to enter into any justification of their actions passed, as their inn●…cencie and justice of their cause being sufficiently known to your majesty, and all other Kings, princes, and potentates what strangers so ever they be, if they be not of the faction and party of Spain: & much less to seek to capitulate with your majesty, knowing (god be praised) what is the duty of good and faithful subjects to their sovereign Prince and natural Lord. But (Sir) in respect of the large penny worths and common merchandise which heretofore hath been made of the faith and word of your majesty, which, above all, aught to be holy, sacred, & inviolable, and withal, with what unseeming boldness your authority and name hath been abused, to the extreme peri●… of all your people of the reform profession: it need not seem strange if the said Princes with their consociates do humbly beseech you to declare by an Edict solemn, perpetual, and irrevocable, your resolute will in a liberty & exercise of their Religion, to the end, that by the same, such as heretofore at two several times both rashly and with all impunity have infringed and violated your former constitution in that cause, may by this third, be more bridled and restrained, wherein because such as were not able to endure the unity and universal rest, maintained amongst your people, by the good observation of your Edicts, have taken occasion to altar and corrupt them by new constructions and modifications, contrary to the true substance of the same and sincere meaning of your majesty. And that also the said Princes with the rest of their faction, confess to have born a most just judgement of God in more sorts of afflictions in time of peace, than when it was open▪ war, as in con scenting too easily to the treatises of peace which have been made, the same providing a general contentment on all sides, that God should be served only in certain places of the Realm, and by certain people as though (in a sound conscience) there belonged no other thing to the service of God.  
They most humbly beseech your majesty, to accord and grant generally to all your subjects of what quality and condition so ever, free use of the said Religion in all Cities, villages, and boroughs, & all other places and corners of your Realm and countries within your obedience and protection, without any exception, reservation, modification, or restraint of people, times, or places: and that with sureties, necessary in so high a cause: and besides to ordain and enjoin to make manifest profession of the one or other religion, to the end to cut of hereafter all means and occasions to many, who abusing such benefit and grace, are flipt into Atheism and carnal liberty, and who, standing upon no exercise and profession of religion, desire nothing more, than to see an universal confusion in this Realm, and all order, policy, and Ecclesiastical discipline reversed and abolished, a thing so dangerous, as not to be tolerated in any Christian state. And because (Sir) we doubt not at all, that those who hetherunto have pitched the foundation of their devices upon slanderous reproaches, impudently published to make us hateful, even to such as (God be prays●…d) be free from the servitude & tyranny of Antichrist, will not stick to impose upon us an inciui●…e obstinacy, rather to defend (without reason) that we have once resolved to believe touching the Articles of Christian religion, than to correct or retract our errors.  
We declare and protest (as hereunto we have done) that if in any point of the confession of faith heretofore presented to your majesty by the reform Churches of your Realm, it may be found by the word of God comprehended in the Canonical books of the holy scripture, that we serve from the doctrine of the prophets and apostles, we will forthwith lend our hands, and give place to such as will instruct us better in the word of GOD (if we err in any article) than we have been from the beginning: for which cause, and the better to effect so happy a purpose, we desire nothing more, than a convocation of a counsel free and general, and lawful lie called, wherein as every one may have hearing and scope to reduce his reasons at large, so the same to be either confirmed, or convinced by the only word of God, the true mean used in all times of antiquity upon like occasion By which mean (Sir) also it is not to be doubted, that God (by his special grace) will not unseal the eyes of your majesty, and so give you speedy and true sight into the hearts and wills of your subjects, reconciled and knit with an indissoluble bond, & your Realm returned into his first estate, beauty and dignity, to the shame and confusion of yours and our common enemies, who by their subtle and privy intelligences with the house of Spain, have with sinister policies translated the late storm and tempest of the low Countries to your Realm, and almost thundered it upon the type of your crown: humbly desiring your majesty to enter precise consideration and judgement, whether it be better to expect, of two armies already assembled within your realm, a fiery and bloody victory, yéeldinge equal fruit to the conqueror, and he that is overcome, or else to employ them together in the service of your majesties affairs, in so many goodly occasions presently offered, importing no less the rest and advancement of your crown and realm, than any that ever happened in your time, returning also by that mean, the storm to the place from whence it came: wherein the said princes, Lords, Knights, Gentlemen, with all the rest of their companies, be unfeignedly resolved, (as in all other things, tending to the greatness of your Noble estate) to employ their lives, goods, with all other means wherewith God had endued them, even to the last drop of their blood, acknowledging in this world no other so veraintie or principality than yours, in whose obedience and subjection they ●…o desire to live and dye. The same being also such and all that a sovereign and natural Prince is to expect or desire of his faithful loving subjects and servants.  
This request thus devised and written, the Princes sent a trumpet to the catholics camp to obtain passport for a Gentleman to go to his majesty, which being refused, the Admiral found means to sand a copy of it to the marshal Montmorancy, to present to the King, who about the nineteeen. of july following returned a messenger to the Admiral, to let him know that he had presented the request to his majesty, who would not look on it, saying, he would neither hear nor see any thing coming from him, afore he had put himself in obedience and favour of his majesty, who then assured him to receive and embrace him, when, and as often, as he would put himself in endeavour.  
To this message by letter, the Admiral answered the. xxvi. of the same month, that seeing his majesty would not receive the said request, he could not otherwise choose, than leave the matter to the judgement of all christian Princes not touched with passion or partial affection, whither they used not endeavour to come under the dutiful obedience of his majesty or not, labouring for their part by all their possible means to quench the manifold calamities hovering to overwhelm the whole realm, and so set themselves within the favour and grace of the King. But now, seeing that there be some will not spare the universal destruction of the realm, only to ravish their lives and erercyse of their religion, they would look more near than afore for the remedy.  
The kings brother being at Lohes, had advertisement of the sieege of Luzignan, dispatching with all diligence 
Luzig. rendered.  the Duke of Guise, to get within Poitiers, as well to hinder the taking of the town, as to turn the siege from Luzignan, notwithstanding he was there no sooner than the castle was rendered.  
The Duke of Guise arrived at Poitiers with the marquis du Mien his brother, on Friday xxii. of july, entering by the Bridge Anioubert with his companies, which were about fifteen hundredth horsemen, amongst whom were four hundredth Italians, governed by the lord Paul Sforce, brother to the Count de Saint Fiour, and one Cornet of Reisters'.  
These succoures assured greatly them within the Town, who otherways might happily have trembled at the coming of the Prince's camp.  
There were within Poitiers (afore the Guises coming) 
Lords & Captains within po●… tears.  the Count du Lude, his three brethren, de Chastel liars, de Sautere, and de Briançon, the Lords de Ruffec, de la Riviere, Boisequin, de Ferraques, d' Argence, de Rovet, & other lords and Knights of the Order, and Captains of horsemen with part of their companies. There were also of footmen, the companies of the captains Passac, la-Prade, lafoy Vacherie, d' Arsac, le Lis, Bois-vert, Boneau, Boulande jarrie, with certain other, besides vi. companies of footmen raised by the inhabitants of the town. The general number of Catholic Soldiers of all sorts, as well footmen as horsemen strangers, as townsmen during this siege (whereof shall be spoken hereafter) were u or vi. thousand men: they had vi. pieces of Artillery, as two or three means, and certain less●… pieces in the Castle.  
The Princes, after the rendering of Luzignan, and afore they besieged Poitiers, took Monstruel, Bonyn, Bouché, Sansay, Vivone, with other little Castles about Poitiers, thereby to hold the Catholics more straight. In which mean while the prince's horsemen made ordinary roads, even to the gates of Poitiers, burning many abbeys, Priories, and Temples.  
The 24. day the said horsemen, as well French as almains, presented themselves in battle before the town, on that side which is above the Abbay of S. Cyprie●…, until very near S. Benoit, being divided into two great hosts: certain horsemen of the town issued out at the gate toward the bridge Anioubert, with certain numbers of shot on foot, who without any thing doing, retired into the town, and the horsemen of the Religion into their several quarters.  
The 25. day of the same month, the Prince's foot men and horsemen presented again before the town about noon. The footmen gave a hot charge upon the sumburbes de la Cueille, where the captain Bois-vert with hsi company, lodged behind a little trench, (making negligent watch) were suddenly set upon, and the most part killed: the rest being forced to retire more low to the suburbs S. Ladre, were valiantly followed by them of the religion, even to the posts and houses joining to the gate of the suburbs: There began a hot skirmish which lasted almost five hours, until the night divided them: they of the religion being come but to make a first view of the state of the town, retiring with loss of very few of their people.  
The 26. day being tuesday, the Princes beset the town 
Poicti●… 〈◊〉 ●…esieged.  on all sides, pitching their tents in the meadow beneath Hostel-dieu near to a milne, where they made forthwith a bridge upon the river of Clyn, to pass on both sides the town as need required: the same day, certain principals of the army viewed the Town on all sides, beginning the next day to batter the defen●…es of the castle with certain culuerines and other meaner pieces. There was no other thing worthy of report done this month, but making and filling of baskets, dividing of quarters, disposing the camp, casting trenches, ditches, and digging of earth to cover and shroud the shot.  
The battery began the Monday being the first of August 
Battery against Poyt●…ers.  on the right side of the Tower of the Bridge Anioubert, and the brickwall fast by, planting viii. or ix. pieces ●…f battery upon the rock or hill right against the said bridge, above and between the suburbs of Pympaneau and S. Sornyn, which continued three days: the reason was, that otherways the said tower might grieve the army and other batteries: they forbore not also to provoke skirmish, wherein they that kept the Suburbs beyond the bridge, as Captains Arsach, and Bonneau, with their company were forced to leave the said suburbs.  
assoon as the said suburbs were abandoned, there was brought down two Canons to beaten the foot of the brickwall, piercing of purpose to make it a house to serve for baskets of earth, the same being perceived by them in the town, forthwith discharged certain volues of the cannon against it, to make it fall, & so enforced the said two cannons to be haled away: in the mean while the protestants laboured to win the suburbs of Rochreul, guarded by the Captain la Uacherie, skirmishing continually within a vine, lying directly between the said suburbs and the castle, where was hot war without intermission. The u of August the said captain lafoy Vacherie, as he maintained the skirmish, was shot through the head with a harquebus, whereof he died in the field.  
I have noted before, that the L. de Aunoux, master of the camp of the regiment of the late Count Brissac was left within S. Mesen by the count du Lude, since his return from Nyort, who now by commandment from the Duke of Guise, coolled out iiii. or u hundred of the best soldiers in his companies to come to the succours of Poitiers, sending the residue with his carriage to Pertnay, where was the captain Allard, and so he arrived at Poitiers, about two hours after midnight the sixt of August.  
The battery having ceased at the bridge Anioubert, from the iiii. of this month, began again the seven. of the same, albeit not on that side, but against a tower of the 
Battery against Poie  bridge S. Cyprian next to the suburbs, by mean whereof they within were enforced to descend and leave the said tower, and entrench themselves upon the bridge with vessels and hogsheads, and other such like things, the Protestants from that time afterward, being unable to grieve them within the Abbay of S. Cyprian, as they did afore: The company of Captain Reynaut was ordained for the guard of this Tower and quarter.  
After the defences of this tower were raised, the Princes removed their pieces to the right side of the brickwall of the Abbot's mead, thinking that place most weak of all the town, and to that effect they planted their canons the ninth of this month to make a breach bestowing others in other places to batter the flank & side, having the day before set up in this quarter upon the river of Clyn a bridge of pipes and boards tied together with great cables.  
The battery was so vehement and fierce, that in small time they had enforced two great breaches, the one near the other, scouring such defences as annoyed them by reason of a tower and mylue which were there by: they within laboured to fill up their breaches, albeit with great difficulty and distress, as not able to show themselves within the abbots mead without great peril, because the hills governed all the said meadow.  
The breaches thus battered, the Protestants were of mind to assault them, bestowing (for this purpose) their people in squares and wings, and showed them selves upon the hills in very good order.  
They first sent certain Captains and Soldiers to view the breaches, who brought report, that they could not be entered without great peril the rather because the bridge which they had erected upon Clyn (over the which they must pass to go to the breach) was neither convenient for the matter, nor sufficient to bear the soldiers that should pass over it, neither could the horsemen (what distress or need so ever chanced) go to the succours of the footmen within the said Abbot's mead if it happened that they were charged by the horsemen of the Catholics. Besides, they within had planted a counter battery of three or four Cannons fast by Carmes, which discharging right upon the breaches, might much endanger them that offered the assault: these were the causes that nothing was done that day. Captain Caluerat being in a tower near the breach, and going to see it, was killed the same day, in the night the Catholics descended to the river, and cut the cords of the bridge before mentioned and broke it, using this policy to cover and disguise their enterprise▪ they brought down great volues and noise of Harquebushot, bestowing them against the body of the watch being near the artillery, to the end they should be neither herded nor seen whilst they break the bridge. These things hanging thus in train afore Poyctyers, the King, and Queen mother accompanied with the Cardinals of Bourbon and Lorarne, came to Amboise, & from thence to Towars whether the king's brother came to them: there they deliberated upon means to succour Poitiers, and to that end was dispatched speedily the knight Montluc with u. C. arquebusiers on horseback, to get (if he could) within Poitiers, albeit he was so discovered in the way that his enterprise quailed and he returned to the camp: The king sent for yeLorde de Sancsac lying before the siege of La charity to come to him with all his forces: he procured also a speedy levy within Paris of twenty ensigns of footmen and certain horsemen, dispatching special letters to all the Nobility of France, to repair speedily to him to the Camp, which he was determined to follow in person, and that upon pain of confiscation of bodies and goods, or to be declared within the danger of contempt, he raised also his arrear banks in many provinces, who forthwith came to him in the said country of Tourain, in effect he assembled with wonderful diligence, as much succours as he could for the rescue of Poitiers. There were certain Cornets which ordinarily used to beat the streets and ways within half a league of Chastelleraut, amongst whom were specially, the lord of Bonivet's companies, son to the Lord of Creuec●…ur, and of the baron of Numburg a Normande: which being known to the garrison of the said Chastelleraut, together with the certain place where the said lord Bonivet was wont to come, the tenth of August two or three hundredth horsemen with certain shot of the Captain Norman, made a sally upon them, and took the said L. Bonivet with his company in a village near to Liguers▪ where they entered without let, as keeping negligent guard, and were found laid and lodged after the french manner, the Lord Bonivet was prisoner, and almost all the rest of his company either killed or taken. About the same time the Marquis of Rancon an Italian, was taken near to Myrebeau as he baited, and was led prisoner to Nyort. The lord of Tarrides governor for the King in Quercy, maintained war all this while in Bern, a country belonging to the Queen of Navarre, having almost brought all the country under his authority: wherefore the county Montgomery, sent (as is said) into Gaseoyne, assembled the forces of the two. vicountes to apply speedily to the succours and rescue of the City of Navarre in Bearn, besieged by the said Lord of Tarrides: he divided his journey into such diligence and speed, as about the 7. of August he was very near Navarreis, at whose so sudden coming, the Lord Tarrides raised his siege, and retired into a town there joining, where the Montgomery besieged and took him with his brother and the lord de S. Colombe and of Negrepelisse, with many other great lords and knights of the order, and captains to the number of. thirty. The Lord of Tarrides lost his artillery with a great number of his horsemen & footmen: The county Montgomery, (by mean of this discomfeit) restored the whole country of Bearn to the obedience of the Queen of Navarre.  
Touching the siege of Poitiers, they within were in great amaze with the breaches made in the abbots mead, the rather because they could not defend them, whereupon entering into counsel, they found it most best and necessary to stem the river of Clyn, to the end to make it run over his cannell, and so drown the said mead: this counsel was put in speedy execution, and planting stakes and pales proper for the purpose beneath the arches of the bridge of Rochereul, they dammed the river, so that in a moment the mead was all overflown with water about three cubits high, the same so troubling the protestants, as it drive them from their determinations, notwithstanding after they had considered well of the subtlety, they began as in a cowter polli cye, to beat the pales, and give vent to the water, and therefore the next morning discharged so many shots of artillery against the said waterworke, as the water retired and left the mead dry, which the catholics the night following restored and countergarded in this order: they cast behind the said dam under the arches a very thick brickwall, fastening certain fleeces or balls: will to the pales to receive and damp the cannon shot, which made the water swell and overflow more high than afore: Notwithstanding the catholics were closed very near and strait, yet made they many sallies upon the Protestants, who skowred them back again even to the very posterns of their City, not without great loss to the one and other side: Among these sallies they made one of such a sudden the twelve. of this month that they took a cornet of Reistres, and carried them without let into the town.  
In this month the town of Orillac in Auvergne▪ was taken by night by the L. de la Roche, and Bessonniere, professoures of the religion in that country, accompanied only with seven or eight score men. This was their mean and policy: there is in the said Orillac, a gate of quarry in the brickwall towards the river, which the in habitauntes of the place caused to ram and brickwall up, leaving only a postern so straight, that one person could scarcely enter.  
This postern was closed with two ports or gates of wood, the one within and the other without the town: the said Lord of la Roche and Bessonniere came to the gate without the postern and with a great iron instrument made a hole or crevish, by the which they cast in about a hundredth pounds of cannon powder between the said two gates, and then closing up the●… said hole or crevish, and making under the said first gate a train to the same powder, they put fire to it, which forthwith flushed with in the said two gates, and blewe them both up, the one carried forty pace of, and thrown upon a house within the town, and the other enforced with the violence and strength of the powder, rushed against a brickwall without the town, and broke a breach containing his own compass, by which they entered the town, wherein was no other guard than of the inhabitants, whereof they killed a hundredth or six score resisting them in armour. The Lord of S. Heraut governor of the country, appeared certain days after afore the town thinking to recover it, but finding such warm resistance he returned forthwith to S. Flower.  
The long continuance of this stéege afore Poitiers, brought the Catholics in a great necessity and want of victuals, aswell for men as horses, and above all, forage was so scant with them, that they were driven for to turn abroad part of their horses to the wines, meadows, lands, and other void places of the town, whereof the Princes having understanding by certain straggling soldiers issuing out of the town, determined to break the miln in the bottom of the meadow near to the port de Tyson.  
And for this purpose planted over two. Canons in that quarter, which they discharged against the said miln, and after retired them as being discovered and annoyed by the Catholics: who pinched now with an extreme want of victuals, determined to thrust out of the town a great number of unprofitable people, which as they began to execute the. xuj. of this month, so the Protestants (to pine and starve the town more) drive than back with force, to enter the town again.  
For want of powder and bollets, the battery ceased for a time, whereof, the Princes having received a new provision from Rochel, renewed also the battery the. xx. of August on that side towards the abbots mead, where the breach being forced, they sent in the evening to surueye it by certain numbers of Soldiers, whereof. xuj. or. xvii. entered by the breach into the said meadow, from whence (being discovered by the watch in S. Peter's steeple who rung the alarm bell) they were constrained to retire with speed.  
The night following the protestants builded a bridge upon Clyn towards the suburbs of S. Sornyns, to pass to the bishops mead, stretching towards the temples of S. Rudegonde and S. Sulpiee: the bridge was made of quarreiss of wood, hurdles, pipes, earth and planks of oak very large, also well fastened and joined with nails, cables, and cords, that the cannon might well pass over it, and of such breadth that. viii. or. ix. men might walk a front. They made another of the same matter and fashion, and set it likewise upon the river about. xl. pace distant from the other. These bridges thus made and erected, they bestowed many baskets with earth, aswell near the first bridge, as on the other side that which was within the bishops mead, drawing to the suburbs of S. Sornyn near the said bridges, part of their artillery beating the defences of the brickwall, which are before and right against the said temples: Those defences thus beaten and skowred, the battery began the morrow after being the. xxiii. of August, in that place and the bishop's mead. The catholics laboured to their best to repair their breaches, and had no assault that day: The Lord of Briancon, brother to the county Du lude, going the same day to view a platform near to Carmes, to supply some special want with his advise, had his head stricken from his shoulders with a bollet: Likewise the Lord of Aunoux, striving the same day to drive the protestants from a Tower which they occupied near the breach of the abbots mead, was stricken in the head with a harquebus, whereof he died shortly after.  
The Lord of Prunaye also being amongst his soldiers at the breach, had his left leg taken away with a Cannon and so died. Of the Protestants side were killed the Lord of Chanay called Francis du Fay and one of the Marshals of the camp of the vanguard hurt with a musket in the arm, broken in two parts.  
The four and twenty of this month in the morning, the Princes renewed eftsoons the battery with twelve or. xiiii. pieces against the brickwall before the said Temples, the same being of such vehement fury, that their was discharged that day more than seven hundredth shots of Cannon, which beaten a large breach before three of the clock in the afternoon, and the Protestants ringed in battle upon the top of the hills towards the suburbs, ready to give the assault, which they intended forthwith to do by the Abbot's mead, as having disposed most part of their army on that side: The Catholics were busy to relieve their breaches with beds, faggots, and other matters apt to fill up.  
The Duke of Guise being at the one breach and the county Du-lude at the other, seeing the enemy prepared strongly and speedily to the assault, rung the alarm bell of the town, to the end that every one might retire into his quarter. There was a captain of the protestants, who being followed with ten or twelve and covered only with his target, ran over one of the bridges within the bishops mead, and came even to to the little corner or arm of the river that toucheth the brickwall, and so viewed the breach, which he reported to the Admiral not to be sufficiently assaultable, as well because the ruin and breakings of the wall were fallen within the town and had not filled up the river which runneth at the foot of the brickwall, as also that they within had raised great trenches and rampires, whereupon the army retired in the evening without any assault: This day Captain Gascourt Knight of Malta, was slain with a cannon, being sent by the Guise, to view the breach, and consider what was necessary to defend it.  
The morrow being the twenty-five. of Angust, the Prince's army was eftsoons ringed in order as though they would go to the assault, the breaches were once again viewed, as well that within the Abbot's mead as the other at S. Radegonde, by certain Captains and soldiers, who in their return reported the perilous estate of the same,  
The same day the Protestants bestowed certain shot of artillery as well against the Bridge Anioubert, as Rochereul, wherein were beaten certain holes or crevices to avoid the water out of the Abbot's mead: the same being filled and stopped again the same evening by the Catholics.  
The rest of this August passed without any great effects, saving certain light batteries to purge the waters and raze the milne of Tyson, together with certain sallies made sometime by the bridge Achard. It was thought that the sickness of the Admiral and the Lord de Acier was the cause why there were no more attempts advanced.  
The first of September the princes determined to win the suburbs of Rochereul, to the end by that mean the sooner to rid the waters. And because they would cut off from such as kept the said suburbs all succours and relief from the town, they bend first certain Canons against the tower of the bridge of Rochereul, discharging upon it above an hundredth voleiss, which battered a great part of it, winning in the end the vine whereof is spoken before, which hovered and vaulted on high over the street of the suburbs. This was almost the chiefest place of skirmish, since, & during the siege.  
The morrow, they battered the defences of the Castle and Rochereul bridge, pitching also new batteries under the Nut trees near the river, between the way that goeth to Hostel-dieu, at the parting of the suburbs drawing to the meadow towards Chastelleraut.  
The Saturday the three of September, the battery began in the morning against the brickwall and gate of the sub urbes, which by two of the clock in the after noon had thrown open a wide breach, whereupon the protestāns did speedily ring themselves in battle, as well on high de la Cueil (where lay a piece that governed the Offices of the Castle) as beneath the said Hostel-dieu, and in three squares near the Nut trees of the place, where the battery was made. The Catholics restored the breaches as much as they could, with vessels, wood, earth, & rampires: and there were the Captains Passac, Nozieres, the Lord of Montaill, and Carbonieres, with others, prepared to sustain the assault. They had bestowed about four hundredth harquebuziers in the Towers, galleries, and offices of the Castle, which flanked all along as they should come to the assault. All which notwithstanding, the Protestants about three of the clock in the afternoon came to the assault, the Lord de Pills with his regiment was the foremost, being followed with 
Three assaults given to the suburbs of Roell.  divers other regiments of the French footmen, who valiantly came upon the breach, and stood till they had bestowed diverse blows with their Curtillaxes: albeit, they were constrained to turn face in respect of the flankers, which grieved them greatly. Immediately followed the second assault given by certain numbers of horsemen descended on foot with divers footmen, and they like wise repulsed.  
These first assaults being performed by the French men, the Lansknechts' would needs follow with a third, which albeit was performed with such courage, as they fought valiantly upon the breach, yet seeing the present defence, and general danger to maintain it long, they recoiled and retired every one into his quarter.  
In these assaults the Protestants lost an hundredth or six score souldieurs, with certain numbers hurt. The Lord de Pills was hurt in the thigh with a small shot, whereof he was speedily cured. The Lord Briquemaux Son, Colonel of the footmen, was also hurt with a harquebus, whereof after certain days, died. The Lord de S. Marie Dolphinoys, with others of mark were also killed. On the Catholics part were killed, Captain Passac, and the Lord de Montall, with a good number of footmen.  
Before these assaults, the Catholics sent two men to the King and his brother for succours, with charge to reveal the estate of the town and penury of victuals. The King's brother having assembled as much force as he could, came to lafoy Haye, and to Port de Pills, determining to beset Chastelleraut, to the end to draw the siege from Poitiers: and therefore made to march his vanguard right to Chastelleraut, lodging the monday, being the u of September, a quarter of a league from the town The morrow after, his horsemen and part of his footmen presented in order of battle before the town to view it, all that day being spent in skirmishing on the other side the river of Vienne.  
The town was governed by the Lord de la Louë, Martial of the Camp of the vanguard to the princes: He had first for the defence of it, his own company of light horsemen, and then the Lords of Ualavoire, Bressay la Motte, and the Royesses, with seven. companies of footmen, and captain Normantes company of arquebusiers on horseback.  
The suburbs defaced by fire, was no place for the catholics to lodge in, so that they were constrained to encamp further off, which they began to do the same day they viewed the Town. The artillery brought by the Switzers, arrived at midnight, and immediately approaches approaches made, and the Cannons ringed in battery in two several places, beating notwithstanding all one breach. It began the wednesday the seven. of the said month, very early near the gate S. Catherine, between a tower of the said gate, and an other tower more near drawing to the temple S. jean. Such was the fury of the battery as by two of the clock in the after noon, a breach was forced of three or four score foot wide: the chance fallen upon the Italians, to give the assault, which they did being backed & followed with certain Frenchmen. They mounted upon the breach: where, albeit they 
Assault of Italians.  presented xvii. Ensigns, yet found they such sharp and speedy repulse, as they were enforced in a moment to turn their faces, receiving great loss by the vault of the said gate, wherein were bestowed vi. score harquebuzears well appointed. The Italians lost at this assault u of their Ensigns, which the Protestants took from them by force.  
After this the assault (and the catholics retired from the breach) Captain Bernier d' Auphinoys, came to secure the town with four hundredth harquebuzears, being backed with the horsemen of the Prince's vanguard led by the L. de la Love and Teligny. The Italians were so crushed at this assault as they had no will to make it good again, neither was any other thing worthy of memory done that day.  
The same day, the siege of Poitiers raised to come to xeskue Ch. stellerant, marching no further that day than three leagues, by reason one of the cannons miscarried and was lest on the place. The morrow after the army approached within half a league of Chastellerant, which made the catholics raise their siege, and retire to Port de pill, having lost in this siege five hundredth men, and almost all Italians, whereof the Colonel Fabiano de Rome was one. The next morning the Prince's vanguard pursued the catholics, cutting of from the tail of their camp about two hundredth footmen, and killed them all.  
The same day, the Lord de Sanzay entered Poitiers with. x. or twelve. companies of footmen, almost all Italians, and two hundredth horsemen. Immediately after whose coming the Duke of Guise and the Marquis du Mien his brother, accompanied with xv. hundredth horsemen, departed the Town to relieve themselves with fresh air. The morrow after, being the x. of September, began a skirmish on the hither side the said Port de pill, against two thousand harquebuzears which the catholics had left there within the trenches. They were at last enforced to pass speedily over Creusa, leaving about iiii. or u hundredth of their company dead on the place. The Prince's army drew to lafoy Haye, to pass the said river the next morning, being the xi. day of the said month. There was no worthy matter performed other than certain light skirmishes.  
The monday following, the Prince's army ready ringed in battle very early, presented afore the catholics to giu●… them battle: Albeit, because there was between the two Armies a little river with maryse shores, which neither the Princes could pass themselves, nor yet convey over their artillery, after the two armies had long remained one within view of another, they retired into their several quarters.  
The prince's army, for want of victuals, and seeing with all the Catholics had small disposition to fight, passed again over Creusa, and also Vienne, the twelfth of September, retiring so to Say la Vineuse in Poyctou, of purpose chief to refresh them. The catholics drew to Chynon, expecting not only forses to be brought from many places in France, but also such companies of men of armies as had leave till the first of October as hath been said.  
The Prince of Orange departed from Say to return into Almaigne with a very small company, he passed by charity and Uezelay, and from thence by many countries without any let till he came into Almaigne. The brute went that he undertook his journey to hast certain succours of Reistres.  
As the Admiral lay at Fay vineuse, there was one Dominike Dalbe a Gascoine, executed by sentence the xxi. of this month. These were the causes proved against him: First, that he being of the Admiral's chamber, & sent by him to the Duke de deux Pons with letters, as well from the said Admiral his master as other Princes, was taken at Brissac, a Country in the Marches upon the end of May last, by the Lord la Riviere, Captain of the Guard to the Catholics, and being by him earnestly solicited, he revealed to the Queen mother, Duke d'Aniow her son, and Cardinal of Lorraine his journey with the purpose, with further promise, that under colour to go and deliver to the said Duke his letters of charge, to espy his camp, and sound his secret determinations, and so being presented from that time with an hundred crowns, and an estate or office roomth in the chamber of the said Duke d'Aniow, he put him on the way to effect his promise touching the view and report of the Duke's camp, from whom having speedy dispatch, he returned to the said la Riviere, and imparted his full expedition, not forgetting to describe at large what he had learned of the state of the Duke's camp. secondly, he was instantly persuaded and pursued as well by one Laurence de Ruze, Secretary to the Duke d'Aniow, as by the said la Riviere, to kill by poison or other ways the said Lord Admiral: which he might be bold to do (say they) without fear of the Admiral's children, who also should be rooted up to the uttermost of their race, neither need he stand upon any dreadful respect of any his friends or kinsmen, seeing they assured him that no one of them should ever be well received or welcomed to the court, as first the marshal Montmorancy his Cousin should be committed to prison, where he should never come out with honour, and that of the rest of the said Mashals brethren, there should not remain one. Finally, the (rather to allure him to such an horrible act) they sealed their last offer with a damnable promise of thirty. thousand crowns in recompense, and. thirty. thousand franks of perpetuity out of the town of Paris, besides the favourable good will (all days of his life) as well of the Queen mother, Duke d'Aniow, as Cardinal of Lorraine, and the whole court. Dalbe yielded so far to their murderous enticements, as he gave his word and promise to kill the Admiral: Whereupon was delivered him by the said la Riviere certain white powder, which was known afterwards to be either Reagar, or Arsenic, with a large passport from the said kings Brother, wherewith he departed and came to the Lord Admsrall his master at the siege of Poitiers, his long abode in the Catholics camp, together with other suspicious circumstances appearing at his arrival, persuaded a jealous judgement of his dealing, and thereupon was committed to prison, his process pursued and ended, & sentence lastly pronounced in these terms.  
judgement pronounced the. xx. of September 1569. in the council established by the Prince of Navarre and Conde present, and assisted with the Print of Orange, the County Wolrard de Mansfelde, Lieutenant general of the Almains, under the said Princes, the Counties Lodovike and Henry de Nassau brethren, Menard de Chomber Martial of the Almains camp, Hans Boucq, Renard Gracco, Henry Destam, Hans de There's, Colonels of the Reistres, Guieryn Gangolf Baron of Grelesee, Colonel of a regiment of lanceknights, Theodore Wegger professor of the law, and Ambassador from the Duke de Deux ponts, with many other lords, knights, Colonels and Keistremaisters of Almaigne, the Lord of Corras councillor to the King in the Parliament of Tholouse, and chancellor to the Queen of Navarre and the army, the Lord of Francourt, Bricquemau, de Movy, de la Nove, de Renty, de Soubize, de Mirambeau, de la Caze, de Puch-perdillan, de Byron, de Lestrange, with many other Lords, Gentlemen and Captains of France.  
Seeing the process made by the commissaries deputed by the said Princes of Navarre and Conde, against Dominique Dalbe, groom of the chamber to the L. Gaspard Count de Coligny, lord of Chastillon, and Admiral of France, the three examinations of the said Dalbe afore the Provost general of the camp, and two other afore the Commissioners assigned for that purpose: lassly, the confessions of the said Dalbe relterated viii▪ several times, wherein he acknowledgeth to have hen instantly solicited, urged and pressed by la Riviere, Captain of the guard, and one Laurence de Ruze, Secretary to the King's brother, to practise and procure the death of the said L. Admiral, either by sword or poison, which he promised to the said la Riviere, to effect with poison only, receiving (to that end of the said la Riviere) certain money, and poison in form of white powder, which he hath showed since to the said Provost and Commissioners, seeing also the verification and proof of the said poison tried by Physicians and Apotecaries assembled at la hay in Touraine, the xiii. of this month together with a very large passport granted to the said Dalbe the 30. of the last month by the King's brother, lying than at Plessis les Tours: and now (for due punishment and revenge to such a traitorous and detestable attempt, so often acknowledged, as well in his private confessions, as public assembly, the said council hath and doth con dempne the said Dalbe to be delivered into the hands of the executioner of high justice, who tying him upon a hurdle, with a halter about his neck, shall draw him thorough the streets & corners accustomed of this town de Fay la Vineuse, with this inscription in parchment about his body: This is Dominike Dalbe, traitor to the cause of God, his Country, and Master: trailing him first to the lodging gate of the said Lord Admiral, and there with no other garments than his shirt, the halter remaining still about his neck, holding in his hand a torch of burning wax, shall demand pardon of God, the King, the law, and the Lord Admiral, confessing there that wickedly, disloyally, and traitorously he had professed promised, and practised to kill (by poison) the said L. Admiral his master, and at the same instant & in his presence the said poison which he confessed to be given unto him by the said la Riviere, to be cast into the fire and burned. All which being done, he shall be led (keeping still the inscription about his body) to the place of public execution and there to be hanged and strangled on a gallows set up for that purpose. And that also humble suit be made to the King to do justice upon the said la Riviere and Laurence, with their complices, and withal (if his majesty be of mind) to verify more ample their said conspiracy with the said Dalbe (the same notwithstanding resembling a sufficient truth against them by his voluntary confession) to proceed against them with punishment due to so horrible a fact, and the same both to terrify hereafter others of like villanious humour, and also to remain to all nations as a Precedent of the noble nature and disposition of France, in abhorring such traitorous attempts, declaring the said la Riviere and Laurence, with all other sects and sorts of traitors (keeping school and open shop to poison people of name and virtue) to be traitors, villains, and men unworthy of honour, either in themselves or their posterity to the 4. generation. Lastly, it is judged, that afore the execution of judgement, the said Dalbe shallbe put on the rack, to the end to confess further practices with his said confederates, with other things contained in interrogatories given to the Provost. This sentence thus pronounced, the morrow after being the xxi. of September, the rack was used accordingly, where he confirmed his former confession, and so the same day the sentence was put in execution.  
Whilst the King's brother kept at Chynon in the Country of Touraine, whether he was retired (as is said) great numbers of men of war flocked to him from many parts of the Realm, together with the horsemen to whom he gave liberty for recreation, and the xx. ensigns of footmen Parisiens', whereof we spoke before: these forces assembled, he made march his vanguard out of Chynon the six and twenty of this month, under the conduct of the Lord Montpensier, himself following with the battle, lodging near Lodune, the prince's camp drew towards Partney, the xxix. of this month, whom the Catholics followed near to provoke them to battle, as in respect of the advantage & favour of certain towns which they held thereabouts: either the camp was within the view of other, & both of equal desire to gain Montgontour, using like diligence the rather to obtain it: For which cause the Admiral made his footmen advance all night, his horsemen being in point of battle the last day of September, in the very first discovery of the morning, upon a plain within a league of the town of Montgontour. There the Admiral sent the Lord de La-love and the La-nove with seven cornets of horsemen, and Captain Normauts herquebuzears on horseback to Montgontour to know if the kings brother were there, who finding no body returned with speedy report to the Admiral accordingly, who made march forthwith the footmen of the battle, than the artillery and so the footmen of the vanguard, as well French as Almains, following them himself with the horsemen of both the one and the other Nation: He left in the tail the Lord de Money with charge to govern the retract with five cornets of French horsemen, two cornets of Reistres, and a company of harquebushears on horseback of Captain Montarnaunt a provincial: The catholics coasted them very near, expecting their artillery, which was not yet come. The Admiral passed over a little River half a league from Mongontour, very uneasy to march over, by reason of a marish a long the brink of it, the same making it impossible on all parts, saving in a little strait or gutter beneath certain houses a long the high way, there lacked no more but the Lord of Movy & his troop: whom the catholics with xl. cornets of horsemen charged, together with a volley of canons discharged also upon them. It was thought this charge was given by the Lord de Tavannes' governor for the King in Burgon: it was withstanded a little by the Lord de Movy, who unable to sustain it thoroughly, in respect of the multitude, retired: the Admiral seeing his peril, gave back with the horsemen, and returned (with no less fury) the charge upon them that had laid it upon the Lord de Movy, who in the mean time retired with the rest of his troop with the loss of some few, amongst the which was the Lord de Entrichaut, ensign bearer to the Lord S. Auban Dauphynois: the artillery was by this at Montgontour, and the footmen of the battle very near, who seeing that charge, turned back to the fight, as also the Lord de la Nove, and la Love with their cornets, all that day passed in skirmishing without offer of other charge.  
The Catholics shot vehemently, which albeit an noyed much the Admiral: yet he left not the fiéeld till night, and then retired with those of the Religion to Montgontour, and the catholics encamped upon the place.  
The next morrow being saturday, and first day of the month of October, the said army issued out of Mont gontour, and lodged in the villages thereabouts: leaving the Lord de Movy with his regiment of horsemen, and two regiments of footmen, within the town to guard the passage. There were certain lighy skirmishes, al●…eit neither of long fight, nor much loss: they moved by certain disordered shot of the catholics who thought to win the Suburbs on their side, but being repulsed, their purpose was also intercepted, and they forced to return without any other thing doing.  
The kings Brother seeing that side closed from him▪ and that he could not easily wade the river of Vive, (the fame being his only impediment to follow the Prince's Camp) determined to pass above the head of the river in a village beneath Mirebean. In the mean while the Princes, having been at Niort, to see the Queen of Navarre, returned to the camp the second of October, where they drew into counsel, with resolution to take the way to Partney and Niorte, and give battle to the Catholics if they assailed them in the way, summoning (for this purpose) the whole army to be ready by the dawning of the day: and every Colonel and Captain to labour accordingly in his charge.  
The Catholics were also of opinion to go to Nyort, and besiege it, and by that means to provoke the princes to battle. The Prince's camp (according to the order resolute aforesaid) was in a perfect readiness, ringed in battles and squares, pitching the next morning the third of October, upon a little hill near to Montgontour, well disposed (as is aforesaid) to give battle if the enemy advanced, who also began to appear and discover on the left hand upon another round hill, from the bottom whereof they might easily discern the disposition of the Prince's army, which when he had well viewed, he retired his march as though he meant to draw directly to Nyort, using notwithstanding such order as his rings and companies near together. The Admiral bearing an eye to their doings, espied their policy and purpose of proceeding, wherein as he suspected that they shot at his advantage, as labouring to win way upon him, made descend forthwith the Prince's army from the hill where it was settled, of purpose to gain and occupy the plain afore them, whereupon the Catholics, in place to march forward, commanded a sudden stay, holding their pikes upright, & ringing them in square and mean battles, turned face to their vanguard, winning by that means, the hill from whence the prince's army were but now descended. And being masters in this fort of the hill, above the opinion and expectation of the Admiral, began to dispose themselves to the shock. And at the first descending from the hill, they ordered & ringed their footmen in the valley or side of the foot of the said hill, not without great discretion & judgement, keeping by that means their footmen in covert, & defended from the storm of the artillery, which discharged vehemently as well on the one as other side. In the mean while the King's brother dressed and disposed two batteries, not sparing his body to travel from one battle & square to another, with persuasion to the soldiers, to have good heart: the like also did the Princes, visiting in person every rank aswell of horsemen as footmen, whose pleasant aspect, & specially in the prince of Navarre gave cause of singular courage to the soldiers, whose stomachs, besides they were firmly settled in the goodness of the cause, yet they seemed to redouble in desire, the rather at the gracious view and persuasions of the young Prince. Immediately after two of the clock in the afternoon, the vanguard of the Catholyques went to the charge with a square and wing of 18. cornets of Reisters' and great numbers of horsemen, as well French as Italian, who charged altogether so violently upon the Lord de Movy, and de la Love, that they were enforced to endure and take the charge, retiring thorough the battle of the Lanceknights which grieved them sore, notwithstanding the Admiral supplied the charge, and gave with such fury upon the Catholke Reisters', that he cut great numbers of them in pieces, and immediately with the remainder of his horsemen of the Uauntgard, repulsed with force the vanguard of the enemy: whereupon was raised a cry on the Admi rals' side, Victory, victory, the same sounding with such noise of comfort in the ears of the main battle, that divers ran thither to follow the victory: when lo the Catholic main battle advanced, bending directly upon the Prince's battle, where they were in person. To the Catholiquas battle joined a wing of horsemen which came from the vanguard. At the beginning, the battle of the Princes sustained the charge, albeit, finding and feeling their own weakness, as being not able to fight together (as the Catholics did) were enforced to disorder and fell out of array, the horsemen of the vanguard dispersed here and there without order, & not drawn as yet into any safe policy or guard of war, followed also the others, whereby both the French and Almain footmen were left naked, whereof the French men were first forced to break array, and then the Papists horsemen on the one side, and the Suyzers on the other side, began to buckle with the lanceknights, who seeing themselves environed on all sides, neither present help, nor cause of further hope, the rather for that the artillery was planted even at their feet, let fall their pikes and prostrate themselves upon their knees, amongst whom rushed with no small fury the horsemen and certain Switzers▪ using butcher's mercy, & cut them all in pieces. The Count Mansfeld and Lodowick retired always in order of battle: a thing worthy to be noted in so general disorder, having about them xiii. cornets of Reisters', which had not followed the others, with whom they gathered together certain cornets of Frenchmen, and so retired and never were charged. After the overthrow and spoil of the Launceknights, the King's brother pursued the victory half a league and no further, and so encamped in the plain of Cron where the battle was given: he was far stronger in horsemen and footmen than the Princes, who had not above vi. thousand horsemen of all sorts, as well strangers as others: viii. thousand footmen French, and most harquebuziers: and lastly, three thousand launceknights. In this battle the Princes lost their lanceknights, a thousand or twelve. hundred French footmen, and about an hundred horses, vi. Canons, two Coluerines, & three little field pieces. The lord de Autricour Captain of a hundred light horsemen, a very forward and gallant Gentleman was there killed: the lord de Acier and la Nove taken prisoners, and the lord Admiral lightly hurt in the cheek: In the Catholics army were viii. or ix. thousand horsemen, and xuj. or xviii. thousand footmen with great store of artillery. They lost few footmen because they fought not, so that their greatest loss consisted in horsemen, which, what with the chance of that day, & the encounter before touched, grew to great numbers, with divers of no small estate, as the Count Mansfield, and the Ringrave, the Marquis of Baden, the young Count Cieremont Daulphinoys, with many other Lords and Knights of the Order: the Duke of Guise, and the Ringraves brother hurt.  
The retreat of the Princes and their army was to Partenay, about seven. leagues from the place of the battle, where, as they arrived the night following at midnight, so the next morning the iiii. of this month, they departed from thence with the Admiral, Count Mansfelde, the Count Lodowick and Henry de Nassau brethren, with other great numbers of Lords, Gentlemen, and Capteynes: coming the same day to Nyort, where they found the Queen of Navarre, remaining there ever since they departed: In the mean time they laid the ways and quarters by the Marshals of the camp, to the end the dispersed sort might eftsoons resort to their ensigns, which was performed the same day by the most part of the horsemen.  
Notwithstanding this last success & loss at Montgontour, did both grieve and amaze the princes, yet they were not unmindful to reassemble their forces, whereof the most part of the horsemen was forthwith under their standards, which the footmen could not do with such speed in respect of their long retreat, and therefore the vanguard of the battle were disposed severally into sundry quarters & villages near to Nyort, by the which mean the French footmen, who (in respect of their good order) were not much distressed in this conflict, resorted readily to their Ensigns and companies. In the mean while the Prince●… deliberated in the said town upon the sequel of their affairs, to whom albeit the loss seemed great, yet considering that in a general calamity every one hath his fortune, they covered their present greet (and as the necessity of their state required) with joyful countenance they assured ●…tsoones the remainder, of their dispersed companies: In the evening the Queen of Navarre departing from Nyort, went to Rochereul, and the Princes the next morning took their way to Saintonge, leaving within Nyort both to make head against the catholics, & let them to pass further, the Lord of Movy with his regimen of horsemen and. two. regimens of footmen, beside the ordinary garrison, being perhaps. iii hundred shot.  
Such was the brute and heavy noise of this battle, that many companies of the Prince's army, as well footmen as horsemen bestowed in several charges in sundry castles and towns, as well in Poyctou as Touraine, determined to leave their garrisons, as not able to endure a speedy siege, in respect they were weak within themselves, and also had small hope to be succoured in sufficient time.  
As they which were within Chavigny upon Vien at Roch●…ose, Captain Belon within the Castle de Angle with Chesnebru●…le his ensign bearer, which was at Pru lie, together with captain Teil, captain of the Castle of Cleruaut, with his cornet of shot on horseback, departed and abandoned their several charges, taking their way to charity: captain Lornay governor of Chastelleraut, assoon as the s●…ege was raised, left the town the seven. of October at xi. of the clock before noon with his own company of footmen, and two others, whereof one was under captain Mor●…s, being in all about three hundred footmen, and two hundred horsemen, and took their way towards charity, passing by la blanc in Berry, and from thence came to Bourgdien, a town belonging to the Bishop of Bourges, and heretofore taken by scaling by the Lord de Bournay: there they joined with the rest aforesaid, and also the Lord Bricquemau the Elder, who tarried there with his companies in respec●… of his sickness.  
In the mean while, the king's brother following his victory, came to Partnay, which he found desolate, directing his way from thence to Nyort to besiege it: certain forerunners of his camp were come already to the gates to terrify those that were within the town. At this alarm the Lord de Movy with certain horsemen issued speedily out of town, who were no sooner without the gates, than the other were retired almos●…e out of sight, whereupon he returned, and being one of the las●… to govern the retreat, as he was at point to enter the town, one Montrevell (yielded to him not long afore under colour of religion) discharged a Pistolet upon him, and hurt him sore in the head, flying immediately well mounted upon the self same horse which the Lord de Movy had given him: who notwithstanding his hurt, determined not to depar●… the town, albeit being specicially advised by his friends to be carried where his hurt may be cured, he left Nyort the seventh day of October, and came to Saints, and from thence he was carried to R●…chell, where within few days after he died, to the grief of the army: for he was of stayed council in any cause of estate, of great speed and justice in execution and of long experience in ma●…ters of war, as witness his acts as well in the battle of Dreux, as other places of worthy memory: the rest appointed under him within Nyort, left also the town together with the Lord de l●… Brosse, governor there, retiring with. iii hundred shot to Rochel. This was the same Lord de la Brosse, who with the aid of the Lord de Pluu●…au made head against the County de Lude at the siege aforesaid.  
The King's brother finding the town forsaken, entered without let: whether also came very shortly after, the King▪ the Queen mother, and Cardinal of Lorain, being then near Chynon: they began there to devise and deliberate upon their present bu●…nesse, accounting it of special purpose, to recover the Castle of Lusignan, wherein was governor the Lord de Mirambeau, & that afore the Protestants had either renewed their strength or well assured their present companies: In this mind they dispatched forthwith certain to summon the castle, who so prevailed with persuasions to the governor, that easily enough he gau●… up the Castle only with lives and goods saved: certain days afore the battle, there were bestowed in this hold five Cannons which descended to the catholics by covenant: this was. iiii. or ●…ue days after the battle of M●…nt-gontour. Ny●…rt being thus abondone●…, the Princes went to S. jean de Angely, the, ix. of this month, and so to Saints, and because they gathered, that the catholics would besiege it, they determined to man it with great numbers of men of war, causing to enter forthwith the horsemen of the Lord de la Motte, with c●…rtein footmen: likewise captain lafoy Mures company being of the regimen of the Lord de Uirie●…: At that time was governor the L. the Oryoll, a gentleman of Sainctonge, who after was content to give order to the policy and state of the town, leaving the consideration of matters of war to the Lord de Pills, whom the Prince established there for that purpose, and who as yet was not fully cured of the hurt in his thigh, received at the siege of Poitiers. He with the Souldiour●…, and the rest of the inhabitants, resolved to defend the Town, and endure the siege. The morrow after, the Princes came to Saints, & there made their army pass over Charante.  
The ●. of the said month, the lord of Montbrun and Myrabell departed from the Camp to go into Languedoc, a journey pretended long time before, so that they might lead thither their regiments, and for this cause at the siege of Poitiers, as is aforesaid, the Lord de Pontais Martial of the Prince's Camp, as well in their own name as for other Colonelles, Captains and Gentlemen of Dauphin, were suitors for leave to go for a certain time into Dauphin, and the more to enforce their motion▪ they showed how long they had followed the camp, and that their soldiers wearied with so continual war▪ stood in need to be relieved with the fresh air and fellowship of their Country, and lastly as their general fear to be so evil wintered as the year before, drive divers numbers to retire without order to the towns held by the Religion in Uivares, where they had sure abode, so if they be not some what relieved of their long and loathsome travail always in a camp, it is also to be feared that by little and little they do not abandon their Ensigns, & leave their Colonelles in the fiéeldes without Soldiers: The same being already revealed unto them by certain numbers of their soldiers, they could do no less than commend their suit with humble request in themselves for leave and liberty to departed, now that the siege of Poitiers is raised: The Princes answered that they could not order their request and satisfy the time together, because they were as yet uncertain what would be the end and issue of the siege, and therefore they thought it convenient that they tarried till the end of the month of September, hoping (after they had seen the resolute proceedings of the catholics) to bestow their army in garrisons to rest all winter: This answer qualified their requests with expectation of the end of September. When the army being returned from the countre●… of Touraine, and sojourning near to Fay la Vineuse, their suit was eftsoons put upon new ●…earmes: for which cause the Gentlemen, Captains, and Colonelles of those country men, assembled to deliberate upon the motion: some were of opinion to pursue in general a leave and liberty of the Princes, seeing their time of September is expired: But others judged the present season most inconvenient to entreat for leave, considering the state and disposition of the war, every day encly●…ing to battle, where they were bond in duty to be, ●…nlesse they would deface the honour of their actions passed. Which last opinion, so settled into the most of them, that they resolved universally both to mortify their desire to go home, and also to give over to attempt further leave, attending either by battle, or by some happy peace, to make themselves free of the war, and so return and remain quietly in their houses.  
And thus the Lord de Montbrun and mirabel remained in the Camp until the time wherein they thought to execute their enterprise: wherein after they had communicated with the Lord de Verbele●… brother to the Bishop of Puy in Auvergne, and many other as we●… of Dauphine, as the countries thereabouts (as of purpose to have their company in the voyage) they went to An goulesme, to the end to tarry there for their furniture and strength.  
This being known in the camp, many came to Angoulesme to assist the voyage, so that they were in all, abo●…te four hundred horsemen in very good point to fight, with certain numbers of shot on horseback with the which the said Lord de Montbrun, mirabel, and Uerlibet, departed the fourteenth day of the month of October, and taking their way by Perigueux, came to Solliac the Sunday the sixteenth of October, about two of the clock at after noon. They thought there to pass Dordon, but it was so swelled by the great rains fallen certain days before, that it was not possible to wade over. By which difficulty they were constrained ●…o stay there, sending for such boats as they could ●…inde, by which they began to ferry the same day and all the next night, not with such speed (in respect of their few beats) but certain numbers were not yet passed in the morning. Which being espied of the Catholic garrisons thereby, and specially they of Sarba, sent out three score horsemen with certain footmen and Paisants, to view the number of such as were yet to pass, and what watch and guard they kept. Who with others to the number of two hundredth, seeing neither order used, nor any shot his match kindled, fallen upon them, and discomfited them without resistance: many were slain and the rest strippeth into their shertes, and so sent over the passage to follow their company: Some using a speed above the rest in passing the day before, the better to refresh them at their ease, were set upon in the night within their lodgings, and led away prisoners by the Catholics: Among whom were the Lord d●… Quintell, a ‛ Dauphyno●…s, Mormoiron de Uenesin, guide to the whole company, a Physician called M. M●…rle with three others: the Lord de Sarraz a Gentleman of Uivares, was taken by the same a little before, but forthwith set at liberty.  
The noise which the Catholics made in charging them on the water side, gave the Alarm to those that had already passed the river, being in a Town not far off, who falling forthwith into array & order of defence, after they had tarried sometime to receive them that escaped to their succours, began to march towards Acyer. wherein they entered the next morning, and from thence without other let, they went to O●…yllac in Auvergne, from whence they departed, as shall be hereafter declared.  
After Nyort was taken, the King's brother determined i●… besiege the town of S. jean de Angely in Sainc●…onge, and for that same effect drew his army & power on that side. The Lord of Byron, Martial of his camp, about the. x. of October, accompanied with certain cornets of horsemen, came to summon the Town for the King: to whom the garrison made an answer by the Lord de la Ramiere, that they meant not to surrender the Town by other composition than a general peace including the public quiet and profit of the realm of France, whereupon he returned. And captain la Motte accompanied with. xv. or xx. horsemen, went forthwith to skome and scour the ways within half a league about the town, and specially of that side to Nyort, finding within a village certain footmen of the Catholics, whereof some were slain, some put ●…o flight and u or vi. taken and led prisoners into the town.  
In the mean while they of the town prepared for the siege, using great devise and diligence in fortifying diverse parts of it, some did beat down part of the suburbs of Aulnis and Tailleburg, to cut from the Catholics all convenient means to encamp there. Some filled up the ditches in necessary places, in effect they left nothing imperfect which necessarily belonged to the fortification of the town, the better to endure the siege. The Lord the Pills governor there for the matters of war (as is said) made a view of the footmen, which were a thousand or xi. hundred of all sorts, as well strangers as others▪ mmediatly after this muster, the Lord de person arrived there with thirty. or. xl. horsemen, and then (because they would omit nothing tending to the defence of the Town) they began to make fire works, with other artificial Engines to▪ annoy the enemies.  
About the. xiiii. day of this month, the King's brother planted his siege before Saint jean de Angely, about three of the clock in the after noon. The Lord of Govas' regimen with certain other, was lodged in the Suburbs of Aulnys: dealing not that day with the suburbs of Taillebourg, as fearing they could not enter but with great peril. They within the town had forsaken his Suburb, because they would not put their men to the hazard in keeping it: Albe●…t, th●… Catholics forbore not to seize upon it the next day, and lodge within it. The Protestants fortified the Fort or place of defence without the gate d' Aulnis, and filling it with earth, rammed up the gate, omitting nothing necessary either to force or policy, wherein, to en●…orce a gener●…ll diligence in their fortification, Proclamations were pronounced thorough the town, that all people, as well men women as children, able or apt to travel, should labour and work at the rampires, and that every one should have always before his door, three or four sacks full of dung, to be employed in necessary places. According to these commandments, there was a common assistance at the rampires, as well of strangers, as people of the town, by whom was performed a wonderful endeavour.  
As soon as the Catholics had made themselves Lords of the Suburbs aforesaid, the Protestants made a sally with forty horsemen, by the gate de Matta, and set upon the Suburbs of Aulnis, where they killed four or five men, and then fallen on scouring the ways towards Nyort▪ till the place of execution, where they found an Italian on horseback, and brought him into the town.  
About the eythtéenth day of this month, the Protestants made another sally by the gate d' Aulnis, and issuing out above the fort, they descended within the ditch by a ladder: there were of this faction (and conducted by captain la Motte, (Cl. Soldiers with white shirts above their garments, who charging so happily upon the Suburbs d'Aulnis, found the catholics playing at cards, and so without any watch to discover them, they killed about three score or four score soldiers, and then retired upon the false trench of the ditch by the help of their haquehusheares, which were upon the fort of the gate. They wan in this exploit two footmen Ensigns. xl. or l. harquebusheares, certain Morrions, corcelets, and pollares of steel, which they carried into the town, losing not above two or three of their company.  
The Catholics in the mean while drew near their artillery which they planted so aptly in a vine towards Nyort, as it mighr beat as well the gate of Nyort, as the bulwark of the port d'Aulnis, and also the tower between the two gates. Their battery which they bestowed there, was four Canons and a Coluerine. Afore they discharged any battery, they demanded to parley, and for that cause would that the lord of Pills should have come forth of the town upon their faith, which the protestants thought not convenient for their safety: albeit, in his place, they sent out of the Town la Riviere, who was not sooner without, than the Canon began to beaten, which caused him to cut off his further proceeding with speedy return.  
Thus the battery began the xxii. day of October, beating the Tower of the Town near to the port de Aulnis, and continued all the day, and toward night it enforced a breach of forty or fifty pace wide, whereupon the catholics sent one of their company to view it, who being come to the brink of the ditch, and discovering himself to survey the breach, was killed with a shot: so that that day passed without assault or any other special attempt or act. In the night the Protestants with great diligence repair their breach, & let down to the ditch certain labourers and Soldiers, to rid away the ruin and broken stuff of the Wall fallen into it. These labourers and soldiers afore they came out of the ditch, they set up a pretty brickwall of a man's height, to make the place less accessible. Besides, the protestants keeping still a careful mind of their town and estate, considered diligently where, and how they might be annoyed by the battery planted in the vine, which had there remained about eight days, without discharge of Canon: whereupon they cast a trench well flanked behind the breach, upon the which they bestowed certain Uessells and hoghesheades to pavise their shot. In the effect, the breach was so supplied, as the place was stronger than afore.  
From this battery, the morrow after came certain thunders of Canon against the fort of the Port d'Aulnis: and likewise three or four discharges against the port of Nyort, not forbearing notwithstanding their first battery. But seeing this battery brought forth small effect (not many days after) they bestowed in place of the canons, five coluerines.  
Removing the said Canons to the entry of the suburbs d'Aulnis, both directly before and also so near the said Fort, that only the ditch was between them. From thence began a vehement battery against the said fort, as well by these Canons as the Coluerins planted in their place, which bestowed certain bollettes flanks wise, within the said breach even to the Castle The battery continued all the day, all that night▪ and all the next morrow of one violent fury without ceasing, so that both the Fort and the portal (by which is the ordinary entry into the Town) were almost beaten to powder.  
In the mean while, the protestants made a covert way between the Fort and the gate, to the end, that the ruin falling from the gate, should not annoy nor hinder the entry of the Fort.  
After this long and vehement battery, the Lord de Guitiniers demanded to speak with the Protestants, and under the honour and virtue of their word, entered the Town the four and twenty day of this month, about two of the Clock in the afternoon. He laboured to induce them to tender the town, but the L. the Pills remained constant in his first answer, that there could no other price buy the Town, than an assured peace, to the profit and quiet of the Realm. Whereupon the Lord de Guitinieres returned again and came to the camp without other effect of his purpose.  
He was no sooner out of the said Town, than the catholics rushed fiercely to the assault so unlooked for, that the protestants doubted of their safety, the rather because the assault was maintained as well at the breach of the Fort as on the right and left side of it within the ditch, the better to come to the gate of the Town which they had battered (as you have herded). And for their more easy coming to the breach of the Fort, they had provided great numbers of pyonners to bear sacks full of earth and cast them upon the breach: who besides turning up the earth, threw stones against the protestants, by which they greatly grieved diverse of them. They presented upon the breach vi▪ target men followed with a good number of shot, who albeit ventu read far to enforce the protestants, yet (being repulsed) they retired without any great effects. This assault lasted from three of the clock in the afternoon till night, during the which was great waist of shot and powder by the protestants in sustaining so hot assault: in the night they fortified and repaired their breaches as well as they could, as they also forbore not to do even in the time of the battery, filling them up as fast as they were made with sacks of dung. In this night also they entrenched themselves within the Fort, whereby the breaches, the morrow after, were put in defence.  
Albeit, the Lord de Sansac (after the siege of Charité) was sent for to go into Tourayne to join with the Catholics camp, as is said, yet (whether it were by countermaundement or other special occasion) he stirred not from where he was: And yet in the same month of October, he besieged the Town of Noyers' in Bourgogne, the which without great resistance he took by composition, the same notwithstanding not observed, because forty of the soldiers that defended it, being led to Troy in champaign, and afore they entered into prison, were cut in pieces by the people.  
After he had taken Noyers', he determined to besiege Vizeley in Borgoigne, governed at that time by the lord de Sarazin. There was for the guard of it only two come panies of footmen under Captain Rybaupierre, & the young Lord de Sarazin with two cornets of horsemen of the Lord de Blosset, and of Belanseau, with certain numbers of Gentlemen retired thither to aid the siege. The lord de Sansac had to furnish this siege about. xxii. ensigns of footmen, whereof the L. de Foyssy was Colonel often cornets of horsemen, four canons & two. Culverins.  
He arrived with his horsemen to survey the town the sixt of October, retiring at night to lodge at Aquiens and S. Pere, villages situate at the hill foot, upon the top whereof stands the City.  
The eleventh of the same month he made approach with three of his companies of footmen, at the gate du Barle, otherwise called S. Stephen: certain of the Town▪ but specially the nobility that were there, issued out, and repulsed presently the said three Ensigns, whereof two were put to disorder and flight afore they could get to Aquiens, where they meant to make their retreat. In the chase were killed about six and forty, and as many hurt, all the Captains, Lieuftenauntes, Ensign bearers, and Sergeauntes of these two companies, were there killed, saving three which were led prisoners within the town: the third company hide themselves within a tuft of vines, from whence (being not discovered) they retired in the night to Aquiens. Notwithstanding this charge and chase, the Lord de Sansac marched with his camp the Saturday, the eight of this month, and towards the evening environed the Town, the same evening he approached his artillery, which the tenth day following in the morning began to batter a Tower of the side of the gate du Barle, right against the watring●… place, the same continuing so vehemently two full 〈◊〉, that at the ●…econd days end, a corner of the Tower fallen to the earth: The Wednesday the twelfth day he removed four of his pieces of the side of S Pere, thundering a new battery against the gate called the wicket, above the which eight Ensigns of footmen came and pitched the thirteenth of this month, remaining there till the whole army discampped. The fourteenth day he removed also two of his pieces, and planted them against a Tower called the Columbes, to the end (with more ease) to batter the said wicket, against the which the battery endured till the next day. When having now beaten two breaches, he gave the assault to them both at one instant, offering to scale on that side of the Cordeliers: His assaults were resisted, and his people so repulsed, that they were out of heart eftsoons to return: & therefore the night following, about midnight, he raised his s●…éege, and retired to Auallon, having lost at the assaults and in the time of their sieege three or four hundredth men as well footmen as horsemen: Of the Protestants side, there were slain and hurt, only ten men, whereof the Lord Sarazin was killed with the canon, being in the first Tower that they battered, whom the Lord de Blossar succéeded in place and charge, choose by the common voice and opinion of the multitude, in respècte of his virtue and wisdom in defence of the Town. The Lord of Sansac raised not his siege for other purpose than to provide other Canon's, all his others being either cracked or burst in these batteries.  
The Princes being at Saints, assoon as they were informed of the siege of S. jean d' Angely determined to go into Gascoigne with two or three thousand harquebushears on foot, and all their horsemen, leaving the remeinder of their footmen to aid the Towns wherein were Garrisons: they had two principal reasons to induce them to this journey, as to draw the siege from S. jean de Angely esteeming the camp would follow them, and also to join with the Uicountes forces, over whom (as is said) the Montgomery commanded. They departed from Sanctonge about the beginning of the siege, and with their horsemen as well French as Almayns, (who after this voyage had sent their carriage to Roch●…ll, and sho ton foot, whereof some were led by the Lord de Rouray) took their way towards Montauban: And because the river of Dordonne, (by which they must pass) was not at that time passeable without vessels, the Lord de la Bessonniere (by whose means as is afore said the Town of Oryllac was taken) departed with a hundred horses, and gathering together as many boats as he could find a long Dordonne, caused them to be brought to Argentall, to the end the Prince's army stayed not at the passage there, albeit coming thither about the. twenty-five. of this month, they were constrained to stay there almost eight days afore their whole army could pass. In which mean while certain of their army summoned the Town of Sourd in Auvergne to be rendered to the Princes, to the obedience and use of the King. Whereunto as they refused at the first: so, considering the condition of their own state, with the present force of the enemy, yielded upon covenant to set open the gates and pay six thousand franks, not to be committed to pillage: the Lord of Montbrun and mirabel being come to Oryllac (as is said) their compayes lodged within a league of the town in a village called Arpaion, to rest their horses which were weary with long travail, where there Lord de Montbrun fallen sick of a continual ague, the same partly causing the abode and stay of the army, albeit feeling by the course of his sickness, that he was not able to make present departure from thence, imparted the same with the Lord mirabel, to the end the voyage lingered no longer, whereupon the Lord mirabel with four hundred horsemen put himself on the way the. 24. of the same month to perform his journey into Languedoc: he had (amongst others) in his company the Lord Foulques, who not many days before came to the said Oryllac with lx. horsemen, of purpose to accompany the Lord mirabel: their departure was neither so secret, nor their journey so surely conveyed, but the Papists which were in certain towns and Castles about Oryllac, were speedily advertised, who commanded the towns men of every village to sound the Alarm bell, to the end to warn and discover the place they passed by, and so set upon and discomfit them. According to this charge the Tocsain was sounded at the same instant that the Lord mirabel and his troop descended from the hill two leagues from Oryllac, whereupon the garrison of Roilliac (having seen the troop pass by them in negligent order, and leaving withal their own charge, made no small speed by a cross way a thwart the hill, and set upon them suddenly in the village where the Tocsain was sounded, and the same in such subtle season and sort, as afore they were descried they killed six or seven of the Mirabels company and so retired, leading with them certain prisoners: the troop notwithstanding mounted above the village, where being ringed and drawn into battle order, they discovered in the tops of the hills concourse of people from all parts to intercept them in a strait by which they should pass, their guides (besides) bringing them further increase of fear & danger by general flocking of the popular sort to set upon them in that strait, whereupon they were constrained to turn back, and retire to their quarter of Orpaion, and there to consult of a safe mean to pass.  
The Lord Uerbelet, in the mean while remained at Oryllac, as governor in Auvergne under the Princes, according to the authority given him at his departure from the Campe. Within few days after his coming to the town, and being acknowledged of the garrison as their governor, ordained that three hundredth Harquebusears on foot, and three hundredth pikemen should be entertained for the guard of the town: for whose pay he levied of the inhabitáts a loan of Lord de S. Heran said he was come thither to bestow●… garrison in the Castle: the gentlewoman answered, that this errand was without need, because that as the place was already furnished, so her husband (as she thought) would not admit any new numbers, wherewith as she offered to have shut the gate, and return into the Castle, the Lord S. Heran thrust so rudely at the gate, that the Gentlewoman being thrown to the ground, he entered the gate by force upon her, by whose skrike or cry, one of the household servants descended speedily, and seeing his mistress upon the ground, discharged his pistoiet, and hurt the Lord S. Heran in the arm, who also fearing further peril, flung out of the postern, which immediately was shut upon him: albeit, he caused all, or most of his troop to remain still afore the said Castle, to withstand that no man should enter till he sent new forces from S. flower, whether as he speedily repaired, so he dispatched from thence certain numbers of footmen to join with the troop he had left afore the Castle, with charge not to depart till it were taken: M. de Sallians, to whom both the place and charge belonged, lay very sick, who in respect of his small strength, having not above six soldiers, and withal doubting speedy surcours, made no great resistance, but yielded the Castle by composition to have only their lives saved, which albeit was faithfully promised, yet traitorously performed, because both her husband was killed, and she led prisoner to S. Flower, charged to be the only cause of the lord of S. Hierans' hurt.  
The taking of the town of Oryllac, (whereof is spoken before) amazed greatly them of Auvergne wherefore having gathered people from many parts, determined to besiege it, afore they within could have mean to fortify themselves. And for this purpose, the Lord Rocne●…onne Governor of Puy and the grand Pri●…r of Auvergne, with their regiment●… of footmen, came to Marinell zillas in Roargnes, att●…ding there (as it was said) certain camnons which should be sent from Rhodes to batter Oryllac. In the mean while also the Lord de Saint Heran with no less diligence advanced at S. flower, the other forces and also the Nobility of Auvergne, whom he summoned speedily to repair thither. Albeit hearing in the heat of his diligence, of the princes coming to Argentall; he let fall his enterprise.  
The men of Auvergne fearing the princes would seize upon the low country called lafoy Lymagne, and there to winter, in respect of the general fertility of that place, drawn in troops of paysants and commonalties into the straits of the mountains, by which they imagined the army should pass, and there hewing down great numbers of trees, bestowed them athwart the high ways to trouble the passage of the horsemen.  
The rest of the country were bestowed by the lord de Saint Heran, in towns and Castles, to the end they should not be suddenly taken: the princes beguiled their opinion as not passing that way, but directed their journey over Dordone and so into Quercy, and beneath Cadenat, passed the river of Lot, and so from thence arrived at Montauban, in November. 1569.  
The Lord de mirabel and Foulques▪ (having remained about Oryllac, ●…nee the charge they had near to Rolliat) took way about this time with their troops to end their voyage: who passing the River of Lot beneath Cadenat, and after they had traversed the mountains of Rovarges and Savennes, arrived without let a●… Privas and Aulbenas, towns in Vivarez, held by those of the Religion.  
The siege continued all this while afore S. jean de Angely, where the King, the Queen mother, and Cardinal of Lorraine were in person. The morrow after that the breach of the Fort was assaulted, the King procured the protestants to be commoned withal, to the end to tender the Town by composition: Wherein they used this persuasion, the rather to entice them, that his Majesty had determined to erect a puissant army to make war in Allemaigne, wherein as they might stead that service in special turn, so his Majesty was careful not to spill men of such experience and value, & otherways, if they would not embrace his majesties offer and composition, he would thunder upon them all his forces till he had wone the Town. They answered as before, that they would not tender the town till there were a peace assured to the profit and quiet of the whole Rea●…e: whereupon the King required to speak with the Lord de person, as well in the causes concerning the Town, as to sand him to the princes in the mean and matter of peace: Whereunto the protestants condescended, and sent out of the Town the Lord de person, receiving in his pledge and hostage the Lord de Guiteniers. After the King had conferred with the Lord de person, they grew to capitulations as followed:  

First, that if the Lord de Pills were not succoured within ten days, to tender the Town to the King their lives and goods saved.  
2 That for the assurance of this, there should be delivered in hostage two Knights of the order, & they to be sent either to Rochel or Angoulesme, at the protestants choice.  
3 That during this space of the x. days, truce should be between them, with charge that neither they should fortify in the town, nor they without upon their trenches, nor yet approach the walls of the town.  
4 lastly, that in the mean while the Lord de person should go to the Princes with a Gentleman of his Majesty, to treat of peace. According to the which the said L. the person with the kings Gentleman went to the Princes, in the Gentleman's place the Lord de Guitiniers was sent out of the town to the camp.   
They which the princes left (as you have herded) at Saints, to defend the town, maintained their charge till now. And hearing that Saint jean d' Angely was in parley, and at point to yield, fearing with all, that it was their lot and turn to be besiéeged next: They forsook the town & retired to the other Garrisons which were thereabout: wherein the King forgot not to embrace the opportunity, sending forthwith certain companies to seize upon it, to the end, that by that mean the way might be closed from them of the Religion, being at Angoulesme and Coygnac, to go or come to Rochel: Likewise they of Rochel should be barred to send succours to them.  
The Lord of Bricquemau, lay all this while in the town of Bo●…rg dieu in Berry, (as hath been said) by reason of his sickness: During whose abode there, his troops made ordinary war upon the Garrison of Chasteauroux, upon Indre, wherein the Lord of the place retained three companies of footmen for the catholics. There were often incursions and interviews between them: the same continuing almost six weeks, in which time were killed of the one and other side, almost two hundredth men. After the said Lord Bricquemau was restored to health, he retired in this month of November with his troops to charity.  
During the siege of S. jean d' Angely, the Town of Nimes in Languedoc was taken by the Religion the fivetéenth of this month, and by this mean: there is a miln in the town near to the walls, and to make it grind, there comes a spring or fountain not far of, through a sluice or crevishe in the brickwall dressed with grates or bars of iron: They of the Religion in that Country practised intelligence with the miller, by whose aid they plucked up by night the said iron grate, and so conveyed into the town by that crevish and channel, about a hundredth soldiers, who hide themselves within the mill, attending the hour to execute their enterprise, in the mean while they sent from Privas and Au benas two hundredth horsemen, and every one a harquebushear behind him, who being in good point afore the gates of the Town at the hour appointed, they within the mill issued out, & got to the gate, which with certain engines and instruments apt to countermyne the lock, they set open, and so the companies without, entered and made themselves Lords of the town: the Lord of S. An dre governor there, considering of his present peril, thought to save himself in the castle, albeit as he leapt out of a window he broke his leg and so was taken, dying within two days after▪ there were slain in the town at this entry about a hundredth or six score men and within few days certain ministers of justice: Incontinently arrived at Nimes, the L. de S. Roman brother to the Lord de S. Chaumont, sent thither by the Princes to govern in their absence the Country of Languedocke he had with him in company a great number of horfemen, besides many that came to him, as the Lord de Foulques, with the troops which he brought from the Campe. In the mean while they of the Castle denied to tender, making marvelous defence, notwithstanding they were but few in number: there were sundry attempts in vain to win them, with certain mines sorting to no effect, and yet after certain months, the Castle was put into the hands of them of the Town.  
And now, touching the siege of S. jean de Angely, it hath been said that the lord de Pills promised to tender the town, if he were not reskewed within ten days: which being passed, and he voided of succours, the Lord of Byron summoned him to his promiss, to whom the lord de Pills answered, that albeit he believed that either they had stayed the lord de person there, or else where, or at lest had not sent him to the Princes, yet if they would enlarge his term, he would tender the town, whereupon they gave him two days more, within the which he dispatched forth of the town by the port Matta a Gentleman to go to Angoulesme and provide succours. In the mean while, the thursday the xvii. day of November the Lord de Guitiniers entered the Town with certain Captains and Marshals or harbingers for lodging, with intent to take possession of the town, whereof Guytiniers gave this manifest inkling in saying to the Lord de Pills, that as that night he gave the watch their charge, so it should fall to his lot to do it the next day.  
The gentleman sent to Angoulesme for succours, used such diligence as the L. de S. Severin accompanied with l. or lx. gentlemen or horseback, entered without let S. jean d' Angely by the port Matta, the friday being the xviii. of this month, which as it chanced contrary to the general opinion of the Catholics, so it amazed most of all the lord de Guitiniers, thinking nothing less than to go out of the town again: albeit seeing in the friday morning certain numbers of strange gentlemen mustering in companies about the town, he changed his opinion and was forthwith put out of the town with such as entered with him notwithstanding the coming of these succours: the Lord de Byron commoned with the lord de Pills at the gate of Nyort, whom as he summoned to perform his promise to the King in yielding the town: the day of convention being expired, so lord de Pills told him that he had received succours, & therefore discharged of his promise to tender the town, wherein the lord Byron caveled with him in that his rescue came not from the princes, with persuasion also, that he should not stand so much on the help of four or five horses come to him, and thereupon caused too be read aloud the capitulations agreed upon between them. The lord the Pills was constant in his opinion, alleging that of what value or numbers so ever his succours were, they were such as both sufficed his need and contented him, charging them upon the instant to draw back from the walls. Immediately the battery began of fresh, as well upon the old breach which was upon the fort or tower of the brickwall, as against the fort of the gate d' Aulnis, and also against the Castle, against which were bend three cannons: this battery brought down to the earth the Castle gate, from which, they went upon a bastion or platform of earth before the Castle: this being well noted of the protestants, they made another passage within the ditch, beneath the first, and near to that bastyon of earth, they made an opening or window in the brickwall of the town, without the which and within the ditch, they set up a close pale or covert to flank the Castle. In the mean while the catholics growing cold in their battery, and yet continuing it eight days, beat down a part of a tower of the castle of that side to the suburbs of Tailebourg, called the hangman's Tower, together with a great ruin of the walls from the Castle to the old breath.  
During this battery, the protestants made a sally with fifty or forty horsemen, and three or four hundredth footmen by the gate Nyort, upon the which they erected a bridge of wood to descend to the ditch.  
The horsemen of this sally were led by Captain la Motte, who charged upon two cornets of horsemen which were in guard of that side to Nyort, whereof certain were killed, and some lost their standards, & one of their ensign bearers led hurt into the town, where of he died forthwith: the footmen were governed by divers Captains, who, charging the papists in their trenches, made them forsake them, and lose their culverins, which were forthwith choked and fire put in five or six barrels of powder. They took also in this disarray an ensign of the footmen▪ with many other arms and armours of the Catholics, carrying all into the Town, whether they retired assoon as they had effected their enterprise: they killed in this sally about thirty or forty catholics, and losing but one of their own which was hurt in the retreat, besides him that set the powder on fire, who was a little singed.  
Not many days after this sally, the catholics removed their canons planted in the entry of the suburbs d' Aulnis, and pitched them upon the brink of the ditch on the right side of the castle, very near the battered fort of the gate. There were in this battery six canons, beating as well within the entry of the said fort, as against the wall from it to the castle which was also beaten with the other three canons aforesaid. The coluerinnes ceased not also to thunder as well flankerwyse as to the old breach.  
This battery was of such violent force, that in three days and an half (which was the space it endured) there were discharged above xv. or xuj. hundredth shot of canons, and many killed that laboured to relieve the breach. In which vehement extremity, the Lord de Pills, sent out by the Port Matta, the same Gentleman, whom he used afore in the supply of succours, by whose second diligence, the Lord de S. Auban, a Gentleman of Dauphin accompanied with xl. horsemen enterprised to come to the relief and succour of the said town: who (notwithstanding) was so encountered in the way, as he was forced to retire with the loss of three of his people, and also the Gentleman his guide.  
The xxix. day of November, Sebastian Luxenburge, count the Martiques, knight of the order, Captain of fifty men at arms, and Lieuftenaunte general to the King in his Duchy and country of Britain, being at the battery, was strooken in the head with a harquebushot, whereof he died, to the general grief of the Papists.  
In the beginning of December, about ix. of the clock in the morning, the Catholics demanded to parley with the Lord de Pills, whereunto he listened with less difficulty, in respect he was not furnished with munition of war for one assault more if it had been offered; neigh there had he hope to be so speedily succoured as his peril required: which was the cause that the two. of this month, after he had established extreme acts and provisions for the Guard of the said town, he was enforced to tender it upon the covenants following.  

1 That the Protestants should departed the town their goods saved, with their horses and armour and banner displayed.  
2 That they should not bear arms for the general cause of Religion in four months after.  
3 That their whole companies, as well Strangers as inhabitants, might retire whither they would in all surety.  
4 That they should be safe conducted to their place of surety where so ever it were, by the Lord de Byron: according to which composition, the morrow after, the three of this month, S jean de Angely was yielded into the hands of the Lord de Guitiniers. The lord de Pills departing the same day about noon, by the Port de Matta with eight hundredth footmen of all sorts, and about C. horsemen▪ taking his way towards Angoulesme. Not withstanding, the conduct and presence of the said lord de Byron, the most part of the footmen were spoilt and diverse slain, and the baggage of the horsemen taken against their promise of faith. During this siege, died in the town about a hundredth Soldiers and certain numbers of labourers: of the catholics side, without the town, died aswell of the hand of the enemy as by diseases, about two thousand, amongst which were many great lords, Gentlemen and Captains slain, as the great master of the artillery, whose office was given to the said lord de Byron: the government of the town was given to the lord de Guitiniers, and for the guard of it, the King bestowed eight companies of footmen. The same day the King, the Queen mother, the cardinal of Lorraine with divers great lords of the Court, entered the town, and visited as well the fort of the gate Aulnis, and the castle, as the first breach of the tower on the brickwall, and so returned to their places, where they were lodged afore.   
Certain of the Catholics (immediately after the town was given over) went towards the yles of Marans and Marennes, held of long by them of the religion, from whence they were now withdrawn by special commandment from Rochel, whereby the Catholics entered and seized upon them without resistance.  
In this time were executed in France certain judgements definitive, pronounced afore against those of the reform Religion, whose processes were begun and pursued by the kings procurers from the beginning of the wars, aswell against such as were out of the Realm, as those that maintained part with the Princes. The first sort forsook the Realm immediately after the second peace, as being denied to enter their houses & goods contrary to the covenants of the same▪ and less able to live (without mortal peril to their people) in the towns of their proper habitation, being filled with garrisons of the contrary faction, as hath been touched in the beginning of these discourses: the other sort, (forced eftsoons to fall into arms) were knit and tied to the army of the Princes, to resist the voluntary infringers of the peace, and conjured enemies to the whole Realm: both the one and other were proceeded against by personal adiornements in three short days, and for default of appearance their goods were seized to the King's use, and governed by special Commissioners of sequestration: many idle officers busied themselves to effect the execution of their goods: in many provinces the said judgements did suspend & hung until after the battle of Montgontour, when they awarded general and speedy process against all men by defaults, proceeding to execution in Effigy and adiudication of their goods to the King, wherein (such was the liberal zeal of the judges) that they executed by Effigy such as were dead long time before.  
It hath been said before that the Lord de Sansac left the siege of Uezeley by reason his Cannons miscaryed: and now having got new provision of Artillery to the number of twelve or thirteen pieces, and being withal advertised by certain of the Town of Vezeley that the Lord de Traues, with a great part of the Nobility present at the first siege, were departed and left the Town, came to besiege it of fresh: He battered still the tower of the Port du Barle, right against the watering place: soon after he removed his battery to that fide of the grey Friars, following with so vehement an assault, that they came to hand strokes upon the breaches, albeit he was repulsed. During this siege, Albert de la Chasse a Bourgeys of the town, written letters to the Catholics, revealing the particular state of the Town: He threw his letters over the brickwall into a field where the Catholics came and found them: and as he was going to the Wall with a letter, ready to convey to the enemy, he was taken with the fact, and charging a schoolmaster, as party to his treason, were both hanged forthwith.  
The battery was such, as thee were spent above three thousand and five hundredth shots of canon, and all not able to force the Protestants, which made the Lord Sansac raise his siege the. xvii. of December. 1569. losing in this siege about. xv. hundredth men, amongst whom the Lord de Foyssy, Colonel of his footmen was hurt to death with a shot upon the trenches. Within the Town, amongst others, M. jaques Perrin, a Minister, was killed with a Canon.  
The war did still aggravate in diverse places of the Realm, contrary to the opinion of such as thought it should have been qualified & utterly quenched by the battle at Montgontour. They of charity (whereof hath been spoken before) strengthened themselves with great numbers of men of war come with the Lord de Bricquemau and Borry, with their retinue: they maintained ordinary war against the garrisons of the catholics thereabouts, making many enterprises, and one winning of another.  
The Lord de Lespau a gentleman of Berry, and one called lafoy Rose, Sergeant mayor to Sanserre, attempted an enterprise upon the Town of Bourges in Berry, by mean of intelligence with a Soldier of the town, called Vrsin palus, to whom was promised a great sum of money, with a bill for the assurance, payable within two months after he had satisfied his promise: This enterprise had been of long practised, and for the execution of it, the parties to the practice, imparted it with the Lord de Bricquemau, de Guercy (Lieutenant to the Lord Admiral, over his men of Arms, and governor at the present of charity for the King, under the princes) to the Lord de Borry. Baron of Reury, des Essarz, with others Lords and Captains in those quarters: Who understanding the enterprise at large with the means to execute it, judged with it as a thing very convenient to be pursued.  
This Vrsin palus in the mean while revealed it to the Lord de la Charstre governor of the town of Bourges and country of Berry, and also to Captain Martin keeper of the tower of Bourges, who advised him to entertain the enterprise and assure to them of charity. day, place and mean to effect it, who likewise applied himself to their instructions.  
In the mean while the said Governor of Charstres omitting no preparative fit to welcome them, devised gins of fire & trains of powder within the ditches of the place assigned: he bestowed also two grates, the one at the entry of the little Fort, and the other at the door or false port by which they enter into the great tower: bringing lastly into the town diverse horsemen and footmen Italians, for their better surety and defence.  
The day and hour special for this purpose, was assigned by the said palus, on S. Thomas night, the on and twentieth of December at two of the clock at after midnight, which they of charity failed not to observe in point. And because they were dispersed in diverse places, the place of general meeting was at Baugy, a castle taken before by that Baron of Reury, about six leagues from Bourges. There met about a thousand or twelve hundredth harquebushears on foot of the troops of the Lord Borry and Loruaye, with three cornets of horsemen guided by the Lord Bricquemau, all which in very good point observed both the hour and place asseigned called lafoy Grange Francois half a league from Bourges, where where likewise met them the said Vrsin palus▪ assuring them still of the facility of the enterprise, & that he could bring them to the great tower without danger, whereunto (to cover all cause of doubt) he offered to be their first leader.  
They of the Religion under the says of his word, made march first and foremost, with him the Lord de Lespau, accompanied with twelve, aswell Captains as soldiers, and entered by a wicket toward the fort of the false port, where they pitched ladders to enter within the false port, which was sieve foot above ground. After him entered the Baron Reury with five & twenty men, and then the Lord de Sarts with fifty soldiers to sustain the first? but as his troop entered, the cords of the grate were cut, when they also within applied their several engines to use and put fire to the trains and at the instant the artillery bestowed in flanks thundered upon them that were to enter, as also Captain Martin, with his number of armed men, charged such as were unhappily entered, who seeing themselves & their enterprise betrayed, devised and laboured for their safety aswell as they could: some leapt from the brickwall down some got out of the grate, the same being somewhat higher because Buysiere, steward to the late Lord de Autricour was enclosed under it, being notwithstanding taken from thence by his company, who not able other wise to effect their enterprise, were constrained to retire.  
They killed of them of the Religion twelve or fourteen aswell Captains as Soldiers, & almost as many kept prisoners within the town, besides such as were hurt, the Lord de Lespau, the Baron of Reurye, de Lessartes, des miles, with certain other were taken within the gross tower.  
After this, they of Bourges fearing the courses that they of the religion made even to their gates, advertised the king of their necessity, who succoured them speedily with fix cornets of horsemen, which had been before at the siege of S. jan d' Angely, they arrived at Bourges upon the end of December.  
The Princes being come to Montauban, (as is said) executed the cause of their coming adjoining to their army the forces of the two Uicountes and Montgomerie.  
In this time the King sent back to Poyctyers, the Duke de Aumerle, with three Canons, and one coluerine guided by the Lord de Govas' and his regiment of footmen: And so bestowing his garrisons to winter (lycensing afore the Italian to go home) his Majesty came to the Town of Angiers.  
After these long vexations and troubles, all men be 'gan to desire, peace, the which, as it was greatly desired of the faithful, so there were manifest reasons, why the Catholics should desire the same. For although the loss and ruin of the faithful was more hard to be recovered: Notwithstanding they that were stain of the Papists side were not the lesser number. And their spoils made known too many in divers places, caused them to fear the desolation and calamities to come the more, if war should be taken in hand again: which seemed to such as wisely beheld all things not hard to be renewed of the Prince's part: seeing among great difficulties they had both renewed wars with encredible speed, and also made them with greater force than before: the stirred minds of the subjects being dangerous weapons. But all being weary of the continual troubles wished for peace and quietness: and would the kingdom take weapon against itself to her own destruction? It was said that the King was inclined to peace, and yet angry for his former losses, and moved with the letters of the Emperor & the Princes of Germany concerning a marriage to be made between him and Maximilian the emperors daughter: unto whom the Emperor would not consent but upon condition of peace. And so the matter being handled of both parts for certain months, at the length in the month of August with the great expectation and prayers of all men, peace was concluded: and by the Edict all men of both Religions were commanded to live quietly thorough the whole Realm. Which Edict after our long and lamentable unquietness, it shallbe good to set forth, in manner and form following.  

whereas (says the King) we perceive that the troubles 
The Edict of peace.  of war, which were spread abroad before this time and also now, did threaten present ruin and destruction to our realm and subjects: to prevent so great a mischief, and to bring our kingdom to her former tranquillity and quietness, by the advise and consent of our sister, our brethren and such as were specially choose to be of our counsel, I thought good to decree and establish these things that follow, with a perpetual and irrevocable Edict: which we will command all our subjects faithfully to observe and keep for ever.  
1 First of all, that after these troubles and tumults of wars, all things that hitherto have been done of both parts be quite forgotten, & also whatsoever was brought to pass by reason thereof: and that it shall not be lawful for any to move any strife or controversy, or any ways to be troublesome for the same either publicly or privately in any public place or else where.  
2 We straightly forbidden and charge, that no man rip 
Concord.  up a fresh, those things done and passed: or do offend one another with word or deed: or that they do dispute or contend, about any thing done and passed: but rather that they live together peaceably and quietly as it becometh Citizens and friends. Then you which shall do otherwise we will account as breakers of the common peace.  
3 We will that the Catholic and Romish Religion, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  be presently restored to those places of our realm, out of the which it hath been banished: and that all things belonging to the Ministers thereof, which have been taken away, be restored again, and that they may quietly enjoy with their Religion, their goods and lands.  
4 And lest there be any occasion of controversy & 
The 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  dissension left hereafter, we will, that men live peaceably and quietly in all places of our Realm, and that they sustain no peril or hurt for Religion's sake, or that they be molested and troubled any where, so that they live according too the prescript of our Edicts.  
5 It shallbe lawful for all Noble men, whether they 
Noble men that are 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉.  devil within the Realm or without, to use the reform Religion, in one place only of the jurisdiction: and the same also to appertain to their servants, and to all others of their jurisdiction that will come to the same: so long as they or any of their servants are present. I will that they signify unto our Lieutenants, what place they will choose before they use the same, according to the benefit of the said Edict.  
6 We also permit such Noblemen as are of inferior 
Noble men of 〈◊〉 calling.  calling, to use for themselves and their families only, the reform Religion. And if so be there resort any of their friends to their houses to the number of ten to celebrated Baptism, or for any other business, our will is not that they should be in any peril for the same, so that the●… exceed not the number of ten.  
7 And this we grant to the Queen of Navarre, our 
The Queen of 〈◊〉.  Aunt, that beside the benefit generally granted to all those that are in chief authority, it shallbe lawful for her within her Duchy of Albrel, Armiguac, Foix, & of Bigorre, (so that it be but within one special place of every of those Lordships) to have the free use of the said Religion: that whosoever will, shall go unto that place without all peril or harm, the said Queen being absent, to hear and see the administration of the foresaid Reli gion.  
8 We do also appoint these Cities to every Lieftetenantship, 
All 〈◊〉.  by name, (The which catalogue for brevities sake we do omit as not necessary.)  
9 And furthermore we do permit and suffer by these 
Places 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  presents, that the use of the reform Religion shall con tinue in all those places, in the which it shallbe found to have been used the first day of this month of August.  
10 But we severely forbidden the administration and use of that Religion, either in ministering the Sacraments, in preaching the word, in discipline, or in open catechizing and instructing of children, ●…o be in any other places, than in those in which we have permitted the same to be.  
11 We will also that this Religion be in no wise exercised 
The Kings Cour●….  within our Court, nor within two miles of the same.  
12 Neither is it our pleasure that the same Religion 
Paris  should be exercised at Paris nor within the liberties of the same: nor in any place within ten miles of the City. 
〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉.   
13 At the Burial of the dead, I command my Lieutenants of my Cities, and all other my officers, to suffer the men of the said religion, to have leave to use those places, which they have already or shall hereafter provide for the same: notwithstanding so, that when any of them shall die, the Lieutenant may have warning, who shall give his servants commandment to attend & follow the course, which shallbe brought forth in the night, and that with ten people of his friends & kinsfolks only following the dead corpses to the funeral: lest there should be any t●…mult by these occasions.  
14 It shall not be lawful for the men of the said religion 
〈◊〉.  to Mary within the degrees of Consanguinity by my laws forbidden.  
15 I will that all poor people, and sick people without 
Hospitals and Colleges.  respect, be received into hospitals, and colleges.  
16 And lest any man should doubt of my good intent 
The good will of the king toward ●…he prince of Conde and the rest.  and meaning towards the Queen of Navarre my Aunt, the Prince of Conde, and toward the Prince of Navarre: I plainly affirm that I acknowledge and take them for my faithful kinsfolks, subjects and servants.  
17 As also I protest that I accounted and take all those Noble men for my true and loving subjects, and all others whatsoever, which have followed my said kinsfolks, or by any manner of means have aided them.  
18 I do also accounted the Duke of Deuxpons and his 
The Duke of Sweburge & other Princes.  children, the Prince of Orange, the county Lodovic & his brethren, the county Wolrade Mansfeld, and all other strangers, which have aided my kinsfolks, for my good neighbours and friends.  
19 I will and command that my said Aunt and my 
The Queen of 〈◊〉.  Cousins, & all others which have done any thing at their commandment, be free from making of any account, of all that money which by them, or by any other at their commandment, hath been taken out of our treasury, out of our cities, and out of the sale of our Churchlands': so that she or they give unto me a bill of their accounts made. I do also pardon & forgive whatsoever hath been about the affairs in the war, as the mustering of soldiers, the coining of money, the casting of great guns, and such like provision: the besieging of Cities, the battering down of the walls: the entering into league with strangers, the bringing of them into my Realm: and to be short, I pardon and forgive all those things which have been done and committed, both in this last war & in the wars before time, and that so certainly, as if I did particularly name them by name.  
20 Notwithstanding I will that the men of the said Religion do forthwith after the proclaiming of this Edict, break and let fall those leagues, into the which they have entered either within or without the Realm: neither shall they make collections of money, musters of men, or any other assemblies, than such, as shallbe allowed of us: except they mean to suffer the punishment of rebels and traitors.  
21 I will also that all Provinces Cities, and towns, & 
Privileges of Cities.  all other places, do enjoy those offices and privileges, which they have enjoyed, before these tumults of wars.  
22 And to the end all occasions of complaints and 
Offices.  quarrels may be quite taken away, we will that all favourers of that Religion, without respect, may be in authority, and be partakers of all manner of offices, as well as other men, also that they may lawfully be present at all assemblies, Counsels, and consultations, depending upon those offices: and in no wise to be put from the said offices after the proclamation of this Edict.  
23 We will and command that the men of the said 
Payments to be indifferent.  Religion, be not oppressed more than the catholics, but to bear all a like one burden according to the consideration had of their goods. And because of the great burdens which the men of the said religion have born, we will that they be not subject to the payment of the tributes of Cities, which shall be hereafter upon consideration of those things which have been done heretofore. Notwithstanding they shall be tributary unto us at our commandment, as well as the Catholics.  
24 We will and command that all they, which 
Delivery of prisoners.  because of these wars are kept in prison, be set at liberty, and that without any manner of ransom.  
25 If any controversies happen to be for those ransoms, 
Ransoms.  and that the prisoners goods be taken away for the same: we will that the parties so disagreeing and contending do repair to our brother the Duke of Anjou, who shall order and end the matter.  
26 We will and command that all men of the reform 
All under the Kings protecon.  religion be under our protection, and may peaceably enjoy their offices and dignities: notwithstanding we will not that their Lieutenants & the deputies belonging unto them, be restored unto those offices, because we have otherwise provided: notwithstanding they shall have our pay for the same.  
27 The booties and spoils not taken in wars, which 
Movables restored.  as yet shall remain, shallbe restored to their owners again, the buyers having their money given to them again, in such quantity as was put down in the register of the Court. Thus would we have all movables restored again.  
28 Also we will and command that all owners may 
Revenues.  receive the revenues of their lands peaceably this year and we abrogate all sentences to the contrary.  
29 We will and command that the houses, Castles, 
Of houses, castles & cities  Cities, and other places of the men of the reform Religion, be free from Garrisons of soldiers, and that they be in the same state & condition in the which they were before the beginning of these tumults.  
30 We will and command that the Prince of Orange, 
Princes of Nassau.  and the county Lodovic his brother, be really restored to all their dominions which are within the borders of our Realm: and that the dominion of Orange be in the same state and case, in the which it was before the troubles of wars, according to the prescript of the grant, made King Henry our Father, and other Kings our ancestors: commanding also that all instruments, deeds, & writings, belonging to the same be forthwith restored.  
31 We will also, that all writings and evidences of 
Writings of Landes.  any lands be presently restored too all men which are owners of the same of what Religion soever they be.  
32 And to the end the remembrance▪ of all troubles 
judgements.  past, may so much as may be, quite and clean forgotten: We will and command judgements against the men of the said religion, pronounced since the death of King Henry our father, for because of wars or Religion, why there the said sentences or judgements concern death, or loss of goods, to be void and of none effect, and to be razed out of the Regesters of all Courts: and that all goods, with the ground of houses overthrown, and the appurtenances, be restored to their owners.  
33 In like manner we abrogate all sentences in controversy, during the time of this war, got and obtained 
Abrogation of Sentences.  against the men of the said Religion, in what cause soever it be: and we will that the controversies be in the same state, in the which they were before the beginning of these tumults▪  
34 We will and command the men of the said religion, 
Obseruaaion of dollitique Laws.  to observe and keep all politic laws of our Realm, as that which concerneth holy days and fasting days, on the one, to do no work, and on the other to eat no flesh.  
35 And to the end all men may have the law without 
Justice equal lie ministered.  suspicion of hatred or favour, we will that such controversies as have been already moved, or shallbe moved hereafter between the men of contrary Religion, be first of all brought before the ordinary judges: and if any appeal be made in the higher Parliaments: in respect of the Parliament of Paris which consists of seven Courts, than the men of the reform Religion may if they will, refuse four of the judges or Senators, and yet show no cause of their refusal: howbeit the law is against it, which will not suffer any man to challenge or refuse a Senator without he show some lawful cause. And it shall also be lawful for them to refuse any other Senator, showing, according to custom lawful causes.  
36 As touching the controversies, of which the appeal 
Appeals from Parliaments.  is to be made to the Parliament of Tholoz, except the parties shall choose another Parliament to decide the controversy, it shallbe lawful for them to appeal to our Masters of Requests in the Palace of Paris, who shall define and decide all controversies in high Court.  
38 In the Parliament of Rhone, of Aijgues, of Britain, 
Refusal of judges.  and of Granople, it shallbe lawful for them too refuse six judges or Senators: that is to say three in each Court. And in Bordeaux, four in every court.  
38 It shall also be lawful for the catholics, to require that all they which have been at any time deprived of their offices, may not know or understand their controversies, without expressing of any farther cause: and withal they shall have leave to make exception against any other counsellors, according to the custom.  
39 And because so many have been offended in the 
Four Cities granted for Securities sake.  time of these wars, that they cannot easily forget the injuries done unto them, which we would gladly have them to do: to the end therefore all occasions of troubles may be taken clean away, we give unto the men of the reform religion, the Cities of Rochel, Montaubane, Cognac, and charity to keep: In the which they may devil which would not return home so quickly for fear of troubles. And for the safety of the said Cities, the Prince of Navarre, and the Prince of Conde our well-beloved kinsmen, and twenty Noble men more of that side, will stand bond unto us, and will be sworn unto us to save them from all peril, and to keep them to our use, and also at two years end to restore them again without any delay. In the mean time the use of the catholic Religion shall abide in those Cities, and all Churchmen and catholics shall peaceably enjoy their goods and lands.  
40 Furthermore we will and command that so 
Concerning this Edict.  soon as this Edict is proclaimed in the two camps, that all men by and by lay aside their armour & weapons and never after to arm themselves again without our consent, and the consent of our dear brother the Duke of Anjou.  
41 We will that there be free traffyke in all places of 
Traffic.  our Realm after the proclamation of this our Edict.  
42 And to the end this our Edict may not be broken, 
Punishments for breaking this Edict.  we command those which shall have charge to see the execution of this our Edict, that they 'cause the Magistrates of every city, of both religions, to swear, that they will diligently look to the observation of this Edict. And if any offence be committed against the same we protest that we will punish the Magistrates themselves, except they bring such offenders before us.  
43 Moreover to the end all our officers may plainly 
Disannulling of all former Edicts.  understand our will and meaning, & to the end there may hereafter no ambiguity or scruple by the pretence of the former Edicts we protest that we do abrogate & disannul all other Edicts, rescriptes, decrees, interpretations, sentences of parliaments, and privy commentaries contrary to this our Edict concerning religion: and do command them all to be void frustrate and of none effect. And we plainly declare that we would have all men faithfully to observe and keep this our Edict.  
44 And for the more sure confirmation of this our 
The oath of Magistrates.  will and meaning, we command that all our officers and Magistrates of Cities, be made to swear faithfully and truly to observe and keep this our Edict.  
45 Finally, we will and command that all Courts 
Solemn proclamation of this Edict.  of Parliament take the same oath, and that without delay they proclaim this Edict solemnly so soon as it shall come to their hands. And also that so soon as it shall be proclaimed in both Camps, the foreign soldiers on both parts be dismissed. Also we command the Lief tenants of every Province to see that this Edict be forth with proclaimed throughout all their Circuits. The Edict being once proclaimed, if any man put himself in armour seditiously, let him be well assured that he shall lose his life, without all hope of pardon or favour, Know all men for a surety that this our Edict shall abide firm and irrcuocable among all our subjects: for the observation whereof I charge them to look diligently.   
This Edict thus made, was by and by proclaimed at Paris and in both Camps: both parts unarmed themselves, the stranger was dismissed: and the Protestants came from divers places after long and pitiful tarriance to their own desolate houses: but yet not quite and clean healed of the wounds of the injuries and hatred conceived.  ¶ But thou O God, most mighty, the Governor and preserver of thy Church, restore and build up the decayed Kingdom, after so long calamities of Civil dissensions, and desolations of wars: that at the last (O Lord) Thy Church may attain to rest and peace. 
Yea come Lord jesus, come quickly.  
¶ FINIS.   

Imprinted at London, by Henry Middelton: for Francis Coldocke, and are to be sold at his shop in Paul's Churchyard, at the sign of the Green Dragon. Anno 1574.   

The tenth Book treating of the furious outrages of France, with the slaughter of the Admiral, and divers other Noble and excellent men, committed the. 24. August. ANNO. 1572.  
IT were to be wished that the memory of the fresh slaughters, & of that butcherly murdering that hath lately been committed in a manner in all the towns of France, were utterly put out of the minds of men: for so great dishonour and so great infamy hath thereby stained the whole French nation, that the most part of them are now ashamed of their own country, defiled with two most filthy spots, falsehood and cruelty, of the which, whether hath been the greater, it is hard to say. But forasmuch as there flee every where abroad Pamphlets written by flatterers of the Court, and men corruptly hired for reward, which do most shamefully set out things feigned and falsely imagined, in stead of truth, I thought myself bond to do this service to posterity, to put the matter in writing as it was truly done in deed, being well enabled to have knowledge thereof, both by mine own calamity, and by those that with their own eyes beheld a great part of the same slaughters.  
In the year of our Lord. 1561. when there seemed to be some peril of troubles to arise by reason of the multitude of such as embraced the Religion (which they call reform) for before that time the usual manner of punishing such as dared profess that Religion, was besides loss and forfeiture of all their goods to the King's use, to burn their bodies) at the request of the great Lords and Nobility, there was held an assembly of the estates in the King's house at Saint Germans in Lay, near to the town of Paris, at which assembly, in presence, and with the royal assent of King Charles the ninth, which now reigneth, it was decreed, that from thenceforth it should not be prejudicial to any man to profess the said Religion, and that it should be leeful for them to have public meeting and preachings for the exercise thereof, but in the suburbs of towns only.  
At this assembly, Francis Duke of Guise, being descended of the house of Lorraine, & at that time Grandmaister of the king's household, was not present. But when he was informed of this decree, he boiled with incredible sorrow and anger, and within few days after, at a little town in champaign called Vassey, while the professors of the said Religion were there at a Sermon, he accompanied with a band of soldiers, set upon them, and siewe men and women, to the number of two hundredth.  
There was among these of the Religion (for so hereafter according to the usual phrase of the french tongue we intend to call them) jews of Bourbon of the blood royal, commonly called Prince of Conde, after the name of a certain town, a man of great power, by reason of his kindred to the king. Therefore when the Duke of Guise most vehemently strived against that law, and as much as in him lay, did utterly overthrow it, and troubled the common quiet thereby established, Gaspar de Coligni Admiral of France, and Francis d' Andelot his brother, Captain of the Fantarie, and other Princes, Noble men and Gentlemen of the same Religion, come daily by heaps to the Prince of Conde, to complain of the outrageous boldness and untemperate violence of the Duke of Guise. At that time Catherine de Medici's Pope Clement's brother's daughter, and mother of king Charles born in Florence, a city of Italy, had the governance of the Realm in the king's minority. For though by the law of France, neither the inheritance nor the administration of the Realm is granted to women, yet through the cowardly negligence of Anthony king of Navarre, the said Gatherine de Medici's the kings mother, against the custom of the Realm, was joined with him in that office of protectorship. She fearing the presumption and fierce pride of the Guisians, written to the Prince of Conde with her own hand: which letters are yet remaining, and at the assembly of the Princes of Germany at Frankford, held under Ferdinand the Emperor, were produced and openly read about ten years past: wherein she earnestly besought him, in so great hardness and distress not to forsake her, but to accounted both the mother and the children, that is, both herself and the king, and the kings brethren, committed to his faith and natural kindness, & that he should with all speed, provide for their common safety: assuring him, that she would so imprint in the kings mind his travel taken in that behalf, that he should never be loser by it. Within few days after, the Duke of Guise well knowing how great authority the name of the king would carry in France, and to the intent that he would not seem to attempt any thing rather of his own head than by the privity of the king, & having attained fit partners to join with him in these enterprises, he got the king into his power. Which thing being known abroad, & many hard encumbrances there upon suddenly rising, & a great part of the nobility of France marvelously troubled with it, the Prince of Conde by advise of his friends, thought it best for him to take certain towns & furnish them with garrisons: which was the beginning of the first civil war. For the Prince of Conde alleged the cause of his taking armour, to be the defence of the king's Edict, wherein consisted the safety of the common weal, and that it could not be repealed without most assured undoing of the nation of France, & destruction of the nobility, by reason of the exceeding great multitude of those that daily joined themselves to that Religion. Of which number such as being of noble birth, were in power, dignity, wealth, and credit above the rest, thought it not meet for them to suffer the punishments and cruelty accustomed to be extended upon the professors thereof: beside that, they held them discontented that the Duke of Guise a new come, a stranger translated from the forests of Lorraine into France, did take upon him in France so great courage and so high dominion and power. Thereto was added the queens mothers singular care (as was reported) for conservation of peace, and repressing the rage of the Guisians. Upon which opinion it is certain that above twenty thousand men having regard only to the queens inclination, joined themselves to the side of those of the Religion, and to the defence of their profession, which at that time had beuneged the force of the kings power▪ After certain battles and many losses on both paris, & the Duke of Guise slain, within a year peace was made with this condition, that they of the Religion should have free liberty thereof, and should have assemblies & preachings for the exercise of the same in certain places.  
This peace continued in force, but not in all places, during five years: for in the most towns and jurisdictions, the officers that were affectionate to the romish side, whom they commonly call Catholics, did all the displeasures they could to those of the Religion. Therefore, when Ferdinando Aluares de Toledo, commonly called Duke of Alva, was leading an army not far from the frontiers of France, against those of the low country which embraced the reform Religion, against the will of the king of Spain, the Queen mother, caused to be levied and brought into France six thousand Swissers for a defence, as she caused it to be bruited, but as the success hath proved, for this intent, that the Prince of Conde, the Admiral and other Noble men of the Religion, if they escaped the treasons prepared for them, and listed to defend themselves by force, and try it by battle, might be suddenly oppressed ere they were provided. For the courtiers which then had the managing of these matters, did not at that time well trust the soldiers of France. Many things pertaining to the course of that time, and the renewing of the war, must here for haste to our present purpose be necessarily omitted.  
When the war had endured about six months, peace was made with the same conditions that we have above rehearsed, that all men should have free liberty to follow and profess the Religion reform▪ For this was ever one and the last condition upon all the wars. But within few days or months after, it was plainly understood, that the same peace was full of guile and treason, and finally, that it was no peace, but most cruel war cloaked under the name of peace. For forthwith all those towns which they of the Religion had yielded up, were possessed and strengthened with garrisons of soldiers of the contrary side, saving only one town on the sea ceased of Xantoigne commonly called Rochel. For the men of that town about two hundredth years past, had yielded themselves to the kings power & allegiance, with this condition, that they should never be constrained against their will to receive any garrison soldiers. Also the Prince of Conde and the Admiral, were advertised, that there was treason again prepared to entrap them by Tavaignes, a man given to murder and mischief, which had lately been made marshal of France, and that if they did not speedily avoid the same, it should shortly come to pass, that they should be deceived and taken by him, and delivered up to the cruelty of their adversaries. Upon the receipt of these advertisements, they immediately make haste to Rochel, carrying with them their wives & young children, which was the beginning of the third civil war, the most sharp and miserable of all the rest. There was at that time in the court, Charles Cardinal of Lorraine, brother to the Duke of Guise, which (as is above said) was slain in the first war, one accounted most subtle and crafty of all the rest, but of a terrible, cruel and troublesome disposition, so as he was thought intolerable even at Rome itself. This man, they of the reform Religion reported to be the most sharp and hateful enemy of their profession, and him they abhorred above all other for the cruelty of his nature, and named him the firebrand of all civil flames. He at the beginning of the third civil war, persuaded the king to publish an Edict, that no man profess any Religion but the romish or Popish, and that whosoever would embrace any other, should be counted as traitors. In that same Edict printed at Paris, this sentence was expressly contained, and for the strangeness of the matter, and for that it stained the kings name with the most dishonourable spot of perjury and breach of faith, it was in other impressions afterward omitted. And it was further then declared, that albeit the king had in many Edicts before that time permitted the freedom of Religion, yet his meaning ever was to retain and cause to be retained of all men, the only romish or Popish Religion within his Realm.  
After many overthrows on both parts given and received, whereas the end of this third war was thought likely to be the harder, by reason of the breach of faith in the years before, and on the other side the state of the Realm by reason of the waist that the Cities were brought unto, and the extreme poverty of the mean people and his husbandmis, did require some treaty of composition, the king sent messengers to the Admiral, to signify unto him in the kings name, that the king himself had at length found out a most sure way of peace and concord, namely, that the armies of both parties joined together, should go into the low country against the Duke of Alva, which had been the author of the late calamities in France. He signified further, that he had great causes of querels against the king of Spain, and this principally, that he had invaded and held by force, suddenly slaying all the soldiers there, an Island of the new found world, called Florida, which had been taken by the French and kept under his dominion: and likewise the Marquesdome of Final, the inhabitants whereof had but a little time before yielded themselves to the kings subjection and allegiance. He said that the most steadfast band of concord should be that foreign war, and that there could no other better mean be devised to drown the memory of the former dissensions in eternal forgetfulness.  
To the performance hereof, he said it was a matter of most apt opportunity, that Lodovic Count of Nassaw, brother to the Prince of Aurange, had been now two years in the admirals camp, to whom the Admiral gave principal credit in all things, and that by him and his fellows of the low country & other, whom he understood to favour his part, it might easily be brought to pass that certain Cities might be surprised, and thereby great advantage be attained to the achieving of the war.  
The Admiral hearing these things was marvelously troubled. For albeit he doubted not of the king's fidelity, yet therewithal many things fallen into his mind to be considered: as the power of the Cardinal & the rest of the Guisians, who were well known to have been at all times most affectionate to the king of Spain For the Duke of Guise had left a son, a very young man called Henry, to whom the Queen had given all the offices and places of honour that his father had born before, being unfit thereto by age, and against the ancient laws and customs, and also through the traitorous infidelity of certain of the kings counsellors, whom she knew for their affection to Popish Religion to be most addicted to the Spanish king, and that divers of them had great yearly pensions of him, and did disclose unto him the affairs of the Realm. He remembered how hereby it came to pass, that the same kings Ambassador (which among strange nations seemed utterly incredible) was admitted into the privy Counsel of France, and that one Biragio a Lombard, and (as it is reported) a traitor to his own country, otherwise altogether unlearned, and specially ignorant of the civil law, was yet for the subtlety of his wit advanced to so great honour, that he executed the chancellors office, Michael Hospital being displaced, a man known to be such a one, as there was not in all degrees of men any either more wise, or more learned, or more zealously loving his country. Herewithal he considered the slanderous cavillations of his adversaries, to whom hereby might seem an occasion given, as if the Admiral were of a troublesome nature, and could not abide any quietness, nor could long rest at home without some tumultuous stir. Hereunto the messengers replied as they were able, & therewithal alleged this cause of so sudden hatred against the Spanish king, that one Albenie late returned out of Spain, had informed the king & the Queen mother for certainty, that king Philip a few months before, had poisoned his wife the French kings sister, and had spread rumours of her throughout all Spain, such as for the honour of many persons are meet not to be disclosed. But nothing moved the Admiral so much as the cheerful earnestness of Lodovic of Nassaw, who assoon as he was advertised of that purpose of the king, omitted nothing that he thought might serve to encourage the Admiral thereunto.  
The Admiral persuaded hereby, nothing fearing the infidelity of those of the Court, gave his mind to harken to composition. And so was the third civil war ended, and the peace concluded with the same conditions that were before, that every man should have free liberty to use and profess the Religion.  
Within few months after this, divers princes of Germany, that favoured the Religion reformed, and among those the three Electors, the Palsgrave, the Duke of Saxony, and the Marquis of Brandeburge, sent their Ambassadors into France to the king, to gratulate unto him for the new reconciliation of his subjects. And because they accounted it greatly to behove themselves that the same concord should remain steadfast and of long continuance, they promised, that if any would for that cause procure trouble, or make war upon him, either within his own dominions, or without, they and their followers should be ready to defend him. To this embassage the king first by words, & afterward by a book subscribed with his own hand, answered and gave his faith, that he would for ever most sacredly and faithfully observe his Edict of pacification. Hereby so much the more willingly the Admiral suffered himself to be drawn to the said purposes for the low country, although oftentimes calling to mind the nature of the Queen mother, he used to say to divers, and specially to Theligny, to whom he afterward married his daughter, that he greatly suspected the rolling wit of that woman. For (says he) so soon as she hath brought us into that preparation against the low country, she will leave us in the midst.  
Nevertheless, the Count of Nassaw, writeth to his brother, and they conferring their advises together, sent messengers to the king, that if it please him to deal with the matter of the low country, they will shortly so do, that he shall by their many and great services, well perceive their affection and devotion toward him. The king writeth again to them in most loving terms, saying that their message most highly pleased him, and he gave to them both his hearty thanks.  
About the same time Maximilian the Emperor, pitying the estate of the prince of Aurange (as he said) treated by his Ambassadors with the king of Spain, and had in manner obtained, that the Prince should have all his goods restored unto him, but with this condition, that he should have no house within the territory of the low country, but settling his refidence and dwelling elsewhere, he should freely enjoy all his revenues. Which matter being reported to the French●… king, he immediately sent messengers to the prince of Aurange, willing him to look for nothing by that dealing of the Emperor, saying that it was but a fraud and guileful devise intended for this purpose, only to break up his levying of soldiers that he had begun in Germany: and assuring him, that if he would credit and follow him, he would give him aid sufficient to recover his estate.  
The Prince of Aurenge persuaded by these promises of king Charles continued his musters, and determined a while to bear the charges though they were heavy to him, while such things as were necessary for the war, were in preparing. In the meantime Lodovic in disguised apparel went to Paris to the king. Forasmuch as the season of the year by this time seemed not commodious to levy an army, for the winter was at hand, by assent they deferred the matter till the next Summer.  
These things thus hanging, the Prince of Aurenge his captains by Sea, did oftentimes set v●…n the Spaniards and Portugeses & such ships as they took t●…y brought into the haven of Rochel, which then was in the power of the Prince of Condees part: and there they openly uttered and sold their prizes to the men of the town and other merchants of France, whereupon the Ambassador of Spain made often complaints to the kings privy Cou●…sell.  
And forasmuch as they thought it very available to this enterprise, that Elizabeth Queen of England, might be brought into league with them, the king committed the dealing in that matter to the Admiral. For a few months before, the king had with most sweet alluring letters, gotten him to the Court, where he was most honourably entertained: and to take from him all occasion of distrust upon his adversaries, or of otherwise suspecting of the kings or Queen mother's affection towards him, first, all the Guisians of a set purpose departed the Court. Then the king gave the Admiral free liberty to take with him what company and with what furniture he would: and because it was thought that he had more confidence in the marshal Cosse, than in the rest, therefore the king commanded the said Marshal to be ever at hand with the Admiral, & to assist him in the king's name if any need were.  
The matter of the league with England, the Admiral so diligently and industriously handled, that within short space after by Ambassadors sent, and by faith given and received, and oaths solemnly taken on both parts, it was confirmed. Concerning the procurement of other leagues and amities, such as might seem to further the enterprise of the low country, the Admiral also traveled in the King's name, and by his commandment, and had in a manner brought all these things to an end. And of all those leagues, the first and principal condition was, that the liberty of Religion should continued, and that the king should most diligently and sincerely observe this Edict of pacification.  
Though these things seemed to be handled secretly, yet by the letters both of Biragio the vicechancellor, of whom we made mention before, and of Moruilliers whom for his hypocritical leanness children commonly called the Chimaera or bug of the Court, & by advertisement of Cardinal de Pelue, a man most fit either to invent or execute any treason, they were carried to the B. of Rome, who by advise of his Cardinals, sent by & by one of their number, called Alexandrine, in the midst of most sharp winter into France, with these instructions, to persuade the king to enter into the society of the league of Trent, whereof the first & principal article was, that the confederates should join their powers & make war against the Turks & Heretics, meaning by the name of heretics, all those Princes that did permit the use of the reform Religion within their dominions.  
The Cardinal Alexandrine was honourably received in the Court, but yet dismissed without achieving his purpose. For so was it bruited among the people, and commonly believed throughout France: albeit he himself secretly seemed to return very merry and cheerful to the Pope: and as it is reported, did sometime say that he received such answer of the king as was needful not to be published, & that the King & Queen mother had largely satisfied him.  
Forasmuch as it was thought a matter greatly availing to the enterprise of the low country, to send certain ships into the English Seas, that if any aid should be sent into the low Country to the Duke of Alva out of Spain, it might so be stopped, Strozzi and the Baron de la Garde were appointed for that purpose, to whom the King gave in commandment to rig forth certain Ships of Bordeaux and Rochel, well armed and well appointed, and to provide with all speed all things needful for those Ships. The Ambassador of Spain somewhat moved with this preparation, made divers complaints to the King's Council on the behalf of the King his master, and yet never received any other answer but that the King thought it not likely, and that he would send Commissioners to Bordeaux and to Rochel, with letters and commandment that there should be no preparation made to the Sea, and if any had been made, it should be inquired of. What instructions were secretly and closely under hand given to these two Captains of that navy, we do not certainly know. But this no man can doubt of, but that they had commission to distress all such Ships wherein any Spanish Soldiers should be transported into the low country, and that all this preparation to the sea was ordained against the Spanish King and the Duke of of Alua.  
And moreover that the Admiral at the same time received commandment from the King, to send Spials unto Per●… an Island of the new found world, most plentiful of gold above all the other, now being in the Spaniards dominion, to learn if there were any good enterprise to be attempted or achieved for the getting of it. Which matter was committed to a certain Gentleman, one of the admirals train, who went thither accompanied with a certain Portugal, a man most skilful of those Navigations, whom the Admiral had joined with him by the King's commandment, and is not yet returned.  
Now it cannot be expressed how many and how great tokens of most loving mind the King at that time showed to the Admiral, and to the Count Rochfoucault, and to Theligny, and to the rest of the chief noblemen of the Religion. First all such things as in the former wars had been taken away in the Towns, Fermes, and Castles of the Admiral and d'Andelot, the King caused to be sought out and restored. If there were any other whom the King understood to be beloved and esteemed of the Admiral, or to have attained any special honour in the said late wars, those he liberally benefited and rewarded. To the Admiral himself he commanded one day to be given a hundred thousand pounds of his own treasure in recompense of his former losses. When his brother the Cardinal Chastillion, endowed with many great and wealthy benefices, was departed his life, the king gave him the fruits of one whole year. Also the king written to Philibert Duke of Savoy, that he should do him a most acceptable pleasure, if he did not only deal more gently with those that in the former wars had aided those of the Religion, but also would use clemency and mildness toward all other that professed the same Religion within his dominions.  
And for that there was old enmity between the Guisians & the Admiral, whereby it was to be doubted that perilous contentions would arise in the Realm of France, the king willed it to be signified to them both in his name, that they should for his sake and the common weals, give over those displeasures, and he prescribed them a certain form of reconciliation and agreement, the same whereof the foundations had been laid almost six years before in the town of Molins, where the king calling to him the greatest estates of his realm, after consultation and deliberation had upon the matter, pronounced the admiral not guilty of the death of the Duke of Guise, wherewith he was charged by the young Duke of Guise and his kinsmen: and so the king by the advise of his Counsel had ended that controversy.  
Furthermore, the Cardinal of Lorraine (who as we have said was the very forger of all the former wars) to take away all jealousy of new practices, was departed to Rome and took with him his familiar friend the late created Cardinal Peluey, one reputed a most subtle and crafty person, under pretence of going to the election of a new Pope in place of the old Pope then lately deceased.  
But there was none greater and more assured token of public peace and quietness than this, that the king purposed to give his sister Margaret, in marriage to the Prince Henry, the son of the Queen of Navarre, which Prince had in the last war defended the cause of the Religion, and been sovereign of their army. Which marriage the king declared, that it should be the most straight bond of civil concord, and the most assured testimony of his good will to those of the Religion.  
Yea, and also because it was alleged that the said Prince Henry was restrained in conscience, so as he might not marry the Lady Margaret being of a contrary Religion, a Catholic and given to the rites of the romish Church, the king for answer said that he would discharge her of the Pope's laws, and notwithstanding the crying out of all his courtiers to the contrary, he permitted him, that without all ceremonies, in the porch of the great church of Paris the marriage should be celebrated in such a form as the ministers of the reform Church misliked not.  
Which thing being by report and letters spread through the world, it ●…n not be expressed how much it made the hearts of those of the religion assured and out of care, and how it cast out all fear and ielosies out of their minds, what a confidence it brought them of the King's good will toward them. Finally, how much it rejoiced foreign Princes and states that favoured the same Religion. But the Admiral's mind was much more established by a letter which about the same time Theligny brought him with the Kings own hand and sealed, wherein was contained, that whatsoever the Admiral should do for the matter of the intended war of the low country, the King would allow and ratify the same, as done by his own commandment. About that time Lodovic of Nassaw with the Queen of Navarre a Lady most zealously affected to the Religion, came to the French Court. The league was made between King Charles and the Prince of Aurenge, and the articles thereof put in writing. The marriage was appointed to be held in the town of Paris. For which cause the Queen of Navarre during those few days repaired thither to provide things for the solemnity of the wedding. For the same cause the King sent to the Admiral one Cavaignes, a man of an excellent sharp wit whom for the Admiral's sake the King had advanced to great honour, requiring the Admiral to go before to Paris, as well for the said preparation, as also for the matter of the war of the low country, promising that he himself would within few days follow after him: assuring him that there was now no cause for him to fear the threatenings and mad outrages of the Parisians. For in as much as the same town is above all other given to superstitions, and is with seditious preachings of Monks and Friars daily inflamed to cruelty, it is hard to express how bitterly they hated the Admiral and the professors of that Religion. Whereto was added a grief of their mind conceived certain days before, by reason of a certain stone cross gilted and built after the manner of a spire steeple, commonly called Gastignes cross, which the Admiral with great earnest fute obtained of the King to be overthrown: for he alleged, that being erected in the midst of the rage of the civil war, as it were in trumphe to the reproach of one of the Religion, it was a monument of civil dissension, and so a matter offensive to peace and concord.  
The King well knowing the deadly hate of the Parisians to the Admiral, written his letters to marcel the provost of the Merchants (which is the highest dignity in Paris with sharp threatenings if there should be raised any stir or trouble by reason of the Admiral's coming. To the same effect also the Duke of Anjou the King's brother, and the Queen mother written to the same marcel and the rest of the Magistrates of Paris, so that now there seemed utterly no occasion left for the Admiral to fear or distrust. And within few days after, the King sent Briquemault a man of great virtue and estimation, to the Admiral, with the same instructions, saying that the matter of the low country could not well be dealt in without his presence.  
The Admiral persuaded by thus many means, and filled with good hope and courage, determined to go to Paris, where so soon as he was arrived, and had been honourably and lovingly entertained of the King and his brethren, and the Queen mother, and consultation entered among them about the preparation for the low country, he declared to the King at large, how the Duke of Alva was in levying of great power, and preparing an army, and that if the King should dissemble his purpose, it would come to pass that many thereby would show themselves slower and slacker to the enterprises, and that now were offered great means to do good, which if he let slip, he should not easily recover the like again hereafter. And therefore it was best to take the advantage of this opportunity.  
A few days before, Lodovic of Nassaw went secretly into the frontiers of the low country, and took with him as partners of his journey and privy to his council, three Frenchmen of great credit with the Admiral, namely Saucourt, la Nove, and Genlis, to whom the King had given in charge to see if they could by any means attempt and possess any towns bordering upon his Realm. They gathering divers other Gentlemen into their company, went speedily into the low country, the Admiral not knowing of it. Who as soon as he understood of their going thither, written unto them that he much marveled what they meant, saying that he well knew there could be no power got ready before forty days end, and that they should be well advised to do nothing rashly, nor to overthrow with haste their devices that seemed not ripe to be executed.  
The County of Nassaw inflamed with the sight and desire of his country, and fearing the mutableness of the King, did first at the sudden set upon Valentiennes, but being repulsed by the Spanish Soldiers that were in garrison in the Castle, he hastily departed to Montz and took the town, being a place very strong by nature and well furnished with all things necessary for the war. Which thing being by report and Messengers spread abroad into the low country, and carried into France and Germany, both encouraged all them of the Religion with great hope, and also seemed to have now plainly and openly deciphered and disclosed the mind of the French King. Moreover Genlis returning to Paris, when he had made report to the King of all the matter as it had proceeded, easily obtained of him, that by his assent he might levy certain bands of footmen and horsemen of France, and carry them to succour Montz. But by the way when he was entered into the bounds of the low country, having with him to the number of 4000 footmen, and about 400. horsemen, they were beset by the Duke of Alva, and the most part of them distressed: which thing was well known to have been wrought by the means of the Guisians, which by daily messages and letters, advertised the Duke of Alva of their purpose and preparation. Which falsehood of there's, many most affectionate to the Romish Religion were highly offended with, because a great number were addicted to the same Romish Religion in that company.  
With this loss, and with the rescue of the town of Valentiennes, the King seemed to be much troubled, for he feared least his counsels being disclosed to the Spanish King, would at length breed some cause of quarrel and war. Howbeit, when he began to remember, that a great part of his secrets was already revealed to the Duke of Alva, he oftentimes resolved to utter his mind plainly, and to make open war. But he was withdrawn from that purpose by certain men which the Admiral had long before conceived, that they would so do. Howbeit, he gave the Admiral liberty to send what soever he thought meet to further the Prince of Aurenge his enterprise, and as great supply either of footmen or of horsemen as he could to the army which the Prince of Aurenge had levied in Germany. When the Admiral for that cause had made request that he might levy thirty troops of horsemen, and as many ensigns of footmen, he easily obtained it.  
For the entertainment of these footmen it behoved to have money, wherefore at the request of the Admiral, the King called for his Treasurer and commanded him to deliver to the Admiral so much money as the Admiral should think meet, and charged him, that he should not in any wise after the usual manner of the accounts of finances, writ the causes of the receipt, but only set it down in this form: This sum of money was paid to the Admiral such a day by the King's commandment, for certain causes which the King hath commanded not to be written: and to this warrant the King subscribed with his own hand.  
Also the King written to Monducet his ambassador in the low country, to travel as earnestly as he could, for their deliverance, that were taken at the overthrow of Genlis, which commandment it is said that Monducet did most faithfully and diligently execute.  
Not long before this, joane Queen of Navarre above mentioned, died in the Court at Paris, of a sudden sickness, being about the age of forty and three years, where as the suspicion was great that she died of poison, and her body being for that cause opened by the Physicians, there were no tokens of poison espied. But shortly after, by the detection of one A. P. it hath been found that she was poisoned with a venomed smell of a pair of perfumed gloves, dressed by one Renat the King's apothecary, an Italian, that hath a shop at Paris upon S. Michael's bridge, near unto the Palace: which could not be espied by the Physicians which did not open the head nor looked into the brain. It is well known that the same man about certain years past, for the same intent gave to Jews Prince of Conde a poisoned Pomander, which the Prince left with one le Gross his Surgeon: le gross delighted with the same, was by little and little poisoned therewith, and so swelled, that he hardly escaped with his life.  
By her death, the Kingdom came to the Prince Henry her son, to whom as is abovesaid, the King's sister was promised and contracted.  
Things being as it seemed throughout all France in most peaceable estate, and the concord of all degrees well established, the day was appointed for the marriage of the King of Navarre, which day all they that fancied the Religion esteemed so much the more joyful to them, because they saw the King wonderfully bend thereunto, and all good men judged the same a most assured ple●…ge and establishment of civil concord, whereas on the contrary part, the Guisians and other enemies of common quietness greatly abhorred the same marriage,  
When the day came, the marriage was with royal pomp solemnized before the great Church of Paris, and a certain form of words so framed, as disagréed with the Religion of neither side, was by the King's commandment pronounced by the Cardinal of Bu●…bon the King of Navars' uncle: and so the matrimony celebrated with great joy of the King and all good men, the bride was with great train and pomp led into the Church to hear Mass, and in the mean time the bridegroom who misliked these ceremonies, together with Henry Prince of Conde, son of jews, and the Admiral, and other noble men of the same Religion, walked without the Church door, waiting for the Bride's return.  
While these things were in doing at Paris, Strozzi, who as we have said, had the charge of the King's power at the Sea, hovering upon the coast of Rochel, did now and then sand of his Captains and Soldiers into the town, under colour of buying things necessary: & sometime he came thither also himself. The like was done at the same time in an other part of France, by the horsemen of Gonzague Duke of Nivers' near to the town of la charity, which hath a bridge over the river of Loire, and remained till that time in the power of those of the Religion, by reason of the great number of them there inhabiting. This troop was of those horsemen which the King hath accustomed to keep in ordinary wages in every country, whereof the most part were Italians, countrymen to their Captain jews Gonzague, to whom the Queen mother had given the daughter and heir of the Duke of Nivers in marriage. They requested of the townsmen, that they might make their musters within the town, saying that they had received warrant from the King so to do, and showed the King's letters therefore. At Lions the governor of the town, commanded a view to be taken of all those that professed the Religion, and their names to be written in a book and brought unto him: which book shortly after, according to the success, was called the bloody book.  
After the marriage ended at Paris, which was the time that the Admiral had appointed to return to his own house, he moved the King concerning his departure. But so great was the preparation of plays, so great was the magnificence of banquets and shows, and the King so earnestly bend to those matters, that he had no leisure, not only for weighty affairs but also not so much as to take his natural sleep. For in the French Court, dancings, Maskings, stageplayes (wherein the King exceedingly delighteth) are commonly used in the night time: and so the time that is fittest for counsel and matters of governance, is by reason of nightly riotous sitting up, of necessity consumed in sleep. So great also is the familiarity men and the women of the Queen mother's train, and so great liberty of sporting, entertainment and talking together, as to foreign nations may seem incredible, and be thought of all honest people a matter not very convenient for preservation of noble young Lady's chastity. Moreover, if there come any Pander or bawd out of Italy, or any Scholmaster of shameful and filthy lust, he winneth in short time marvelous favour and credit. And such a multitude is there begun to be of Italians, commonly throughout all France, specially in the Court, since the Administration of the Realm was committed to the Queen mother, that many do commonly call it Fraunce-Italian, and some term it a Colony and some a common sink of Italy.  
These madnesses of the Court, were the cause that the Admiral could not have access to the King's speech, nor entrance to deal in weighty matters. But when they that were sent from the reform Churches to complain of injuries commonly done to those of the Religion, understood of the Admiral's purpose to departed, they did with all speed deliver to him their books and petitions, and besought him, not to departed from the Court till he had dealt in the cause of the Churches, and delivered their petitions to the King and his Counsel. For this cause the Admiral resolved to defer his going for a while, till he might treat with the King's Counsel concerning those requests: for the King had promised him that he would shortly intend those matters, & be present with the Counsel himself.  
Besides this delay, there was an other matter that stayed him. There was owing to the Rutters of Germany, which had served on the part of the Religion in the last war, great sums of money for their wages, in which matter the Admiral traveled with incredible earnestness and care.  
Concerning all these affairs, the Admiral (as he determined before) having access and opportunity for that purpose, moved the King's pri●…ie Counsel the 22. of August, which was the fift day after the King of Navarres marriage, and spent much time in that treaty. About noon, when he was in returning home from the Counsel, with a great company of noblemen and Gentlemen, behold, a Harquebuzier out of a window of a house near adjoining, shot the Admiral with two bullets of lead through both the arms. When the Admiral felt himself wounded, nothing at all amazed, but with the same countenance that he was accustomed, he said, through yonder window it was done: go see who are in the house: What manner of treachery is this? Then he sent a certain gentleman of his company to the King to declare it unto him. The King at that time was playing at tennis with the duke of Guise. assoon as he herded of the Admiral's hurt, he was marvelously moved as it seemed, and threw away his racket that he played with on the ground, and taking with him his brother in law the King of Navarre he retired into his Castle.  
The Gentlemen that were with the Admiral, broke into the house from whence he received his hurt, there they found only one woman, the keeper of the house, and shortly after also a boy, his lackey that had done the deed, and therewithal they found the arqebus lying upon the table in that Chamber from whence the noise was herded: him that shot they found not, for he in great haste was run away out at the back gate, and getting on horseback, which he had waiting for him ready saddled at the door, he road a great pace to S. Anthony's gate, where he had a fresh horse tarrying for him, if need were, and an other at Marcels gate. Then by the King's commandment a great number road out in post into all parts to pursue him: but for that he was slipped into by-ways, and received into a certain Castle, they could not overtake him.  
At the suit of the King of Navarre, and the Prince of Conde & other, the King by and by gave commission for inquiry to be made of the matter, and committed the examining thereof to three choose people of the Parliament of Paris, Thuan & Morsant and Viol a Counsellor.  
first, it was found that the same house belonged to a Priest a Canon of S. Germaine, whose name is Villemure, which had been the Duke of Guise's schoolmaster in his youth, and still continued a retainer toward him. Then the woman which we said was found in the house, being taken & brought before them, confessed that a few days before, there came to her one Challey sometime a master d'hostel of the Duke of Guise's house, and now of the King's Court, and commanded her to make much of the man that had done this deed, and to lodge him in the same bed & Chamber where Villemure was wont to lie, for that he was his friend and very familiar acquaintance, and that Villemure would be very glad of it. The name of him that shot was very diligently kept secret. Some say it was Manrevet, which in the third civil war tratorously slay his Captain monsieur de Movy, a most valiant and noble Gentleman, and straightway fled into the enemies camp. Some say it was Bondot, one of the archers of the king's guard. When the woman's confession was brought to the King, he immediately called Monsieur de Nance, Captain of his guard, and commanded him to apprehended Challey and bring him to him. Challey assoon as he herded the stroke of the piece, fled into the King's Castle called the Louvre, and hide him in the duke of Guise's chamber, from whence he conveyed himself away assoon as he had herded of the king's commandment. When de Nance was informed of his departure, he answered that Challey was a Gentleman of good worship, and there was no doubt but when need were he would appear before the King and the Magistrates.  
While these things were doing, and the Admiral's wound in dressing, Theligny went by his commandment to the king, and most humbly besought him in the name of his father in law, that his Majesty would vouchsafe to come unto him, for that his life seemed to be in peril, and that he had certain things to say, greatly importing to the King's safety, which he well knew that none in his Realm dared declare to his majesty. The King courteously answered that he would willingly go to him, and within a little while after he set forward. The Queen mother went with him, and the Duke of Anjou, the Duke of Monpensier, a most affectionate subject to the church of Rome, the Count de Rhetz, the Queen mother's great familiar, Chavigny and Entragny, which afterward were chief ringleaders in the butchery of Paris.  
When the King had lovingly saluted the Admiral as he was wont to do, and had gently asked him some questions concerning his hurt and the state of his health, and the Admiral had answered with such a mild and quiet countenance, that all they that were present wondered at his temperance and patience, the King being much moved (as it seemed) said, The hurt my Admiral is done to thee, but the dishonour to me: but by the death of God (says he) I swear I will so severely revenge both the hurt and the dishonour, that it shall never be forgotten. He asked him also how he liked of the judges that he had choose, to whom he had given commission for examining the matter. The Admiral answered that he could not but very well like of those that his majesty had allowed of, yet he besought him if he thought it good, that Cavagnes might be called to counsel with them, albeit that it was no hard matter to found out, for it was no doubt (said he) that this good turn was done him by the Duke of Guise, the revenge whereof he referred to God. This only he most hearty and humbly besought of his royal majesty, that the fact might be duly inquired upon. The King answered that he would take earnest care of it, and revenge that injury with no less severity than if it had been done to himself. Then the King's brethren and their mother withdrawing themselves a while, the Admiral as it was afterward known by his own report, began to advise the King to have in memory those things that he had oft told him of the dangerous intentions of certain people: and he told him, that though he himself had received a great wound, yet there was no less hanging over the King's head: and that long ago there was treason in practising against his life, which if he would do wisely he should avoid betimes. Further he said, that though so soon as God should take him to himself out of this life, he doubted not but that his fame should be brought into sundry slanders by envious people, and such as aught him evil will by reason of the late wars, nevertheless he had oftentimes disclosed unto the King the authors of the dissensions, and opened the causes thereof, and that ●…od was his witness of his most faithful heart to the King a●… the common weal, and that he had never held any th●…g dearer than his country and the public safety.  
The King after such answer ●…ade here unto, as he thought best, spoke aloud, and hearty entreated the Admiral to suffer himself to be removed into his Castle of Louvre, for that he thought some peril, lest there should arise some sedition among the commons already in disorder, or any stir in that mad and troublesome City. Whereto this speech of the king tended could not then be understood. For though the commonalty of Paris, hath ever been accounted the most foolish and mad of all other, yet is it ever most easily appeased, not only with the coming and presence of the King, but also with the very sound of his name. The Admiral most humbly and largely thanked the King, and made his excuse upon the c●…unsell of the Physicians, which feared that shaking would increase his pain, and therefore had taken order that he should not be stirred out of his place. Then the Count de Rhetz turning to certain Gentlemen of the Admiral's friends, said, I would the Admiral would follow the King's counsel, for it is to he feared that some such stirmay arise in the town, as the king shall not easily be able to appease. Which speech being uttered, although no man did yet suspect whereto that advise tended, yet the Admiral and his friends thought it good to request of the King to assign unto him certain of the soldiers of the guard for his safety. The King answered that he very well liked of that devise, and that he was fully determined to provide aswell for the Admiral's safety as for his own, and that he would preserve the Admiral as the ball of his eye, and that he had in admiration the constancy and fortitude of the man, and that he never before that time believed that there could be so great valiantness of courage in any mortal person.  
Therewith the Duke of Anjou the King's brother commanded Cozen Captain of the King's guard, to place a certain band of soldiers to ward the admirals gate. There could hardly a man be found more hateful against the admirals part, nor more affected to the Guisians, than this Cousin, which the success plainly proved, as hereafter shall appear. The Duke of Anjou further added, that he thought it should be good for the Admiral, if more of his friends and familiars that lodged in the Fauxburges did draw▪ nearer about him: and forthwith he commanded the King's harbingers to warn those to whom they had before assigned lodgings in that street, to remove from thence, and to place the Admiral's f●…iendes in their rooms. Which counsel was such, as none could possibly be devised more fit for those things that followed. For those which might have by flight escaped out of the suburbs were now held fast enough, being enclosed not only within the walls of the town, but also within the compass of one narrow street. The next day after, the Under-masters of the streets commonly called Quartermen, surveyed all the vittailing houses and Inns from house to house, and all the names of those of the Religion, together with the place of every of their lodgings they put in books, and with speed delivered over the same books to those of whom they had received that commandment.  
After noon the Queen mother led out the King, the Duke of Anjou, Gonzague, Tavaignes, the Count de Rhetz called Gondi●…, into her gardens called Tegliers. This place because it was somewhat far from resort, she thought most fit for this their last consultation. There she showed them, how those whom they had long been in wait for, were now sure in hold, & the Admiral lay in his bed maimed of both his arms and could not stir, the King of Navarre and Prince of Conde were fast lodged in the Castle, the gates were kept shut all night, and watches placed, so as they were so snared that they could no way escape, and the captains thus taken, it was not to be feared that any of the Religion would from thenceforth stir any more. Now was a notable opportunity (said she) offered to dispatch the matter. For all the chief Captains were fast closed up in Paris, and the rest in other towns were all unarmed and unprepared, and that there were scarcely to be found ten enemies to a thousand Catholics: that the Parisians were in armour, and were able to make threescore thousand choose fight men, and that within the space of one hour all the enimi●…s may be slain, and the whole name and race of those wicked men be utterly rooted out. On the other side (says she) if the King do not take the advantage of the fitness of this time, it is no doubt but that if the Admiral recover his health, all France will shortly be on fire with the fourth civil war.  
The queens opinion was allowed. Howbeit it was thought best, partly for his age, and partly for the affinities sake, that the King of Navars' life should be saved. As for the Prince of Conde, it was doubted whether it were best to spare him for his age, or to put him to death for hatred of his father's name. But herein the opinion of Gonzague took place, that he should with fear of death and torment, be drawn from the Religion. So that counsel broke up, with appointment that the matter should be put in execution the next night early afore day, and that the ordering and doing of all should be committed to the Duke of Guise.  
The Admiral being informed of stir and noise of Armour, and threatenings heard every where throughout the town, and preparation of many things pertaining to tumult, sent word thereof to the King: who answered, that there was no cause for the Admiral to fear, for all was done by his commandment, and not every where, but in certain places, and that there were certain appointed by him to be in armour, lest the people should rise and make any stir in the town.  
When the Duke of Guise thought all things ready enough, he called to him the abovesaid marcel, and charged him that he should a little after midnight assemble together the masters of the streets, whom they call Diziners, into the townhouse, for he had certain strange and special matters in charge from the King, which his pleasure was to have declared unto them. They all assembled bytime. Carron the new Provost of merchants, guarded with certain Guisians, and among the rest Entragne and Pnygallard, made the declaration: He said that the King's meaning was to destroy all the Rebels which had in these late years born arms against his Majesty, & to root out the race of those wicked men, it was now very fitly happened that the chieftains and ringleaders of them were fast enclosed within the walls of the town, as in a prison, and that the same night they should first begin with them, and afterward for the rest assoon as possibly might be, throughout all parts of the Realm the King would take order: and the token to set upon them, should be given, not with a trumpet, but with tocksein or ringing of the great bell of the Palace, which they knew to be accustomed only in great cases: and the mark for them to be known from other, should be a white linen clot hanged about their left arm, and a white c●…osse pinned upon their caps. In the mean time the Duke of Guise made privy thereunto the captains of the King's guard, both Gascoignes, Frenchmen, and Swissers, and bade them be ready to go to it with good courage. Shortly after, the Duke of Guise and the bastard son of King Henry commonly called the Cheua●…ier, with a great band of armed men following them, went to the Admiral's house, which Cousin kept besieged with Harquebuziers placed in orde●… on both sides of the street.  
The Admiral advertised of the stir and the noise of the armour, although he had scarcely ten people in his house able to bear harness, and in his Chamber only two Surgeons, one Preacher and one or two servitors, yet could not be made afraid, trusting (as he often rehearsed) upon the ●…ings good will toward him, approved by so many and so great means of assurance, having also confidence that the c●…mmonaltie of Paris if they once understood the King to mi●…ke of their mad fury, how much soever they were in ou●…rage, yet so soon as they see Cousin warding the gate, they would be appeased. He repeated also the oath for keeping of the peace, so often openly sworn by the King and his brethren and their mother, and entered in public records, the league lately made with the Queen of England for the same cause, the articles of treaty covenanted with the Prince of Aurenge, the King●… faith given to the Princes of Germany, some towns attempted and some taken in the low count●…ey by the King's commandment, the marriage of the Kings sis●…er sol●…nized but six days before, which it was not like that he would suffer to be defiled with blood, sivally the judgement of foreign nations and of pasteritie, shame and the honour and constancy of a Prince, public faith, and the sacred respect of the law of nations, all which it seemed monstrous and iucredible that the ●…ing could ass●…nt to be stained with so outrageous a crue●…l deed.  
Cousin when he see the noblemen draw near▪ knocked at the gate, which as is abovesaid, he was commanded by the Duke of Ani●w to keep. Whereupon many applied the old proverb, A goodly guard to make the Wolf keeper of the sheep. When he was entered without in manner any difficulty, he carried in with him a great company of armed men, and after those followed the great Lords. Such as Cozen found at the entry of and within the porch of the house, he slew with a partisan that he had in his hand▪ Which when the Admiral understood, he caused those that were about him to lift him out of his b●d, & casting on a nightgown upon him, he rose upright on his feet, he bade his friends and servants to flee and make shift for themselves, and to take no more care for him, for he said that he was ready with most willing heart to tender into the hands of God, now calling for it again, the spirit that he had lent him to use for a time: and said that this violent cruelty was prepared not so much for his destruction, as for the dishonouring of Christ and the tormenting of so many Churches, the defence of which Churches he had at the petition of all godly men with his many dangers and calamities sustained.  
In the mean time there came up the stairs into the higher part of the house, on Benueses a german, brought up in the house of the Duke of Guise, and to whom it is said, that the Cardinal of Lorraine had given one of his bastard daughters in marriage: and with him came Cozen the Gascoine, Attin a Picarde a retainer and familiar of the Duke d'Aumal, one that a few years before sought to murder d'Andelot by treason, and also one Hamfort an Auernois, all weaponed with sword and targets, and armed with shirts of mail.  
When they were broken into the admirals chamber, Benuese came to him, and bending his drawn sword upon him, said, Art not thou the Admiral? he with a quiet and constant countenance, (as we have since understood by themselves) answered, I am so called. And then seeing the sword drawn upon him, he said, young man, consider my age and the weak case that I am now in. But the fellow after blaspheming God, first thrust his sword into the admirals breast, and then also struck him upon the head, and Attin shot him through the breast with a pistol. When th●… Admiral was with this wound not yet thoroughly dead, Benuese gave him the third wound upon the thigh, and so he fallen down for dead. When the duke of Guise, which stayed in the court with the other noblemen, herded this, he cried out aloud, hast thou done Benuese? he answered, I have done. Then said the Duke of Guise, our Chevelier (meaning King Henry's bastard abovesaid) unless he see it with his eyes will not believe it: throw him down at the window. Then Benueses with the help of his fellows took up the Admiral's body and threw it down through the window. When by reason of the wound in his head, and his face covered with blood they could not well discern him, the Duke of Guise knéeled down on the ground and wiped him with a napkin and said, now I know him, it is he. And therewithal going out at the gate with the rest of the Lords, he cried out to the multitude in armour, saying: my companions we have had a good lucky beginning: now let us go forward to the rest, for it is the King's commandment: which words he did oft repeat aloud, saying: Thus the King commandeth: This is the Kings will, this is his pleasure. And then he commanded the token to be given by ringing tocksein with the great bell of the palace, & alarm to be raised, and he caused it to be published, that the conspirators were in armour and about to kill the King. Then a certain Italian of Gonzagues' band, cut off the Admiral's head, & sent it preserved with spices to Rome to the Pope and the Cardinal of Lorraine. Other cut off his hands, and other his secret parts. Then the common labourers and rascals three days together dragged the dead body thus mangled and bewrayed with blood and filth, through the streets, and afterward drew it out of the town to the common gallows, and hanged it up with a rope by the feet.  
In the mean time, those of the noblemen's bands broke into all the Chambers of the admirals house, and such as they found either in their beds, or hidden, they mangled them with many wounds, and so slaughtered them. Of that number were two young children, Pages, of honourable birth. There was also the Count Rochfoucault, which for the excellent pleasantness of his wit, and for his valiantness was hiely beloved of King Henry, and so seemed for the same cause also to be beloved of the King. Him was the Nance abovesaid commanded to kill, but he refusing it for their old acquaintance and familiarity: one Laberge an Auernois offered himself to the King to do it, but with this condition, that the King should give him the Captainship of horsemen which Count Rochfoucault had. There was also slain Theligny the Admiral's son in law, a young man of singular towardness both of wit and courage, to whom the King these many years had both in words & countenance made show of so great good will, as that no man was thought to be more highly in his favour. He crying out, that it was now grievous to him to live, for that he had ever commended to his father in law the faithfulness of the King, refused not the death offered him. And many other most flourishing young noblemen and Gentlemen were every where butcherly murdered in that street. Then the noblemen's bands, and Cousin's soldiers went ransacking from house to house: and the admirals house and all the other houses were all sacked and spoiled, even in like manner as is used to be done by soldiers greedy of prey in a town taken by assault: and many by this robbery, were of beggars suddenly become rich men. For the Duke of Guise, the duke of Monpensier, the Chevalier king Henry's bastard, Gonzague, Tavaignes, & the other great Lords, did with the reward of the spoil & booty encourage the multitude to the slaughter, and cried out aloud that this was the Kings will. So all the rest of the day from morning to evening, the rascal multitude, encouraged by spoil and robbery, ran with their bloody sword raging throughout all the town: they spared not the aged, nor women, nor the very babes: In joy and triumph they threw the slain bodies out at the windows, so as there was not in manner any one street or lane, that seemed not strawed with murdered carcases.  
While these things were thus a doing in the town, the King of Navarre and the Prince of Conde, whom the King had lodged in his own Castle of the Louvre, were by the King's commandment sent for and conveyed unto him. But their company, their servitors of their Chambers, their friends retaining to them, their schoolmasters, and those that had the bringing up of them, crying out aloud to the King's fidelity for succour, were thrust out of the Chambers, and by the kings guard of Swissers hewed in pieces and slaughtered in the Kings own sight. But of that number of people slain, no man's case was so much lamented of many, as Monsieur de Pills, in whom it is hard to express whether there were more godly zeal in Religion, or prowess in war. Whereby having in the late years, specially in the defence of the town of S. john d'Angeli, which the King then besieged, got great honour of Chivalry, he was thought very well beloved and highly esteemed of the King. Him and Leranne the son of Odou, by the French King's commandment (which was not then understood whereto it tended) the King of Navarre had stayed in a Wardrobe adjoining to his own chamber, and caused▪ them to lodge there all night. A little afore day, hearing of the running of men, and noise of armour, and cries and killings, they rose in haste, and immediately the Nance whom we have before spoken of, came to them, and commanded them in the King's name to come down into the court, and to leave their weapons behind them, and lastly to departed out of the Castle. When the Pills see himself thrust out among the multitude of the murdering soldiers, and beheld the bodies of them that were slain, he cried out with a very loud voice that the King might well hear him, protesting upon the king's fidelity, and deteuning his traitorous infidelity, and therewith he took off a rich cloak which he wore, and gave it to one of his acquaintance, saying: take here this token of Pills▪ & hereafter remember Pills most unworthily and shamefully slain. O my good Monsieur de Pills, said the other, I am none of them: I thank you for your cloak, but I will not receive it with that condition, and so refused to take the cloak: and immediately the Pills was thrust through by one of the guard with a partisan and died And this end had this most valiant and noble Gentleman. And then his body was thrown into the quarry with the rest, which when they that passed by did behold, the soldiers cried out, there they be that made assault upon us, and would have killed the King. Leranne being thrust through with a sword, escaped and ran into the Queen of Navarres Chamber, and was by her kept and preserved from the violence of those that pursued him. Shortly after, she obtained his pardon of her brother, and committing him to her own Physicians, who restored him both to life and health.  
While these things were in doing at Paris, Strozzi. which (as we have aforesaid) was come with all his power to Rochel, sent a great number of his Soldiers into the town, under colour of a banquet to be made to his friends in the Castle called lafoy chain: but by reason of the jealousy and watches of the towns men, by whom he saw his treason was espied, he went away without his purpose. But they of lafoy Charité, which as we have before showed, were trapped by the Italian horsemen, taking less heed to the self keeping of their town, were a little before night, surprised, and within few days after put to the sword.  
The next day following, where any that had hidden themselves in corners at Paris could be found out, the slaughter was renewed: also common labourers and porters, and other of the most rascals of the people & desperate villains, to have the spoil of their clothes, stripped the dead bodies stark naked and threw them into the river of Scene The profit of all the robberies and spoils came all for the most part to the hands of these labourers and the Soldiers, and to the King's treasury came very little or nothing. The only gain that came to him, was that which might be made of the vacations (as they term them) of offices, & of places of Magistrates, Captains and other rooms of charge, whereof yet he gave a great part freely away to divers of the Court. For the admirals office he gave to the Marquis de Villers, the Chancellorship of Navarre, after the murder of Francourt, he by and by gave Henry Memne de Malassise, which had been the truchman and messenger in the treaty of the last peace: the office of the master of the Finances after the slaugheer of Prunes he gave to Villequier: the office of Precedent des aides when Plateau was slain he gave to de Nully: the other offices he sold as his manner is, to such as gave ready many for them. For it hath been the custom now lately of certain kings of France (such as among foreign nations hath not been herded of) to put to sale all the profits, rights, and benefits of the crown, and to keep an open market for money, of all judicial offices, and of all the rooms belonging to his treasure and finances, according to a rate of price set upon every one of them: and there is not in manner one in all France, that doth not openly justify that he bought his office for ready money, and that no man aught to marvel if he desire to fill up the empty hole of his stock again. And therefore justice is through all France usually bought for money, and though there be never so many murders committed, yet is there no process awarded to inquire thereof, till present coin be paid to the rakehells & scribes.  
This butcherly slaughter of Paris thus performed, and four hundred houses (as is abovesaid) sacked, immediately messengers were sent in post into all the parts of the Realm, with often shifting their horses for haste, to command all other Cities in the King's name to follow the example of Paris, and to cause to be killed as many as they had among them of the reform Religion.  
These commandments it is wonderful to tell how readily and cheerfully the greatest part of the Cities of France did obey and execute. But the King, fearing (as it was likely) the dishonour of false treachery and perjury, sent letters to the governors of his Provinces, and also speedy messengers into England, Germany, and Switzerland, to declare in his name, that there was a great commotion and seditious stir happened at Paris, which he was very sorry for: that the Duke of Guise had raised the people, and with armed men made assault upon the band that was assigned to the Admiral for his guard, and had broken into the house and slain the Admiral & all his company and household servants, and that the King had hardly kept safe from those dangers his own Castle of the Louvre, where he kept himself close with his mother and his brethren: the true copy of which letters is hereafter inserted. But the same most mighty, and by the consent of all nations commonly called the most Christian King, within two days after came into the Parliament, accompanied with a great train of his brethren and other Princes. The Counsel being assembled, he sitting in his throne, began to speak unto them, he declared that he was certified, that the Admiral with certain of his complices had conspired his death, and had intended the like purpose against his brethren, the Queen his mother, and the King of Navarre, and that for this cause he had commanded his friends to slay the said Admiral and all his confederates, & so to prevent the treason of his enemies.  
This his testification and declaration, the King commanded to be written and entered in the records of Parliament, and that it should be proclaimed by the heralds, and published by Printers. And he willed a book to be set forth to this effect, that the slaughter of the Admiral and his adherentes was done by the King's commandment, for so was his majesties express pleasure, because they had conspired to kill him and his brethren, and the Queen his mother and the King of Navarre. And farther, that the King did forbidden that from thenceforth there should be no more assemblies held, nor preachings used of the Religion.  
After the kings oration ended, Christopher Thuane Precedent of that Parliament, a man very notable for his light brain and his cruel heart, did with very large words congratulate unto the King, that he had now with guile and subtlety overcome these his enemies, whom he could never vanquish by arms and battle, saying that therein the King had most fully verified the old saying of jews the eleventh his progenitor King of France, which was wont to say that he known never a latin sentence but this one, Qui nescit dissimulare nescit regnare, He that can not skill to dissemble, can not skill to be a King. But Pibrace, the advocate of the Finances, made a short oration, the sum whereof was to this effect, that although the King had just and great cause to be displeased, yet he thought it more agreeable with his majesties clemency and goodness, to make an end of the slaughters and common spoil, and not to suffer such outrages to be any longer committed without judicial proceeding in the cause: and besought his majesty that from thenceforth it would please him to use the law, which is well known to be the only establishment of kingdoms and Empires: and that there had been already given to the commonalty too perilous an example to follow. An arrest of Parliament with the King's royal assent being made to that effect, there were immediately Haroldes and trumpeters sent round about all the town, and an Edict proclaimed in the King's name, that from thenceforth the slaughters and common butcherly murtherings should cease, and that all people should abstainc from pillage and robbery.  
This being known, there were divers speeches used of this matter throughout the town, and specially of learned men. The most part said, that they had read many histories, but in all memory of all ages they never herded of any such thing as this. They compared this case with the horrible doings of King Mithridates, which with one messenger and with the advertisement of one letter, caused a hundredth and fifty thousand Romans to be slain. Some compared it with the doing of Peter of Arragone, which slew eight thousand Frenchmen in Sicily, which Isle they had surprised in his absence. But yet this difference appeared between those cases and this: that those Kings had exercised their cruelty upon foreins and strangers: but this King had done his outrage upon his own subjects, being yielded not so much to his power, as to his faith and credit. Those Kings were bond by no promise, but such as was given to the strangers themselves: this King was with new made league bond to the kings and Princes his neighbours to keep the peace that he had sworn. Those kings used no guileful means unworthy for the majesty of a King, to deceive: this king for a bait and allurement abused the marriage of his own sister, and in a manner besprinkled her wedding rob with blood. Which dishonour and indignity no posterity of all ages can forget. Some again discoursed, that though this cruel advise seemed to many Courtiers to have been profitable, yet not only the honour of a King, but also the estimation and good fame of the whole nation was against that show of profit. They alleged how Aristides did openly in the audience of all the people, reject the counsel of Themistocles concerning the burning of the Lacedæmonians navy, although it must needs have followed, that the power of the Lacedæmonians their enemies should thereby have been utterly weakened▪ Fu●… Camillus received not the children of the chief Lords of the Phalice, betrayed to him by their schoolmaster, but stripped him naked and delivered him to be whipped home with rods by the same children. Pausanias hath left it reported, that the posterity of Philip of Macedon fallen into most great calamities, for this cause, that he was wont to set light by the reverend conscience of an oath and his faith given in leagues. Some cited the law of the twelve tables: Si patronus clienti fraudem facit, sacer esto. If the patron or sovereign defraud his client or vassal, be he out of protection. They disputed also, that like faith as the vassal oweth to his Lord, the Lord oweth also to his vassal: and for what causes and for what felonies the vassal loseth his tenancy, for the same causes and felonies the Lord loseth his signiory. Some said that the right hand in ancient time was called the pledge of the faith of a King, and that this if a King shall despise, there is no communion of right with him, and he is no more to be accounted a king, neither of his own subjects nor of strangers. Kingly virtues in times past have been reported to be these, justice, gentleness and clemency: but cruelty and outrage have ever been dispraised both in all people and specially in princes. Scipio hath in all ages been praised, who was wont to say, that he had rather save one citizen than kill a thousand enemies: which sentence Antoninus the Emperor, surnamed Pius, the kind or virtuous, did often repeat. It was a most shameful byword of young Tiberius to be called clay tempered with blood. They said also, that kings have power of life and death over their subjects, but not without hearing the cause, and judicial proccding: that there cannot be alleged a greater authority, than the Dictator's had at Rome, in whom was the sovereign power of peace and war, of life and death, and without appeal, yet was it not lawful for them to execute a citizen his cause unheard. Only thieves and murderers take away men's lives without order of law and hearing their cause. Who can doubt (said they) but that this so great outrage, so great shedding of Christian blood is the fruit of the cursed life of the courtiers? For (said they) now throughout all France whoredom & lose lewdness of life are so free & usual, the now the most part of the women of France seem to be in manner common: and▪ the wicked blasphemies and continual execrations and dishonoring of Gods most holy name and majesty, are such as God can not longer bear: And true it is, though incredible among foreign Nations, that the Catholics of France have prescribed themselves this for a special mark to be known from other men, that at every third word they blasphemously swear by the head, death, blood, and belly of God: and wonderful it is, that the King himself is so much delighted in this custom of swearing and blaspheming: and this as it were a pestilent infection is spread abroad and common among the very plowmen and peysants, so as none among them now speaketh three words without most filthy blaspheming and horrible execration of God. Who can longer bear the vile unchastities, the bawds and Ruffians of the Court? Finally, very nature itself doth now as it were expostulate with God for his so long sufferance and for bearing, and the very earth can no longer bear these monsters.  
Now as touching the Admiral's supposed conspiracy, who can think it likely that he should enterprise any such thing within the walls of Paris? For in the Court there is continually watching and warding a garrison of the Kings: and at the entry of his Castle the guards of Gascoines, Scots and Swissers, are continually attending: and the King himself both always before, and specially at that time, by reason of his sister's marriage, had a great train of Princes, great Lords noblemen and Gentlemen about him. Moreover it was well known, that in Paris within three hours space might be assembled and put in armour threescore thousand choose armed men, specially against the Admiral, whom no man is ignorant that the Parisians most deadly hated: beside that, the noble young men that came thither with the King of N●…uar and the Prince of Conde by reason of the marriage, and brought with them their wives, their sisters and their kinswomen, thought at that time upon nothing but upon triumph and exercises of pastime, and gay furniture of apparel and ornaments. Finally, at whither of these two times can it be likely that the Admiral attempted this conspiracy? was it before he was hurt? why? at that time he found the King his most loving, or at lest his most liberal and bountiful good Lord: neither could he hope ever to have a more favourable sovereign in France. Was it then after he was hurt? as though forsooth he lying sore of two so great wounds, aged, maimed of both his arms, the one whereof the Physicians consulted whether it were to be cut off, accompanied with three hundredth young men, would set upon threescore thousand armed men, or in so small a time could lay the plot for so great, and so long and so heinous a fact: for he lived scarce forty hours after his hurt, in which time he was enjoined by the Physicians to forbear talk. Again, if he had been detected of any such crime, was he not committed to Cozen and to his keeping, and so environed, all the ways beset about him, and so in the King's power, that if it had pleased the King he might at all times in a moment be carried to prison? why was not orderly inquiry an●… judicial proceeding used according to the custom and laws and general right of nations, and witnesses produced according to the form of law? but be it that the Admiral and a few other of his confederates and followers had conspired, why yet proceeded the outrageous cruelty upon the rest that were innocent, why upon ancient matrons, why upon noble Ladies & young Gentlewomen and virgins that came thither for the honour of the wedding? why were so many women great with child, against the laws of all nations and of nature, before their delivery thrown into the river? why were so many aged people, many that lay sick in their beds, many gownemen, many Counsellors, Advocates, Proctors, Physicians, many singularly learned professors and teachers of good arts, and among the rest Petrus Ramus that reno●…ed man throughout the world, many young students, executed without hearing, without pleading their cause, without sentence of condemnation? moreover, if the Admiral had ●…aine the three brethren, who doubteth but that all cou●…eys, all Cities, all Parliaments, finally, all sorts and degrees of men would have speedily taken armour and easily have destroyed all of the Religion, having them enclosed within their towns, and having just cause to tender to all foreign nations f●…r their common slaughters and kill of them? As to that which toucheth the King of 〈◊〉, what can be imagined more absurd and unlikely? had not the Admiral him four years in his power▪ Did not he profess the same Religion that the Admiral did, which of those 〈◊〉 the Religion, which of them I say (as Cassius was wont to reason) should have gained or received profit by the kill of the King of Navarre? did not the Catholics hate him? and the Admiral could not hope to have any man more friendly to him, nor by any other man's means to have revenge of his injury. Lastly, in their houses that were slain, what armour, what weapons were found, by which conjectures judges use to be lead to trace out a fact? These matters wise men throughout the town of Paris commonly muttered.  
But now to return to our purpose. At such time as the King's pr●…hibition abovesaid was proclaimed at Paris, not only in other towns, as at Orleans, Angiers, Viaron, Troy's and Auxerre, the like butcheries and slaughters were used, but also in the town of Paris itself, in the very gaols that are ordained for the keeping of prisoners, if any had escaped the cruelty of the day before, they were now tumultuously slain by the raging and outraging multitude, in which number were three Gentlemen of great reputation, captain Monins a man very famous in martial prowess, Lomen the King's secretary, a man of great estimation for his long service in the Court, and Chaps a lawyer near fourscore year old, a man of great renown in the Court of Paris. And because we have made mention of Angiers, we think it good not to omit the case of Masson de Rivers. This man was a pastor of the church, and esteemed a singular man both in virtuousness of life, and in excellence of wit and learning, and was the first that had laid the foundation of the Church at Paris. As soon as the slaughter was begun at Paris, Monsorel a most cruel enemy of the Religion, was tent to Angiers in post to prevent all other that might carry tidings of the murdering. As soon as he came into the town, he caused himself to be brought to Massons house. There he met Massons wife in the entry, and gently saluted her, and after the manner of France, specially of the Court, he kissed her, and asked hi●… where her husband was, she answered, that he was walking in the garden, and by and by she brought Monsorell to her husband, who gently embraced Masson and said unto him: Canst thou tell why I am come hither? it is to kill thee by the King's commandment at this very instant time, for so hath the King commanded, as thou mayst perceive by these letters, and therewith he showed him his dag ready charged. Masson answered that he was not guilty of any crime, howbeit this one thing only he besought him, to give him space to call to the mercy of God, and to commend his spirit into God's hand. Which prayer as soon as he had ended in few words, he meekly received the death offered by the other, and was shot through with a pellet, and died.  
Now to return to Paris▪ the Admirals body being hanged up by the heels upon the common gallows of Paris, as is aforesaid, the Parisians went thither by heaps to see it. And the Queen mother to feed her eyes with that spectacle, had a mind also to go thither, and she carried with her the King and both her other sons. But the next night following, the body was conveyed away, and (as it is thought) buried. About that time, where as many of the Court secretly muttered that the King should by this fact incur dishonour, not only among foreign nations, but also with all posterity in time to come for ever, Moruillier, of whom we have made mention before, one that is accounted the principal lewd practiser & wicked sycophant of all France, and the first author and chief mean of bringing the Jesuits into France, came to the Queen mother and told her that it was best that some of those that were lately taken s●…eyng and hiding themselves, should for manner sake be brought to open judgement, and after the accustomed manner should be inquired upon, that they might be condemned by the sentence of certain judges picked out for that purpose, and so openly executed in sight of the people. There were called to counsel here upon Birage, Li●…ege. Thuan and Bel●…eure. They not only allowed Moruilliers opinion, but also gave advise, that a man of hay made in figure for the Admiral (for his body, as we have said, could not be found) should be dragged by the Boureau through the streets, his arms and ensigns of honour broken, his memory condemned, his castles and ●…ermes razed, his children pronounced in famous, vn●…oble, and intestable, and all the trees in his woods to be hewn down to the height of six foot. There was among those that were apprehended, one Cavaignes, master of Requests to the King, and Briquemault, of whom we have before spoken. This Briquema●…lt had spent his time in service in the old wars in the time of King Francis and King Henry, and was for the war accounted a man of great experience among the best now living, and was near about threescore and ten years old. As soon as they were carried into prison, there were presented unto them all, the tormenter and the hangman, and they were threatened with torture and tearing their bodies in pieces, unless they would presently subscribe with their own hand, that they were of counsel with the Admiral to kill the King and his brethren, and the Queen mother, and the King of Navarre. They all cried out that they were ready to suffer death most willingly forasmuch as the King's pleasure was it should be so: but so great torture they could not bear, and therefore humbly besought his royal goodness and clemency too pardon them that torment, and yet trusting upon the mercy of God, they hoped that they should suffer exceeding great pains, rather than stain themselves with so great shame, or confess an untrue crime against themselves. They that were first assigned their judges, hearing their cries and defences, and fearing the judgement of the world, said plainly, that they would not draw upon themselves most assured infamy for condemning them. Therefore there were new judges appointed in their places, to them was adjoined such a tormenter and notary, as were thought fittest for the purpose. And so Briquemault and Cavaignes were quickly condemned by a shadowed form of law, and led to the gibbet▪ standing in the principal street of the town, and in sight of many thousands of men gazing at them. To this spectacle the Queen mother led the King and her other sons, and her son in law the King of Navarre.  
It was thought commodious for playing of this last act, that Briquemault should in hearing of all the people ask pardon pardon of the King, and for that purpose there were some suborned to put him in mind, that if he would, he might easily purchase his life, for the King was of nature full of clemency and mercy, and if he would ask pardon of his majesty with confessing his offence, he should easily obtain it. He answered with a valiant and bold courage, that it was not his part but the Kings to ask pardon of God for his fault, and that he would never crave forgiue●…esse of that offence whereof he well knew himself and had God so witness that he was clear and innocent. Nevertheless, he ●…esought God to forgive the King this fault. So were these two excellent and famous men with halters fastened a●…out their necks thrown by the hangman from the ladder and hanged, and therewithal also the man of straw made for figure of the Admiral, was tied fast and hanged with them, after a preposterous order of law, whereby the Admiral was first slain and then condemned.  
But whereas in a manner in all towns there were great slaughters committed, yet was there none more horrible nor more outrageous than the butcherly murder at Lions. So soon as the letters from the court were brought to Mandelot governor of the town: first, by a crier and 〈◊〉 he caused to be proclaimed, that all the professors of the Religion should appear presently before him at his house. They without all delay repaired to him. As soon as they were come, he commanded them all to suffer themselves to be led to prison by such officers as should be assigned them. They obeyed his word and followed the officers that led them. By reason of the great multitude, they sorted them into sundry prisons. Then Mandelot willed the common executioner to be commanded in his name to take some to help him, and to kill those that were in prison. The executioner answered, that he used not to execute the law upon any but such as were condemned, and in public and open places, and therefore willed him to seek an other slaughterman if he would. Mandelot thus refuse●… by the executioner, commanded the garrison Soldiers of the Castle to do it. The Soldiers answered that it was against their honour, to use weapon upon men bound and lying suppliant before them. If they had raised any rebellion, or had offended or provoked them, they said they would most readily have fought with them. Being thus refused by them also, at the la●…t he committed the matter to the watermen and butchers. Those fellows being let into the prisons, went to it with chopping knives and butchers axes. Such as they fawned prostrate at their feet, piteously holding up their hands to heaven, crying upon the mercy of God and men, they did for sport cut off their fingers and the tops of their hands, and throughout the whole town was herded such a c●…ye and lamentable howling of women and children, that innumerable people, even such as were zealously given even to the Popish Religion, did detest that cruelty, and judged that not men, but outrageous savage beas●…es in shape of men were entered into the prisons. It is well known, that a great number of honest women in the town great with child, were so flighted with the horror of it, that they were delivered before their time. And out of the Court of the goal called the Archbyshops' prison, the blood was seen in the broad day light, to the great a●…orring and fear of many that beheld it, run warm▪ and smoking into the next streets of the town, and so down into the river of Sene. There was in that same Archbyshops' prison an aged man called Francis Collut, a Merchant of caps, and two young men his sons, whom he had ever caused diligently to ●…e taught and instructed in Religion. When he see the butchers come toward him with their Axes, he began to exhort his children not to refuse the death offered by G●…d. For (said he) it is the perpetual destiny of religion, & that often such sacr●…ices do betide in Christian Churches, & Christians in all ages have ever ●…in & for ever to the world's end so shallbe as sheep among wolves, doves among Hawks, & sacrifices among priests. Then the old father embraced h●… two young sons, & lying flat on the ground with them, crying aloud upon the mercy of God, was with m●…ny wounds ●…oth he & his sons slaughtered by those butchers: & long time afterward their three bodies hard knit together, yielded a piteous spectacle to many that beheld them. In the mean time Mandelot in jest and scorn (as it seemed) caused to be proclaimed by the crier, that no man should commit any ●…laughter in the town, & that if any would detect the doers of any such slaughter, he would give him a hundredth crowns in reward for his information. And from that time they ceased not to kill, to rob & to spoil. The next day after, which was the first of September, the greatest part of the dead bodies were thrown into the river of Sene and the rest of them Mandelot, to feed & glut his eyes & heart with blood, caused to be carried by boat to the other side of the water, & there to be thrown down upon the green grass near unto the Abbey called Esne. There the people of Lions, specially the Italians, of whom by reason of the Mart there is great store in the town, satisfied their eyes a while, & did such spites as they could to those heaps of carcases, & so exercised their cruelty not upon the living only, but also upon the dead. And there happened one thing which for the abominable cruelty is not to be omitted. There came to that spectacle certain Apothecaries, & among those bodies they perceived some very fat one's, by & by they went to the butchers, & told them that they did use to make certain special medicines of man's grease, that they might make and profit thereof. Which as soon as the butchers understood, they ran to the heaps & chose out the fattest, and lanced them with their knives, and pulled out the fat, and sold it for money to the Apothecaries.  
While these things were doing at Lions, the King being informed that divers of the religion had left their wives & children, and were fled out of the other towns, and lurked some in the woods, and some among their friends such as took pity on them, he practised with ●…aire words to allure a●…d call them home again. He sent to every part messengers & letters, affirming that he was highly displeased with those slaughters & horrible butcheries, & that he would that such cruelty should be severely punished: & if the Admiral with a few of his confederates had entered into any secret practice, it was no reason, that so many innocents should bear the punishment due to a few. Many sweetly beguiled with these words of the King and with the letters of the governors, retired home again to their dwellings and houses, specially they of Rhoan. deep, and Tholouse. There were scant two days passed when they were again commanded to prison, where they were all shut up. Then were murderers a new appointed of the most base and rascal of the people, to torment them with all kind of torture, and then to slay them. And throughout the whole realm of France for thirty days together there was no end of kill, slaying and robbing, so that at this day there are about a hundredth thousand little babes, widows and children, that were well born, that now fatherless and motherless live wandering and in beggary. About this time the King caused to be proclaimed, that such as had any office or place of charge, unless they would speedily return to the Catholic, apostolic and Romish Church, should give over those their temporal rooms. There was no town nor any so small a village or hamlet wherein all the professors of the Religion were compelled either to go to Mass, or presently to take the sword into their bosoms: and in many places it happened that such as being amazed with the suddenness of the matter had abjured their Religion, yet notwithstanding were afterward slain.  
And while these things were still in doing, yet the King in the mean while sent abroad his letters and messages into all parts, and caused to be proclaimed with trumpet, that his pleasure was that the Edicts of pacification should be observed: and although they could not have freedom to use and exercise their Religion in open places, yet they should have liberty permitted them to retain and profess it within their own houses, and that no man should 〈◊〉 with or disturb the goods and possessions of those of the Religion.  
And the same King which but few days before, had by letters directed to all the governors of his Provinces signified that his cousin the Admiral was slain by the Duke of Guise to his great sorrow, and that himself was in great danger, the same King I say, now caused it with sound of trumpet to be proclaimed, that the traitorous and wicked Admiral was slain by his will and commandment. He that in few days before had by new authority confirmed the liberty of Religion permitted by his Edicts of pacification, the same King did now not only take from the professors thereof their offices and honours, but also prescribed them in precise form of words, a form of abjuring and detesting their Religion. Which things lest any man should doubt of, we shall hereafter set down the very true copies of the said Letters, Edicts & abjurations.  

THE KING'S LETTERS, to the Governors of Burgundy, whereby he charges those of the house of Guise, for the murder committed upon the admirals person, and for the sedition which happened at Paris, and commandeth that the edict of Pacification should be kept and retained.  

COZEN, YOU HAVE Perceived what I written unto you yesterday, concerning my Cousin the admirals wounding, and how ready I was to do my endeavour to search out the truth of the deed, and to punish it, wherein nothing was left undone or forgotten. But it happened since, that they of the house of Guise, and other Lords and Gentlemen their adherentes (whereof there be no small number in this City) when they certainly knew that the admirals friends would proceed to the revenge of his hurt, and because they were suspected to be the authors thereof, were so stirred up this last night, that a great and lamentable sedition arose thereof, in so much that the Guard by me appointed for his defence about his house, was set upon, and he himself with certain of his Gentlemen slain, and havoc of other made in divers places of the City: which was handled with such a rage, that I could not use the remedy that I would, but had much a do to employ my Guards and other defence for the safety of myself and my brethren within the Castle of Louvre, to give order hereafter for the appeasing of this sedition, which is at this hour well appeased thanks be to God, and came to pass by a particular and private quarrel of long time fostered betwixt those two houses. Whereof when I foresaw that there would succeed some mischievous purpose, I did what I could possibly to appease it, as all men know. And yet hereby the edict of Pacification is not broken, which I will to be kept as straightly as ever it was, as I have given to understand in all places throughout my Realm. And because it is greatly to be feared, that such an execution might stir up my subjects, one against an other, and 'cause great murders through the Cities of my Realm, whereby I should be greatly grieved, I pray you cause to be published and understood in all places of your government, that every person abide and continued in the safeguard of his own house, and to take no weapons in band, nor one to hurt an other upon pain of death: commanding them to keep and diligently to observe our Edict of Pacification. And to make the offenders and resisters, and such as would disobey and break our will, to be punished, you shall assemble out of hand as great force as you can, as well of your friends as of them that be appointed by me and others, advertising the Captains of Castles and Cities in your government, to take heed to the safeguard and preservation of the said places, so that no fault ensue on their behalf, advertising me also so soon as you can, what order you have given herein, and how all things have passed within the circuit of your government. Hereupon I pray God to keep you, Cousin, in his holy safeguard.  
At Paris the. xxiv. of August. Signed Charles, and underneath, Brulard.   

ANOTHER LETTER FROM THE KING to the Lord of Prye, his Lieutenant general in Touraine, upon the same matter that the former Letter was.  
MOnsieur de pry, you have understood how my cousin the Admiral was hurt the last day, and in what readiness I was to do as much as in me lay, for the trial of the fact, and to cause so great and speedy justice to be done as should be an example throughout all my Realm, wherein nothing was omitted. Since it is so happened, that my cousins of the house of Guise, and other Lords and Gentlemen their adherents, which are no small party in this town, as all men know, having got certain intelligence that the friends of my said cousin the Admiral intended to pursue and execute upon them the revenge of this hurt, for that they had them in suspicion to be the cause and occasion thereof, have made such a stir this night passed, that among them on both parts hath been raised a great and lamentable tumult: the Guard that was set about the Lord Admiral's house, was distressed, himself slain in his house with divers other Gentlemen, as also great slaughter hath been made of other in sundry places and quarters of this town: which hath been done with such fury, that it was impossible for me to give such remedy as was to be wished, I having enough to do to employ my Guard and other forces to keep myself in safety in the Castle of Louvre, to the end to give order for the appeasing of the whole uproar, which at this hour (thanks be to God) is well quenched, for that the same happened by the particular quarrel that hath of long time been between those two houses, whereof always having some doubt that some unhappy effect would ensue, I have (as is well known to all men) before this time done all that I could for to appease it, nothing in this last fact tending too the breach of my Edict of Pacification, which contrariwise I will in all things to be maintained, as at any time heretofore, as I do give it to understand throughout my Realm. And forasmuch as it is greatly to be seared that this may stir up and 'cause my subjects to rise one against another, and to commit great slaughters in the towns of my Realm, whereof I would be marvelously sorry, I pray you that immediately upon the receit hereof, you cause to be published and done to understand in all places of your charge, that every man as well in town as in country, remain in rest and surety in his house, and do not take arms one against another, on pain of death: And that more diligently than at any time heretofore, you 'cause the last Edict of Pacification to be kept and carefully maintained and observed. To the intent abovesaid, and to punish such as shall do to the contrary, & to distress all such as shall rise & disobey our pleasure, you shall immediately assemble all the strength that you are able, as well of your friends being of our allowance as others, advertising the governors, and captains of towns and Castles within your charge, that they take good heed to the surety and safe keeping of their pieces, in such sort as there ensue no default, informing me with speed of such order as you shall take therein, and how all things shall proceed within the compass of your authority. I have here with me my brother the King of Navarre, and my cousin the Prince of Conde, to take such hap as myself. I pray the creator, Monsieur de pry, to hold you in his holy safeguard. From Paris this. xxiv. of August. Thus signed Charles, and underneath Pinart. These letters are all of one argument as the former be, and written all in one form, and all one day to Monsieur de Prye the Lieutenant of Touraine.   

THE KING'S LETTERS TO THE OFFI cers of Burges, upon the same matter that the former were.  
Our loving and faithful, we doubt not but by this time you know of the sedition which to our great grief happened in Paris afewe days sithence, wherein my cousin the Admiral, and certain others of his side were slain, and a great murder committed upon diverse in many places of this City. And lest the news thereof should change the quiet estate, wherein Burges hath hitherto been maintained since the Edict of Pacification, if remedy were not foreseen, it is the cause that we written this letter presently unto you, whereby we command and expressly ordain that every one of you according to his charge do see that no commotion or insurrection be against the inhabitants of the said City, nor that no murder be committed, as it is to be feared, by those which pretend too break the Edict of Pacification, and thereby would execute a revenge of their long and private grudge, too our incredible vexation and anguish of mind. For this cause it is your part to give to understand and publish throughout that City of ours and other places pertaining to it, that every one should quietly and peacibly keep their houses, without taking weapons in hand, and offending one the other, upon pain of death, and well and diligently to keep our Edict of Pacification. And if any go about to contrary this our intent and mind, to 'cause them to be punished and rigorously chastised by penalties imposed on such offenders in our ordinances, having a watchful and diligent eye to the safeguard of that our City, in such sort that no inconvenience arise in your service towards us, as you would have us to know, that you are our loyal and obedient subjects.  
Given at Paris the. xxvij. of August 1572. Thus signed, Charles, and below, De Neuf-ville.   

A LETTER OF THE TREASURER OF the leagues of the Swissers, written by the King's commandment unto the said Leagues, of the same argument that the former letters were.  
NOble Seigniours, Monsieur de la Fontaine, Ambassador for the King, your assured and perfect friend and confederate, and I his Treasurer in this country, having commandment of his majesty too communicate with you, as with them whom be accounteth his chief and sure friends, of a chance which lately happened in the City of Paris, his own person and court then being there, whereof he received so much more grief and displeasure, because it befallen on such a time as he least feared, or looked for such a thing. The matter is this. On the xxij. day of August last, the Admiral as he went from Louvre, was with an arqebus shot hurt in the hand and arm, whereof when his majesty was advertised, he commanded incontinent that search and punishment were had of the offender, and the authors of such a mischief: whereunto when he had readily laid his hand by his officers, and committed the inhabitants of the house, where the arqebus was shot, to prison, they which were the cause first of the mischief (as it may easily be presupposed) because they would prevent the inquisition thereof, heaping one transgression upon another, on the. twenty-three. and xxiv. of the said month assembled a great troop of people in the night, and moved the people of Paris to a very great sedition, who in a rage set upon the Admiral's lodging, and enforcing the Guard which his Majesty had set for the Admiral's surety and keeping, slay him with certain other gentlemen in his company, as the like also was committed upon others in the City, the matter growing in the very same instant to such an o●…age and commotion, that whereas his Majesty had thought to provide remedy for appeasing thereof, he had much a do with all his Guards to keep his house at Louvre, where he lodged with the two Queens, his mother and the Spouse, the Lords his brethren, the King of Navarre and other Princes. Think therefore you noble Seigniours, in what a perplexity this young and courageous King now standeth, who, as a man may say, hath held in his hand thorns in stead of a Sceptre ever since his coming to the Crown, for the great troubles which have almost ever since been in his Realm, and therefore by the good and wise counsel and assistance of the Queen his mother and the Lords his brethren, thought to enjoy and establish a more sure repose in his Realm, and a more happy government for himself and his subjects, after he had taken away (as he thought) all occasions of dissensions amongst his subjects by the means of his Edicts of Pacifications, and of the marriage of the King of Navarre to the Lady his sister, and the Prince of Conde to Madame de Nevers. Besides all this, to the intent nothing should be left undone that might serve for the quieting of all things, and especially for the Admiral's safeguard, his Majesty as every man knoweth, hath done his ind●…uour to the uttermost, to appease and reconcile his principal and most dangerous enemies unto him. And so God the true judge of the King's majesties good and pure intent, brought to pass, that the people's rage being quieted within a few hours, every one went home too his house, and the king had special regard to nothing more than to see nothing attempted or innovated contrary to his Edicts of Pacification, and the repose of his subjects aswell of the one Religion, as of the other. And for that purpose hath sent to diverse of his Governors and Officers in his provinces, to look diligently to the obser●…ing of his Edicts, with express commandment to ●…olde their hands there, that every one might perceive that the chance at Paris happened for some private quarrel, and not for any purpose to altar his Edicts, which his Majesty will in no wise suffer. Which is the principal thing, noble Seigniours, that his Majesty hath commanded us on his part to assure you, and to let you understand the dangers that depend over him and his neighbours, not so much for this sedition, for he trusteth in God that shall grow no further, and his Majesty will keep his Realm in as good repose as it hath been since his last Edict of Pacification, but for the great mustering and assembling men of war in many places, specially in the low countries, where it is yet uncertain on which side God will give the victory, nor whither the conqueror will employ his force, after his conquest. Wherefore his Majesty prayeth you, continuing the good love and intelligence which hath always been betwixt the Crown of France and his allied and confederate friends the Seigniours of the Leagues, too have good regard to him, and his Realm, in case that need shall require, as he will have to you and your prosperous estate, if it be requisite, employing in the mean while your great and singular wisdom to the perservation of the union of the Nation in League, which is the only cause to make you, not only able to sand succour to your friends, but also maintain yourselves in estimation, that you may be a terror to your neighbours, how great so ever they be, his majesty promising you in all occurrentes as much friendship, favour and assistance, as you can desire, and to be as entire and perfect a friend, as ever your nation had any.    

A DECLARATION OF THE KING CON cerning the occasion of the Admiral's death and his adherents and complices, happened in the City of Paris the. 24 of August. 1572.  
Imprinted at Paris by john Dallier Stacioner, dwelling upon S. Michael's bridge, at the sign of the white Rose: by the King's licence.  
BY THE KING.  
HIs Majesty desiring to have all Seigniours, Gentlemen, and other his subjects, understand the cause of the murder of the Admiral and his adherentes and complices, which lately happened in this City of Paris the xxiv. day of this present month of August, lest the said deed should be otherwise disguised and reported than it was in deed: his Majesty therefore declareth that which was done, was by his express commandment, and for no cause of Religion, nor breaking his edicts of pacification, which he always intended, and still mindeth and intends to observe and keep: yea it was rather done too withstand and prevent a most detestable and cursed conspiracy begun by the said Admiral the chief captain thereof, and his said adherents and complices, against the king's person, his estate, the Queen his mother and the Princes his brethren, the King of Navarre, and other Lords about him. Whereof his Majesty by this declaration and ordinance giveth to understand to all Gentlemen and others of the Religion which they pretend reform, that he mindeth and purposeth that they shall live under his protection, with their wives and children in their houses in as much safeguard as they did before, following the benefit of the former Edicts of Pacification, most expressly commanding and ordaining, that all Governors and Lieutenants general in every of his countries and Provinces, and other justices and Officers to whom it appertaineth, do not attempt nor suffer too be attempted any thing in what sort so ever, upon the people and goods of them of the Religion, their wives, children, and families, on pain of death against the faulty and culpable in this behalf. And nevertheless too withstand the troubles, slanders, suspicions, and desiances that may come by sermons and assemblies, aswell in the houses of the said Gentlemen, as in other places, as it is suffered by the said Edicts of Pacification: it is expressly forbidden, and inhibited by his Majesty to all Gentlemen and others of the said Religion, to have no assemblies for any cause at all, until his Majesty hath provided and appointed otherwise for the tranquillity of his Realm, upon pain of disobedience and confiscation of body and goods. It is also expressly forbidden under the pain aforesaid, that for the foresaid occasions, none shall take or retain any prisoners, or take ransom of them, and that incontinently they certify the governors of every pr●…uince, and the Lieutenant general, of the name and quality of every such prisoner, whom his Majesty hath appointed shall be released and set at liberty, except they be of the chief of the late conspiracy, or such as have made some practice or devise for them, or had intelligence thereof: and they shall advertise his Majesty of such, to know his further pleasure. It is also ordained, that from hencefo●…th none shall take or arrest any p●…isoner for that cause, without his majesties commandment or his Officers, nor that none be suffered to roam abroad in the fields, to take up dogs, Cattles, beeves, Cows, or other beasts, goods, fruits, grain, nor any thing else, nor too hurt the labourers by word or deed, but too let them alone about their work and calling, in peace and safety.  
At Paris the. xxviij. of August. 1572. Signed, Charles, and underneath, Fizes.   

THE KING'S LETTERS TO THE OFFICERS of Burges, of the same argument that the former declaration was.  
Our trusty and well-beloved, we considering that under the colour of the death of the Admiral, and his adherents and complices, certain Gentlemen, and others our subjects, professing the Religion called Reformed, might rise and assemble together to the prejudice and hindrance of the tranquillity which we have always desired should be in our Realm the doing of the said murder being counterfeited and given out otherwise than it was. We have therefore made a declaration and ordinance, which we sand you, willing you to publish the same incontinently by sound of Trumpet, and setting the same up in such places of your jurisdiction, where cries and Proclamations are usually made, to the end that every one might know it. And although we have always been diligent observers of our Edicts of Pacification, yet seeing the troubles and seditions which might arise amongst our subjects by the occasion of the said murder, as well of the Admiral as of his companions, we command you, and ordain, that you particularly forbidden the principals of the Religion, pretended reformed, within your jurisdiction, that they have no sermons nor assemblies either in their houses, or in any other places, to take away all doubt and suspicion which might be conceived against them. And likewise that you advertise such as devil in the Cities of your jurisdiction, what you judge meet to be done, too the intent they might in this point follow our mind, and keep them quiet in their houses, as they may do by the benefit of our Edict of Pacification, and there they shall be under our protection and safeguard: but if they will not so retire themselves after you have given them warning, then shall you set on them with all strength and force, aswell by the provosts of the Marishals and their Archers, as others which you can-gather together by Bell ringing or otherwise, so that you hew them all too pe●…ces as enemies ●…o our Crown. Besides, what commandments so ever we have sent by word of mouth either to you, or others in our Realm, when we were in fear, upon just occasion, knowing the conspiracy that the Admiral had begun of some mischance that might fall unto us, we have and do revoke, willing you and others that no such thing be executed, for such is our pleasure.  
Given at Paris the. thirty. of August 1572. Thus signed, Charles, and underneath, De Neuf-ville.  
Published in judgement.   

REMEMBRAUNCES AND INSTRUCTIONS sent by the King to the Count of Charny his general Lieutenant in Burgundy, of the same argument.  
THe King considering the commotion lately happened in Paris, wherein the L. Admiral Chastilion with other Gentlemen of his side were slain, because they had mischievously conspired to set upon the King's majesties person, the Queen his mother, the Princes his brethren, the King of Navarre, and other Princes and Lords near about them, and upon his estate: and lest they of the Religion called reformed, not knowing the true causes of the said rebellion, should arise and put themselves in arms as they have done in the troubles that be passed, and devise new practices & fetches against the weal of his Majesty and tranquillity of his Realm, if he should not 'cause the truth of the matter to be known to all Gentlemen and others his subjects of the same religion how it passed, and what his pleasure and mind is in their behalfs. And thinking that for remedy hereof it is very needful for the Governors of the Provinces in his Realm to go round about their governements: for this occasion he willeth that the Count of Charnie great Esquire of France, and his majesties Lieutenant general for the government of Burgundy, shall go diligently through all Cities and places of the said governments, and as he arriveth in every place, he shall devise though best ways that he can to make peace, union and quietness amongst the King's subjects as well of the one Religion as of the other. And to bring it the better about, he shall gently call before him in open or private place as he shall see best cause for his majesties service herein, the Gentlemen of the places, and the burgesses of the Cities of his government, that be of the Religion, and shall declare unto them, & 'cause them to understand the truth of the said commotion, lest any have misreported it too them, otherwise than it was in deed. And shall tell them, that under the colour of the L. Admiral's hurt, wherefore his Majesty would have caused justice to be done according to the good order that he had appointed, the said Admiral and Gentlemen of his Religion which were in the City with him, without looking for the execution of the said justice, had made a mischievous, unhappy, and detestable conspiracy against the King's majesties person, the Queen his mother, the Lords his brethren, the King of Navarre, and other Princes and Lords with them, and against the whole estate, even as certain of the chief and adherents of the said conspiracy (acknowledging their fault) have confessed. Wherefore his Majesty was constrained (to his great grief) to resist and prevent so mischievous, pernicious and abominable a purpose. And that which he suffered to be done on Sunday the. xxiv. of August upon the Admiral and his complices, was not for any Religion, nor to go against the Edict of Pacification, he intending nevertheless that they of the Religion should still live and abide in all liberty and safety, with their wives, children and families in their houses, as he hath and will maintain them, if they be content to live quietly under his obedience as he desireth▪ For the which cause he willeth, that the Count Charnye shall offer and give to them his letters of safeguard in good and authentyke form, which shall be of as good force and virtue, as if they should come or be taken from his own Majesty: and by the authority of them, they shall be preserved from all wrongs, violences, and oppressions: enjoining and forbidding most expressly all his catholic subjects whatsoever they are, to attempt nothing, upon the people, goods, or families of any of the Religion which keep themselves quietly in their houses, on pain of death. And if any be so rash, or evil advised, to do against this Injunction, or too violate the safeguard promised, his Majesty willeth that ready and rigorous punishment be done, too the intent that their example may serve too hold in others not too do the like: which is the true and only means of assurance that his Majesty can give to them of the Religion, with his word and promise which he giveth them too be their good and benign Prince, protector and preserver of them and of all that toucheth them, so long as they live and continued under his obedience without doing or enterprising any thing against his will and service. And because his Majesty hath often known that the enterprises and consultations taken in hand by them of the Religion against his service, have been concluded amongs them at assemblies at sermons which Gentlemen had liberty to cause to be made in their houses and Lordships, therefore my L. of Charnye shall particularly give too understand to Gentlemen which were wont too have such sermons, that his Majesty in consideration that nothing hath more moved and set on the Catholics against those of the Religion than such preachings and assemblies, and if they continued it is certain that it will be a cause too increase and maintain the said commotions, desireth that they should 'cause them to cease off until he hath otherwise provided and appointed, and that they apply themselves hereunto as a thing greatly serving the effect of his intention, which is, gently to bring his said subjects to a true and perfect amity, union and concord one with another, committing all divisions and partialities to oblivion. And because this may seem hard at the beginning, my L▪ of Charnye shall 'cause it to be fair and gently spoken to them, lest they enter into some strange conjecture or suspicion. For so his said Majesty would proceed in all true sincerity towards them which conform themselves to his will and obedience, wherein he exhorteth them to live, with all the best persuasions that he can, and shall assure them in so doing to be surely maintained and preserved as his other subjects the Catholics, as his Majesty would that he should do. And too the intent his said subjects the Catholics should know how to use and behave themselves herein, my L. of Charnie shall tell them, that his majesties pleasure neither is nor hath been that any wrong or oppression should be done to them of the said religion, which like good and loyal subjects will gently keep themselves under his obedience. Declaring unto the said Catholics, that if they forget themselves and burt those of the religion which in such sort behave themselves toward his majesty, and those also which for that end have received of his majesty or of my L. of Charnie letters of safe-conduct, he will 'cause them to be punished and chastised in the field, as trangressours of his commandments, without any hope of grace, pardon, or remission. Which the said L. of Charnie shall express and declare unto them, with as plain words as is possible, & 'cause it also to be as straightly executed. And after that following his majesties intent, he hath pacified them by this means, which is the way that his majesty best liketh of, and searched the direction to assure a tranquillity betwixt the subjects and to set some assurance betwixt the one and the other, such as shall conform themselves herein to his said majesties will, he will comfort, and make them the best and most gentle entertainment that he possibly can. But if any of the Religion become self willed and stubborn to his Majesty, without having regard to his said warnings, and shall assemble in arms together, making practices and devices against the weal of his service, than the L. of Charnye shall run upon them, and hue them in pieces before they have power to fortify themselves and join together. And therefore he shall assemble as much force as he can, as well of the ordinary, as of other men of war, Soldiers, Footmen of the garrisons, and inhabitants of the Catholics within the Cities of his government, and shall besiege them which hold and make themselves strong in Cities about of his government, so that the victory and authority may remain in his majesty.  
At Paris the. thirty. of August. 1572. Signed, Charles, and underneath, Brulard.   

THE KING'S LETTERS TO THE LORD of Gwich, whereby it may plainly be perceived, how they would search out all them of the Religion which had any charge in hand during the troubles.  
MY L. of Gwiche, I understand that the. iij. brethren Daggonels, and one Porcher the host at the sign of the Adventure, Mossoner, Crispin, and Captain Grise, which were the principal of the faction in Burgundy, and were the cause of the taking and recovering of the City of Mascon in the late troubles, and of all the decay which happened in that country, be kept prisoners in Mascon. And because I understand they hope to escape out by ransom (which I would in no wise should be done) I ordain and command that you keep them safe, for as much as I hope by their means to discover a great many things which greatly touch the weal of my service. And if there be any other prisoners of the new religion in Mascon, which have been factious, you shall likewise keep them, so that they escape not by paying ransom, for I would not for any thing in the world that there should be taking of rasome among my subjects. And thus my L. of Gwich I pray God keep you in his holy tuition.  
Written at Paris the. xiv. of September. 1572. Signed, Charles, and vnde●…neath, Brulard.   

THE KING'S LETTERS TO MONSIEUR DE Gordes his Lieutenant general in Dauphin, wherein ●…e sendeth him word, that the best proof of his doings is the accusations and complaints of them of the Religion against him, whereunto be should have care to answer.  
MOnsieur de Gordes, by your letters of the first of this month I perceived the order which you appointed in your Government since the advertisement which you had of the execution of the Admiral and his adherentes: and since I am sure you forgot nothing which you thought might serve for your assurance of those places whereof you had occasion to doubt. And to the intent you should have the more means to make yourself known, I have prepared that the soldiers of Corsica which I had appointed to go into Province, should return to you, and thereupon have written too my Cousin the Count of tend, who will not fail to sand them unto you, ●…or as much as there is no need of them now in that country. He should also sand you word of the time of their departing, to the end that you might have leisure to provide to receive them, and appoint their places where they should be in garrison. I have seen that which you written too me concerning the continual payment in Dauphin, what is due for the last year, whereupon I will advise of the state of my fines the means that may be, and according thereunto there shall be no fault, but they shall be provided for. For the reparation of the Bridge of Grenoble, they of the same place must devise the means whereby they should best help them ●…elues therein, and when they have advertised me, I will appoint them necessary provision. Touching the soldiers appointed ●…or the Baron of Address, because the occasion why I appointed them to be levied now ●…easeth, I have written to him to sand them back and dismiss them again: wherefore there is no need to make provision for their main●…enance, nor likewise to tell you any thing else concerning the answers which you have made too the remembrances which they of the Religion have presented against you. For your doings are well known and plain unto me, and thereupon I will take no better proof than their accusation. Wherefore you shall put yourself to no more pain on that side. Moreover I have herewith sent you a copy of the declaration which I made of the Admiral's death and his adherents, and made to be understood that it should be observed and followed, and that all murders, sacking, and violences should cease. Nevertheless I have herded complaints of diverse places that such extraordinary ways continued, which is a thing, that doth much displease me. By the means whereof I advise you, in doing this charge once again put unto you, that you give order throughout your government to 'cause all hostility, force, and violence to cease, and that the said declaration be straightly observed and kept, with punishing those that withstand, so rigorously, that the demonstration thereof may serve for an example, seeing my intent is that they should be punished as behoveth, and to mark them which wink or dissemble thereat. This present letter shall serve also for an advise of the receipt of those letters which you written the. 5. of this present, whereby you sand me word that you received no message by word of mouth from me, but only letters of the. xxij. xxiv. and. xxviij. of the month passed, whereof put yourself to no further pai●…e, for that charge was only for such as then were near about me, which is all that I have at this time to say unto you. Praying hereupon the Creator to keep you in his holy and worthy tuition.  
Written at Paris the. xiv. day of September. Signed, Charles, and beneath, Fizes. And above. To M. de Gordes' knight.   

THE KING'S LETTERS TO THE DUKE of Guise, his Lieutenant general in champaign and in Prie.  
COusin, although in all my former letters I have given you too understand well enough how much I desire that all my subjects, as well of the nobility as others which profess the new Religion, and quietly use themselves in your government, should by you be maintained and preserved in all surety under my protection and safeguard, without giving them any hindrance by trouble in their people, goods, and families: yet nevertheless I have been aduerti●…ed that in certain places of my Realm there have been many sacking and pillings done by such as devil in the hou●…es of them of the said new Religion, as well in the fields as in the Cities, under colou●… of the commotion which happened in my City of Paris the xxiv. day of August last, a thing beyond all measure displeasant and disagreeable unto me, and for the which I would have provision and remedy. Wherefore I pray you, Cousin, that above all things as you desire that I should know the good affection you bear to the good weal of my service, you take that matter next your heart too preserve and maintain within your government according too that which I have so plainly told and written too you heretofore, that all such of the new Religion which behave themselves quietly, take no wrong or violence, whether it be for the preservation of their goods or people, no more than too my Catholic subjects. And where any wrong or outrage shall be offered them against my will, as I have before declared, so do I now by these presents declare, I will and intent that you shall make some evident and notorious punishment of such as are herein culpable, so that their correction may serve for an example to all other, that I may see myself thoroughly obeyed herein as I would be, and my commandments received amongst all my subjects in another sort than they have been heretofore. Assuring you cousin, that the best news that I shall receive from you, shall be to hear say that you chastise those well, of whom I am disobeyed. And thus cousin, I pray God too keep you in his holy tuition.  
Written from Paris the. xxviij. of September. 1572. Signed, Charles, and underneath, Brulard.   

REMEMBRANCES SENT BY THE KING too all governors, and Lieutenants of his Provinces, too put out and remove all those of the Religion from their estates and charges, although they would abjure the same, saving su●…h as have but small estates and offices, to whom his Majesty permitteth continuance, on condition that they abjure the said religion according to the form of abjuration sent for that purpose.  
THe King considering how much his officers and Magistrates of justice, and such as have the administration and dealing of his fines and payments, which be of the new Religion, are suspect & hated, and put his catholic subjects in great mistrust if they should presently exe●…cise their offices after these fresh commotions, for cause that the said offices be in their hands that now keep them: therefore lest the people should thereby be brought to a new occasion of stir, and they of the new religion be in danger or hazard of their own people, although they would abjure their said new religion, & profess the holy faith and catholic Religion of Rome: his majesty desiring to avoid the new mischiefs & troubles which may come, hath advised to discharge the said officers from the exercise of the said offices, until he shall otherwise appoint. And yet nevertheless, in the mean while, if the said officers be obedient unto his will, and live quietly in their houses without attempting, practising or ●…aking any thing in hand against his service, they shall receive th●…ir wages, and they that will resign their said offices too Catholic people, and come too his majesty, shall be very honourably provided for. And as touching other small offices without wages, which can not be troublesome, as Notaries, sergeants, and such where the officers have none authority, which cannot be so odious nor mistrustful to the people as the other, his Majesty is advised, that such small officers which will abjure the said new Religion, and profess the faith Catholic, apostolic, and romish, and therein live continually hereafter, shall continued in the exercise and enjoying of their estates: but they that will continued in their new opinion, shall departed from their offices, until his Majesty hath otherwise provided. And this is for the great mischief and inconvenience that may betide them, if they should exercise their said estates, because of the great mistrust and suspicion which the Catholics have conceived of them of the new Religion. Nevertheless his Majesty well considering that the most part of the said officers have none other way too live, but the exercise of their said offices, willeth that they shall be in choice too resign to Catholic and capable people, and then too come too him for that effect, and he will grant them the greatest favour and moderation of his treasury that is possible. The which resolution and pleasure of his Majesty, he willeth to be declared to the said officers of the new pretended opinion, as well by governors and Lieutenants general of his Provinces, as by them of his Courts of Parliament, of the chamber of his accounts, of the Court of his aids, them of his great Counsel, of the Treasury of France, the Generals of his fines, his Bailiffs, Seneshals, Pro●…osts, judges or their Lieutenants, and ●…uery one of them as shall▪ appertain. And to this intent his majesty willeth and intends that every one of them in their calling shall sand particularly & ●…part for every of the said officers of the new Religion, which be of their incorporation, charge and lurisdiction, & shall admonish them in this behalf to conform themselves to his majesties mind: and if any of them in authority, because of their said estates will return to the bosom of the Catholic & Romish church, it shall be said to them that his majesty liketh very well of it, and that he taketh a great and singular affection therein, and that it shall give him the greater assurance and credit of their good will, and that his Majesty will not bar them from his service hereafter, but will provide for them as their behaviour shall deserve. And notwithstanding, for the reasons abovesaid, he willeth that they shall cease from the exercise of their estates and offices, until he otherwise appointeth. And because that in many places of the Realm they have proceeded by way of seizing the goods of them of the new Religion which be dead or absent, and hide themselves: and sometimes of those which be in their own houses, although hi●… Majesty gave to understand by his declaration of the xxviij. of August last, that he would and intended that they of the new Religion should enjoy their goods, nevertheless, to the intent there should be no doubt of his purpose, and that no mistrust might arise thereupon, he declareth, willeth, and i●…tendeth again, that according to his declaration of the. xxviij. of August, they of the new Religion which be living, whether they be present or absent, and be not culpable or charged with the last conspiration, or to have attempted against his Majesty or his estate, since his Edict of Pacification, shall be restored to their houses, and put in possession of all and singular their goods movable or vnmoue●…ble. And that the widows and heirs of them that be dead, may and shall succeed them, and apprehended all and singular their goods, and that they shall be maintained in them, and kept under the protection and safeguard of his Majesty, so that no hurt shall be done or said unto them in any manner of wise or sort. Willing for this purpose that all necessary surety shall be given them: and that all officers, Magistrates, Majors and others which have public charge, shall maintain them in all safety, forbidding all people, of what estate, quality or condition so ever they be, not to hurt them in person or goods upon pain of death. And nevertheless his Majesty willeth, that they of the new opinion shall submit themselves, and promise' upon pain to be declared rebels and traitors too his Majesty, that they shall hereafter live under his obedience, without attempting any thing too the contrary, or taking their parts that do attempt against his Majesty and estate, or things against his ordinances: and too acknowledge none but his Majesty or such as he shall appoint under him to have authority to command them. And if they kno●…●… any that shall enterprise against his Majesty & service, to reveal them incontinent to him and his officers, as good and faithful subjects. And to take away all doubt and suspicion as well from the nobility as others, because that in the declaration of the. xxiv. of the last month, these words are contained (Except they be those of the chief, which had commandment for those of the new opini●…n, or those which made practices and devices for them, or those which might have had intelligence of the said conspiracy.) His Majesty declareth that he means not of things done and passed during the troubles which were before the Edict of Pacification in August. 1570. and that there shall be no inquisition thereof, and none shall be troubled in goods or person therefore (but for that respect they shall enjoy the benefit of the Edict of Pacification) but that the said words extend only to those which be found to be guilty or accessary to the last conspiracy done against his Majesty and estate, and that other which are imprisoned, shall be set at liberty. And as touching them which will make profession of their faith, and return to the Catholic Religion, his Majesty desireth that his governors and officers shall excite and comfort them as much as they can, too that effect, and execution of that good will: and that their friends and kinsfolks should also be exhorted too do the like for their part. And if any should hurt them in goods or body, his Majesty willeth ready and speedy execution too be done on them. And too the intent that they may follow the form which hath been kept, in professing the faith which they do make that return to the apostolic and romish Church, there is sent herewith a memory thereof.  
From Paris the. xxij. day of September. 1572. Signed, Charles, And beneath, Pinart.   

THE FORM OF ABJURATION OF HE resie, and confession of faith, which they which have swerved from the faith, and pretend to be received into the church, aught to make.  
THIS IS THE ABJURATION WHICH they caused all of the Religion to make in France, to save their lives. Printed at Paris by Nicolas Roffet, dwelling in the new street of our Lady, at the sign of the Mower: with the King's Privilege.  
FIrst, they which have swerved from the faith, and desire too return into the compass of our holy mother Church, aught too present themselves to their Curates or vicar's to be instructed of that which they aught to do: that done, they shall be sent unto the reverend Bishop of the diocese or his Chancellor or official, too make the said Abjuration and confession in manner and former following:  
IN. born at. etc. in the diocese of. etc. and dwelling. etc. acknowledging by the grace of God the true faith Catholic and apostolic from the which I have through my fault go astray and separated myself since etc. and desirous to return to the flock of Christ's true sheepfold, which is the Catholic, apostolic, and Romish Church, confess to have abjured and cursed all the errors and heresy of the Lutherians, calvinists, and Hugonotes, and all other heresy whatsoever wherewith I have heretofore been defamed or touched: and I agreed to the faith of our holy mother the Church, and desire you in the name of God, of his son jesus Christ, and of the glorious Virgin his mother Marie, and of all the Saints of Paradise, that it would please you to receive me into the flock and sheepfold of God's people, which live under the obedience of the Pope ordained our Saviour jesus Christ's vicar in the said Church, submitting myself patiently to abide and willingly to do the penance which it shall please you to enjoin me for the absolution of my faults committed, whilst I was in the foresaid sects, whereof I ask and require pardon of God, and of his said Church, and of you (that be appointed my pastor by God the Creator) absolution, with such penance as you shall judge to be wholesome for the satisfaction of my sins & offences. And to the intent you should know that I have and do make this abjuration from my heart, I confess moreover before God & you, that I believe that which is contained in the Symbol or Creed of the Apostles, and Athanasius, and other confessions of says made & approved by the whole counsels of the Catholic, apostolic, and Romish church: that is: I believe in one only God, the father almighty, Creator of Heaven and Earth, and of all things visible and invisible, and in one L. our Lord jesus Christ, the only son ongendred by God the father before the constitution of the world, God of God, Light of Light, true God of true God, engendered not created, Consubstantial with the Father by whom all things were made, who for us men, and for our salvation, descended from heaven etc. as in the belief of morning prayer. I believe likewise, acknowledge and confess all that which is contained in the books as well in the old as of the new testament, approved by the said holy and apostolic church of Rome, according to the sense and interpretation of the holy Doctors received by the same, rejecting all other interpretation as false and erroneous. I acknowledge the seven Sacraments of the said Catholic, apostolic and Romish church, that they were instituted by our L. jesus Christ, and that they be necessary for the salvation of mankind, although that all of them are not of necessity to be conferred too all, that is to say: I confess that the said seven Sacraments are these, Baptism, Confirmation, Eucharist▪ which is the Sacrament of the altar, Pen●…nce, extreme unction, Order, and Marriage, and that the said Sacraments confer grace, and that of them, Baptism, Confirmation, & Order, can not be reiterated without sacrilege. That the said Sacraments have the effect which the said church teacheth, and that the form and usage wherewith they be ministered too christians, is holy and necessary. I acknowledge also that the holy Mass is a sacrifice and oblation of the very body and blood of our saviour jesus Christ under the form of bread and wine mingled with water, which substances of bread and wine under the said forms (are in the Mass by the words which serve for consecration, said and pronounced by the Priest) transubstanciated and transformed into the substance of the said body and blood of jesus Christ. Notwithstanding that the qualities and accidents remain in the said forms after the said consecration, and that the Mass is wholesome and profitable as well for the quick as the dead. I acknowledge and confess the concomitance, that is to say, that in receiving the body of jesus Christ under the form of bread alone, I likewise receive the blood of jesus Christ. I confess that Prayer and interc●…ssion of Saints for the quick and the dead is holy, good and he●…thfull for Christians, and is not contrary (for any respect) to the glory of God. That prayers made in the Church for the faithful which are dead, do profit them for the remission of their sins, and lessening of their pains incurred for the same. That there is a Purgatory where the souls abiding are succoured by the prayers of the faithful. I confess that we must honour and call upon the saints which reign with jesus Christ, and that they make intercession for us to God, and that their Relics ●…re to be worshipped. That the commandments and traditions of the Catholic, apostolic, and romish Church as well they which pertain to the form and ceremonies of divine ●…ruice, and to assist the same, which I think be too draw Christian people to pi●…ie and turning to their God, as fasting, abstaining from meats, observation of holy days, and ecclesiastical policy, according to the tradition of the Apostles and holy Fathers continued since the primitive Church till this time, and afterwards brought into the Church by the ordinances of counsels received in the same of long and ancient time, or of late, be good and holy, to the which I will and aught too obey as prescribed and appointed by the holy ghost, the author and director of that which serveth for the keeping of christian religion, and of the catholic, apostolic, and Roman church. I believe also and accept all the articles of original sin, and of justification. I affirm assuredly that we aught too have and keep the images of jesus Christ, of his holy mother, and all other saints, and do honour and reverence unto them. I confess the power of indulgence and pardons to be left in the church by jesus Christ, & the use of them to be very heathful, as also I confess the church of Rome to be the mother and chief of all churches, and conducted by the holy Ghost: and that other pretended particular inspirations against the same, come of the suggestion of the Devil, the Prince of di●…ention, which would separate the union of the mystical body of the saviour of the world. Finally, I promise' straightly too keep all that was ordained at the last general council of Trent, and promise' to God and you, never more to departed from the Catholic, apostolic, and Roman Church: and if I do (which God forbidden) I submit myself to the penalties of the canons of the said Church, made, ordained, & appointed against them which fall back into Apostasy. The which Abjuration and Confession I have subscribed.   

THE KING'S LETTERS TO M. DE GVISE and other Lieutenants and Governors of his Provinces, by the which he wholly abolisheth and subverteth all the Edicts of Pacification, and willeth that only the Romish Religion should take place in his Realm.  
THe King knowing that the declaration which he made upon the occasions which lately cha●…ced in the City of Paris, the remembrances and instructions of his will which he sent rou●…d about to all Governors of his Provinces and Lieutenants general therein, and particular letters to the Seneshals, and his Courts of Parliament, and other officers and Ministers of justice can not hitherto stay the course of murders and robberies done in the most part of the cities of this Realm, to his majesties great displeasure: hath advised for a more singular remedy, to sand all the said Governors into every of their charges and governments, assoring himself, that according to the quality and power which they have of his Majesty, they can well follow and observe his intent, the which more fully to declare, his Majesty hath caused his letters patentes to be dispatched, which shall be delivered them. Besides the contents whereof M. de Guise the governor, and Lieutenant general for his Majesty in champaign and Brye, shall call before him the gentlemen of the new Religion abiding within his government, and shall tell them that the Kings will and intent is to preserve them, their wives, children and families, and to maintain them in possession of their goods, so that on their part they live quietly, and tender to his majesty obedience and fidelity as they aught: in which doing the King also will defend them, that they shall not be molested or troubled by way of justice or otherwise in their people and goods, by reason of things done during the troubles, & before the Edict of Pacification of August. 1570. And afterwards he shall lovingly admonish them to continued no longer in the error of the new opinions, and to return to the Catholic Religion, reconciling themselves to the Catholic Romish Church, under the doctrine and obedience whereof, Kings his predecessors and their subjects have always holily lived, and this Realm hath been carefully conducted and maintained: Showing too them the mischiefs and calamities which have happened in this Realm, since th●…se new opinions have entered into men's spirits. How many murders have been caused by such which have fallen from the right way held by their Ancestors? First they made them separate themselves f●…om the church, then from their nex●…e of kindred, and also to be estranged from the service of their king, as a man may see since his reign. And although the authors and heads of that side, would have covered their doings under the title of Religion and conscience: yet their deeds and works have shown well enough that the name of religion was but a visard to cover their drifts and disobedience, and under that pretence too assemble and suborn people, and too make and compel them to swear in the cause under the title of disobedience, and by such ways to turn them from the natural affection which they own to the King, and consequently from his obedience, being notorious that what commandment so ever the King could make to them of the new Religion, they have not since his reign obeyed him otherwise than pleased their heads. And contrariwise, when their said heads commanded them to arise and take to their weapons, too set upon Cities, to burn churches, too sack and pill, to trouble the Realm and fill it with blood and fire, they which went so astray to follow them, forget all trust and duty of good subjects, to execute and obey their commandments. Which things if the gentlemen will well consider, they shall easily judge how unhappy and miserable their condition shall be, if they continued longer therein. For they may well think of themselves, that the King being taught by experience of so great a danger, from the which it hath pleased God too preserve him and his estate, and having proved the mischiefs and calamities which this Realm hath suffered by the enterprises of the heads of this cause, their adherentes and complices, that he will never willingly be served with any gentlemen of his subjects that be of any other religion than the Catholic, in the which also the King, following his predecessors, will live and die. He willeth also to take away all mistrust amongst his subjects, and to quench the rising of discords and seditions, that all they of whom he is served in honourable places, and specially the gentlemen which desire to be accounted his good and lawful subjects, and would obtain his favour, and be employed in charges of his service, according to their degrees and qualities, to make profession hereafter too live in the same Religion that he doth: having tried that discords and civil wars will not cease in a state where there be many Religions, and that it is not possible for a King too maintain in his Realm diversities in religion, but that he shall lose the good will and benevolence of his subjects, yea and they which are of a contra●…ie Religion to his, desire nothing in their heart more than the change of the King and of his estate. For the reason abovesaid, the Duke of Guise, to bring the matter to this pass, shall take pains to persuade the nobility and others infected with the said new opinion, to return of themselves, and of their own free-will, to the Catholic Religion, and to abjure and renounce the new without any more express commandment from the King. For how so ever it be, his majesty is resolved to make his subjects live in his Religion, and never to suffer what so ever may betide, that there shall be any other form or exercise of religion in his Realm than the catholic. The said Duke of Guise shall communicate with the principal officers and magistrates, having the principal charge and administration of justice in cities of his government, his majesties declaration, to the intent they should know his mind, and the good end whereunto he tendeth for the uniting and quietness of his subjects, to the intent the said M. de Guise and the said officers and Magistrates, should with one concord, intelligence and correspondence proceed too the effect abou●… said, so that fruit and quietness may thereof ensue, such as his Majesty desireth, not only for himself, but for the whole Realm. The Bailiffs and stuardes which are not in religion accordingly qualified, shall within one month resign their offices to gentlemen capable, and of the quality required by the Edict, which may keep and exercise the same. And too the intent this should be done, his Majesty doth now presently declare them deprived after the said month, if they do not then resign, that they shall have no occasion or colour of excuse to delay their resignations, and yet permitteth them in the mean while to resign without any fine paying. All Bailiffs & stuardes shall be resident at their offices upon pain of loss of the same, and if they can not so be, than they shall be bond to resign. All archbishops and Bishops shall likewise be resident in their diocese, and such as for age and other disposition of person can not preach the word of God, nor edify the people, and do other functio●…s appe●…taining too their charge and dignity, shall be bound to take a conductor to comfort them, and to employ themselves to the duty of their charge. To the which conductor they shall appoint an honest and reasonable pension according to the fruits and r●…uenue of their living. Also people and vicar's shall be resident at their benefices, or else shall be admonished to resign them to such as will be resident, and do their duty. archbishops and Bishops shall take information of them which hold abbeys, prioryes, and other benefices in their diocese, of what quality so ever they are, and how they do their duty in the administration of them, whereupon they shall make process by word unto the Governors, which shall send them to the King to provide therein as reason shall move him. They shall c●…pell the curates actually to abide at the places of their benefices, or else shall appoint other in their steads according to the disposition of the Canons.  
At Paris the iij. day of November. 1572. Signed, Charles.   

LETTERS OF M. DE GORDS THE KING'S Lieutenant in Dauphin, too certain of the Religion in his government, whereby he exhorteth them too come back again too the Religion of Rome, and how the King is determined too suffer none other.  
SIr I am sufficiently advertised of your behaviour, but you should remember what advertisements I have before sent you too return too the Catholic Religion of yourself, which is the best hold & stay that you can choose for your preservation and health, putting from you all those which persuade you to the contrary, who would abide to see any commotion or disorder rather than abate any point of their opinion. And by this means you shall make evident too the King, the will which you say you have to obey his Majesty, counseling you for as much as I desire your well doing, that this is the best for you to do, without looking for any more open commandment: otherwise assure yourself, there can but evil come of it, and that his Majesty would be obeyed. And thus I pray God to advise you and give you his holy grace.  
From Grenoble the sixt of December. 1572. Your entire good friend, Gordes.   

THE ANSWER OF THE GENTLEMEN, captains, burgesses, and other being in the town of Rochel, too the commandments that have been given them in the name of the King, to receive garrisons.  
WE the Gentlemen, captains, burgesses and other now being in this town of Rochel, do give answer too you Mounsier N▪ and to such commandments as you give us in the name of his Majesty, that we can not acknowledge that that which is signified unto us, and the Proclamation which you require that we should 'cause to be published, do proceed from his Majesty. And thereof we call to witness his Majesty himself, his letters of the. xxij. and. xxiv. of August, his own signet, and the publishing of the same letters, by the which his said Majesty layeth all the fault of all the trouble lately happened, and of the cruel slaughter done at Paris, upon those of the house of Guise, protesting that he had enough to do too keep himself safe within his Castle of Louvre with those of his Guard. And we shall never suffer ourselves to be persuaded that so foul an enterprise and so barbarous a slaughter hath at any time entered into the mind of his Majesty, much less that the same hath been done by his express commandment, as the paper importeth which you have exhibited unto us, nor that his majesty hath been so ill advised, as himself to cut of his own arms, or too d●…sile the sacred wedding of. Madame his own sister with the shedding of so much noble and innocent blood, and with the shame of so cruel a fact to distain the nation of France and the blood royal which hath heretofore ever among all nations born the name of frank and courteous: nor that he hath had mind to deliver matter to writers to set forth a tragical history, such as antiquity hath never herded speak of the like, and such as posterity can not report without horror. But that it was first laid at Rome, and afterward hatched at Paris, by the authors of all the troubles of France. And howsoever it be, we are ready too maintain that out of the mouth of his Majesty doth not proceed hot and cold, white and black, and that he doth not now say one thing and by and by an other, as he should do if the paper that you present unto us had passed from him, protesting that he will inviolably keep his Edict, and immediately breaking the same in declaring that he commanded those murders too be committed, having also made protestation before, that it is too his great grief, and done by the outrage and violence of those of Guise against whom he was not able to make speedy resistance in time as his Majesty desired. And in this quarrel, we the Gentlemen, captains, and other that make you this answer, are ready to try it by combat man to man, or otherwise, to maintain the honour of our King against all those that so p●…ophane holy things, and as much as in them lieth do by such words and titles vilainously defile the excellence of his Majesty and of the noble Princes of his blood. Which we may right well conjecture and estimate, by the slaughters that are yet in doing, as well in the town of Paris as else where, upon so many noblemen, gentlemen and other, men, women and children, and upon a great number of young scholars (the maintenance under God, of Realms and common weals in time to come) and by many other barbarous, unnatural and unmanly acts generally committed. We think therefore and judge that herein treason is enterprised against the person of his majesty and of my Lords his brethren, and that the Guisians mean to invade the Crown of the Realm as they have of long time practised: and how so ever it be, we say that his Majesty is forced by the power that they have taken upon them and usurped by mean of the rebellious stir of the commons of Paris. As for that which they say that the Admiral and those of the Religion had conspired against the King's Majesty and his brethren, these be allegations of as great truth and of as good likelihood, as their manner of proceeding in justice hath been orderly, beginning at execution before examination of the fact. But it is now no need to tarry for time too discover it, for the matter is plain to be seen with eye and groped with hand, and all those of the romish Religion that have remaining any drop of nature of man, do confess it and hold down their heads for shame, cursing both with heart and mouth the cruel executors of this abominable enterprise, and the wicked disturbers of common quiet, which can yet no more suffer, than they hitherto have done, that this poor Realm should long enjoy the benefit of that peace, which the King alone next under God had wisely caused to be made and to be accordingly observed, whereof this Realm began to feel the good taste, to the great contentment of all people, except the enemies of peace and of this Realm, namely the Guisians. Finally, when his Majesty being out of their hands and power shall declare what is his pleasure, we will endeavour us to obey him in all things, wherein our consciences, which are dedicated to God alone, shall not be wounded, in which case we will rather forsake the earth than heaven, and our frail and transitory houses rather than the heavenly mansions. But hitherto, the law of nature, and the duty that we own to our natural Prince, to the preservation of his Crown, and to the safety of our lives, our wives and children, doth command us to stand upon our guard, and not to put us in the mercy of those that have received the same bloody commission from the Guisians under the pretended name of the King, to use us in the same manner as they have wickedly, tr●…itorously and unnaturally done to those about his Majesty, and as it were under his wings and under the skirts of his rob, which the traitor's strangers have stained with the true French blood, without that his Majesty hath been able to remedy it, nor too stay their cursed at●…emptes: so much less is he able now so far off to defend us as he would, which his majesties good will being known unto us, doth arm us for our defence, and for the safeguard of our lives, and of the privileges which he hath given us, until such time as he shall be able by himself to defend us against his enemies and ours.   
FINIS.