The fourth part of Commentaries of the Civil wars in France, and of the low country of Flaunders: Translated out of Latin into English, by Thomas Tymme Minister. Seen and allowed. ¶ Imprinted at London by Henry Binneman, for Humphrey Toy. Anno. 1576. blazon or coat of arms of Ambrose Dudley, Earl of Warwick HONI · SOIT · QVI MAL · · Y · PENSE · OMNIA TEMPUS HABENT ¶ To the right honourable Lord Ambrose Dudley, Earl of Warwick, Baron of Lisle, of the most honourable order of the Garter Knight, General of the Queen's majesties Ordinance, within her highness realms and dominions. IT is commonly seen (right honourable) that all men occupy themselves most in the reading of those matters, wherein they have delight, either for that they are naturally disposed thereunto, or else well experienced in the same. The which consideration being joined with the Argument of this my book, I could not devise with myself a more fit patron, to whom I might dedicated the same, than to your honour. For such noble courage hath nature wrought in you, found out by effect in martial affairs, as I persuade myself you will delight and recreate yourself much, with the reading of the valiant acts, done by divers courageous persons, in these last civil wars of France. Accept therefore (right honourable) my choice, and pardon my boldness, which good will hath caused me to show, presuming upon your honourable courtesy, by which I am drawn, as by the loadstone, to offer this simple present to your honour's hands: I wish the same might in any part be answerable to your worthiness. Wherefore not to stay your honour with longer speech, I take my leave, recommending my poor pains to your honour's protection. Your honours most humble Thomas Tymme. ¶ The Translator to the Reader. THe increasing of new troubles and wars in France, hath also increased the matter, and given larger occasion of the publishing of this fourth part of Commentaries, the which containeth (as the other three parts do) three books: the first of the three in the Latin Copy reckoned the tenth. But because we have to our third part already a tenth Book annexed containing the sum of those things which are written in the first Book of this fourth volume. I have thought good not to translate the same in order as it lieth, but only to glean out those principal matters which are different from the other: for that it is superfluous in one work to print one and the self same thing twice. This fourth part comprehendeth the acts and gests of the civil wars, from the time of the last peace concluded in Anno 1571. unto the death of King Charles the ninth, who died in Anno. 1574. In the which there is set before thee (right Christian Reader) a large discourse, not only of the affairs of France, but also of the low country of Flaunders, as time and occasion offereth the same. Accept my good will bestowed in translating this part to benefit the English reader. THE TABLE. ADmiral misliketh the wickedness of his soldiers. Pa. 5. Affairs of the Prince of Orange in the low country. Pa. 38. Articles of composition. Pa. 116. assault divers times given. Pa. 50. 51. assault made by them of Rochel. Pa. 44. Answer of the Gentlemen of Rochel to the King. Pa. 9 Answer of them of Nismes. Pa. 24. B. Backsliders from the kings power Pa. 44 C. Cities held by them of the Religion. Pa. 3. Cities in Languedoc taken by policy. Pa. 58. Commandment to besiege Rochel. Pa. 42. Constancy in the Religious to defend themselves. Pa. 4. Cruelty somewhat mitigated. Pa. 3. Cruelty showed at Harlem. Pa. 59 D. Dauphin possessed by the king's garrison. Pa. 27. Deanuil cometh into Languedoc with an army. Pa. 34. Deanuil traveleth in vain in Languedoc. Pa. 35. Deanuil abstaineth from war. Pa. 58 Description of Rochel. Pa. 43. 45. Discipation of them of the Religion. Pa. ●. divers cities in Languedoc taken by policy. Pa. 58. Duke of Anjou subtly persuadeth to peace. Pa. 44. Duke of Anjou received with triumph to the siege of Rochel. Pa. 47 Duke of Anjou chosen King of Polonia. Pa. 86. Duke of Anjou in peril of his life. Pa. 87. Duke de Aumal slain. Pa. 52. E. Earthquake. Pa. 72 Edict proclaimed to call home again all fugitives. Pa. 28. Edict of peace published. Pa. 89. Extremities in the kings camp. Pa. 74. F. Falsehood in the Catholics. Pa. 23. Famine in Harlem. Pa. 68 Famine in Sanserre. Pa. 100 Fast solemnly proclaimed in Rochel. Pa. 8. Fear upon all countries after the murder. Pa. 1. Fish by God's providence never seen before, came into Rochel in the siege. Pa. 85. G. Gadagne parleyeth with them of Rochel. Pa. 48. H. Harlem defieth the D. of Alba. Pa. 40. Harlem besieged. Pa. 40. Harlem victualed by the Prince of Orange. Pa. 67. Harlem yielded to the Duke of Alba. Pa. 69. Harlem put to the sword. Pa. 69. I Eruptions made by them of Rochel. Pa. 2. K. King persecuted them of the Religion in Switzerlande. Pa. 29. L. Letters sent to them of Rochel. Pa. 15. Letters hortatory from the Duke of Anjou, to peace. Pa. 45. Letters concerning peace. Pa. 48. Letters of Mongomerie to them of Rochel. Pa. 85. Liefetenantships appointed in Languedoc. Pa. 119. M. Messengers of Sanser revolted. Pa. 36. Meelnine yielded to the Duke of Alba. Pa. 39 Milles overthrown by the Catholics. Pa. 34. Mombrune a valiant man of Dauphin. Pa. 27. Mombrune armeth himself in Dauphin. Pa. 60. mongomerie's Navy within the sight of Rochel. Pa. 78. 80. Mongomerie landeth at Belile. Pa. 81 Mons. Cousin slain. Pa. 82. Mons. Sanroman general of the Religious. Pa. 59 Mons. Candale slain. Pa. 53. 54. Mons. Lafoy No hardly escapeth death. Pa. 49. 50. Mons. Grandrise shirmisheth with the King's camp. Pa. 48. Mons. Lafoy No general of Rochel. Pa. 43. Mons. La No cometh to Rochel. Pa. 31. Mons. Byron put into the bloody book. Pa. 13. monstruous calf. Pa. 42. Mountauban defieth the king. Pa. 18. Mounts receiveth succours. Pa. 38 Murder at Bordeaux. Pa. 17. N. Narden in Calamity. Pa. 40. Negligence in them of Sanser. Pa. 62. Nismes refuseth to receive the king's garrison. Pa. 19 Noble men within Rochel are assayed to be brought to defection. Pa. 33. O. Occasion of peace with Rochel. Pa. 86 Open war proclaimed against Rochel. Pa. 86. P. Peace concluded between the king and them of Rochel. Pa. 88 Pibrach inveigheth against those of the Religion. Pa. 4. Preparation of war against Languedoc. Pa. 25. Provision of war. Pa. 2. Policy practised to take Rochel. Pa. 7. Q. Queen of England Godmother to the French king's daughter. Pa. 30 R. Rochel assaulted by policy. Pa. 7. Rochel refuseth to receive mons. Byron. Pa. 14. Rochel prepareth for defence. Pa. 17 Rochel put to proscription by the King. Pa. 30. Rochel besieged. Pa. 32. Rochel battered & assaulted. Pa. 70. 71. S. Sanserre refuseth to receive the king's garrison. Pa. 26. Sanserre besieged. Pa. 63. Sanserre valiantly defendeth itself. Pa. 63. Sanser oppressed with famine. Pa. 100 Sign in the air. Pa. 76. Security in de Gordes. Pa. 61. Solenn fast proclaimed in Ro. Pa. 8. Sommiron besieged. Pa. 35. 53. Sommiron yielded up. Pa. 54. Scaling ladders overthrown. Pa. 76 Smoke made in Rochel. Pa. 76. Star never seen before. Pa. 42. Succours sent by the Prince of Orange intercepted by the Duke of Alba. Pa. 42. Switzerland disqueted with the troubles of France. Pa. 1. T. Treason practised against. Rochel. Pa. 43. Truce taken for a parley. Pa. 52. Truce broken. Pa. 87. V Villeneuf taken by treason. Pa. 21. Villeneuf taken by them of the Religion. Pa. 55. Victory gotten by women. Pa. 77. W. War provided for. Pa. 2. War most miraculous. Pa. 6. War openly proclaimed against Rochel. Pa. 17. War prepared against Langu. Pa. 25 Fault escaped in Printing. Page. 3. line last save three, Read the deep judgement of God. And in the same line, for begin, read began. ¶ Additions to the tenth Book of Commentaries, necessary to be considered in the reading of the Tragical murder committed at Paris and in other places of France. THE King's Edict being proclaimed (as we have said in the ninth Book of Commentaries) the foreign soldiers were dismissed, Anno. M.D.LXX & specially they of Germany. Then every one with speed went home to their houses which they had not seen before by the space of three years: and, as after a great tempest, all men desired a quiet and peaceable time: as well the Catholics as they of the Religion, who also themselves felt the sore harms of wars. They of the Religion yielded up all their cities almost, except those which the King had granted unto them by his Edict, as Rochel, La charity, and Sanserre. The garrisons which came in the King's name were received into the surrendered cities, who then more quietly behaved themselves than they were wont afore time upon the conclusion of peace when war was ended. Thus by little and little men's minds were glad to be at rest, being wearied with the bloody and loathsome experience of long and tedious wars, wishing peace: in somuch that they of the Religion had forgotten the former injuries, the which was the harder to do, because of the falsehood and treason showed against them: yea, the Catholics seemed to love peace, and friendly to embrace them of the Religion. For it was reported, that the kings will and mind was, to have the peace firmly established. Therefore all men deemed that all things tended to peace by this happy beginning. The Queen of Navarre and other nobles come to Rochel. THE Queen of Navarre came to Rochel with the Prince her son, and with the rest of her family: the Prince of Conde also and the Admiral, and the rest of the peers which professed the Religion, came thither that they might there, the more safely attend the proceedings of the late concluded peace. But within few months, every one privily got him home to his own house, being weighed of so long delay. The marriage between the King and the emperors daughter. THE King took the daughter of the Emperor Maximilian to wife: the which all men said was a great occasion to further the peace. The marriage was celebrated with great royalty, and the new Queen was received of the men on both parts with great joy, as the happy beginning of firm and constant peace: and fame opposed her gentle nature and disposition, against the troublesome and churlish inclination of the Queen mother: & men were in great doubt it would come to pass that the king for the favour and liking that he had of his new wife, whom he was said to love entirely, would grow in dislike of the Queen mother, whose nature he could not brook long before, saying that he neither would nor could bear any longer her imperious ambition. The common custom of human affairs brought a special credit to this report, that the new Mistress and Lady should put the old dame quite out of favour. Hereunto were added the forces of domestical reasons. The King had two brethren, the Duke of Anjou, of whom we have spoken often times before: & the Duke of Engolesme. The Duke of Anjou, was more in favour with his mother, and had gotten to himself a name, and singular credit among the nobles, both by his service in the wars, and also by his happy success in the same: beside also the honour which the Catholics gave unto him, who had him in more estimation almost than the King himself: in somuch that he received a yearly revenue of two hundred thousand Frankes of the Clergy, upon condition to be the patron and defender of the Church. The Duke of Anjou being thus plentifully maintained, the King his brother (as it is credibly reported) had him in suspicion: Hartburning between the King and the Duke of Anjou. and that it appeared manifestly by evident speeches and deeds that the King bore privy grudge against his brother. Also that the King said, that he would not be wearied with new troubles of wars: and that of late they of the Religion had been falsely accused unto him. On the contrary part, the Duke of Anjou showed himself an enemy to those of the Religion: boasted of his victories over them: did hurt them by all means that he could: favoured those whom the King hated, and hated those whom the King loved. Thus it evidently appeared, that there was enmity between those two brethren, in somuch that it seemed necessary for the King, to defend himself against his brother's power, lest be should begin any new trouble, and to diminish the authority of his mother which had continued over long, thereby to win to himself the hearts of those of the Religion: for that it was more for his safety to trust unto the aid and strength of them of the Religion, than to the Catholics. These kinds of reasons stuck in the minds of wise men, moving them to think that the King would incline to peace, and also seek to win unto him those of the Religion. But the quite contrary was provided for, by so great subtlety and craft of the Queen mother, who being the chief workmistresse of these deceits, made the King the chief minister and instrument of them. The King travailed to bring this one thing especially to pass, that he might thoroughly persuade and certify the Queen of Navarre, & the Admiral (by whose counsels all the affairs of those of the Religion were ordered) of his assured good will, both to observe & keep the peace, and also to defend them, that so they might trust unto him. The subtle means & practices which he used to bring this thing to pass, we have showed in the ten book. Only we are here to note the deep judgement, which now begin to provide great & sharp punishments. It is wondered that after so many experiments of treason, that the Admiral being of a pregnant wit, & having experience of great matters, could not beware of the subtle deceits of a and a young man: when as he himself often times said, that he suspected the crafty wit of the Queen. About this time letters came from the Princes of Germany (as we have said in the tenth Book) to show their glad minds for the peace concluded to whom the King wrote again of his willingness to establish the same. NEVERTHELESS the Catholics could not temper and stay themselves in certain places. At Orange there was committed a great slaughter, Murder committed at Orange upon those of the Religion. notwithstanding that the King had made warrantise of the contrary to the Prince of Orange. For all they of the Religion which were fled away in time of the former war, were returned thither again upon trust and warrant of the King's Edict: upon whom, they mistrusting no such thing, the soldiers being let into the town, fell with violence, the townsmen which were Catholics, setting them a work, and assisting them, so that they slew without all pity or mercy a great number of men, women and children. Notwithstanding, the kings garrison, which as yet remained in the Castle, was a safeguard for many, the which if it had not suppressed the rage of the people, a greater number of the Religious had been slain. Notwithstanding the Prince of Orange urged the King, to yield unto him Orange and the rest of the dominion, which he did at the last: mons. Berchon a wise man, being sent for the same purpose, who received in the Prince's name, both the Castle and the Town, and the whole County. After the which, commandment was given in the Prince's name, that the men of both parts should live ever afterwards peaceably, according to the tenor of the Edict, and that the use of both Religions should be free. Those which were guilty of the murder committed, at the first stale away for fear of punishment, notwithstanding being at the last persuaded both with the words and sufferance of mons. Berchon, they returned into the City again. For mons. Berchon wonderfully dissembled the love which he bore unto the Religion, in somuch that he would not come to the sermons of the same, as though he favoured the Catholics. Thus the authors of the murder being alured to Orange again, were at the last apprehended, and put to death. About the same time also certain of the reformed Church of Rhone were put to death by the common people: Murder at Roan. and in divers other places also murders were committed against the Edict. Hereupon the Queen of Navarre, the Princes, and other of the Peers, sent Briquemald, Teligni, Lafoy No, and Cavaigne, which were noble and wise men, to the King, to complain to his majesty of these violations of the Edict, and to require reformation of the same. The King very lovingly received them, declaring how great grief the hearing of these things was unto him: and taking great oaths, according to his custom, promised that he would so punish the breakers of his Edict, that they should be an example to all others. Therefore at the king's commandment certain of the chief of the Senate of Paris were sent out of hand to Rhone, to sit upon that murder, and to punish the offenders according to law. Marshall momorency also received charge concerning this matter. Notwithstanding the greatest part of those murderers fled away at the rumour hereof. Therefore many of their goods were confiscate: and three hundred of those which were absent were condemned to die: also certain of the rascal sort were hanged. After this certain men were put in commission, to see if there were any thing committed against the Edict in any part of the Realm: to hear also the complaints of the plaintiffs, and to satisfy them according to the form of the Edict. But these commissioners, even as they had done afore time, used only in stead of justice and equity, a counterfeit and outward show of law. IN a certain village of the territory of Valentz called Monboch, a certain young man of the Religion, of honest parentage, found by chance in a man's house vestments and Copes for Mass. These in jest and derision he put upon him, running up and down the streets, making a jest and scorn of Popish rites. He being accused for this to the Commissioners, was apprehended, and kept in close prison for certain days: and afterwards a great fine being set upon his father's head, he was adjudged to the Galley: the which punishment in France, belongeth unto vagabonds and thieves. THEY of the Religion had a great sum of money to pay for the wages of the Reisters, to whom a large sum was yet due: the sureties for the which were the Princes, the Admiral, County Rochfoucault, and certain of the principal nobles: some part the king had paid. For the payment of this sum, a great tribute was laid upon those of the religion, namely, that every one should pay toward this sum, the fifth part of his revenues, until the same were fully paid and discharged. For the gathering whereof, there were certain Collectors appointed by the king's letters in every province, notwithstanding, with the appeal of the Queen of Navarre, and of the Princes. This burden, after so great spoil & waste made by wars, seemed too many to be very great, in so much, that it kept back a great many of those which had professed the reformed religion, from coming into the congregation. Notwithstanding the greater part of them of the religion, gladly paid that tribute, upon hope of peace, and for the desire they had to enjoy the religion. Besides this tribute, there were other subsidies also to be paid to the king, the greatness whereof, foreign nations would scarce believe. Subsidies and taxes. For there is no Christian nation under the sun, that beareth the burden of so many subsidies and taxes, as doth the realm of France, whereby incredible sums are gathered. Nevertheless, these subsidies were paid with great willingness of mind, that within few months great treasure came unto the king. Besides these charges, every Church was to maintain their ministers, and to provide for other necessities. Besides this, the places appointed for holy assemblies and preachings of the word, were very inconvenient. Therefore it is wonderful, that the Churches stood amidst so many stumbling blocks and inconveniences. Notwithstanding, great was the number of them of the Religion in every place, growing and increasing, notwithstanding these extremities. WE spoke before, The first motion of the marriage. concerning those whom the Queen of Navarre, and the Princes sent unto the king. They as we noted, obtained not only at the hands of the king, that the violating of the king's Edict should be reformed, but also such familiarity with the king, that in ample manner he did express his mind, not only concerning the establishing of peace, but also that he would for the more certain continuing of the same, give his sister Margaret in marriage to Prince Henry, son to the Queen of Navar. But this was the beginning of the lamentable tragedy of Bartholomew-tide. The report hereof was no doubt, very acceptable to the Queen of Navarre, and to her son: notwithstanding it is said, that the Admiral at the first had this motion in suspicion, who going with Theligni to the Queen of Navarre about this matter, the said Theligni showing the kings good will expressed at large, both towards the Queen of Navarre, and also toward the Admiral himself, is said to contend in word greatly against the same. Notwithstanding, letters being often sent concerning the daily speech of the king, the Admiral's mind began by little and little to be persuaded, and to judge very well of the king in all things, thinking that a young man which was of a mild nature and a lover of peace, could not dissemble: and although he feared the subtle and crafty wit of the Queen mother, nevertheless the matter was come to that point, that the king would not harken to her counsels, in despite of his brother the Duke of Anjou, whose power he had greatly in suspicion. It is said also that mons. momorency, who was cousin german to the Admiral, prevailed much in persuading the Admiral. And the king to serve his turn, made great account of Momorecie, committed unto him the charge of weighty affairs, & daily talked with him about secret matters of privy counsel: For there is an old and continual hatred (as we have oftentimes said) between the houses of momorency & of Guise: in somuch that momorency thought, that not only the Admiral's death but his also was sought: and that for this cause he was always suspected and out of favour with the Queen. THE Guises therefore seemed daily more and more to be out of favour with the King: contrariwise, he seemed to use the King familiarly: and protested his singular good will towards the Admiral: also he conferred with him about weighty affairs, for the exploiting whereof, he said he had need of the help and aid of the Admiral. The Queen also according to her manner protested, that she desired nothing more, than that all former matters being forgotten, an assured peace might be established. And the sum of all their communications and speeches was this, that the Queen of Navarre, the Princes, and the Admiral should come unto the King, and be thoroughly persuaded of his singular good will towards them. By which means it might come to pass, that a firm friendship might be made, their minds being reconciled by familiar speech. These things being daily brought both by letters of momorency, and also by speeches of messengers, the Queen of Navarre was not only thoroughly persuaded hereof, but also the mind of the Admiral fully vanquished and overcome. Anno. M.D.LXXI. IN this year there befell such a sharp cold winter, that the River of Rosne was frozen quite over all along the channel: and, which was never hard of before, County Volt a noble man, went over the river on foot with his whole family and others, commanding his Mules to go before him laden with carriage out of the country of Vivaretz into Dauphin. A great frost. IN Languedoc and in Provence most temperate Regions, the Olive trees, fig trees, Orange trees, and Pomegranate trees were almost dead with cold: Vines also starved in many places, to the great spoil of most fertile countries. Whereupon ensued a great dearth, which the godly interpreted as a forewarning of God's great judgements. IN the month of March of this present year there was holden a general Synod of the reformed Churches at Rochel, upon grant from the King's majesty by his letters. A Synod holden at Rochel. There came to this Synod godly and learned men from all parts of the Realm, as Antoni Chande a man of noble parentage, Nicolaus Gelazius, and many others. Thither came also Theodore Beza, upon request of the Princes letters to the Senate of Geneva, and was made chief in that Synod, being chosen according to manner & custom by voices. It pleased also the Queen of Navarre, the Princes, peers, & nobles of the Religion to be present in this assembly. In this Synod were specially handled the manner of reforming the Churches: the principal point of doctrine: Ecclesiastical discipline, a new manner whereof johannes Morelius went about to bring in a little before divers other things also were handled, concerning certain other new forms in the lords supper. ABOUT the same time the messengers of the Princes returned from the King, having large gifts given them, and bringing with them joyful tidings, concerning the Kings assured good will towards the Queen of Navarre, toward the Princes, the Admiral and the other noble men: concerning public peace and the expected matrimony: and concerning preparation to be sent at the kings commandment into the low country: which the messengers said they themselves should understand by the kings own mouth: willing them to go with all speed unto the king, which was the principal point of their embassage. hereupon the Queen of Navarre thought that she could not but go unto the King, fearing lest if she should deny the same, or should defer the time, the King would be displeased, seeing also M. Byron was come unto her straight after the return of the messengers with the same message from the king, to the end she might make the more speed. Notwithstanding the wiser sort suspected her going: to whom the marriage in persons of contrary religion seemed dangerous, and contrary to the express word of God. Nevertheless worldly reasons prevailed, that the lamentable tragedy might go forward, that is to say, that the just providence of god might find a way to bring great matters about, and to punish both their sins, he used both their sins after a certain wondered manner. Therefore the Queen of Navarre came to the Court with a great train, The Queen of Navarre cometh to the Court. which at that time was at Blay. For whose honourable entertainment, it can scarce be told what great preparation was made by the King, the Queens, the king's brethren, his sister, and by the whole Court: insomuch that every courtier went forth to meet her as to receive that which above all other things had a long time been desired. The King for his part showed all duties of humanity in welcoming the Queen of Navarre, that by any manner of means he might. THE chief and greatest business was about the marriage: the contract whereof could not be made without the presence of the Queen of Navar. The King & Queen by all means uttered their good wills: The mind of the Queen of Navarre was thoroughly persuaded of the same: they disagreed not about the dowry: For a large dowry meet for such a State was offered: and the Queen mother was very careful for the bestowing of her only daughter, she making a show as though she would spare nothing to further the same. Many things were handled concerning the contract of matrimony: concerning the ancient society and friendship between the house of Valois, of Borbon, and of Aubeter: and very notable things were at large spoken on both parts concerning the restoring of the kingdom into his former state by the mean of a firm peace. There remained two doubts, which seemed to trouble both parts, namely the respect of contrary religion: and the place where the marriage should be celebrated. For the Queen of Navarre would not have the same at Paris: which city she feared, both for that the same was addicted to the Romish Religion, and also an enemy to the house of Navar. The King said that he would not have the manner of royal marriages altered, which were wont to be celebrated there: and the rather because the same did greatly make for the assured sign of peace, when the same should be seen to be openly celebrated in the Metropolitan city of the realm, as it were in the face of the whole world. And now although both parts were persuaded, that this marriage might be made very profitably, yet notwithstanding there was great doubt concerning the manner of celebrating the marriage. The Queen of Navarre being zealously addicted to the reformed religion, would in no wise consent that the marriage should be celebrated after the Romish fashion: neither the Queen mother would condescend that they should be married after the order of the reformed Religion. Thus there was great dissension between the two women, whereas they were agreed of the principal matter. The King at the first entreated the Queen of Navarre to grant unto him and to his sister this liberty: for that it appertained to his dignity, that the form of the ancient Religion, which he had received from his ancestors might be used in the marriage of his sister. When the Queen of Navarre had constantly excused herself, and that the King perceived he prevailed nothing at all, it is reported, that using his accustomed oaths, he said that he would set his sister at liberty from the laws of Rome, and also from the rites of the Religion: and that he himself would celebrated the marriage, than the which there could not be a more pompous celebration. The which rumour was spread abroad among the Courtiers, and this new imagination pleased many very well: for whatsoever the King saith or doth, that doth the Frenchman like, insomuch that they frame both their speech and their apparel according to the King's guise. To remove this doubt respite was taken on either part. The King sent letters unto Pope Pius the fifth, to obtain licence for his Sister to marry with Henry Borbon his Coosyne, least the respect either of consanguinity or of Religion might hinder the marriage: Licence to marry sent for to Rome. for that it was for the wealth of the Realm: Furthermore that it would please his holiness to give them leave to use such rites in celebrating matrimony as might best serve their turn. The Pope altogether misliketh of the King's request, the which he often times denied to grant, affirming the same to be most unlawful. On the other part also the Queen of Navarre consulted with the ministers of the reformed Religion, what might be done in this matter. Of the which divers verdicts and judgements were given. Some urging the simplicity of the word of god, thought it wicked by any manner of means to contract such matrimony, the which was therefore much more dangerous in noble personages, because the affairs in hand did not belong to one house alone, but also almost to the whole Realm. The which speeches notwithstanding were not gracious and acceptable to the Queen of Navarre and to the rest of the nobles, persuading themselves that they should all generally receive great profit by that marriage. Therefore the matter was committed to a few, by whose determination the same was to be ended: and they concluded nothing but that which they knew would please the Queen of Navarre & the nobles. Then the matter being approved upon their sentence & determination, began to grow in greater liking, & to please more of the ministers, whose judgements were afterward required in public assemblies of the churches of France. Thus the worser counsel took place, and not only the Queen of Navarre, but also the greatest part of them of the religion, earnestly wished that marriage. All the controversy stood on this point, by what way most conveniently and with jest offence of either part the marriage might be solemnized. THE Admiral's wife being dead, he married another of the noble house of Royen, The Admiral marrieth his second wife. being daughter to the County of Entremont, and heir to great possessions. This stock belongeth to the County of Savoy: and this rich noble woman, was desired in marriage of many noble men and peers also of Savoy. Notwithstanding the Admiral prevailed both by the means of the King's letters to Philibert Duke of Savoy (whose authority was great in making that noble marriage) and also by his own fame and name of Religion, which was most acceptable to that heroical Lady: and so took her to his wife, which many gathered to be an argument of most firm peace. THE Admiral thought it necessary for the expedition of the affairs in the low country, to enter into league with Elizabeth the Queen's majesty of England. And good occasion (as he thought) was offered, for that her majesty is single, and the Duke of Anjou the King's brother wanted a wife. The Duke of Anjou thought himself worthy so great a marriage, both for that he was the kings brother, and also because he had won to himself great renown and praise, by his valiant acts in martial affairs. The charge to bring this matter to pass was committed to M. Momorencie, a wise man, and one of the chief nobles and governors of France. The end declared the causes of this league: both that by this practice the minds of the Admiral and of all the rest which aught necessarily to be blinded for the better finishing of the wicked fact, might be deceived: all the whole matter being cloaked with provident care for the dispatch into the low country: and also that momorency a man of sharp wit might not through his familiarity and conference with the King smell out the counsels of the tragedy which was in hand: and finally that England being bound by the name of this league, might not stir as offended at the wickedness of the fact, the which also came to pass. These were the reasons why the league was made with the Queen's majesty of England, as hath since appeared by the success itself. AUTUMN of this present year was very unseasonable, flowing with continual & vehement showers of rain. A great part of the houses and buildings of Feraria fell down, to the present ruin of the whole City. near unto Geneva at the straits of Ecluse, a great part of a hill was broken down with the fret and violence of the waters, and fell down into the River of Rosne, Floods of water. with the which the water was so stopped that it did overflow: and the said river was so checkte with the flood, that the stream having his contrary course backward, caused the wheels of those mills that stood upon the same to run amiss, and to turn the Millstones the wrong way: to the wonder of such as saw the same, the like whereof was never seen before. There was also so great an Earthquake in a certain village near unto Geneva, An earthquake that all the houses in the same were overthrown: and a certain piece of ground belonging to the fame, was removed out of his place, and houses that were strongly built, and trees also that were great and tall, were overthrown. Also the Suburbs of Lions called Aguilot, was almost quite overthrown with this violence of waters, and the greatest part also of the stonewoorke of the bridge upon the River of Rosne. An army was prepared to go to Bordeaux, and to the famous havens of Broages the charge whereof was committed to Mons. Strozzi, and to Baron d'Guarde. The rumour concerning the war to come increased more and more, even as fame is wont to prevent things to come. But it was given out that this war should be in the low country. Therefore the Spanish Ambassadors made often complaints unto the King, as though by his majesties commandment war should have been taken in hand against the King of Spain his sovereign. But the King excused himself with wonderful dissimulation, insomuch that they of the Religion by so doubtful an answer deemed that the kings mind was fully persuaded concerning the war of the low country. About the same time also Lodowic Nassau brother to the Prince of Orange, came to the Court accompanying the Queen of Navarre, and entered into league with the King in his brother's name, the same being subscribed and sealed. At such time as the Navy was preparing in the Ocean Sea, Anno. M.D. LXXII. appointed with six thousand footmen and a great number of pieces: there went a common jest abroad, that the Navy went into the Isle of Florida to fetch gold, but in very deed the simpler sort of the comen people said, that this preparation was not only by the King's sufferance, but also by his express commandment, for the low country. This preparation pleased the most part of the people very well: and all men of both parts, were ready to join together in the same war, with so good will, as if they had never felt the calamities of war. On the other part, a great number of Catholics and of those of the Religion, according as they were joined together by affinity and acquaintance, went to another war, namely into Italy against the Turk, against whom he seeking to win the Isle of Malta, they bended their whole force & power. Therefore men went thither with a great train of noble men of France, among which Marquis d'Menie brother to the Duke of Guise was one. Notwithstanding the greater part went to the war of the low country, Captains being sent into all parts of the Realm, to gather such Soldiers as would serve in that war of their own accord, and their wages was paid them out of the King's treasury. THE delay of this marriage seemed to be very long to all men, but especially to them which looked for & desired the same, the cause whereof was made the Pope's prohibition, notwithstanding the kings letters oftentimes sent for licence and his request to the Cardinal Alexandrin, for the same purpose. THE first day of May in this present year, Pope Pius the fifth died, the which offered hope to the King (as he said) to obtain of the new Pope licence to end the marriage. Yet notwithstanding the Queen of Navarre plainly showed herself not to regard any such licence, for the which cause were made so many delays: and she complained hereof oftentimes unto the King. SHORTLY after, the Pope's death being noised, the King commanded the Cardinal of Lorraine to go to Rome to be present (as it was reported) at the Pope's election. The King said that he had given him in charge to procure the Pope's dispensation, that once at the last that marriage might be finished. The Cardinal promising faithfully to accomplish the King's commandment concerning the Pope, altogether renouncing the Court, seemed in the judgement of the wiser sort, beside common reports, to provide for his own safety, lest he himself should be in danger in so great favour of them of the Religion, or in the proclaiming of a new war. All which things were so handled by the crafty dealing of the Queen mother, the King also framing both his countenance and also his speech accordingly, that even the most fine wits in the court, thought that there was nothing but truth meant. A Synod at Nismes. IN the month of May there was a Synod at a noble City in Languedoc called Nismes, of the reformed Churches. To this Synod, by the benefit of the kings letters, came the Ministers and chosen men of the reformed Churches from all parts of the Realm. The question was moved concerning ecclesiastical doctrine. At this Synod were present Theodore de Beza, Antonius Chandoeus, Nicolaus Gelazius, and divers other learned and famous men. Gelazius was chosen to be the moderator of this Synod. THERE was at this time a great famine in Languedoc and about the Sea coast, Famine in Languedoc. being of itself a very fruitful soil: and it continued so sore, that dead bodies starved with hunger lay in the streets. For this cause the Synod broke up their sitting at Nismes, and appointed a vacation, both for that victuals wanted to serve so great a multitude, and also to provide for the poorer sort, lest they should be at charge for law matters. THE peace which men now more largely enjoyed, had almost loosed the reins of all liberty, in so much, that he which now professed the Religion, seemed to differ nothing at all, neither in speech nor in manners from the Catholic. And now there began to be a great famine of the word of God: men's minds being annoyed with tedious curiosity, and in many also of lukewarm zeal, in such wise, that a great number of those of the Religion, could now scarcely abide to hear a Sermon of ordinary doctrine, as not eloquent and courtly enough. Thus by peace and ease, things commonly wax worse and worse. Is it then any marvel, if the Church be oftentimes afflicted and overwhelmed with troubles and calamities, when it abuseth peace, and the happy success of things? THERE is upon the sea coast of Flaunders a city called Vlishing, standing very conveniently for traffic and intercourse to Andwerpe. The townsmen of this city being weary of the cruelty of the Spaniards, slew the Lieutenant which was set by the Duke of Alba to keep the town, and certain of his garrizon, and took the city. And when the Duke of Alba sent a new supply to recover the town, they valiantly repulsed them, and set themselves at liberty. By their example many cities of the low country were encouraged: and the noble towns of Zealand and Holland, were said to favour the Prince of Aurenge, and to desire liberty. THE Queen of Navarre being poisoned to death with a pair of perfumed gloves (as is said in the tenth book) the King, Queen, and the whole court seemed to take her death very grievously. The King to put away all suspicion of poison, commanded that the dead body should be ripped up by physicians, and so the causes of her death found out. The physicians taking a view of the body, reported that she died of a pleurisy: the more secret cause, which was the poisoning of the brain, being not found, for that they did not search the head. Therefore to stop the rumour, her death was spread abroad in public writings and bills. Her body was carried to Vendosme, and there sumptuously buried, according to the manner of the religion. The King and Queen to declare their sorrow and grief, put on mourning weed, and commanded all the court to do the like. The Queen of Navarre being thus dead, the King so dealt with her son Henry, with the Admiral, and with the rest of the noble men of the religion that her death seemed to hasten forward the marriage. Therefore within few days, the mourning for the Queen of Navarre was laid aside in the court. The King practised another subtlety, to appoint the day of marriage, for the which, so many delays had been hitherto made. He said oftentimes to the Prince of Navarre and to the Admiral, that this time was differred by a certain superstitious care of his mother, of his sister, and of the Cardinal of Borbon, who minded to marry them, looking for the Pope's dispensation, by which they were to have leave to marry. He feigned therefore, that he had received letters from Rome from his Ambassador, by which he gave them to understand, that the cardinal of Lorhain by his diligence had obtained the Pope's dispensation, which he would sand with all speed possible: and that he had sent him word hereof out of hand, that the King might not think the same long a coming. Therefore the King showed these letters unto his mother, to his sister, and to the Cardinal of Borbon. The Queen rejoiced, and said that the same was sufficient, to end the matter (even as if she had not known that they were feigned letters, and that there was no impediment now, but that the marriage might be solemnized. Therefore it was agreed by consent on either part, that the marriage day should be the xviiij of August. THE town of Mounts was besieged by the duke of Alba, Lodowic Nassau was in the town, with a great number of the nobility of France. M. Genlis a noble man, came with 500 horsemen, and .4000. footmen, with the king's consent, to secure the besieged. But the duke of Alba, having privy intelligence from the king of the coming of M. Genlis (of the which he suspected nothing) encountered with him, and distressed very sore, many of his soldiers being slain, some wounded, and some taken prisoners. Also monsieur Genlis and Lafoy No, generals of that army, were taken prisoners. The rumour of this overthrow seemed to be very grievous unto the King, and to the whole Court. And by and by the King sent his letters unto mons. Monducet his Ambassador in the low country, which was with the Duke of Alba, to see that no injury nor harm were done to mons. Genlis, and to the rest which were taken in battle▪ Monducet did the king's embassage diligently to the Duke of Alba. The Admiral being certified of these commandments of the king, and also of the diligence of Monducet with the Duke of Alba, was wonderfully persuaded of the kings faithful meaning, to take war in hand: whom he heard oftentimes to say; that he would one day be revenged on the Duke of Alba, and on the Spaniards. In the mean time, the king gave commission to the Admiral to levy a new army, that with a fresh supply of soldiers, he might secure the besieged. The minds of them of the religion were greatly joyous, because of the marriage at hand. Notwithstanding, pitiful rumours went abroad daily: which they for the most part would in no wise believe, construing all things to the best. It is most certain that many wise men, An admonition to the Admiral. after the death of the Queen of Navarre, suspected that there was some fraud coloured under the pretence of matrimony, and that the same deceit was specially practised to ensnare the Admiral. And it is certainly true, that the Admiral was oftentimes admonished, both by words, and also by letters, not to adventure himself in so great an assembly, and that too within the walls of Paris, where the Guises were in great favour and estimation. And amongst other admonitions, one delivered unto him a book the sum & scope whereof was this. Remember that this is a decree of the Catholics confirmed by authority, That there is no faith to be kept with Heretics: by which name they of the religion are specially called. Remember that there is everlasting hatred, kindled against those of the religion, by the envy of the former wars: so that there is no doubt, but that the full purpose and intent of the Queen is, to destroy by all manner of means those of the Religion. That an italian woman, of the Pope's progeny, and of a subtle and crafty wit, can not but seek all extremities against her enemies, consider in what school the king hath been trained and brought up: that for this 12. years space, he hath learned of his schoolmasters, to swear, to blaspheme, to forswear, to join himself with whores and harlots, to dissemble his faith, his religion, and his thoughts, to change and frame his countenance, and to rejoice in blood: that he might suffer his subjects to be slain like beasts. Thou knowest that the King is persuaded in the doctrine of Machiavelli, how that he aught not to suffer in his realm any other religion than that, upon the which his state standeth: and that he hath often learned this, that it is not possible for his kingdom to be quiet, so long as there are two religions at once in the same. And it is certain, that hatred is planted in the king's mind being a young man, and he hath been often times persuaded by false arguments, that they of the religion have gone about to spoil him both of his kingdom, and also of his life. Thou art deceived, if that thou think that the king, or any other such prince as he is, will at any time suffer those subjects which shall by war rise against him, though upon never so just a cause to use and enjoy the benefit of his laws. But be thou rather persuaded of this, that this is naturally engraven in the minds of kings and princes to revenge that by force of arms, which is done against them by like force. And that a King and Princes will freely break those covenants, which they have made either for fear, or for necessity, so soon as those causes shall cease. And that they hold this for a law, That those conditions which the Prince hath made with the subjects, aught not to be kept, specially when he made them in war: the faith aught to be broken for the kingdoms sake: That they make no conscience to deceive the subjects, under the colour of a solemn oath. These are the subtle sleights of Princes: this is the discipline to preserve kingdoms. Antonius Commodus, at the last ceasing from his pleasures, spent that time in devising murders against the noble men of his Realm, and at the last determined to kill julian, whom, in the sight of men, he loved and reverenced as a father. Antonius Caracalla an enemy of Alexandria, because certain verses were song against him, commanded all the young men of the city to be gathered together, under the colour of a muster and to be slain, and that every soldier should kill his host where he lay. Thus the City being replenished with murders, he had no other excuse to cloak the same, but to writ unto the Senate, that they had every one deserved death, and that this answer aught to suffice them. Lysander the chief Captain of the Lacedæmonians, calling fourscore of the men of Miletus together, under the colour of society and friendship, commanded them to be slain. Servius Galba showed the like cruelty upon six thousand spaniards. Antonius Spinola calling unto him colourably the chief men of the Isle of Corsica to make them a banquet, commanded their heads to be chopped off. Charles the seventh King of France, after he had reconciled himself with the Duke of Burgundy, and confirmed the same with a matrimonial league, & had also solemnly sworn to forgive all things past, sent for him to the town of Monterell, under the colour of friendship, and there slew him. There are many other examples, from among the which I have taken these few, to the end thou mayest know that the King being a young man hath diligently learned that doctrine which is contained in the .18. chapter of that Book which concerneth the doctrine of a Prince set forth by Machiavelli. Even as it cannot be unknown unto thee, that the king the very same day that the Queen of Navarre came to the Court of Blaij. jestingly demanded of the Queen mother, adding thereunto▪ according to his manner, a blasphemous oath, if he had not behaved himself exceeding well. To the which the Queen answered again, that he had begun very well, but it would profit little except he went forward. But I will (saith he) adding his accustomed oaths, bring them every one into thy net. These are the King's words. Hereby it may be gathered, what the end of these familiarities and friendships will be, showed towards thee and to other noble men of the Religion. Look diligently to thyself: and be assured that there is no other remedy for thee to escape their snares, than to get thee away betimes from this Court, which is a most filthy, and unclean Sodom. THIS Book being read, the Admiral answered with angry mood the man, in whose name the same was offered, That these things served not the time, that they might have been spoken conveniently in time past: but now there was no cause remaining of suspicion: God had altered the King's mind: he would never believe that such falsehood could have place in his kings mind: nay he was persuaded that France had never a better King than Charles the ninth: and that although the Duke of Anjou were an enemy to the Religion, yet at the last he would forsake that hatred, for the reverence sake of that affinity which he should have with the King of Navar. That a league was made with England, into the which also he minded to enter with the Princes of Germany which professed the Religion, to show his affection toward the Religion, minding to have in his company one of the sons of the County Palatine, and some one of the noble men of England which was zealous in the Religion. That he had given his faith to the Prince of Orange and to his brother, to aid him against the spaniards, in somuch that he was the chief and efficient cause of the preparation of war into the iowe country. That in stead of the Army which was committed to the conduct of Mons. Genlis, a new supply was prepared: that the affairs of the low country were in good case. That the kings Ambassador did daily advertise him of the counsels of the Duke of Alba. That the same Navy, of which Mons. Strozzi and Baron de Guard have charge, is prepared for no other end than to remove the Spanish navy, and to go with speed to Vlishing to the Prince of Orange, that there may be open war in the low country. Finally, that the King did all things with great care, for the confirmation of peace, by the benefit whereof, there was no doubt but that the affairs of the Religion should have good success. Wherefore he prayed him and all others of the same opinion, that they would not trouble his mind with those suspicions, being occupied with better things: but rather that they would pray unto GOD, that he would bring that to good effect which was happily begun, to the peace and tranquillity of the Realm and his Church. ABOUT the same time almost, Mons. momorency was returned out of England, having entered into league in the King's name with the Queen's highness of England, concerning that marriage which was entreated in the name of Henry Duke of Anjou, it is unknown what hindered the same. It is said that her majesty utterly refused the match. But howsoever the case stood, I am persuaded that God of his singular goodness, provided for her Majesty and also for the Realm of England, from the which he hath turned away great calamity. THE Prince of Orange having gotten a great army, in the which were said to be twenty thousand footmen, & eight thousand horsemen, entered the low country. At whose coming the Cities in divers places were yielded unto him: in somuch that within a short time he had in his power four and forty Cities: & the greatest part of Zealand & Holland. Among these cities he had Mechline. In the mean time the Duke of Alba besieged Mounts, in the which was Lodowic brother to the Prince of Orange, with a great number of noble French men. Shortly after this was the cruel slaughter of the Admiral and other noble men and gentlemen, committed at Paris, and in other places of the Realm, which is at large set forth in the tenth Book of Commentaries already translated, and therefore here omitted. AFTER the murder, the king commanded the King of Navarre and the Prince of Conde to come before him. Who being in his presence, he sayeth unto them, That after so long time of wars, by which his kingdom hath been greatly endamaged, he hath found out at the length undoubted remedies to take away clean all the causes of war, and hath therefore commanded the Admiral to be slain, the wicked author of mischievous troubles, and that the same punishment was provided in the City for all lewd and naughty persons, infected with ungodly superstition. That he remembered what great harm he had received both of the King of Navarre, and also of the Prince of Conde, who were the Captains and ringleaders of desperate persons, and seditiously held war against him: to revenge so great injuries he had now cause and occasion offered him. Notwithstanding he said he would forgive matters past and done for their ages and consanguinities sake: deeming that they were not so much to be blamed as the Admiral and other most mischievous persons their counsellors, who either already had been punished for their deserts, or else were now under the same. These things therefore he said he would pardon, upon condition that they would ever after amend their former faults with more faithful obedience, and would return to the Religion of the Catholic faith, that having renounced the doctrine of profane superstition, which had already caused so great troubles and wars, they would wholly embrace the ancient Religion, and return to the lap of the Church of Rome. That he would ever after have but one only Religion embraced in his Realm, and the same which he had received from his ancestors. Therefore he willed them to consider whether they would obey in these things, or else suffer such punishment as their fellows had done. The King of Navarre being abashed with these sharp speeches, answered humbly unto the king, that he remembered his faith, and the consanguinity lately entered with his majesty: and that he would do those things which might please and content his mind: most heartily beseeching him to consider how great a thing a man's conscience is, and how hardly he could renounce that Religion, which he had learned, and in the which he had been trained up from a child. Notwithstanding he spoke these things with great submission & fear. The Prince of Conde perceiving the present peril, answered the King, but not without fear of mind, that his majesty had so solemnly given his faith to him and to the rest of the Religion, that he could not persuade himself, that he would break so faithful an oath, nor hearken to the counsels of his adversaries. And as touching that obedience which his majesty required of him, and which he had ever hitherto faithfully showed to the same, he minded never to forsake it during life. But as touching the Religion, he had free leave of the king to exercise the same, and from God the true knowledge thereof, to whom he knew he should give an account for the same. Adding that himself and all that he had was in the king's power. And he willed him to do what soever pleased him both with his life and also with his goods: yet nevertheless he was fully determined never to departed from that Religion, which he knew for certain to be true, though it were to the present peril of his life. The King was sore offended with this answer of the Prince of Conde: and calling him obstinate, seditious, and the son of a seditious person, telleth him that if he do not repent him within three days, he should suffer death for his perverse obstinacy. There were spared also certain of the household servants of the king of Navarre which were gentlemen, mons. Grammonts', Durase and certain others, which promised that they would do, whatsoever the king commanded them. These being never earnest lovers of the Religion were pardoned, that they might be instruments afterward to withstand the same. This garboil and bloody stir being thus made in the City and in the Castle, there were left as yet those which dwelled and abode in the suburbs, Mongomerie escapeth with others by flight. and some of the nobility, as M. Chartres, Mongomeri, Briquemauld, Bellovez, Fontene, and divers other noble men. Commandment was given by the king to the Provost of the merchants, to have a thousand armed men in a readiness to intercept those of the religion which were in the suburbs of Sangerman. And he had given the whole charge of this matter unto M. Marcell one of the chief Magistrates of the city. Notwithstanding the prepared soldiers came not at the hour appointed, through the negligence of the said magistrate. The king had appointed M. Mongeron chief overseer of the execution of his purpose. He looking for his soldiers, and seeking for the Duke of Guise, to complain to him of this matter, certain hours were spent. In the mean time, one of the Religion seeing the city all on a roar, running unto the river, got in convenient time a boat, and so cut over the river, and certified Mongomerie of the trouble in the city. This was about five of the clock. Mongomerie gave M. Chartres to understand hereof: and so by opening the matter from one to an other, it was generally known by and by to all that were in the village or suburbs. Notwithstanding it seemed almost incredible. The greatest part believed that the king was not privy to so great wickedness: so far they were from thinking that it should be done by his commandment: othersome being as yet persuaded of the kings good will, thought that the kings own person was assaulted by the Guyses, for the hatred that they bore to the Religion, which he seemed to favour. Therefore amidst this variety of opinions, they knew not themselves what way they were best to take. Some thought it best to go out of hand to the king to the Castle of Lower, lest they might be deceived of the kings will: other some said, that it was needful and necessary for them to go and aid the king: The third and wiser sort, nothing doubting but that this was done by the king's commandment, betook them to flight. But while they made delay, they might easily have been taken, had not an other impediment happened. The Duke of Guise seeing that he could not have a band of soldiers of the Parisians, they following the pray and spoil, devised a new way, which was, that he would go himself with certain soldiers to the suburbs of Sangerman, while the shot and spearmen of the king's guard gave an assault from the river upon the which stood the suburbs, over against the castle of Lower. But his purpose and devise took not effect. For when the Guise would have gone forth with his soldiers, he was constrained to stay, the porter of the gates having delivered the wrong keys, the other not to be found. Before therefore the keys could be brought, such delay was made, that M. Chartres, Mongomerie, and others escaped away, and yet not without further peril. For they saw on the other side of the shore bands of soldiers approaching to ship, and heard cries made from the Castle, that they fled: and saw also great store of shot discharged at them, both from the Castle, and also from the ships. Also it is said, that the king himself, stood upon the top of his tower, crying and swearing, and discharging shot. Then they which were in the suburbs, leaving all their goods, road away without boots and spurs, with as much speed as possible they could. They were scarce out of sight when the soldiers were landed on the other side, who broke into the houses, and took their prey. Nevertheless they which fled, were pursued by the Guise, by Duke d'Aumale, by the Earl of Engolesme, and others to Monfort, which is distant from Paris the space of eight leagues. Whereupon he returning belayed the country, that such as fled away might be taken. Thus certain of the noble men of the Religion were preserved. Also the Lord Assier, mons. Sanroman, Cugier, and divers other noble men and Gentlemen, were saved by the Guises' means: To this end and purpose, to say all the envy and blame upon the king and people, as though it had been his only purpose to revenge his own private spite upon the Admiral, and also that they whom he had saved in so great peril, might for ever by such a benefit be bound unto him: the which in deed came to pass. THE Monday following, which was the xxv day of August, the Sun shined very bright and clear. Whereupon the king looking out of his window of the Lower, cried with oaths that the fair day did rejoice for the slaughter of the Hugonots. Thus also said other of the court: And james Carpenter by a public bill called this bright day, the light of August. About noon in the Churchyard of Saint Innocent there, sprang up a bremble bush, which the Frenchmen call white thorn, contrary to the time and season of the year. Of the which when the people heard, they ran thither in great number, to see this strange miracle, the like whereof hath not been seen. Some say that this was made to grow by the practice of a certain Priest, which is not unlike. But the common people said, that God by a manifest sign did approve the murder lately committed: and that now both the Catholic faith, and also the kingdom of France had recovered their former glory, and should after this triumphantly flourish. Therefore the trumpets sounded in divers places of the city. Notwithstanding it is certain, that the like kind of whitethorn or hawthorn, sprang up about the same time in other places also: whether it were long of the temperateness of the season or not, I know not. Many seriously alluding to the names of the things, affirmed that the white thorn sprung up to the commendation of the Innocents, & not to approve the murders, because it flourished in that place which had to name S. Innocents. But if so we mark this miracle, what other thing doth the same signify unto us than this, That albeit the Church seemed by this deadly wound to be quite slain, yet notwithstanding it should come to pass, that it being revived by a certain singular & extraordinary power, should flourish, & should firmly stand amidst these overthrows. It is not far unlike the miracles showed to Moses in the bush, the which though it were set on fire, was not consumed. THE King and the Queen determined by their privy counsel, to have this murder proceed against other cities also thereby minding to destroy utterly them of the Religion, lest mons. momorency, by their help and aid, should take in hand any new enterprise. He at this time was gone apart to Insuladam, a town of his dominion. D'Anuil was at Paris, who with the rest of his brethren, had drunk of the same cup with the Admiral, if they might have been brought altogether within the compass of the same snare. But it seemed not a sure and safe way to kill one, and to leave the rest of the brethren alive no so great power, of the house and stock of momorency. The Thursday following, being the eight and twenty of August, the King commanded a jubilee, and a general procession about the city, in the which he in his own person, with the rest of the Court was present, to give God thanks openly as they said, because their enterprise had such desired success. The same day the King caused it to be openly published, that he was the author of that murder, forbidding the use of the reformed religion throughout his whole realm, until he had taken other order: notwithstanding, he said that he would not have these things so to be taken, as though his Edicts of pacification were broken. And this is the sum of the said late Edict. The King desiring that all his peers, noble men, gentlemen, and others, might understand the true cause why the Admiral and his adherents were slain of late in this city, because it may otherwise be reported than truth would, he certifieth all men generally, That what so ever was done herein, was done by his express commandment: and not for Religion's sake, or by any manner of means, to break his Edict of pacification, which he would have to stand in full force, and to be faithfully observed and kept, but that he might prevent the wicked conspiracy of the Admiral and his fellows, against his person, his royal dignity, his mother, his brethren, the King of Navarre, and against the Princes and other noble men which were in favour with the King. Therefore he giveth all men to understand, that he willeth and commandeth all those of the Religion, to live in security and peace at home with their families, under his protection and guard, as they had hitherto done. And he giveth strait charge and commandment to all governors of provinces and other officers, that no man do oppress them of the Religion, either in life or in goods, upon pain of death. Notwithstanding, his will and pleasure is, to take away those troubles and offences, which may grow by sermons and other exercises of the Religion, that none of the Religious, noble man or gentleman, of what state and condition so ever he be, shall have any private or public assemblies for no cause, until he hath otherwise provided: upon pain of loss both of life and also of goods. The which things, how well they do hung together, all men may see. The King saith here, that he would have the former Edicts of pacification stand in force: and yet nevertheless, forbiddeth holy sermons and other assemblies, upon pain of death. He affirmeth, that he would have all men to live in peace and security at home: and yet notwithstanding, he plainly testifieth himself to be the author of murders. And as touching the conspiracy made by the Admiral, and the rest which were at Paris, they themselves, which take part with the Catholics, do scorn it as a forged lie. GREAT murders were committed at Lions, and in divers other cities: so that within one months space, there were at the lest three thousand men slain: But of all the rest, the wicked and cruel murder, committed in the city of Paris, in the king's presence, exceeded and far passed the rest. AND all governors of provinces obeyed not those bloody commandments, given by the king. The County d'Tende, answered the king's commandment, and his letters sealed with his privy seal, saying: That he did not think this to be the king's deed, but the deed of such as forged and pretended his name, for that a few days before, he had received quite contrary commandments by the king's letters. And he affirmed that he would obey those first letters, as meet and worthy to proceed from a king, & would fulfil the same as the king's undoubted commandment. As for the other commandment (saith he) it seemeth so cruel and barbarous, that he would not obey the king if he were present to command the same. Notwithstanding, this County d'Tende, fought stoutly in the former war, against those of the Religion. He which brought these letters and this bloody commandment to County d'Tende, was called mons. d'Mole, a gentleman borne in Arles, who within one year after, was beheaded at Paris by the king's commandment. County d'Tende, within few days after being at Avignon, was by some of the kings appointment poisoned to death, County de Retz being appointed to succeed him. Mons. Santheran governor of Awergne answered to the same commandment, that he would not obey contrary commandments, being coloured and cloaked under the king's name: affirming therefore, that he would satisfy the first of the two, for that it agreed with the kings dignity, & with his Edicts, & that he was no hangman, but the kings lieutenant, to govern the kings subjects with equity & peace. The ninth day of September, the king being troubled with a sudden fear, commanded his armour to be brought, and the captains of his guard to come unto him: he sweareth that he hath determined to destroy those that remained of them of the religion: willing them to go every man to his charge, for he would first begin with the prince of Conde. Then the Queen his wife entreated him, that he would not rashly take in hand a matter of so great weight. The king being persuaded by the earnest beseeching of his wife, laid aside his armour, and dispatched his guard. The day following he called before him the Prince of Conde, and offered unto him three things, of the which he willed him to choose one: that is to say, Mass Death, or perpetual imprisonment. To this choice the Prince of Conde answered, that by the aid and assistance of God, he would never choose the first: and that he left the other two to the Kings will and pleasure. But at the last he was by the means of one Rozarius, a Minister sometime of the reformed Church of Orleans, drawn to that abjuration, the copy whereof is set down in the tenth book of Commentaries. By the subtle persuasions I say of this man, he did fall away from the truth, and openly renounced the Religion, and went to the Mass, and to other rites of the romish Church. Thus by the example of the Prince of Conde, and the king of Navarre, many which were accounted of the Religion, fell from the same. And the King of Navarre and the Prince of Conde, solemnly set forth their defection, by the King's commandment. For when they had renounced the Religion at Paris, they sent letters unto the Pope, in the which they declare, that to their great sorrow and grief, they have been drawn away from the fellowship of the Church by that false doctrine, even from their childhood, the blame whereof they laid not upon their parents, but upon those wicked men which had seduced them. Notwithstanding, they said it was come to pass in good time through the goodness of God, that they should acknowledge their error, and seriously detest the same in mind. Therefore they humbly beseeched the Pope, as a father to forgive them their former offences, and to receive them again into the bosom of the Church, and they would show ever after all such obedience, as become reverent children to show: and that it would please him to certify them by his letters, whereby their consciences might be assured of pardon granted. Therefore the Pope sent his pardon to the Prince of Conde, and to the King of Navarre, that they might not only fight under his banner, but also might be at continual war with the reformed religion: such was the calamity of those times. After this, the King of Navarre made an edict concerning them of Bearne, concerning the abolishing of the reformed Religion. By the commandment of the Queen of Navarre his mother, when she was alive, the states of Bearne assembled themselves together to take order concerning religion, and by the free consent of the states, the Mass was abrogated throughout all the dominion of Bearne. Thither the king of Navarre sent Mons. Grammont with authority to prefer the Edict, by which he forbade all that were within his dominion to use the reformed religion: notwithstanding he gave leave unto them of the Religion to cell away their land, and to provide for themselves in the space of one year, and then to go whither soever they would. THE Pope hearing of these murders, went himself with his whole College of Cardinals, first of all to the Church of S. Mark, and gave very large thanks unto God. Then the next day after, he celebrated a solemn Mass, and commanded a jubilee. Thanks were given to God for the destruction of the enemies of the truth, and of the Church in the realm of France: for the victory gotten against the Turks: and also prayer was made for the kingdom of Polonia, that the king might prove such a one as would seriously defend and maintain the Catholic religion of Rome. In the Evening there was a triumphant peal of Guns in the Castle of Santangell, and the French men which were in the City made diverse joyful banquets in many places of the same: as though now after so long contentions, a full conquest were made, and the everlasting peace and tranquillity of the Church of Rome gotten. The French men had also a general procession about the City: in the which the Pope was present with his whole College of Cardinals, and a great number of dishes according to the custom were carried in the same. A Cardinal also sang Mass in the Church of S. Lodowic, where were a great multitude of people assembled together. THERE were also about this time diverse things written both in French and in Latin, to commend the handling of that murder. Antonius Muretus made an oration at Rome in commendation of the king, and when he had done, caused the same to be published, commending the king for his haughty and constant mind, and also for his excellent wisdom, Pibrachus set forth an Epistle, in the which he maketh a very subtle discourse of all this history, to make the Admiral guilty of treason, and the cause of the Religious hateful. Notwithstanding he pretended the love of religion, the which in time past he both knew and had professed, and had afterward abjured the same. There was also an other Epistle spread abroad of Peter Carpenter of Tholose a lawyer, who being a counterfeit professor of the religion, spoke evil of the Admiral, & of the whole cause: The which Epistle was answered by one Franciscus Portus, a godly man, and expert in the Greek tongue. Therefore amidst the tragical mournings of them of the Religion, these were the triumphs of the Catholics. THE king also celebrated the order of S. Michael, which was a feast dedicated to those noble men which were of the order, who bore about them the order of S. Michael fight with the devil. At this feast were many noble men: and among the rest, the king of Navarre, and the Prince of Conde. THE xxvij. day of October, the Senate of Paris pronounced a sore sentence against the Admiral being dead, and against his memory and children. He was condemned as one guilty of treason: as an enemy to peace, and a common troubler of the state: as the author of a conspiracy against the king, and against the state. His memory was condemned to everlasting ignominy. And to the end there might remain some monument of those faults, it was decreed that his body if it could be found, should be drawn through every street of the city, after it had stood in the Market place four and twenty hours, and if the same could not be found, than his Image should be made stuffed with straw, and so be drawn in stead of the same as aforesaid, and so to the place of execution called the Forks of Montfalcon. It was also decreed that his Arms, Crest, and Shield, should be drawn in like manner to the forenamed named place: And that in what places soever they were found, they should be broken down by the hangman as a token of his everlasting ignominy. Also that all his goods that either he or his ancestors had received by the benefit and liberality of kings, whether they were movable or immovable, should come unto the crown. His children were pronounced unnoble and base, and unworthy to have any public office, or to enjoy their goods, which if they had any within the Realm, they were confiscate to the king. His chief house Chastillon, was beaten down to the ground, that never any thing might be builded there again: The trees of the Orchard were cut down, and the Gardens about the said house turned upside-down: and it was decreed that a brazen pillar should be erected where the house did stand, with this decree of the Senate in the same. It was also decreed that the xxiv, of August every year, there should be a general procession about the City, to give thanks unto God, and to celebrated the memory of that day, in the which that cruel murder was committed. AMIDST these troubles, many of the Religion which sought to provide for the safeguard of their conscience and life, fled into foreign nations. Some into England, Germany, Strausburge, and Heidelberge: also othersominto Switzerland, to Basile, and to the towns of Berne, to Lausanna, and to other Cities: and the greatest part to Geneva. Also Rochel, Mountauban, Nismes, and certain Cities in the Country of Vivaretz, and Sevenatz, were left as places of refuge, as we will declare hereafter. The two sons of the Admiral by the singular providence of God escaped imminent destruction, and the County Laual the son of D'andelot, with the daughter of the Admiral which was Thelignies widow, came to Geneva, after that to Berne, and tarrying certain months at Basil, they returned to Berne again, being very lovingly entertained of the people. ¶ The eleventh Book of Commentaries, concerning the temporal and Ecclesiastical state of the Realm of France in the reign of Charles the ninth. Whilst the whole Realm of France was wonderfully distracted and confounded, Anno domini. 1572. by that horrible and butcherly murder committed, and amidst the violence of contrary motions, when as some triumphed as conquerors, and other some being overcome, were overwhelmed with sorrow and grief, all men for the most part, whether they were Catholics, or of the Religion, were sore afeard and astonied. Yea the fyerbrandes of furies did burn even in the very triumph of victory the authors and chief instruments themselves of that detestable slaughter: A general fear ensued that horrible murder. in somuch that they being as it were out of their wits at these first beginnings, pretermitted many occasions, by which they might have brought their purpose about conveniently. Notwithstanding the outrage to bring their cruel purpose to pass pricked them forward, that the Religion might be utterly destroyed and extinguished in the kingdom of France. But their devilish counsels had quite contrary success afterwards: divers practices also were used on both sides, as we will declare hereafter in order. Furthermore, the horror and fear of that garboil was spread to all those countries bordering upon France. Switzerland and Germany disquieted with the troubles of France. Strasburge very carefully held watch and ward. In Switzerlande the Cities of contrary Religion, showed themselves plainly to stand in fear one of another: and there were in divers parts musters made, and rumours spread abroad for truth, That if the King made a perfect conquest of his subjects, he would sow civil discords in Switzerlande: that a nation not only excelling heretofore in civil concord, but also having gotten great authority and credit with the kingdoms, bordering thereupon, and selling their friendship for great stipends and sums of money, should contend and be at wars in itself. They of Bern seemed most of all to be assaulted, whose power is great among the Swissers, by reason of the ampleness of their populous dominion. The cause of discord was, for that the Cities in Switzerland, which were named to be of the Religion, seemed not to condescend and agreed to give unto the king a band of Catholics, to aid him to raze and root out for ever the remnant that remained of them of the Religion, because they did much abhor that butcherly murder of France: for that seemed both to be against the Religion, which they professed, and also to tend to their own private peril: as, when that the King had destroyed his own subjects he might 'cause troubles and tumult in Switzerland, by the means of the towns in the which the Catholics inhabited: who were very desirous to receive the King's pay: notwithstanding what happened afterward we will declare anon. Provision for war. BY THE King's commandment horsemen were dispatched and sent into all parts of the Realm: and every man received charge, to watch and ward diligently. Also the Governors of every province had commandment not to be absent from their charge at any time without the King's assured commandment, to look diligently that there arose no tumultuous trouble, and with all care and industry to seek and sift out narrowly all conventicles and assemblies of such as professed the Religion, and severely to punish them. The great dissipation of them of the Religion. IN all parts of the Realm, and in every City of the same, they were apprehended which kept their houses upon trust and assurance of the King's Edict. Many were slain and put to death, and all men had their goods put to spoil by the King's officers, even as if they had been enemies lawfully vanquished. Notwithstanding, many escaped and fled into foreign nations. There was scarce one man found which professed himself to be of the Religion: all were either in exile, or hidden in corners, or else (saving a few) constrained to forsake the Religion, and to live more catholykely than the Catholykes themselves. THEY of the Religion being after this manner vanquished, there seemed nothing to remain but their utter destruction. Cruelty somewhat mitigated. Whereupon the King's officers were not so forward in their affairs as else they would have been, thinking that they did but loose their labour in a matter most easy to be finished. Notwithstanding an army was prepared, and the King by his letters instantly required Monsieur Beleur (which was his Lidgar in Switzerlande for the same purpose) to send with all speed a band of Swissers. FOR there remained as yet certain cities, which were held and guarded by those that were left of the Religion, as Rochel, Sanxer, and in Languedoc, Montauban, Castres', Nismes, Those Cities which were held by them of the Religion. Milliaud, Aubenac, Privac, Mirebel, Ganges, Anduz, and certain other towns of no fame, in the territory of Vivaueretz, and Sevenats. Notwithstanding it seemed to many, yea and to the most part of such as professed the Religion, great folly joined with madness, after so great a slaughter almost of all that professed the Religion, the kings power being nothing diminished, & having the whole kingdom ready at his commandment, for them to enterprise & presume to defend themselves against the army of so mighty a king, after so great consternation & fear, The purpose of the Religious condemned of many. when as not only none of the Princes, but also not one noble man almost was left in France, which durst so much as profess the love he bore to the Religion. There were also, and that not a few, which said that it was great wickedness & unlawful for subjects, having no authority from princes or chief magistrates, to bear armour against their king though he were wicked, that by the effect and success itself it had appeared, that the forcible resistance of them of the Religion hitherto was ungodly, though it were collected by the authority of the princes, and by lawful titles, both for that the king was in his minority, and also because the breaking of the king's Edicts might be lawfully punished, for that the kings will was in express words declared: That in this enterprise all things fail, and that the king is a man: that there want Princes to whom the authority of governing the kingdom should belong: and that the king doth plainly profess, that he will not hurt them of the Religion, but that he commanded that murder to be committed with purpose to destroy the Admiral and other the chief authors and instruments of the war, that the kingdom afterward might remain in peace. And that although in this matter he exceeded the rule of reason, yet it was not lawful for the subject to rebel against him, or for the subject to punish his lord and king for his offence. There were also some which utterly condemned the government of the prince of Conde and of the Admiral, in their acts and exploits of the years past: and through the envy of the lamentable success, have brought the whole cause in hatred. And those false accusations of Carpenter and Pibrach (in their Epistle to that famous man Stanislaw helvidius) were oftentimes objected by exulcerated and gaulled minds, to make the remembrance of the former wars detestable. So that a man would have thought that the Religion had been extinguished for ever in France: and concerning this matter, many of them disputed with odious words, which in time of the former wars, had highly commended the causes to take the same in hand. And thus calamity was counted for great reproach and shame, such is the great rashness of men in judging of matters. Those few of the Religion uncertain what to do. ALSO, in those Cities, which as yet had not received the King's Garrisons, these dissensions were very rife: and the Citizens being distracted and uncertain what to do, seemed not so much to delay and defer the King's Garrison, as to spend the time, to the end that every one might get for himself the more convenient opportunity and occasion to flee and escape away, or else to get favour again: this was the common will and purpose of the Townsmen. Constant purpose of defence. Notwithstanding God used the diligence of a few, to bring the rest to a constant purpose: and the fear of the cruel murders committed, persuaded the people to defend themselves, that for somuch as they were in undoubted peril of death, they might, if it so pleased the Lord, choose the more honest kind of death, by the lawful right of necessary defence, the Magistrate himself urging them thereunto. THEREFORE amidst so many and so great difficulties and extremities, it seemed impossible that Religion should stand by any manner of means: and so everlasting destruction seemed to be brought upon the Churches of France. A notable miracle of this fourth motion, after the murder. In these straits of great calamity, the providence of God, of such beginnings as were so weak, and so far from the judgement of human reason, made a way for so much more glory, as the disorder and confusion of all things was past hope of recovery. The chief Captains were gone, the aid and help of foreign Princes wanted: yet notwithstanding the present help, and helping favour of God in due time, failed not. Yet for all that there remain such great things of so weak and feeble a beginning, even until this day, that this same seemeth to be especially the counsel and finger of God, that the force and strength of noblemen being cut off, he alone might be counted the author of his work, and might make manifest his manifold wisdom in this work. I may not dissemble, (and in making this a preface for the narration to come, I serve not from my purpose) both those noble men and ringleaders, which took upon them the ordering and defence of this cause, and also in part, they of the Religion themselves in the former years passed offended many ways. Much disorder verily and many faults came by the civil wars, in somuch that among those of the Religion, the purity of Religion being contaminated and defiled with true occasions of true accusations, was evil spoken of. For it is well known that the Admiral himself, in those former wars, protested, not once, but often, That he had rather die any kind of death, than he would be counted any longer a Governor and Captain of such a lewd and wicked rout of common soldiers, The Admiral misliked the wickedness of his soldiers. most unworthy of the bore name of Religion: for such he knew many of his band to be. God therefore justly punished those men which abused his Religion: nevertheless he did not, neither will he leave unfinished the work which he hath begun. But is there any man so blind which seeth not, what great punishments remain for those, which for the mortal hatred they bear to the poor Religion, have set to their helping hand, to commit a most detestable fact, seeing that to fill up the measure of extreme wickedness, all show of right and equity is set aside, in so much, that there remaineth no excuse for the same? But to return to our purpose again. THEREFORE, this fourth war is more wonderful than the three first, because of most weak and feeble beginnings it had greater and more notable success: in so much that when the Prince of Conde, the Admiral, and other noble men with help and aid from foreign Princes, took part, no such worthy effects ensued: the reason and ground of the cause never more evidently shined, from out of the deep pit of extreme calamity, without any aid of strangers, and without the means of greater helps, than it shall appear by the commemoration of this history. This than was the kings state, and this was the case of them of the Religion, after that butcherly murder committed on Saint Bartholomew's day, being the four and twenty of August. For (as we have said) that small remnant of them of the religion were brought to this exigent, that seeing themselves far unequal to match with the King's power, they were ready of their own accord to yield themselves into his hand. Notwithstanding, when they saw that murders were committed upon them of the Religion, with no less cruelty than before, in divers cities, all they which were in the kings power, and in the danger of the Catholics, began to look about them, and at the length to devise some honest way, whereby they might defend themselves. So that in the deep desperation of all things serving for necessary defence, desperation found out a way, and a sure and certain persuasion to bring the same to effect, supplied most effectual reasons of defence in this confusion and nakedness. The happy defence of Rochel, did not a little encourage the minds of other men, to firm and valiant constancy. first of all therefore we will begin with Rochel: and then we will speak severally of the rest in order. MONSIEUR Strossi, and the Lord de Guard, received charge to take Rochel, and we have oftentimes said, Policy used to take Rochel. that a navy of ships was provided there already to the same end. They then go about to get in their soldiers into Rochel, sometime under the colour to buy merchandise, and sometime under the colour of visiting their friends. Notwithstanding, they of Rochel were always vigilant and wary: and hearing of the cruel murder committed at Paris, caused more diligent watch and ward to be kept. In the mean time, monsieur Strossi▪ and de Guard, urged them of Rochel, with the authority of the kings letters, both to receive into the town the kings garrison, and also to give unto them great plenty of victuals to furnish their ships. This they of Rochel, denied and withstood, that the navy might depart from thence: affirming that they did nothing against their duty and ancient privileges, by which they were exempted from all garrisons, saving from that which they should levy within their own city, and whereby they had leave to defend themselves by force of Arms, and that they could not spare any of their provision of victuals. Then they which were for the King, found fault with the townsmen of Rochel, because many came unto them from divers parts of the realm, and were received into the city without any let. To this they of the town answered, that they admitted no strangers, but only the inhabitants of the realm, which came about their affairs and merchandise, the which was nothing contrary either to their office or custom, whenas the kings soldiers had leave to come into the city. They were also required by the Lieutenant of Guian, mounsieur Monpaz which was their neighbour, not to show themselves obstinate & wilful, in refusing to receive the king's garrison, showing them that the king was careful for their safety, and that therefore he did so provide for them: and that it was not likely that he would bring any detriment or damage to his Cities: also that he had justly punished the wickedness of Rebels by the slaughter at Paris: not minding continually to be severe against his subjects. Therefore he affirmed that it was more for their safety to deserve the King's favour by obedience. There came certain noble men of the Religion to Rochel from those places which were nearest adjoining thereunto, as from the territories of Santonge, Onic, Poictou, and Lymosin, which sought the safety of their life: there came also about these first beginnings, about five and fifty Pastors or Ministers of Churches: and of the common sort of people about a thousand and five hundred soldiers, out of divers parts of the Realm, and many which were escaped from the slaughter of Paris. A solemn fast appointed in Rochel. The ninth and eleventh day of September, there was appointed at Rochel a common and solemn fast to be held, the which rite the Church observed in old time in time of trouble, to a laudable and fruitful end. They of Rochel having obtained at the hands of Monsieur Strossi, and Baron de Guards safe conduct, sent messengers unto the King, beseeching him that the navy might be removed from that part by his commandment, for that the country thereabout had received great damage thereby. THE King had given commandment to Monsieur Byron a noble man to govern Rochel: who (as we have said before) had taken great pains in the former wars, about the entreaty of peace. This noble man delivered to them of Rochel very friendly and loving letters, by which he exhorteth them to obey the king, and to commit themselves quietly to his trust, because he had received authority from the king to govern them: in so doing they should see by proof, that he esteemed nothing more than of their safety. Straight after this came Monsieur Audenarz a noble man also, in the King's name, with very large letters of the Kings in the which the king exhorted them to show their obedience, giving them to understand that he determined in his mind nothing more, than to keep and defend them in their houses in peace and safety, under the guard & warrant of his Edicts: requiring them hereupon to acknowledge him to be a true and faithful interpreter of his own mind. Monsieur Audenarz being admitted into the Senate of Rochel, persuaded very much to this end and purpose, certifying them of the singular good will of the king towards them. He promiseth that the king will grant them the liberty of Religion, upon condition that they would receive Monsieur Byron, and would grant free recourse and traffic to all strangers whatsoever inhabiting the realm. To this, they of Rochel answered the king by their letters, the true copy whereof, is as followeth. The answer of the Gentlemen, Captains, burgesses, and other being in the town of Rochel, to the commandments that have been given them in the name of the king, to receive garrisons. WE the Gentlemen, Captains, burgesses, and others now being in the town of Rochel, do give answer to such commandments as are given to us in the name of his Majesty, that we cannot acknowledge that the same which is signified unto us, and the publishing of the proclamation required at our hands, do proceed from his Majesty. And thereof we call to witness his Majesty himself, his letters of the xxij and xxiiij of August, his own signet, and the publishing of the same letters, by which his said Majesty layeth all the fault of all the trouble lately happened, and of the cruel slaughter done at Paris, upon those of the house of Guise, protesting that he had enough to do to keep himself safe within the Castle of Louvre, with those of his guard. And we shall never suffer ourselves to be persuaded, that so foul an enterprise, and so barbarous a slaughter hath at any time, entered into the mind of his majesty, much less that the same hath been done by his express commandment, as the paper importeth which you have exhibited unto us, nor that his Majesty hath been so ill advised, as himself to cut off his own Arms, or to defile the sacred wedding of Madam his own sister, with the shedding of so much noble and innocent blood, and with the shame of so cruel a fact to distain the nation of France, and the blood royal which hath heretofore ever among all nations borne the name of frank and courteous: nor that he hath had mind to deliver matters to writers to set forth a tragical history, such as antiquity hath never heard spoken of the like, and such as the posterity cannot report without horror. But that it was first laid at Rome, and afterward hatched at Paris, by the Author of all the troubles of France. And howsoever it be, we are ready to maintain that out of the mouth of his Majesty doth not proceed hot and cold, white and black, and that he doth not now say one thing, and by and by another, as he should do if the Paper that ye presented unto us had passed from him, protesting that he will inviolably keep his Edict, and immediately breaking the same, in declaring that he commanded those murders to be committed, having also made protestation before, that it is to his great grief, and done by the outrage and violence of those of the Guise, against whom he was not able to make resistance in time, as his Majesty desired. And in this quarrel, we the Gentlemen, Captains, and other that make you this answer, are ready to try it by combat, man to man, or otherwise to maintain the honour of our king against all those that so profane holy things, and as much as in them lieth do by such words and titles vyllanously defile the excellency of his majesty, and of the noble princes of his blood. Which we may right well conjecture and estimate, by the slaughters that are yet in doing, as well in the town of Paris, as else where, upon so many noble men, gentlemen and other, men, women, and children, & upon a great number of young scholars (the maintenance under God, of Realms and common weals in time to come) and by many other barbarous, unnatural, and unmanly acts generally committed. We think therefore and judge that herein treason is enterprised against the person of his Majesty, and of my Lords his brethren, & that the Guisians mean to invade the crown of the realm, as they have of long time practised: and howsoever it be, we say that his Majesty is forced, by the power that they have taken upon them and usurped, by mean of the rebellious stir of the commons of Paris. As for that which they say that the Admiral and those of the Religion had conspired against the king's Majesty and his brethren, these be allegations of as great truth and of as good likelihood, as their manner of proceeding in justice hath been orderly, beginning at execution before the examination of the fact. But it is now no need to tarry for time to discover it, for the matter is plain to be seen with eye & groped with hand, and all those of the romish religion that have remaining any drop of nature of man, do confess it & hold down their heads for shame, cursing both with heart & mouth the cruel executors of this abominable enterprise, & the wicked disturbers of common quiet, which can yet no more suffer, than they hitherto have done, that this poor realm should long enjoy the benefit of that peace, which the king alone next under God had wisely caused to be made, & to be accordingly observed, whereof this realm began to feel the good taste, to the great contentment of all persons, except the enemies of peace & of this realm, namely the Guisians. Finally, when his majesty being out of their hands & power, shall declare what is his pleasure, we will endeavour us to obey him in all things, wherein our consciences, which are dedicat to god alone, shall not be wounded, in which case we will rather forsake the earth than heaven, & our frail & transitory houses, rather than the heavenvly mansions. But hitherto the law of nature & the duty that we own unto our natural prince, to the preservation of his crown, & to the safety of our lives, our wives, and children, doth command us to stand upon our guard, and not to put us in the mercy of thost that have received the same bloody commission from the Guisians under the pretended name of the king, to use us in the same manner as they have wickedly, traitorously & unnaturally done to those about his majesty, and as it were under his wings & under the skirts of his rob which the traitors' strangers have stained with the true French blood, without that his Ma. hath been able to remedy it, nor to slay their cursed attempts: so much less is he able now so far off to defend us as he would, which his majesties good will being known unto us, doth arm us for our defence, and for the safeguard of our lives, and of the privileges which he hath given us, until such time as he shall be able by himself to defend us against his enemies and ours. This answer being made by them of Rochel, Monsieur Audenarz caused them to send unto the king, putting them in hope to receive an answer in due and convenient time. Therefore they sent with him another to entreat with the king on their behalf. And Monsieur Audenarz, according to his charge, left nothing undone to persuade them of Rochel to yield themselves unto the king, all the while he abode there, making unto them many fair promises, thinking that as he had done therein his faithful duty towards the king, so they also should do him no less service. Monsieur Byron came to the City, & very diligently visited those noble men of the religion, which as yet kept their houses, and with vehement speeches seemed greatly to detest those murders committed, earnestly requiring them to persuade with the Citizens of Rochel, to put themselves into his guard and tuition, which should be (as he said) for their profit. He sent the king's letters to them of Rochel, by which he commanded them to submit themselves out of hand to the government of Monsieur Byron, and to obey him. Monsieur Byron also procured the king of Navarre's letters to be sent unto them, dated at Paris the tenth day of September, in the which he required the like at their hands, and very greatly commended Monsieur Byron. Whereupon, they of Rochel sent two messengers to Mons. Byron to salute him: for they stood doubtful what to do, whether they should receive Monsieur Byron yea or not: for it was reported that they of Rochel would incline unto him, the which to do was not without great peril. Monsieur Byron talking with the messengers of Rochel in a secret place, bewailed and lamented with many tears the outrage of the murders committed, showed how greatly he was grieved for the fame: and gave thanks unto God that his name could not be registered and expressed in so infamous an history: desired the messengers to certify Rochel from him that he wished them to consider in what peril they were: and that they should wisely use & take those means for their safety which God offered unto them, lest they repented them to late with great damage: that they alone were not able to stand against the King's power, the which being complete was ready to vanquish and overthrow the remainder of them of the Religion: showing also that this was the only remedy, for them to submit themselves to his authority, or at lest to admit and suffer him with one or two more of his train, to come into the town, that he might thereby certify the king of their obedience: the which being done, he would bring to pass, that they should sustain no hurt by the kings Army, but would out of hand dispatch away the Navy, which was prepared to assail them by force. There were also certain of the chief Citizens, which favoured Mons. Byron: and his judgement was well liked of the two messengers, who returning showed both the imminent mischief of the great peril, and also that the only remedy to withstand the same rested in the counsel of M. Byron, whom report blazed not only to be distained and defiled with horrible furies of murders, but also that he himself was brought into great peril: Notwithstanding in this matter he did only make a counterfeit lamentation, to pleasure the king, even as aforetime he had employed his mortal labour in persuading the Admiral. Nevertheless it is certain that the name of Monsieur Byron was written in the bloody book, that he might have his part with others in the butcherly murder of Paris. Therefore, to get unto himself the kings favour by some notable service, he went about to yield up them of Rochel unto the king: The which if it had come to pass, it had been a hundred to one, that the extreme slaughter should have made a lamentable end of that rennant of the Religious, so that not one should have been left alive. But Rochel was a great let to hinder those mischievous counsels & practices, & occasions to prevail notablely were offered to them of the Religion, both by these delays, & also by the happy success of the affairs of Rochel. The messengers as we said being come into the town, told the matter unto the Senate: and as they were in consultation devising what way they were best to take, word was brought to the Mayor of the City, (which is the chief governor) that ships were to be seen at the promontory or point commonly called Chef d'Bais: the which being entered the haven, by the commandment of M. d'Guard, letters were brought also, by which he giveth them of Rochel to understand, that he was certified by the kings letters, that Mons. Byron would be at Rochel the same day with power: & admonisheth them to take diligent heed that they gave him honourable entertayment as it was agreeable to his person: and withal to remember that they had to do with a great and most mighty king, of whose goodness it should be better for them to taste, than of his severity, for that he intended to punish them according to their deserts, which would impugn and resist his commandments. At this very instant, while they hung doubtful and knew not which way to take in these extremities, Rochel refuseth to receive Monsieur Byron. & the open threatenings of Monsieur d'Guard, having confirmed the increased opinion concerning the kings will in this point, they agreed and concluded with one consent not to receive Mons. Byron, & that upon this occasion. At the very same time there came a messenger from Montauban with letters, by which they certified them of Rochel, that Castre a city in Languedoc, the which was held by them of the Religion, & after many fair promises of the king concerning their safety being yielded into the hand of Monsieur Creuset a noble man dwelling unto them, was sacked, and the Religious in the same most cruelly murdered. Amidst so great distress, they of Montauban were sore afeard and very careful concerning their own private peril: & they admonished them of Rochel what they were best to do in so great extremity, namely, to take wise deliberation. The present peril of the inhabitants of Castre, troubled and disquieted them of Rochel: whereupon they determined not to receive Monsieur Byron, until such time as they had provided for their own safety and security: of which their determination they gave Mons. Byron to understand out of hand. MONSIEUR Byron answereth them again, that he was very sorry that they were bend to that which would bring their own destruction: yet notwithstanding he said he would hide the matter from the king by special excuses, until such time as they had advised themselves better: willing them not to hurt themselves by this dangerous determination, and to beware lest their rash wilfulness turned them to displeasure: Finally he promised that he would endeavour himself all that he could to persuade the king that the Navy might be dismissed and sent some otherway. LOVING letters were sent unto them again from the king, the Queen mother, and from the Duke of Anjou, by several messengers, though the letters tended to one effect. The king sought to persuade them of his singular good will towards them, and promised unto them all faith & humanity in preserving them. They of Rochel answer by letters again, They give thanks unto the king, and beseech him that he would command the navy to avoid that cost, for they were in such great fear at that present, that they knew not what to do. The which if it would please the king to command, they might certainly assure themselves of the kings good will towards them, and should also the more dutifully obey him. By reason of these delays of the king, occasion was given to them of Rochel to cast away fear, and to take unto them better courage: whereas if the king had set upon them with all his force at the first brunt of the murder, their overthrow had been the more likely. Therefore being admonished by common counsel, & being taught both by the general evil, & also by the present example of the men of Castre, they of Rochel prepare themselves to their defence. They make, according to the manner, new Magistrates: they created Captains for the war: they muster men, both of the town, and also foreigners which came thither for refuge: they appoint that certain ministers and also strangers should be of the counsel concerning matters for the town. Monsieur Sanstephen a noble man was made general of the horsemen. The Captains were of more fame, as Mons. Essarz, mons. Rivier, Mons. Lyzi, Mons. Norman, Mons. Virolet, Mons. Novel, and diverse others, whose names we express, because of the siege following. Again Mons. Byron sent letters to them of Rochel from Broage, a famous haven where the Navy road: Mons. Strossi, and Mons. d'Guarde scent letters to them also: but the letters of mons. Byron were more friendly than the other: in the which he affirmed that he would procure the kings commandment for the dismissing of the Navy, so that they of Rochel would promise' to the king to obey such governors as he would appoint over them. Monsieur d'Guarde wrote more sharply unto them willing them to receive one condition or other, either of peace or of war: affirming that the king should have his authority by either. They of Rochel answered, that many things were promised them, but little or nothing performed: that it was evident to all men what great cause they had to embrace & love peace: and what damage and hurt they had received by wars, and therefore how greatly they aught to detest the same: That they had heard oftentimes, that the king was very careful for their safety, yet notwithstanding the kings officers did annoyed and endamage them very much, and that they in the mean time behaved themselves modestly and obediently towards the king, as all men might see. Mons. Byron and d' Guard practised after the same manner by letters: and caused Mons. Ouarz a noble man of that part, and named to be of the religion to write to them of Rochel after the same effect, and to show in how great peril and danger they were in: and to admonish them to beware lest by their obstinacy they cast themselves into present destruction. The King also commanded monsieur Durans, which was a Solicitor in the affairs of Rochel (being at the same time at Paris) to go unto Rochel, & to persuade the Townsmen to receive monsieur Byron, and with him he sent to them of Rochel loving letters of bountiful good william. Monsieur Thecan, the chief governor in the Senate of Paris, wrote unto certain of his friends of the chief Citizens, that they would take diligent pains in this matter, & would bring to pass that they of Rochel might receive the conditions offered by the king. They of Rochel writ unto monsieur de Guard,, complaining both of the sundry damages done unto them in time of the entreaty of peace, & also which were yet done unto them daily. amidst this intercourse and passage of letters too and fro, Murder at Bordeaux. there was a cruel slaughter made upon those of the Religion at Bordeaux, upon which occasion they of Rochel demanded whether they could look for peace, seeing violente and outrageous murders were still committed, and seeing assaults of greater and more vehement slaughter were made upon them. For the Ships of the Merchants of Rochel, which had made their voyage and were returned from foreign countries were diversly spoiled, and their merchandise taken from them. Now the king's power, with open war assailed them of Rochel, Open war against Rochel in somuch that merchants were restrained of their passage and intercourse, and the King's navy abode upon the coast of Rochel, robbing and spoiling all parts thereabouts, while the Army which should come by land, was a preparing. IN the mean time they of Rochel diligently applied their grape gathering for the wine press, Rochel prepareth for defence. and brought into the City five and twenty thousand tons of wine, which did them great pleasure at what time they were besieged. And all men both townsmen and also strangers laboured painfully in in fortifying the town with rampires and bulwarks. The state of Montauban. AND thus the state of Rochel being known, before we come to the noble besieging of the same, the order of the story requireth, that we show the state of other Towns also, in the which the remnants of the godly religious were preserved. They of Montaubane had the king's letters sent unto them: notwithstanding they continued in their former purpose, by which during all the former civil wars they were very circumspect in not admitting any one that came from the king, into the City: but amidst the great treasons and lyings in wait of their neighbours of Tholouze preserved themselves until these hard and extreme beginnings. NISMES, the Townsmen not knowing what way they were best to take, was almost ready to be yielded up to the King. Many of the principals of the Religion stolen out of the City, carrying their families to another place, and got themselves into such places as were near unto the same. Also some of them having forsaken the Religion, got them speedily to the Cities of the Catholics, hoping thereby the more conveniently to obtain pardon of the King: and many of them to show that they were seriously returned to the Catholics, detested the Religion all that they could with odious words. MONSIEUR joyeuse lietuenant of Languedoc, writ oftentimes to the inhabitants of Nismes, to receive the kings Garrison: Who, at the first answered by delays, that they would obey the king: yet notwithstanding because of the late murdering of their brethren & fellow partakers with them of the Religion, they had great cause to be careful for their safety. Notwithstanding Monsieur joyeuse persuaded them of the singular good will of the king by his letters often times affirming that they should live quietly & in safety by the benefit of the kings Edict of peace. There is in Nismes the King's court kept, nowithstanding it is lawful for a man to appeal from the same to the Senate of Tholouze, The richer sort mind to yield up the City. in the which City there was more plenty of Lawyers, and more store of rich Citizens. Many of them were almost at the same point, to yield themselves in time to the King, and with speedy obedience to win the king's favour. Notwithstanding the greatest part of the common sort of people, & certain also of the chief men, The better part of the Religious mind to hold the City. (among whom was Mons. Clauson a Counsellor of the court, who as he was wise & godly, so also he was of great authority) withstood this purpose, not minding to put themselves into present peril of death: And jest those of the king's side should take the City, and let into the same the soldiers which were under the conduct of Mons. joyeuse which lay in wait about the city night and day, & sought diligently all occasions to take the same, the said mons. Clauson himself very carefully held watch & ward with the townsmen of the gates of the city, lest any man should come in or out without their knowledge. Mons. Clauson, being the author of this manly & wise purpose, notwithstanding that he was a learned & grave man, yet he endeavoured himself to play the soldier, having always a diligent eye in governing the Consuls (for so the Magistrates of the town are called) lest any treason should be wrought by those which were inclined to the king, he gave the soldiers their watchword, appointed to every man his charge & place, viewed the walls round about, and was very diligent and necessary about all things appertaining to a Captain. THE people assembled together in the Guild haule by the warning of the Consuls oftentimes. Variety of counsels. And then the most wise men and of greatest experience, consulted what was best to be done: they looked one upon another, doubted what to determine, and devising many ways could like of none to take. The greatest part of those which were counted wisest, disliked the purpose to defend the city against the force of the King's army, as proceeding from bold and mad rashness most perilous: thinking that better means might be devised, by which the City might be yielded up, and so a general safety provided for: & wishing that this way should be taken with all speed. Notwithstanding the authors themselves of this counsel, while these things were in consultation, went about to provide privately for their families, and carried them out of the city: and they themselves went out also by heaps. In this diversity of contrary judgements and affections of all sorts and estates of men, the dissensions diversly rising between the people and the governors, seemed out of all doubt to make a way and entrance for the king's power: and amidst these controversies, to give occasion to the enemy suddenly to overcome them to their great calamity & destruction. NOTWITHSTANDING this purpose prevailed, namely, that there should be no haste made in this matter: that consultation should be had about the same hereafter: that God most assuredly would aid his servants in his own cause: but if so be they must sustain the force of their enemies, and suffer death, that nothing could happen more better unto them: and that the same should be far more tolerable, than to put themselves into the hands of murderers, of whom they might look for the same pardon which they had given to others of the Religion in Paris, in Lions, in Tholouz, and in divers places else. Therefore that it should be a more honest and easy death which they should suffer in defending themselves against the violence of their unjust enemy, than to be slain and executed by the hangmen: That the same defence was just both by the law of God and man, that they used not violence in setting upon the enemy, but withstood just violence with just defence. That thieves and murderers were armed in the King's name and by the king's authority: and that therefore they withstood not the king: That if they died in this defence their death should be precious before God, and have the honour of martyrdom. And that there is no doubt but that God at the length will have compassion upon them, and will help them by one way or other unlooked for, that patience and prayer was needful, that in delay there was less peril, but in haste there was most present destruction: seeing by delay those occasions might grow, which might give them ability to bring notable things to pass. Monsieur Clauson declaring these things at large, it was agreed by the consent of the greater number, not to receive at all the kings garrison, but to tarry for a more convenient time: and yet notwithstanding to occupy the mind of monsieur joyeuse with convenient answers. THAN, they certified the indwellers of Sevenatz and Vivaretz their neighbours (which wholly depended upon them) of their purpose, and exhorted them to constancy of mind, and to a better hope. For they were assaulted in like sort by the king's instruments. Monsieur Leuger a noble man, and knight of the order was sent into Vivaretz to take and hold the same. IN these first beginnings they of the religion, held these towns Aubenac, Privac, Pusi, Villeneufe. Notwithstanding, it was not long ere the Catholics had taken Pusi, the convenient situation whereof much annoyed them. And monsieur Leuger practised this way to take Villeneufe. Villeneufe is but a small town, yet notwithstanding, it is situate very conveniently for that part: being appointed for a lower court, from whence the appeal is to Nismes: and it belongeth to the kings Excheaker. Villeneufe taken by treason. The Religious of Villeneufe, agreed with the Catholics of the town to join together, and to defend one another with mutual hearts and hands: saying, that they were brethren and fellow citizens, and that those barbarous and outrageous murders, were to be resisted with all their power. And taking an oath one to the other, they indent, that two captains should be chosen by general consent: and that the same should watch and ward day and night by turn: and so, that the Catholics should have for their captain, one of them of the Religion, and the religious a Catholic, to the end all suspicion might be taken away. They of the religion, named for their captain monsieur Baron: and the Catholics named for them monsieur Mirambel, both good and expert Captains. This good and laudable purpose had ill success: by which it appeareth how ill two Religions agreed together, and abide in one seat. The townsmen thinking that they had hereby provided very well for their safety, and they of the Religion being persuaded of the faith of the Catholics, are thereby neglecting their business, behold, the city was taken by monsieur Leuger thus. Captain Mirambel told monsieur Leuger that there was an easy way made for him to take the city: in so much, that he should only need to approach somewhat nearer the city, with some ambushments of soldiers, & so coming to the gates of the city, he should be let in by him, promising so to order the matter, and to appoint such warders about the gates, that he should easily have his purpose. Monsieur Leuger preparing his soldiers out of hand, drew near to the city, and came with a troop of horsemen unto the gates: gave monsieur Mirambel to understand, that he was come thither with the king's power, commanding him upon his allegiance to set open the gates unto him. There at that time monsieur Byron walked before the gates unarmed, with certain of the chief townsmen: him all amazed monsieur Leuger saluted, at his so sudden coming upon them. Monsieur Mirebel commanded the gates of the city to be set open: and mons. Leuger entered the city: then the armed troops of the Catholics came flocking round about him, he fortifieth the gates: and by and by the troops of horsemen and of foot men which stayed at a village hard by, ran unto him. amidst these salutations, the Catholics, and they of the Religion fleeing together unto him, monsieur Byron stolen away privily, and came to the next town by, called Mirebel, which was by the King's Edict an appointed place, to receive the holy assemblies of the professors of the Religion of Villeneufe, and told to mons. Pradel a noble man, whose land lieth in and about that place, what had happened in the city: and so they agreeing together, took them to the Castle of Mirebel, which afterward did them great pleasure. Mons. Leuger at the first, entreated the chief of the Religion very gently: seeking to persuade them that his purpose was to govern them with peace and equity, under the protection of the kings Edicts, and to trouble no man's conscience. In the time of this truce, many that professed the Religion, stolen away to Mirebel, and fortified the same out of hand. By the means hereof, Villeneufe being afterward recovered (as we will declare hereafter) did greatly further the affairs of the Religious in Languedoc. Of the which I speak particularly, that men may understand and see, of how weak and small beginnings, the affairs of the Religion grew and took so good success. The inhabitants of Aubenac and Privac, followed the counsel of the citizens of Nismes, concerning the ways of defence. Notwithstanding, that monsieur Leuger in the mean time, urged them to receive the garrizon. The example of falsehood in the Catholics. They neither made plain denial, nor yet admitted the kings garrizon: but they so handled monsieur Leuger, that for their money, they should buy and delay the time of receiving the kings garrizon. For this cause the consuls of Aubenac, having obtained truce at his hands, went to Villeneufe, and paid the money required. notwithstanding, one of them being a very honest and rich Citizen, named Valeton, and of the Religion also, was held captive by monsieur Leuger, against the law of Arms, for that he came under trust, and was put also to his ransom, even as if he had been taken in battle, the which being paid, he was held captive nevertheless, until such time as Villeneufe, which they of the Religion had taken, was delivered up to him, as we will declare hereafter. These experiments of Catholic falsehood, confirmed the Religious, as it were in obstinate constancy, in so much, that they chose rather to suffer any thing, than to come into the hands of their false forsworn enemies. This was the state of many places in Languedoc. AND because they of Nismes were urged oftentimes by the letters of mons. joyeuse, to abstain from holy Sermons, according to the form of the king's Edict: left by that occasion they might be found guilty before the king: after deliberation had of the matter, they determined for the present necessity, not to have Sermons in the day time, but in the night. It can not be expressed, how much weeping and lamentation the people made at that last Sermon. Yet nevertheless, men came to the preaching of the word more plentifully and earnestly than they did before: for the more that afflictions do increase, the more precious is the word of God unto the godly. The inhabitants of Vivaretz and Sevenatz, followed the example of the citizens of Nismes: in those cities which they held, they had their Sermons in the night, the which notwithstanding, continued but for a few days. The answer of the citizens of Nismes. NEVERTHELESS monsieur joyeuse was not contented with this argument of obedience: oftentimes he urged them of Nismes, to receive the king's garizon: the which if they would do, he promised them that within few days, they should be both free from the same, and also should have liberty and peace, both of body and conscience. The citizens of Nismes answered very copiously in writing, that they could not receive that garrizon, showing the reasons wherefore: not that they refused to obey the king, but that they might provide for the safety of their life, and for the liberty of their conscience: Because such occasions had already fallen out, as seriously required them to seek the same at this time. Therefore they beseech monsieur joyeuse, not to interpret the same otherwise than they purposed and meant. That they desired nothing but peace and tranquillity, and to show their obedience to the king. That if so be lawful remedies might be provided to take away their just fear, they were ready to yield themselves into the hands of the king their Lord and Prince. But if so be old treasons and snares were practised, and if so be they could obtain no more than they had obtained in time past, they were ready to suffer all manner of extremity, rather than that they would willingly cast themselves upon the cruel and bloody sword of spoiling murderers: for that it was great madness, for any man willingly to cast himself into peril. Then having amplified the iniquity of those murders committed, and also having declared the dishonesty of the foreshowed falsehood, they show that it is lawful for Christians, both by all law of God and man, to defend themselves against force and injury: and that they do not bear armour against the king, but against thieves and murderers, furiously abusing the authority of the King's name, without punishment. That they did plainly perceive what they themselves were, and also what, and how great the force of their enemies was: That present death was before their eyes, but yet that they did not doubt, but that God, which is most righteous and just, would help them miserable wretches in due time, that either they might defend their life against the violence of murderers, or else by martyrdom, might die an honest death: the which should testify to all posterities for ever, both how great the iniquity of their enemies was, & also how great their constancy and virtue, in standing strongly & valiantly, in a good & godly cause. That they committed the success of the whole matter unto God, and that this was their only joy in so great perplexity, namely, that they were unjustly afflicted: also that they were encouraged by the testimony of a good conscience, the happy success whereof they looked for, both in life, and also in death. ARMIES were prepared in the King's name in divers places, in Languedoc, in Guian, in Dolpheny, in Provence, Preparation of war against Languedoc. countries boarding upon Languedoc, for the war of Languedoc. Notwithstanding, they of Nismes were first assaulted, the which being destroyed, the Catholics thought that the rest would more easily give place. Also d' Anuil was looked for to come with a power, for that he hath chief government of Languedoc. They of Nismes prepare for their defence all that they can, they fortify the city, overthrow the suburbs, as hurtful to the same, carry in victuals, and do diligently set all things in order, even as if they should be besieged by the diligence and prudence of mons. Clauson. Notwithstanding, Nismes was not besieged by the kings power: the occasion whereof we will show in order. Now we are in this place to note the state of Sanserre, which we said the religious held also, The state of Sanserre. at the first beginning of the cruel slaughter, whose constancy in wonderful extremities, is worthy to be remembered for ever. The history of these our times, is full of many and of such rare examples on both parts, the which we will briefly note according to our purpose, observing so much as we may the order of tyme. They of Sanserre, being stirred up with the news of that horrible slaughter of Paris, and being assaulted with continual lyings in wait of the bordering enemy, kept their city with diligent watch and ward: thither those of the Religion which were escaped the murders, fled from the places there about, from Burges, (for Sanserre is in the territory of Berry) from Lafoy charity, from Orleans, from Gijon, and from other places. notwithstanding, commandment was given out of hand to them of Sanserre in the King's name, by mons. Castres', governor of that part, to admit and obey the kings decree, by which he forbade the service of the Religion, and according to the form thereof, to abstain from holy Sermons, and to receive a garryzon to keep the city. The same form of commandment also, had the same answer of the men of Sanserre, which they of Rochel & Nismes had given, as we have said: namely that they neither could nor aught to receive the armed enemy against themselves. And that therefore they must wait for that time, in the which they might safely commit themselves to the external and foreign soldier, also they affirmed, that they were by their ancient privilege, exempted from that burden. Wherefore they fortify themselves all that they may, and repair the breaches of their wastes, which were sore battered in the former war. They send a messenger to the Court, commending their cause to monsieur Fontenei, one of their corporation and liberty, that he would make intercession to the King for them, and would excuse them. notwithstanding, all things were prepared for mortal war, and what happened thereupon, we will show when we come to the time and place, belonging unto the same. IN Dauphin, they of the religion had not one town in their possession, not not so much as a village. The state of the religious in Dauphin. All the citizens were taken by the kings garryzons: the greatest part of them of the religion, being desirous to save their life, either feigned an abjuration of the religion, or else fled into the next cities of Vivaretz, and into foreign countries. To tell it is incredible, Many fell away from the Religion. how many defections and Apostasies there were in a very short time, even in the greatest cities, where the congregations were most peopled. At the first, very many without constraint, even by the very report of the murder at Paris, & at Lions, fell away, and came by heaps to the catholics: some being scarcely threatened, become weaklings and turne-coates. So that a man might see great heaps of hypocrites and dissemblers of the Religion, which frequented the temples, and used all the rites of the Catholics, even as it were with striving who should be most forward. Many of the nobility also which had followed the religion, and had valiantly behaved themselves, The behaviour of the noble men in Dauphin. in the times of the former wars, abjured now the religion: others were dumb at home, with great astonishment of continual fear, least they should be intercepted and taken by monsieur d'Gords Lieutenant, who notwithstanding, went about to persuade them of their secure and safe estate, and to seduce them from the religion, by loving letters. MONS. Mombrune, one of the most noble men in Dauphin, came not to the assembly of the funeral marriage. For the providence of God reserved him to do him great service, as we will declare when we come to the time of the same. Mombrune, a noble and valiant man. But he having, by his service in the former wars, divers & sundry ways employed, gotten great fame among them of the religion, mons. d'Gordes, at the king's commandment only, laboured to intercept him, fearing that he would be another occasion of new troubles. Mombrune kept his house: therefore mons. d'Gords sent very loving letters unto him, seeking thereby to persuade him of the singular good will and benevolence toward him. Only keeping himself quiet, he should be in rest and security, and in the King's high favour. Thus Mombrune seemed to many, to have given over the care for religion, & to be quite discouraged with the unhappiness of the time. Notwithstanding he at the last cast aside all negligence, as we will declare hereafter THE king's Edict is published, to reduce them home again, which were fled away either into foreign nations, or else into those cities, which they of the religion held. That (by the prescript of the king's Edict) pardon should be granted for all things past, The King's Edict for the calling home of such as were fled. to such as would return home again, with proviso for the safety of their life and conscience, so that they would live peaceably at home. And in the same Edict, the king threatened those that would not obey his commandment, to make their goods confiscate, as if they were rebels. And he testified, that he did not punish the Admiral and his adherentes, to this end and purpose, that he might show severity for ever, upon his subjects of the new opinion: (for so he called the Religion) but rather to provide a necessary remedy for the disordered kingdom, though the same in outward show seemed to be sharp. Also whereas many of his people through fear, were fled either into those cities which the rebels held, or else into foreign nations, that he earnestly lamented their case, even as it becometh a good master of a house, for that they received so much hindrance & loss, by being banished from their houses. Therefore he willeth and straightly commandeth them to repair with all speed unto their houses: being assured that they should have peaceable coming, so that they came within twenty days: & the religious, leaving the cities which they held seditiously, to give their names unto the lieutenant of the Province, and to promise faithfully, that they would be hereafter the trusty subjects of the king. But if so be they would obstinately absent themselves, and carelessly contemn his clemency, then to be assured that he would be severe in punishing them, according to their deserts. Also except they appeared at the day appointed, that he would confyscate their goods, to the end they might know what it is to abuse the clemency of their prince: That he did offer and proclaim this in time, lest any man should sustain the punishment afterward for his presumptuous boldness and rashness. This was published the xix of November. But howsoever the king by those words of the Edict would seem to provide for the consciences of the Religious, it cannot be of any weight or credit in the judgement of wise men. For a little before many of the king's letters patents were sent abroad through out the Realm, by which most unjustly he constrained those, which had not once set their foot out of the Realm, and whose condition for that cause aught to have been much better, to renounce the Religion, and to embrace Papistry. Many there imagined and conjectured that the great mass of money gathered out of the proscription of the Religious, would be sufficient to maintain war, and so they of the Religion should be wounded with their own sword. Therefore the goods of the Religious were daily viewed and put in inventory, the which is always the beginning of Confiscation, so that the goods of the Religious being absent, were almost put in an Inventory, but yet were not confiscate: the cause whereof was the contrary success which the King looked not for. If the King had had such success in his war at Rochel as he desired, it seemed that confiscations should have flowed with murders beyond all measure throughout the whole Realm upon them of the Religion to their utter destruction. Under the colour and pretence of that Edict, the king sought to bring to pass by his Legate mons. Belleure, The King goeth about to drive them that were fled for Religion, out of Switzerlande. with the Swissers which professed the Religion, that those Frenchmen of the Religion, which were fled into their country might be constrained to forsake the same, for many were fled, especially to Bern and to Basile. Notwithstanding the Ambassador lost his labour, for they extended still that same humanity that they did before towards those fugitives. Almost about this time a daughter was borne to the king. Whereupon he entreated Elizabeth the Queen of England, that she would promise' for his young daughter in the holy Sacrament of Baptism, (which we call the office of a Godmother.) To this request the Queen's Majesty granted, and sent the Earl of Worceter into France to the king to be her deputy for the same. The queens Majesty Godmother to the French kings daughter. There was no man but he saw well enough that the king at that doubtful time went about to coorry favour with the Queen of England, lest she should help the poor Inhabitants of Rochel, and to this end the league was made. We said before that they of Rochel answered mons. Byron, that they would not receive him into the City, They of Rochel are put to proscription by the King. before such time as the king had provided for their security by assured pledges, not minding to come to composition with bore words. But the King purposed to make those at his commandment by dint of sword and open force, whom he could not win with words and deceit. Therefore he delivereth letters to mons. Byron, by which he banisheth them from his protection and favour, except they obey this his last commandment, as Rebels, traitors, and the troublers of the common peace, protesting that he would persecute them with mortal war accordingly: he commandeth all his governors and officers to persecute them with war, and by all other means, even as if they were guilty of high treason: and pronounceth that whatsoever they do herein against them, shall be allowed and maintained. At the same time mons. No a noble man, and in the former wars one amongst the rest most valiant, came out of the low Country of Flaunders called Belgic, and was reconciled to the King, and in token of his recovered favour, the king gave unto him the goods of Teligni, (whose Sister mons. No had married) which otherwise had been confiscate as the goods of others that were slain were in the slaughter of Paris. The king gave him in charge to persuade with them of Rochel, that he might bring them if it were possible to take those conditions of peace which he offered unto them. They of Rochel wondering at his coming after this sort, sent unto him their letters of safeconduct, that he might come to the village called Tadon the fifth day of November, and to do unto them that message which he had brought unto them from the king. Thither came, mons. l' No, and the burgesses of Rochel, Languilleir, Rechenart, Villers, and Merelle. Mons. le No cometh to Rochel. Mons. l' No declared unto them, that he had received commandment from the King & Queen, to tell them that it appertained greatly to their profit, to yield up the City into the king's hand and power, that they might thereby deliver themselves from that destruction, presently like to ensue by the siege at hand, and might also obtain great peace for other Churches, that he propounded this condition in the king's name, whom if they would admit to be their Governor according to the king's appointment, they had free liberty to use and enjoy the Religion. Notwithstanding mons. l' No, having declared his good will and love which he bore to Religion, privately persuaded them of Rochel, to admit none in the king's name into the City, before such time as they were sufficiently assured of their security and safety. The burgesses of Rochel had only authority and leave to hear, but no licence at all to determine any thing. Wherefore they returning certified the Senate of the condition offered by mons. l' No, and mons. l' No being come into the City received this answer, That Rochel would not admit mons. Byron, beseeching the king that he would point some other which loved the reformed Religion to be their overseer, or else to suffer them to live peaceably under the obedience of his laws. In the mean time mons. l' No being solicited both by the Senate itself of Rochel, and also required by certain other Ministers of the Church, to embrace the Religion, sayeth that he was no less fervent towards the Religion, than he had been afore time: and that he determined in himself to return unto them so soon as he had done his embassage unto the king. The which he performed within few days after, and was lovingly entertained of them of Rochel. After this they of Rochel consulted how they might get the Isle of Rhe, the which was both near and also commodious for them. The charge to achieve this enterprise was committed to mons. Essarz. He, being furnished with certain ships loosed from Rochel haven about the dead time of the night, that he might deceive the enemy riding at anchor not far from him. Now there were come near to the City two ships of the Kings navy under a colour to bring letters to them of Rochel in the name of mons d' Guard: but in very deed they were sounding or plumming for the depth of the water, for the which cause they had one with them very expert in the same. Whiles they were thus occupied, they were boarded by the ships of Rochel: the which having slain one of their chief Cpptaynes, took one of the ships, and sent all their tackeling and carriage into the City, the other Ship being afeard, escaped away. Then they of Rochel returned into the City again. This was a foretoken that they should have good success in the war which was prepared against them. The beginning of the siege of Rochel. THE fourth day of December mons. Byron came to the city with seven cornets of horsemen, and fifteen ensigns of footmen, having also with him two great brass pieces, to begin the siege. In the mean time divers came diversly to this war from all parts of the Realm: & of those also not a few which aforetime had served the Prince of Conde in the war, and had now forsaken the Religion, showing themselves to be more mortal enemies to the same than the Catholics themselves. They of Rochel held those villages that bordered upon their City, as Maraim, Mose, Novaille, which were under the charge of Captain Norman, and Andivi, and the Isle of Rhe, under the charge of Captain Virolet. They determined not to abide the force of so great an army, but to make haste unto the City: notwithstanding Captain Norman purposed first to assay the enemy. Therefore he marched forth with his bands of footmen, having accompanying him only fifty horsemen, and so approached near the enemy: but being to weak, he had the repulse, and was constrained to fly into a Country place belonging to a noble man, the which notwithstanding was of sufficient strength, and was called Grimelde: whither also Captain Virolet sought to come. Then Mon. Byron beset the house, and battered the same with his field pieces: insomuch that there seemed to be no way for them to escape destruction, had not captain Norman taken this last shift. For he leaving his horses, went forth with his men on foot in the dead time of the night, and breaking through the scout watches, got to the city with his men in safety. But captain Virolet seeking too carefully to save his horses, was taken himself: notwithstanding he turned by and by to the catholics side, hoping that if he would seen in that war, he should have great rewards: but the end falling out otherwise than he was promised, he got him home into Britain: where within a while after he was slain, being recompensed with that reward of the new wars. Then there came daily new bands of soldiers. M. Strozzi being general of the french footmen took Pilleborean: M. d'Goast with six ensigns of footmen took Ronsel: and M. Byron took Santandre, which were the suburbs of Rochel. These they fortified with ditches and bulwarks against the sudden eruptions of those within the City. The townsmen from all quarters, villages and farms near unto them, carried into the City so much as they could all manner of victual: notwithstanding the king's side found great plenty in those places, for the carriage whereof they of Rochel, had not provided in due tyme. Because the king perceived that those noble men which were come out of other parts of the realm to Rochel would much profit them of Rochel, The noble men within Rochel are assayed to be brought to defection. and would endamage much his intended siege, he assayed those noble men by his letters, promising unto them, that if they would come forth of the City, they should be in safe security, and should also receive a large recompense. Notwithstanding this persuasion took not effect. For not one of them at that time fell unto the king. There was a general fast appointed at Rochel, according to the usual manner of the French Churches. Mons. Byron went about to break the channels and conduit pipes which conveyed water to the fountain or conduit which served the city, thereby to take away from the citizens the use of water. But although they had broken the conduit pipes in many places, yet notwithstanding they lost their labour, by reason of the great plenty of divers springs which came from sundry places. By this occasion there was a great skirmish between both parts: in the which the Lieutenant of Captain Normans band was slain, and of mons. biron's part his Standardbearer called Saintgenez, and divers other on both sides. A ship of Rochel being removed to the entry or mouth of the haven, Certain mills overthrown by the Catholykes, was assailed by the king's ships, but so that they gained nothing at all thereby. They also overthrew four mills which joined to the city, and carried from them great plenty of corn, which they of Rochel had by negligence left in them. But before we come to the forcible besieging of Rochel, and to enter into a new year, the order of the history begun, requireth that we note by the way what was done in other places by the Religious. About the end of November d'Anuil being come into Languedoc at the king's commandment, and having received great charge and commission to war against those remnants which remained of the Religion, marched forth with his prepared armies, minding as it should seem to besiege Nismes. Notwithstanding this occasion disappointed him of that purpose. There is a little town near unto Montpellier called Sommiron, the which though it be but small, yet notwithstanding it is of sufficient force & strength, both for the apt situation thereof, and also because it hath a well defenced castle in the same. In this town mon. joyeuse had left certain great bard horses with a garrison of certain soldiers, d' Anuil cometh into Languedoc with an army suspecting no force to be offered by them of the Religion, which seemed to be almost dead: but behold, unlooked for a notable captain called mon. Saintgremian took the city, the castle, and the horses of mon. joyeuse. Therefore d'Anuil having given a vain assault to Vzes (the which is an ancient city of Languedoc in the territory of Cursol) & having gone throughout the whole territory of Vzes, The unprofitable war of d'Anuil in Languedoc. having taken the castle of Sangene by surrender, and won a little town called Cawis, & seeming now to come to assail Nismes with a great army, he first of all purposed to assault Sommiron with his whole force, lest he should have Montpellier a near enemy unto him, or lest he might be stayed from the pray and booty any longer which lay open to the sight of his army. D'Anuil therefore besiegeth Sommiron, omitting nothing by which he might give a strong assault to the same: Sommiron is besieged. notwithstanding the unhappy success of that siege as it diminished the strength of the catholics in that country, so also it greatly enlarged the power of them of the Religion, which thenceforth began to have better success: and the fear of those first attempts being set apart, they of the Religion behaved themselves in their affairs much more constantly than they did before in the former civil wars: having taken a large & plentiful country, not so much by the forces of great armies, as by diligent painfulness. The state of them in Languedoc. Sommiron was thus besieged by d'Anuil four months: a great mass of money being wasted by the catholics in vitailing so populous an army, insomuch that they were weary of war, beside the loss both of common soldiers, & also of those noble men which were mortal enemies to the Religion, being brought thither even as it were against their wills, that they might be slain. To be short they of the religion in Languedoc had an open way made for them, to bring notable things to pass from thenceforth, as we will show hereafter. Of Sanserre we have spoken before. The affairs of Sanserre. To intercept and take the which, the same subtle practices were used, that were practised in the City's mentionrd before. They of Sanserre had entreated monsieur Fontene a certain noble man (as we have said) to speak unto the king on their behalf, and not to suffer their name to be dishonested by slanderous reports. Mons. Fontene took this for an occasion to begin greater familiarity. He sendeth unto them M. Candaillet, a certain old courtier, to assure them of his good will: but that he himself was only earnestly busied in working their safety, that they might show all the arguments that might be to the king of their obedience. Therefore the men of Sanserre assembled together with monsieur Candaillet, and testify that they will yield unto the king all obedience, requiring one thing only at his hands, which was, that they might have liberty of life and conscience, according to the form of the Edict: for the faithful performance whereof they said that they would yield unto him an hundred of their chief Citizens for pledges. This was the beginning of great dissension among the Citizens, which almost oppressed the City in this first beginning. Monsieur Candaillet returned to the Court being accompanied with five of the chief Citizens of Sanserre, of which two were Catholics, and three were Religious. These had commission subscribed with the hands of the chief Citizens, that they would allow and confirm whatsoever they did according to the form of the same. The Messengers of Sanserre, so soon as they were come into the Court, & had spoken to the King and Queen (whether it were by threatenings, or upon hope of certain rewards) craved pardon of the king in the name of all the citizens of Sanserre, whose persons they represented, as though they had grievously offended against him: & beseeched the king that he would sand M. Fontene to Sanserre with a power, promising to undertake that he should be welcome to the Inhabitants thereabouts. Therefore mon. Candaillet goeth before to tell them of Sanserre of the coming of mon. Fontene. The which when they heard, wondering at the matter, & being greatly offended therewith, they assemble themselves together to consult of the same: and at the last accord, That forsomuch as the Messengers had done that thing by the king's persuasion against the form of their commission, they might lawfully refuse and reject their act and agreement. They sand out to meet with mon. Fontene, and to tell him that they are sorry for the rashness of their deputies, in that they had caused him to come unto Sanserre: certifying him withal, that they knew his great good will, for the which they gave him thanks: promising that they would yield unto him great honour, and would most friendly entertain him, so that he would come to their city in time of peace. But forsomuch as it was a troublesome time, they beseeched him to take it in good part, that they could not suffer him to come into the city. Notwithstanding Mons. Fontene came to Cosne, a town two leagues from Sanserre, that from thence he might the more conveniently prosecute his business. The Deputies also of Sanserre, were returned from the Court. Then contentions began to grow among the Citizens about the receiving of Monsieur Fontene. For the Deputies persuaded with certain of the chief citizens to receive Mons. Fontene into the city: showing the danger which otherwise might come unto the town: On the contrary part others, but specially foreigners, thought it not meet to receive him. Monsieur Fontene understanding that he was most of all resisted by foreigners to enter into the city, wrote unto them: affirming that there was no cause why he should betray their safety: but rather that he had a care for the same. Notwithstanding that it was not meet that through their counsel the miserable townsmen should run into peril: and that they aught not to be the procurers of them to resist the king, seeing if they would they could not. Therefore if they would determine to go to any other place, he would bring to pass that they should be safeconducted whether soever they would: for the faithful performance whereof he said they should have pledges. The foreigners sent two Deputies to M. Fontene, by which they desire that they may have the liberty of conscience and the peace and tranquillity given unto them by the king according to the prescript of the pacificatory edict, affirming that they had done injury to no man, but came unto Sanserre upon purpose to shun those murders which were committed in other places, and were received into the city with the good leave of the townsmen. Therefore that there was no cause why their abode should be grievous or offensive to any man so much that they should depart to any other place. To this monsieur Fontene more angrily answered, that he would satisfy the king's commandment in doing that which should be for the purpose, and also for the king's dignity. Therefore that which could not be brought to pass by policy, was assayed by force. Therefore those townsmen which thought good to admit monsieur Fontene into the town in the king's name, by subtle deceit took the castle: and took with them into the same monsieur Racam the brother of monsieur Fontene. But when monsieur Fontene was come with his army more near to the city, to put a more strong garrison into the Castle: behold, the townsmen which were of the Religion gave a violent assault upon the castle, by which they put the warders to flight and took the same, even the same day. At that time they of Sanserre could not with courage enough bend themselves to war: notwithstanding being admonished by present peril, they began to arm themselves with courage, and to make preparation for their own defence. THe affairs also of the low country according to the order of the story began, are not to be omitted, but briefly touched. The Prince of Orange, having an army well appointed, prospered well in his affairs in the low country of Flaunders, The affairs of the Prince of Orange in Belgie. having gotten into his hands the most noble cities, about that time that the murders were committed at Paris. Therefore when he had taken Mechgeline, & Audenard, and constrained Loven to pay unto him a great sum of money, Mounts receiveth succours. he came to Mounts with all his power, both to help his brother the Grave Lodovic, and also to deliver the town compassed with a straight siege by the Duke of Alba. The Prince of Orange arrived with great speed to the Duke of Alba his camp: whose coming by appearance should have brought great detriment to the Duke of Alba being hemmed in on every side by his enemies: notwithstanding the Prince of Orange being slow in bidding battle by reason of the importunate calling of the soldiers for wages, departed without any attempt given. And retiring, the Duke of Alba devised to work him some secret mischief. For the which purpose he sent after him five hundred well appointed soldiers with caliver shot, and a troop of horsemen to follow the pursuit, who setting upon the Prince's camp in the night and killing the watch, made great slaughter with a Canbusadow upon his army, killing many, and wounding not a few. When horrible news of the French slaughters came to the ears of the Grave Lodovic, by which he and his fellows were not a little troubled, and being out of hope to have succours from his brother the Prince of Orange: the Duke of Alba also daily more vehemently assaulting him, the enemy being repulsed, the Grave Lodovic began to entreat a truce upon the yielding up of the town: the which being granted, composition was made that he should depart from Mounts with leave to accompany him a thousand and five hundred armed men, and to carry horses and other necessary carriages: having sworn not to bear armour against King Philip by the space of one year after. So the Grave Lodovic being wounded, returned home into Germany, after the surrender of a most fine City to the Duke of Alba. THAN the Prince of Orange went a part into Brabant: & seeing that Mechgeline was assaulted, Mechgeline yielded by the Prince of Orange to duke of Alba. and the minds of the townsmen discouraged, both by the evil success of the affairs of France, and also by the late news of winning of Mounts, and perceiving that they would without all doubt incline to the Duke of Alba, he went secretly away & left the town empty. The which the Duke of Alba took, and spoiled, and carried from thence a great booty. Then he reserved to himself Diest, Termund, Rurmund, and Audenarde. Afterwards Zutphen being taken by the Duke of Alba: so great a fear came upon them which took part with the Prince of Orange, that even as if a perfect conquest were made, & that there had been no need of soldiers, the Duke of Alba dismissed many of his German horsemen. Therefore daily cities came to the Duke of Alba craving pardon for their fault, and utterly renouncing the Prince of Orange. The Duke of Alba besieged Narden a town of Holland which was held by the garrison of the prince of Orange, the which the townsmen yielded up upon certain conditions. Notwithstanding the Spaniard breaking his faith, outrageously murdered both them of the garrison, & also the townsmen. At the which captain Methyne being displeased (who came out of Spain into the low country & was judged to be the successor of the Duke of Alba) & very angry with Frederick son to the Duke of Alba, The calamity of them of Narden. got himself to Hertoghenbosh, & tarried there to long until he was sent for by the king to come home again, after that he was admonished of those dissetions among the chief Captains of the low country. The calamity of those of Narden made the other cities of Holland more constant, lest they should yield themselves to him, whom they should find a more dangerous friend than the mortal enemy. Harlem persisteth in defiance of the duke of Alba. THEREFORE, they of Harlem being ready to yield themselves to the Duke of Alba, hearing of the cruelty showed upon them of Narden, changed their purpose, & received the garrison of the prince of Orange: choosing rather to die than to yield themselves willingly into the power of the Duke of Alba. The garrison of the prince of Orange fortified the town very diligently, being before very weak of itself. In the society and friendship of the prince of Orange, the most part of the cities of Holland do persist as Leijden, Rotterdam, Dort, the county of Hage, Enckhuyse, Goude, Briel, & the rest. But Amstredam the Metropolitan city was fortified with a very strong garrison of the Duke of Alba: But all Zealand except Middelburg, took part with the prince of Orange. THE Duke of Alba besieged Harlem with a great host, and very furiously gave assault to the same. The townsmen with wonderful strength and courage defended themselves: so aptly placing the fortifications in the City, that some time when the Spaniarde was received even into the bosom of the town, was constrained to retire again both with great destruction, and also with infamy and reproach. So that both parts behaved themselves very valiantly. About this time began the bitter cold of winter, which gave occasion to the Spaniards to prevail much, the Marshes with the which that country is replenished, being frozen with Ice: But their presuming upon the Ice did somewhat annoy them. The Spaniards made a bridge upon piles and stakes, that by the same they might pass over the Ice and break into the City: but the Townsmen so urged them, that being constrained to retire upon heaps over the bridge, the which being overcharged with weight, brake & drowned a great number of spaniards: some report more some less, but by certain conjecture six hundred was the lest: the Catholics diminish the number, and writ but two hundred. The Prince of Orange sending soldiers to aid the Citizens of Harlem, was disappointed of his purpose, Succours sent from the Prince of Orange, intercepted by the Duke of Alba for they were intercepted by the Duke of Alba unlooked for, and slain with a great slaughter: one cornet of horsemen escaping away, and seven Ensigns of footmen, so that seven hundred are said to be slain in that place. About that time, it is said that there was in the territory of Amsterdam a Calf cast, A monstrous Calf. which had two heads and two backs, and double feet, that is to say eight in all, the which lived for certain hours. The seventeenth day of November there appeared a star in the sign Cassiopeia of wonderful bigness, A new Star. Cassiopeia, is a sign in the firmament which hath twelve stars, and is figured like a woman, sitting in a chair. and excelling in brightness. Of this star divers men gave their judgements, and was likened to that star which was seen about Scorpio in the time of Augustus Caesar, at the birth of our Saviour Christ. And it was said that as that star did signify the first coming of Christ, so this did betoken his last coming to judgement: Verses concerning this, were published abroad by the learned. This Star appeared in the firmament for the space of nine Months. IN THE BEGINNING of this new year, notwithstanding the uncomfortable time of winter, the furious force of war, both in France and in the low country was nothing at all diminished. The king gave strait charge and commandment, upon pain of great punishments throughout the whole Realm of France, that all noble men should go to the besieging of Rochel: Commandments to besiege Rochel. One pain or punishment was, the loss of honour: that is to say, that such noble men as went not unto this war, should be counted rustical, base, and tributary. The denouncing of this pain, caused the noble men, yea those which aforetime professed the Religion, to come to the war by heaps from all parts of the Realm. THERE were carried to the kings Camp seven and thirty great pieces of ordinance: and about the same time there came threescore ensigns of footmen: Preparation for the siege. mons. Byron, with all diligence and labour made ditches, bulwarks, rampires, rolling trenches, hardelles, and all munitions and engines appertaining to the siege of the City. In the mean time he entreateth them of Rochel to give pledges or hostages, because of Gadagne, an Abbot which was to come unto them in the kings name, to declare unto them the kings last will and determination. They of Rochel answered, that if it would please Gadagne to certify them of the king's pleasure by letters, They of Rochel are assayed by letters. An irruption by them of Rochel. they would make an answer: but as for the giving of hostages, or the letting of any man into the City, especially at that time, they neither could nor would. ABOUT the evening of the twelfth day of this month, they of Rochel broke forth upon the kings Camp, & slaying many took mons. Grandfiefe a noble man, & carried him into the city. After certain days, some soldiers being privily come from the Ships at the first watch when the gates were shut, and being passed over the ditch, were assailed by the warders of the King's camp. Another eruption. In this tumult the City was raised, and the townsmen broke forth, by which occasion there was so sore a fight and skirmish, that a few only of the townsmen being slain and wounded, there was of the kings part a hundred and five and fifty slain, and many sore hurt. Then the Catholics began to practise by subtle means to intercept them of Rochel. Mons. Triabalde a noble man entered into the City under a coloured pretence of fleeing to them of the City, & assayeth to bring the noble men which were there, Treason practised against Rochel. but especially mons. Languillier, who had the chief authority over Rochel, to defection. But seeing that he could not prevail, & searing lest they of the town would punish him for his falsehood, returned to the kings Camp at the next eruption out of the city. About this time there were new platforms made for them of Rochel, but those soldiers which were appointed to give the enterprise, were for the most part slain in the fury of the common people, the rest after examination had by the Magistrate were brought forth of prison and hanged. The Citizens of Rochel made mons. l' No their general: Mons. le No general of Rochel. notwithstanding so that the chief authority and power of other matters should rest in the hands of the Magistrate. And certain other special things befell among them, the which to this day are known to few, and to me also uncertain, that I dare not commit them to writing. The Citizens came always thither where they thought they might find the enemy. Therefore there was a sore battle fought at Tadon and at Netrè, two villages near to Rochel, in which the kings part was put to the worst. And thus they never suffered the enemy to be at rest. The twenty day of januarie mons. de Guard brought the king's navy to the promontory called Chef de Bois, and seeking to stop them of Rochel of their passage, sunk a huge empty Ship, (commonly called the Caraque) in the sea, and with great waits and tow made the same immovable and ankerfast. Upon this he reared a fort called le Eguille, The fort called le Eguille. 41. The fort called Corceille. 42. from whence he thundered & discharged great shot against that part of the town which was opposite to the same. Over against one end of the Caraque there was another fort called Corceille, & overagainst the other end of the same a third fort, The fort of the new haven. 43. called the fort of the new haven. And thus the haven was defended on both sides, the Caraque being in the midst. There appeared in the ocean sea a little beyond the haven within the view of the town two Ships, which seemed to bear sail as though they would arrive at the City. Therefore the townsmen went out of the City even upon a heap to the number of fourscore, having certain soldiers froonting them with targets and shields, intending with matter that they carried with them to fire the Caraque. The which notwithstanding they attempted in vain, being terrified with the thundering shot which flew from the Eguille for't, and also with the hardness of the enterprise, and so returned into the city. The Duke of Anoiu scent letters from the town called Samnessan to mons. le No, The Duke of Anjou useth subtle persuasions to peace. and commandeth him to signify unto the men of Rochel in his name, that the king would forgive them both their lives and goods: so that they would yield themselves into his hands, the which if they did refuse, he would by force enter the City, & execute such punishment upon them, as they should thereby be made an example for all others. There fled to Rochel from the King's army, divers which aforetime had followed the Religion, Backslyders from the king's power. and were constrained by the extremity of the times to fight under the King's banner. By these the king's counsel was bewrayed to them of Rochel. A violent assault by them of Rochel. A legion commonly containeth. 6000 footmen, and 732. men of Arms. A band containeth sometime more men and sometime less. The sixth day of February, they of the town made another eruption or violet assault under the conduct of mons. l' No, in the which they fought so valiantly that of the Legion of Sammartine one whole band was almost slain: many also were taken prisoners, which notwithstanding were dismissed without paying any ransom. Notwithstanding they which were known to be instruments of the murder, found no such favour. The eight day also the besieged townsmen gave another assault, in the which they lost only five, but the kings part many soldiers. Mons. l' No chose unto himself a well apppoynted & strong band of noble and old experienced soldiers, choice men which offered willingly their service. THE Duke of Anjou being come near unto the city sent again two letters to the citizens of Rochel: Letters hortatory from the Duke of Anjou, to peace. the first concerned the noble men: the second appertained to the townsmen and foreigners which were fled thither. In the which letters, he declareth that the king was not so uneasy to be reconciled, and unwilling to show grace, but that if they would repent them, and crave pardon at his hands, he would receive them to his favour again: but if they did obstinately refuse his grace, they might assure themselves to feel the power and severity of their most renowned Lord: & could not impute the cause of that their destruction, to any other than to themselves. They of Rochel answered the Duke of Anjou with thanks giving, beseeching him to labour with the King, that the matter might be brought to assured peace and tranquillity: & that especially they might have the liberty of their conscience. THE fifteenth day of this month, the Duke of Anjou came with great authority and countenance into the kings camp, being accompanied with his brother the Duke of Alencon, the king of Navarre, the Prince of Conde, the Dauphin, which were of the king's blood: the Guise, Duke D'Aumal, Marques d'Meyne, Duke d'Bouillon, Monluce, Count Rochfoucalt, the Lord Acier, who after the death of his brother, succeeded him in the inheritance, and was called Duke D'Vzes, who having forsaken the religion, took part with the catholics. There were many other noble men also: & there was so great a multitude of noble men, that to besiege and assault one city, men came from all parts of the realm, with all forces that might be possible. But before we come to speak of the noble siege, A topographical description of Rochel. it seemeth necessary, that we make brief description of the situation of Rochel, & of the most famous places, therein made notable by valiant exploits. Rochel by situation, extendeth itself so far into the Ocean sea, that it is almost compassed about therewith: Salt marishes. 16. and it is closed almost round about with salt marishes, very convenient for the making of salt: but that part which tendeth toward the country of Poictou, is firm and fast ground. On that part standeth the temple called L'temple d' Cogne, Cogne fort. 10 the which was fortified with a countermure, and now beareth the name of Cogne fort. So that the temple was overthrown, that the steeple might serve for a watch tower, and the rest of the matter of the temple for a fort. The tower Moreille. 13. Over against the salt marishes standeth the tower of Moreille, which defendeth that region in large compass, by reason of the tall and high munition of the same. Sannicolas tower. 18. Next after this, followeth the tower of Sannicolas, the which is compassed about both with a natural moorish ground, and also with witty skill: for on the right hand, the Ocean floods beat upon the same: and the swelling flood of the sea, filleth the ditch thereof, whether at the length the flood may come: for from that place unto Cogne gate, the ditches of the city are almost dry. From Sannicolas gate, to the gate d'Moulinez, the Sea extendeth itself, with all one course and level: and to defend that part against the assaults that might be given by the navy, there was a very strong bulwark made, which was called Sannicolas fort. Sannicolas forte. 19 Sannicolas gate and the bulwarks. 20. Sannicolas tower. 21. The tower of the haven. 22 Next to this stood Sannicolas gate, with bulwarks adjoining to the same: and then Sannicolas tower, over against the which was the tower of the haven, the said haven dividing them both: And to the end the King's navy might have no passage into the haven, there was fastened a strong iron chain from one of the said towers to the other. Between the tower of the haven and the Lantern tower, there was reared a very strong wall made by Masons, and furnished with ordinance. The Lantern tower. 23. The Lantern tower served to give light in the night to sailors, or to such as came into the haven in time of peace. The Citadel. 1 Next unto this was placed a notable fort, called the Citadel, being no less strong, than it was great and large, in so much, that it was to that part of the city as it were an armory, or storehouse of Artillery. This Citadel was compassed about with a wall of main strength, The tower of Gayor. 2. at one corner whereof the tower of Gayor hath his place: Between the which and the next point toward the King's camp, The new gate bulwark & platform. 3. The fort of the castle. 4. The place of Cockslem. 5. The bulwark le Euangile. 6, Cogne bulwark. 9 were framed divers bulwarks and forts, as the new gate bulwark, and platform, the fort of the Castle: the place of Cockslem, and the bulwark called l' Euangile, now battered down. At the other fourth corner of the wall was a very strong bulwark, called Cogne bulwark. Many other forts were reared, which are to be seen in the platform belonging to this description. Also it is to be noted, that the haven called Chef de bois, where the King's Navy road, is two miles distant from the gate of Rochel. THE Duke of Anjou therefore being received with triumphant peals of the great field pieces, went to Neullj to abide there: where he tarried the whole time of the siege, with the rest of the Princes, and greatest part of the nobles. The same day he took a view of the walls of the City, and mustered the Army. The day following, the townsmen broke out at three several places of the City, and having slain an hundred of their enemies, returned into the City again, with loss of a few of their men. Then was there a place appointed, from whence the walls of the city might be conveniently battered, the battery being laid to the gate of Cogney: and by the commandment of the Duke of Anjou, a countermure was made, and fortified with hurdles to bear and defend the shot. Also he forgot not to practise subtilely mischief, under the pretence of parley: to the end the city might be assailed with two engines, namely by outward force, & by inward craft & deceit. For the citizens did not well agreed among themselves: some inclining to peace, of the which the duke of Anjou, at that time had made an offer unto them: others thinking it better to stand manfully to their own defence: saying, that the offered peace was nothing but a snare to betray them, according to the old manner. Captain Norman going to spoil & rob with two galleys, took a ship, laden with fifty tun of wine of Bordeaux, and five and twenty tun of wheat, and returned with his men in safety into Rochel haven, notwithstanding that he was assailed by mons. d' Guard, with great force. THE Duke of Anjou, having taken a view of the Bulwark which bordered on the sea coast, and minding to return into the kings camp, sent before him two hundred horsemen, commanding them to skirmish with the townsmen, that he in the mean time might pass by, with the more safety. While these and certain troops of the townsmen were in skirmish at that place, certain horsemen, over whom mons. Grandrise a noble man was captain, carrying behind every of them a foot man, Mons. Grandrise skirmisheth with the king's camp. with callyver shot, set upon the kings soldiers unprepared in another part of the camp, of whom they slew many, and took some prisoners, and brought with them certain horses into the city. SHORTLY after they of Rochel being diversly solicited, were contented at the length to parley with the kings Lieutenants: mons. l' No with Pierrez, Mortie, and Maurisson, being chosen for this purpose, came into the kings camp, and so entered into parley with mons. Byron, Strozzi, Villequier, and Gadagne, and to this parley also came the County d' Retz, and at the length certain of the chief townsmen. GADAGNE having spoken at large to mons. l' No, and to his fellows, of the singular good will of the King, towards them of Rochel, offered at the last to them in writing, the sum of those conditions, upon the which the King would come to composition of peace: the which conditions were these: first, that the inhabitants of Rochel, though they had grievously offended his majesty, for that they being abashed with a certain vain fear, would not obey his commandments oftentimes sent unto them, were notwithstanding freely pardoned, so that they would receive mons. Byron into the city, and would obey him. Secondly, that he would grant unto them the free use of Religion, according to the form of the pacificatory Edict, in the which he would have nothing neither diminished nor altered: & for this he would make them most ample and large assurance. Thirdly, that he would give unto those which would depart to any other place, full leave and liberty to departed, and to carry their goods whether soever they would, or otherwise to use them at their own pleasure. They which were deputed for Rochel, made answer, that they had hitherto in no point disobeyed the king, but had ever showed themselves his faithful subjects. That, by the dangerous and troublesome state of the time they were constrained to this necessary defence of themselves, lest they should fall into the hands and wills of their enemies as others had done, which had embraced with them the same religion. That they desired of the king this one thing, namely, that they might enjoy the liberty of their consciences by the benefit of the Edict of peace. But seeing the cause in hand was not their alone, but belonging also to the rest of the reformed Churches, they also earnestly required this thing that consideration of them might be had in like manner: Forsomuch as they could do nothing of themselves without their consent. And thus they parted. The day following, Mons. l'Noe being beset with sixteen horsemen having encountered and charged a greater troop, Mons. l No hardly escapeth death. and was pursuing the chase, was so near his death, that if a Captain had not put himself between the enemy and l'Noe, he had been slain. But the Captain thereby purchased his death's wound. The deputies of Rochel being returned into the city, told the whole matter unto the Senate. The Senate called before them the Pastors of the Church, to have their judgement concerning these matters. The Pastors answered, That for so much as they were demanded of those things which specially belonged to conscience and to God's prerogative, it was a matter of great weight: and therefore that they aught not to make answer to the same, before they had craved wisdom of God. Affirming that peace was to be wished, but not such a peace as should be more perilous and mortal than war: as might plainly enough appear by those former and late examples. That it was not likely that the king coming upon them with his whole power & proclaiming open war, would make convenient and profitable conditions of peace: notwithstanding that they aught to endeavour themselves to foreslow nothing that might be for the peace of the Churches, seeing they sought not war, but their needful and necessary defence. Notwithstanding, that those conferences & parleys did not seem to be safe and without peril: wherefore they thought it better to deal by writing, whereby they might also have a more convenient mean to deliberate. Furthermore that they aught to have a consideration of the common utility of all Churches, and that therefore they aught to do nothing for their own private cause, except the use of the same peace should be extended to other Churches. The next day the people were called together, that a final determination might be made concerning this matter. And the people liked of that judgement of the Pastors, whereof we have spoken even now. This assembly was scarce dismiste, when as the kings Army was approached the gate of the city, which ran forcibly together on a heap to break open the same. Whereupon they of the town broke forth and repulsed the kings power by little and little: and aid coming still on both parts, there was a sore skirmish at that place, both sides valiantly quitting themselves. This skirmish continued very hot the space of sire hours. Another assault. Monsieur l'Noe was in great peril of his life, his breast plate being broken with divers violent strokes, and his horse slain under him. The speedy coming of the night ended this battle. Of the townsmen twelve were wanting, and seven and twenty were wounded. But of the kings part there are said to be a hundred and fifty slain. Wonderful was the boldness and courage of the women in the midst of the fight, coming almost into the danger of the conflict, bringing to such as were wounded wine and other comfortable things. The next day which was the last of February, the thundering Cannon shot began to batter the walls and gate of Cogne. The king's soldiers begin the assault. Whereby the consultations of the disagreeing townsmen were disturbed, and constrained they were by necessity to defend themselves. The same day the townsmen gave an assault, having mons. l'Noe, and Norman their Captains: at the which assault many on both parts were slain. Mons l'Noe contrary to the agreed and concluded determination, brought to pass, that the said determination being revoked in the public assembly of the Senate and people, it was agreed that the king's Deputies should be heard again, that the matter might be rather ended by peace than by war. Whereupon Monsieur Strozzi and Mandreville, were sent into Rochel for hostages. And Monsieur l'Noe, and james Henry Mayre, came unto the Duke of Anjou, as it was agreed by the senate and people. Nevertheless the battery proceeded against Cogne fort: whose fortification within few days were beaten down. When the Duke of Anjou had heard the Deputies of Rochel, answered in the King's name, that the king would add nothing unto those former conditions rehearsed unto them already by Gadagne. That, if they were wise, they would embrace them betimes while the kings grace and goodness was offered unto them: and not to presume upon vain confidence to have help and aid out of England. With this answer they of Rochel returned to make report: and then came again to the kings camp, requiring that both the City, and also the territory of Rochel might have one and the self same use of the Religion: and also that the same benefit might belong to the rest of the Churches dispersed throughout the Realm. To the which County de Adretz, made answer that the king's pleasure was to have the City only partaker of that benefit: as for the other Churches, that he would provide for them at his own pleasure, and according to his wisdom: willing them of Rochel to receive the benefit offered, the which the king would afterward grant unto their fellows. This answer was not liked. The which being brought to the Citizens, they all agreed, that all ways of defence lawful were to be sought: & that rather than they should run into present peril, they aught rather to prefer just war, than to embrace reproachful and suspected peace: for God would defend their cause. While these things were in communication, the great guns shook and battered the walls of the town. The townsmen also having their pieces and shot well defenced with bulwarks and rampires, discharged lustily from the City, in somuch that many on the kings part were at divers times hurt and slain. Among the rest, from that fort which we said is called l'Euangele, there was discharged a Canon shot, which running through hardell trench not sufficiently fortified with earth, Duke D'aumall slain. slew Duke d'Aumall as he stood privily behind the same, being uncle by the father's side to the Duke of Guise. And so the funeral exequys of this noble peer, was joined with the daily slaughters of noble men, and common soldiers. Always the thundering shot went off against the townsmen labouring to repair the breaches of their walls: notwithstanding to the small hurt of the townsmen, busily occupied there abouts. Truce taken for a parley. Nevertheless a truce was taken for one day for a parley, during which time the discharging of shot was forbidden on either part. Monsieur l'Noe, and Meniwille went forth to the parley, in the name of the townsmen. The day following the thundering shot went off afresh, and the townsmen making an assault to Tadon, made a light skirmish, in the which they had good success, and in the dead time of the night the townsmen clothing themselves with white shirts, went forth and had taken the trench of defence when they were repulsed by the kings soldiers, and many being slain and wounded on both sides, they came into the City again. Now leaving for a while to speak of the siege of Rochel, let us say somewhat of the affairs of other countries. Sommiron was urged by D'anuil, The siege of Sommiron. and having made wide breaches in the walls, sought by his Soldiers oftentimes to break into the city: the townsmen in the mean time fortifying and defending the same with wondered strength, having monsieur Gremian a noble man of Montpellier their captain, whose fortitude also the enemy had in admiration. They of Montaubane, being under the conduct of Viscount Paul, succoured the besieged, they of D'anuils' part nothing at all hindering them: conveying unto them reasonable store of victual, and also of gunpowder. They of Nismes, and the borderers of Sevenatz valiantly succoured at all assays their oppressed brethren and fellows. They of the territory of Vivaretz being let by the domestical enemy, went not to that war. Thus a great army, well furnished with artillery and ordinance, laboured in vain for the space of four months in the besieging of the town, sustaining great overthrow and slaughter of men. For it is said that of the Catholics side were slain five thousand men. Monsieur Candale of Guian a notable famous man, Monsieur Candale slain. who had married one of the sisters of mons. Momorenci, brought unto d'Anuil his kinsman two Ensigns of footmen Gascoynes, who among the Frenchmen are accounted the most expert and painful Soldiers. These scorned the vain labour of those that followed the siege, and noted the constancy of the town, with brags what they would do more than their fellows before them. Therefore monsieur Candale, being provoked by his soldiers craved of Mons. d'Anuil, that he and his band might have leave to give the first assault to the town. His request was granted. And there was a sufficient breach made in the wall of the town. At the which when monsieur Candale assayed by fault to enter, he was so received that he was repulsed with loss of three hundred men at that assault. With this loss M. Candale was so angry, that he protested to d'Anuil that he abhorred the civil wars by which one Frenchman killed another, to serve and please the minds of vile and naughty knaves: for such were his words. The day following mon. Candale seeking to recover the loss of his honour, was slain himself: which greatly chafed and grieved his soldiers, but specially d'Anuil, who was dishonoured and defamed with that delay of war, and unhappy success, and was said by the Catholics to delay and spend the time for the nonce to the kings great loss and detriment. For the whole house of momorency were appointed to be slain with the Admiral their kinsman, in the slaughter of Paris: but what was the let hereof we have showed already. Notwithstanding the wiser sort affirm, that d'Anuil by his exploits in that war of Languedoc, showed himself forward to do all that he was able, that he might win the king's favour. When there was no occasion left to take Sommiron, and the king's army lingering the siege, behold mon. Gremian desireth parley: and upon notable conditions he agreed with dAnuil concerning the yielding up the town, namely that all both soldiers and townsmen, should departed with their armour, and all their goods in safety, that they should have respite for seven days, and that hostages should be taken on either part, until the agreement were fully ended. Therefore the garrison and townsmen, having monsieur Gremian their captain, came forth of the city armed with their families and goods, and came in safety to the next Cities of Sevenatz, the hostages abiding in the mean time at Nismes. The yielding up of Sommiron seemed incredible to the Catholics, Sommiron yielded up, upon good conditions. which were without all hope to receive the same: and to the dishonour of d'Anuil they reported, that mons. Gremian to gratify d'Anuil, had willingly yielded up the City unto him. Notwithstanding in very deed Sommiron was brought into those straits and extremities, that they wanting both victual and also goonpowder, and having no aid from their fellows (who could scarcely help themselves sufficiently) could not but yield up the town at that time. From this time forward the Catholics warred not against them of the Religion in Languedoc: and the year following brought a wonderful alteration, as we will declare hereafter. ABOUT this time there befell a new occasion to further the affairs of the Religious in Languedoc. Concerning Villeneufe, which was intercepted by mon. Leugere, we have spoken before. The banished Citizens of Villeneufe, used these means to recover their city. We said before that a little town called Mirebel, was taken by mon. Baron and Pradel: whether the most earnest favourers of the Religion of Villeneuf fled. Villeneufe in the territory of Vivaretz is taken by them of the Religion. They therefore being in Mirebel which was situate upon the higher ground, from whence they might see far off, had always Villeneufe before their eyes, insomuch that the present occasion was always in the minds of the poor banished Citizens to recover their country. Amidst the straits of the siege of Sommiron, those extremities of Mirebel are repeated, being besieged round about with enemies. There came to mon. Pradel a certain soldier a Coppersmith, which was newly come from Villeneufe: who affirmed that he had devised a way to take the city, in show ridiculous and fond, but yet such he said, as was not to be rejected, being much more easy than that which was practised in taking of Nismes in the time of the former war. There was at the walls of Villeneufe a hole, out of the which the water of the town, only in the time of rain, runneth to purge the ways and channels: and the same had an iron grate before it. That hole this Soldier had viewed, and reported the same to be such, that the bars of iron might easily be broken up: through the which he affirmed they might easily pass into the town. The matter being told to mon. Baron a Captain, was jested at. Notwithstanding, at the instance of mon. Pradel, it was agreed that this device should be put in practice. Monsieur Baron was gone apart to Privac to keep the city, which being brought into peril by the dissensions of the townsmen and inhabitants thereabout, by his industry abode in the faith and power of them of the Religion. To take Villeneufe there lacked more succours: for the which they of Aubenac, & other of their fellows were to be entreated. The matter could not be so secretly kept, but that it braced forth and came to the ears of Monsieur Leuger. He therefore increased his garrison, and appointed those to keep watch and ward which in the City had abjured the Religion. Notwithstanding there was not one in the City which knew of this purpose and counsel. To bring this matter to pass, it was appointed that they should tarry for a dark night. Monsieur Baro differing the matter as devoid of all warlike policy, and fearing the danger of this purpose, certain months passed on, and the matter not assayed. In the mean time monsieur Leuger being deceived and mocked by false Messengers, watched many nights, having his men in a readiness in arms. So that he thought these reports to be but vain and false. Monsieur Pradelle at the length brought to pass, that in the beginning of the month of March, having gathered succours together, monsieur Baro came with his soldiers from Privac to Mirebel. He came in the evening, notwithstanding so, that he had day light for certain hours, and the watchmen and scouts of mon. Leuger which lay at Mirebel in secret watch certified him out of hand of the coming of monsieur Baro, and telling him that he would come the same night unto the city. Monsieur Leuger, though he were oftentimes mocked, yet notwithstanding by this report he being stirred to look about him, commanded the gates of the city to be shut betimes: and those which abjured the Religion, as suspected to be put apart in diverse places: to double the watch: insomuch that the town being conveniently walled about, was replenished with a standing watch. He commanded bonfires to be made in every street of the City, and Cresset light to stand in every window, in such wise as the whole City was bright and shining. And he himself with certain choice men went round about his watch. In this so diligent watching, they of the Religion had nothing deceived his expectation, and if they had come at the appointed hour, they could not have prevailed: For one a clock after midnight was the hour appointed, at the which time, watches are commonly of less force. And why they came not at the said hour appointed, this was the cause mons. Baro showing the danger of the attempt, thought it good not to take the same in hand: many valiant soldiers agreed hereunto, being moved with authority. Notwithstanding, mons. Pradelle prevailed, that the attempt might be given: and when he had made his prayers unto God, in the midst of his soldiers, all men were so encouraged, that they went forward, as men persuaded and assured of victory. While the matter was thus in controversy, the time was delayed. Mons. Leuger deeming that they were the accustomed wiles and mocks, left off his serious watch: by which time the day star appeared. Wherefore all men being desirous of sleep departed. And monsieur Leuger himself went home to sleep, for that he had watched all the night. They of the religion come unto the city when all things were at rest, through the compassing valleys shadowed with hills, with the which Villeneufe was compassed on that side. And when the iron bars were pulled up, they entered in at the foresaid hole: & they that entered first, came unto the chief watch, & slew certain soldiers whom they found asleep, & some between sleeping and waking. And thus they ran through the city, crying, the town is taken. Thus the greater part being entered in at the hole, not one shot being discharged from the walls against them, opened one gate. Whomsoever they met, they slew. Mons. Leuger being waked with the noise of this tumult, went out of his house, but being constrained by force to retire again, he kept himself close in the same, being lately well fortified. The Catholics also betook them to the tower of the greater gate, & to another also of great height beside the temple. But such as were found armed in any place of the city, were slain by them of the religion, insomuch that the streets were filled with dead bodies. Many popish prelate's also were slain, which were come thither from divers cities thereabouts, to hold a Synod. And after they had assailed the two towers & the house of mons. Leuger, to the hurt & detriment of both parts, the said three places were yielded the third day, & mons. Leuger departed, being in great peril of the catholics, in somuch that he could scarcely be in safety in his house, being accused of treason. Thus faith being violated, he is also accused of treason, by false surmise. So great fear came upon all this country, that no doubt, they of the religion might easily have taken the next city, but that the soldiers being busied about the prey, would not go else where. A great booty was carried out of this little town, and much money for ransoms was received, which by the negligence of the captains, was put to private uses. The Catholics by this sudden fear being awaked, held all those cities which were near unto them, they which had taken Villeneufe, being gone no further. Notwithstanding they of the religion, took certain little towns which bordered upon them: and fortified Gorce, and Saluasse, that they might have free passage from Vivijers to Nismes. D Anuil abstaineth from war. D'ANVIL having placed the tail and remainder of his armies in divers towns, from thence forth mitigated the force of war. divers cities in Languedoc taken by policy Nevertheless, by them of the religion, divers towns and castles in sundry places of Languedoc were taken daily, rather by policy, than with the displayed ensign. About this time a walled town called Florensac, being not far from Narbon was taken: Neither was there any Diocese in Languedoc, in the which day by day some news fell out. The particular repetition of which things, we have thought more convenient to defer unto another time, and for another book. Pusis taken. They of the religion also took Pusis, a town bordering upon the river of Rosne, which afore that time by the negligence of the townsmen, was fallen into decay. Cursol also which lieth over against Valentz in Dauphine, was strongly fortified. These things falling out in this order, after the besieging of Sommiron, they of the religion in Languedoc, began to look more seriously about them, & to take better order in their affairs. For in their first beginning of war, the captains and ringleaders being none of the nobility, but borne of base parentage, every man governed his soldiers as him listed, whereupon many dissensions arose among them, when as one would not obey the other's counsel, according to the nature of Frenchmen, which is to like well of their own govenment. Therefore the inhabitants of Nismes (with whom they of Vivijers and Sevenatz were joined) determined to choose certain of the nobility, whose commandment the other captains should not refuse to obey. And to this order of government accorded mons. Sauroman, a noble man, and one deserving to be loved for his godliness and his modesty, who in the very same government afore time, had very profitably bestowed great diligence and pains. Who escaping the cruel slaughter of Paris, fled into Switzerlande. Him, after deliberation had they chose, and entreated him by their letters, Mons. Sanroman chosen to be general by them of the religion. to take upon him that charge. At the first he doubted what he were best to do, whether he were best to join himself with them, being in so great peril. Nevertheless after certain months, he came unto them at the last, as we will declare hereafter. ABOUT this time the Churches of Languedoc sent into Germany to crave help, that they might be able to sustain the force of war, which they were assured would shortly be moved against them. For this treaty mons. Calueri, and Valli, strong & wise men, in the midst of the continual assaults of the enemy were sent. They went especially to the county Palatine: of whose compassion & good will, in pitying their estate, & in readiness to help them, they certified their fellows, & put them in hope of aid. But for the present necessity, they received nothing. And as they returned home again, making a longer journey, because of the lyings in wait of the enemies, mons. Valli came home in safety: but mons. Calueti was taken by mons. d'Gords in Dauphine: & being kept in ward certain months, was at the length by reason of a peace which came in the mean time, and by the entreaty of d'Anuil restored. All which things we will entreat of together hereafter in one place. Monbrune armeth himself in Dauphine. WE spoke before of mons. Monbrune, and of the noble men of Dauphin. He lying secretly at home, & seeming to have no care for religion, but to provide for his own private ease & profit, & to seek to win the king's favour, came forth at the last, contrary to the expectation of all men, and armed himself. Mons. d' Gorges sent unto him strait after sugared letters, promising unto him ever and among, in the king's name, both domestical peace, and also liberty of conscience, feeding him with friendly promises, if so be he would serve the king: or at lest if he would be quiet, and seek his own profit. Nevertheless in the mean time he went about to betray him, seeking to spoil him of all the succours of his friends, and so to intercept him. Mons. Monbrune being certified hereof, having both conscience towards the religion, and having abandoned out of his mind, the whole conceived fear of the butcherly murder, and they of Languedoc having good success of their constancy: began to persuade with his private friends of the nobility, which favoured the religion, and kept their houses to come abroad: and after deliberation had, they agreed together to take Valentz, Montil. Leucrest, which were noble cities in Dauphin, by them of the Religion, which as yet were in them. And they made their neighbours of Vivaretz acquainted with this matter. But when their purpose failed in taking those towns, & certain bands of the inhabitants, in the territory of Vivaretz also, when they were come over the river of Rosne, being intercepted by the horsemen of mons. d'Gordes, the said mons. Monbrune took certain small empty towns of no fame, in the hill country of Dauphin, near unto the Diocese of Dien, as Orpier, Diofet, and Serra, which were kept with no garizons. Mons. d'Gordes being in security, and nothing at all fearing the stirring of them of the Religion, and the townsmen whereof favouring also the Religion. And then mons. Monbrune having with him a few of his friends to the number of eighteen horsemen, and two and twenty old soldiers only, went out of his house, not knowing certainly what to do, & having no sufficient trust in the strength of those few, so great fear remained by the remembrance of that lamentable tyme. About the same time by his travail in the parts of Troiz, which lieth among the hills of the Alpss (and yet no barren soil) these noble men, mons. Ledigner, Champolian, & Morge took the chief City called Meuza, and divers other small towns, and gathered together a great multitude of the Religious (which are many in those parts) which at that time lay hidden in secret places after the cruel slaughter committed. MONS. d'Gords notwithstanding, not deeming the peril of that hill country to be so great, The security of monsieur de Gordes. in so weak and small beginnings, sent out certain troops of horsemen only to intercept Mombrune and his fellows, but he prevailed not. Whereupon he certified the King of a new commotion. Notwithstanding even at these first beginnings, Monbrune took certain troops of Soldiers belonging to mons. de Gords, straggling here and there, and offered up the first fruits of greater slaughter to come. OF these small beginnings it can scarce be told how greatly his strength increased within few days, insomuch that the king's side had not a more terrible and fearful enemy in the Realm of France, which we will briefly note hereafter in due time and place. WE said before that the Citizens of Sanferre were in great extremities by reason of domestical dissensions, and that a castle was taken from them, and recovered also by them the same day again. Of the affairs of Sanserre. Being taught by this dangerous admonition, they begin more exquisitely to order and appoint all things in the City, and ordain mons. joanneau the Lieutenant of the town and a painful man to be their General and governor by his name and authority: and their captains for the war they chose mons. Flore, and Mine, and certain others: they mustered the townsmen and appointed bands of Soldiers. Notwithstanding as yet they were not besieged by the kings army, and many, but especially mons. joanneau could not be persuaded that the king amidst the extremities of Rochel and Languedoc wars, would besiege the City. Nevertheless the more wise and provident sort considered and thought that he would not leave that unassaulted, which was in the very heart and midst of the Realm. This security brought to pass, that they of Sanserre left many necessary things undone: The negligence of them of Sanserre. but especially it caused them to neglect the provision of corn for the City, of which they might have provided great store in so fertile a country, in the which their store houses, so near after harvest, were replenished almost with all manner of fruits. The pulling down also of the suburbs and other villages adjoining unto them was pretermitted, which notwithstanding was necessary to be done against the siege, lest the same places might serve their enemies turn, which they did afterward in very deed to the great annoyance of the town. But principally their carelessness in providing corn brought upon them so great a famine, that the same might seem to be nothing inferior, nay rather to exceed the famine of Jerusalem, and that of Samaria. Beside this, they erred in hoping for succours by which they persisted constant to their own hurt and detriment, they which aught to have aided them, either not doing their duty, or else so unfurnished that they could not help. Notwithstanding both their constancy and also their wonderful industry is worthy to be remembered of such as shall come hereafter, and specially being in a good cause it deserveth great praise and commendation. This history is written in French by one named Lerry, an approved witness to be credited, being at that siege even to the last moment, from whose writing, and others information we will according to our manner and purpose, set down that which is only necessary. After that they of Sanserre had skirmished certain days with their neighbours of Cosne, and had taken from them the pray and booty, they were besieged the ninth day of january of this present year with a copious army, containing five hundred horsemen, and five thousand footmen, beside those which were borne and dwelling in that country, who came thither of their own accord to get them renown. The Lord of Chastre, knight of the order, the king's governor of the country, was general of the Army. He had for the battery sixteen great pieces: and he caused a great number of trenches and bulwarks to be made for their defence in the siege. When they of the town saw themselves besieged, The siege of Sanserre. and then too late fearing the scarcity of corn, they determined to thrust out of the City the rustical multitude. But they to whom the executing hereof was committed, so handled the matter, that the greater part of the common people remained still in the City: whereupon ensued both to the miserable people, and also to the whole City an intolerable mischief. So many groase oversights could not but bring great calamity to them of Sanserre. The Lord of Chastre, sending an Herald, summoned them of Sanserre to yield up the town: the which if they would do willingly, he promised that he would persuade the King to deal with them in clemency: but if they refused, he threatened to show all severity against them. To this the Sanserreans made no answer, but stayed the Herald from returning again, and kept him in the City: the which act was against the law of arms, and committed by the undiscrete counsel of the chief rulers, which notwithstanding was disliked of the most part of the townsmen. This Act turned afterward to the great displeasure of mons. johanneau the author of the same. Thus the Sanserreans prepared themselves for their defence, The courage of the Sanserreans in defending themselves. being greatly encouraged by the good success of their former besieging, of the which we have spoken in another place. They disquieted the enemy by often eruption, by the good conduct of mons. Flore an expert and valiant Captain, who both took great pains, and also had happy success in his affairs. And it is certain, so far forth as we may judge of human matters humanly, that if the Sanserreans had provided in time sufficient store of corn, the enemy had had the same success which he had in the former war. All things necessary for the siege being diligently provided by the Lord of Chastre, the sixteen day of February of this present year, the walls of the City began to be battered with sixteen great pieces of ordinance, two of the which were planted upon a higher place of ground, and bend against the face of the City, to the great annoyance of the townsmen. But before that time of the battery, there was fled a certain soldier out of the King's army unto the townsmen, which bewrayed the place, which the enemy by battery intended to make sauteable: to the which place the townsmen came with speed, fortifying the same with a new countermure: notwithstanding they saw the enemy bend his force against another place of less strength. Yet nevertheless by proof he found the same contrary to his expectation, so well fortified, that when he had for the space of three days done nothing but batter the same (for in those three days space there were certainly told three thousand and five hundred shot of ordinance) they had made a very small breach in the wall. Also credible persons which abode in this siege even until the end of the same, report a wonderful thing worthy to be remembered, namely, that amidst so many terrible thundering shot, there was not one hurt, except one only damsel which was slain not with the shot, but with the fiery flame of a piece: howbeit houses in divers places of the town were shaken and rend, and the weapons in the hands of soldiers broken in pieces, also the helmets taken off from some of their heads, and the rubbish and stone work flew about the ears of many, without doing them any hurt: Also at what time there was a sermon, the house itself wherein the people were assembled together, was filled with the rubbish of the next houses were beaten down, which things I would not report except they were approved true, that it may appear that not without cause the Sanserreans almost all perished with famine, which were delivered out of so great perils, but that God by his singular providence ordered the whole matter, in whose hand is both life and death. The breach being made as is aforesaid, An Engine was a four square thing made of boards and quarters for men to go under to defend themselves from stones & shot. the L. Chastre determined to approach the walls with Engines, that he might win the gate Viet which was next unto the breach. Also at other parts of the wall the soldiers undermined, that with divers assaults made together the Sanserreans might be unable to resist. The ninetienth day of March, the King's army bent with might and main gave an assault at the breach, and in the mean time the ordinance which was planted on the higher ground discharged lustily at the face of the town. The townsmen feared the shaking and blowing up of the mines, standing in doubt lest they should break forth at those places where they were, and fearing lest while they were occupied in one place, on the other part an entry might be made for the enemy. So that they were in sore conflict with divers extremities. Notwithstanding they had such success in the end, that the enemy was not only repulsed, but slain also with a great slaughter, in somuch that he was discouraged any more to give any assault unto the town, being taught by the example of the former wars. Wherefore the L. of Chastre perceiving that it was but lost labour, beside the great spoil also of his men, to give any more assaults to the town, and being warned by the error of mons. Martinenge, who aforetime was general in the other siege, but in vain, devised another way of besieging, thinking it good to leave off the assalting of the same, and rather with strong bulwarks to enclose it, that neither they which were within the City might come forth, nor yet those which were without might have access to them which were within: that so he might constrain the townsmen being brought to extreme famine, to give up the town, the which in deed came to pass. Therefore the day following which was the twenty of March, he displaced his Artillery, and overthrew and brent the fortifications which he had erected about the City, and the whole army almost trussed up bag and baggage. Then the townsmen thought that the L. Chastre, being out of hope to take the City discamped, but his intent was otherwise: for he practised another kind of straight siege, as we have said. Therefore the L. Chastre erected seven bulwarks, severally situated according to the conveniency of the place, in necessary places, fortified such places of the hamlets adjoining thereunto, as served his turn: hemmed in the City with broad trenches, that the townsmen might have a narrow space left them between the City and the ditch: placed horsemen and footmen in convenient order, and commanded a most straight kind of watch and ward, in such wise that it was not possible by any means, that any man should go out or come into the City. The Sanserreans sand for succours. When the townsmen saw themselves to be thus enclosed, they sent to divers places for succours, but specially into Germany, and into Languedoc. But what came thereof we will show in order hereafter. Concerning the affairs of the low country. WE said before that Harlem a town in Holland was besieged by the Duke of Alba, in winning whereof the Spaniards, and contrariwise in defending of the same the Prince of Orange his soldiers took great pains. The wall being battered down with shot, was so fortified again by the garrison in the town, that trenches being conveniently made by wonder labour round about within the City, the inner parts of the City were deemed more firm and strong than the very walls were before. Whilst this City was besieged, and valiant acts showed on both parts, many things in the mean time diversly fell out. The seven and twenty day of january, the Spanish navy was taken by the Flisshiners, notwithstanding it escaped away again with great slaughter. IN THE mean time the Prince of Orange laboured by all means possible to victual them of Harlem being oppressed with famine: The Prince of Orange victualeth Harlem. and by due and convenient arrival from the bordering Cities there abouts, as from Leyden, and Delfe, and by the benefit of the hard cold winter, the way being frozen hard with Ice, he brought to pass that victuals were conveyed to the townsmen. In the beginning of March a new supply of spaniards to the number of five ensigns, came into the Camp. The Flisshiners encountered happily at Ternese, with the navy of the Duke of Alba. THE Prince of Orange (according to the variable chance of war, or rather by the manifold providence of the Lord of hosts) going about to secure them of Harlem with ships, County Bossu the King's Lieutenant of Holland, encountering with him and being of more force, took certain ships, whereupon ensued a new slaughter upon the Prince of Oranges part, by the means of them of Amsterdam. ABOUT this time also the Reisters which were under the pay of the Duke of Alba, taking with them the footebande with shot, made an inroad in the territory of Leyden, robbing and spoiling the same, and carrying away a great booty. WITHIN few days after they of Harlem broke forth upon the king's army as they were triumphing upon the success of their victories, and were celebrating the feast of Easter, and slew a great many, and wounded many, and for the good success hereof, they broke forth again the day following upon the Duke of Alba his camp, and having slain certain and disturbed the camp, they returned into the City again. But when they broke forth in the evening of the same day, and came in the dead time of the night upon the reisters' Camp, the Reisters were with fear so astonied, having not yet breathed since their late Conflicts, that leaving their Tents, they betook them unto their heels most cowardly, they of Harlem following the chase and making a great slaughter of their enemies. Notwithstanding the townsmen, having this success, not minding to assail the rest of the army, for that they saw themselves unable to make their party good, retired into the City again. THE kings power, whereof the County Bossu was general, and the power of the Prince of Orange strived who should be Lords of the Sea, whereupon divers conflicts were had between them, because the pre-eminence of the water might either help or hinder the town of Harlem. Therefore the Orengians went about to win the rampire, thereby to stop the intercourse and passage of Amsterdam, by which victuals were carried into the Duke of Alba his camp: But the men of Amsterdam came forth and skirmished with the Orengians: and behold as they were buckeling together, a great number of Rustical labourers were discovered. The Orengians suspecting that the Spaniards were come, were discomfited: and so for fear leaving eight of their ships in the power of the enemies, were slain by heaps by them of Amsterdam, the rest cowardly ran away. Thus the other practice to aid the besieged in Harlem, was made frustrate, the County Bossu defending that sea coast with the Spanish navy. But when the Duke of Alba had supplied fresh soldiers in the room of such as were slain, picking them out both from among the Reisters, A famine in Harlem. and Burgundians, and also out of the old servitors of the garrisons of the low country: and then procuring a more straight siege notwithstanding the constant seeking of the Prince of Orange to secure, there came in the mean time a sore famine upon them of Harlem, for it is a City both copious of itself, and was also replenished with a garrison of soldiers. The Prince of Orange being only busily occupied in delivering of Harlem, levied so great an army as he could out of Holland and Zelande, minding to break into the City, to help the besieged. The general of this army under the Prince of Orange, was William Bronchorste Lord of Battemburge. He came at the last with his power to the duke of Alba his camp, & having slain at the first onset the rearward of the Reisters, encountered courageously with the rest of the army: But the duke of Alba his part, taking unto them courage, so defended themselves, that they did not only repulse the Orengians, but also destroyed them with a great slaughter. For it is said, that there were a thousand and five hundred slain: the enemy having taken in the spoil fourteen ensigns, ten field pieces, and thirty wagons. Also the Lord of Battemburge himself was slain. THUS the Duke of Alba having a great victory, Harlem surrendered up to the Duke of Alba. followed more vehemently the siege of Harlem. Then they of Harlem being brought to great distress, by the siege which dured eight months, and by the sore famine, yielded up the town upon evil conditions: as that they should submit themselves to the will and pleasure of the conqueror. And to the end the soldiers should not have the spoil and booty of the city, he commanded two hundred and forty thousand crowns to be given unto them. Then the Spaniards showing all cruelty upon the townsmen, tormenting them by all manner of means. The Duke of Alba commanded six hundred of the soldiers to be hanged: Cruelty showed at Harlen. three hundred were brought out of the city half naked, and cast into the water: a sight most pitiful, and an act with barbarous cruelty most detestable: seeing that the greatest part of victory consisteth in lenity and mercy. This happened the eleventh day of july. NOw to return to Rochel. The Rochellians persevered in their defence, notwithstanding that they were now by no small occasion weakened. And, as the matter than seemed to require, they committed the whole ordering & charge of the war, to certain approved men, namely to mons. Norman, Rivier, Charle, Essarz, & Garguole: reserving the name of authority and power to the Mayor, who notwithstanding did nothing of himself, without the advise of the Senate. THE same day the king's side prepared a fresh for the battery: the townsmen with no less haughty courage of mind, discharged the thundering shot from the fort l'Euangile, against the king's camp, to the great annoyance of the same. The day following, the king's ordinance went off so thick, that the roaring strokes thereof could scarce be numbered: and so held on all the next day. The townsmen in the mean while by night left nothing undone, to repair and fortify the breaches of their walls. County d' Retz was stricken behind in the reins of the back with a caliver shot, being come out of the covent of the engines. The same night mons. Norman made an inroad, even unto the enemies trench, notwithstanding he was constrained to retire again into the city, with loss of two of his men, beside those which were wounded. The day after he came again to the same place, purposing by overthrowing the hurdles of the enemy, to kill many of them: but he had like success as he had before BUT for so much as we are to describe greater conflicts in this noble siege, being such as our age hath not seen, and so much the more noble, for that after the final destruction as it were of the Religious, the wonderful constancy of the Rochellians had most happy success, by the wonderful goodness of God: we think it meet and convenient to our purpose, to speak somewhat more largely, and particularly to show the exploits and acts of every day severally. MARCH. The sixteen day of March the king's part made baskets, over against the bulwark l'Euangile, planting those pieces of ordinance which were in the fort of Corceile (by which we said the passage into the haven from the sea was stopped) between them. The townsmen fortify that part against the battery. Mons. Fontene was chief captain of the watch and ward of the Mines commonly called Cazemates, which were made in the ditch, serving to make eruptions, and to repulse the enemy from the walls. He, taking with him ten of his soldiers, came unto that part of the king's camp, which was near unto the Lazerhouse, where he found twelve noble men sitting at supper, whom he slew, notwithstanding that they promised him very large ransoms to redeem their life, and when he had done, returned in safety unto the city again. This was done in the night of the same day. The seventeenth day was spent wholly in giving an assault. The day following, when the king's camp went about by trenches and baskets to approach more near unto the walls, there ensued a sore battle, the townsmen coming out of the town to withstand the enemy. The next day after, the townsmen came again to the same fortification, and for all that the enemy could do, they overthrew their baskets & burdels, and tumbled great woolpackes full of wool into the ditch, and slaying at the same place three score of them, chased the rest to the castle Palereau. Palereau. The same day at night certain shot of the king's camp, came into the trench of the bulwark l'Euangile, & taking some of the townsmen unawares slew them. The twenty day, the battery was begun again with forty three great pieces, which were planted in several places: notwithstanding the walls of the city were not much impaired: the roofs of houses in divers places were pulled down, whereat many a vain shot was discharged. There were told the same day a thousand and five hundred strokes. The two and twenty day, a new assault was intended to be given, about three of the clock in the afternoon: but because the town began to discharge against them, whereby many of the King's camp were slain, they stayed their former purpose, and encountered the town with main shot, until six of the clock in the evening. It was told the townsmen, that the enemy had determined the same day to win the tower, which stood between the gate Rambalde, and the Bulwark l' Euangile: and the treasons of the city were feared. Therefore the townsmen prepared themselves for defence, appointing in divers necessary places watch and ward. All this while the townsmen took great pains in making bulwarks in the city of earth, compact with turfs and stakes to bind the same. One of the king's mines was overwhelmed, to the great spoil of the pioneers. That night there was in the city a great earthquake, An earthquake. the which some say, was the cause of the overturning of the said mine, but in my judgement it is unlikely. From the last day of February, unto the six and twenty of this month, there were told twelve thousand and seven hundred strokes of the king's guns. The same day by the commandment of the Mayor, one Chale, whose name was famous in Rochel, and whom we reckoned before among the captains of the war, went out of the city, for that the Rochellians had him in suspicion, and so came unto the king's camp. The day following, the townsmen made an eruption upon a troop of horsemen, which they discovered to stand at Tadon: and after a skirmish, by which both parts sustained loss, they retired. The eight and twenty day of March, the whole army of the king was set in battle array, even as if they would have given an assault to the gate of Cogne, and to the bulwark l'Euangile. Notwithstanding, after they had for the space of one hour discharged shot one against the other, with the loss and hurt of both parts, they sounded the retraycte. About six of the clock in the evening the king's camp returned again, and placing a troop at Sannicolas gate, the rest stood in battle array at Cogne gate. Their purpose was to take the Cazemates, which were in the ditch. And for this cause forty of the king's soldiers went down into the ditch, notwithstanding, they were so repulsed by the townsmen, that many of the king's camp fell into the ditch. In the mean time the great guns thundered both from the town, and also out of the king's camp: from which forty shot were discharged. The day following was spent only in giving an assault. But the next day after that there was a sore battle fought between the Rochellians and the king's camp. The cause of the battle was this. Three soldiers went out of the town, and set upon the first watch of the king's camp. Then the whole camp armed themselves. By & by there came out of the town others to rescue the first: whereupon the enemy came on by heaps, upon whom the Caliver shot came as thick as hail: and such a tempest of great shot drove against the threesquare battle, which was set in array wedgewise to pierce into their enemies, that of the forefront of the same, five with targets were slain, and after them many other soldiers. There appeared at Tadon certain horsemen, at the first but few in number, to allure the townsmen to battle: but when they saw that none would come forth to encounter with them, a greater number discovered themselves: over whom County Luden was general. These horsemen being within the level of Sannicolas tower were a fair mark: so that their horses and they themselves were overthrown and slain in great number with the violent shot of the same. About the evening the king's side to requited the late sustained loss, slew with their great Guns certain Soldiers and Captains. The next day the king's scoutewatche was hanged by the decree of the Rochellians: who was said to bewray and disclose the secrets of the townsmen. The same day two soldiers fled from the king's camp to Rochel. The king's camp in the Evening changed their accustomed manner of watch: and shot off twelve great pieces against the townsmen. The day following which was the first day of April, April. the townsmen in the dead time of the night shot off a piece of ordinance, which in the day time they had leveled and bend against the tents which were pitched beside Palercau, by the which many sleeping upon their couches were slain. Whereupon the king's camp discharged incontinent at them again a great peal, by which two of the captains belonging to the town were slain. The same day Captain Dange fled from the king's camp to Rochel. IN the king's camp, by reason of the great multitude of soldiers in the same, and the penury of the country thereabout, victuals were so dear, that the soldiers privily stolen away: and the horsemen and noble men, which upon their own charge maintained war, for that provender was scarce and hard to be gotten, went home to their houses. Upon this contempt and negligence of warlike order and provision, ensued also in the camp great sickness, insomuch that within few days, the sickness destroyed more than the sword had done. The foragers of corn were constrained to carry provision from Paris, and from the places thereabouts: but, notwithstanding that the king gave straight commandment in this behalf, it profited little. The king also in this backsliding of the noble men, gave straight charge to restrain the same: but in vain. Thus whiles delays of this siege were made, the king's camp was brought into great extremity: and all men thought that the Duke of Anjou should have been constrained to raise and dissolve the siege, The extremity of the king's camp. without his purpose. Whereupon the king wrote unto his brother, willing him to make speed in assaulting the town: and to win the same out of hand, or else to raise the siege. For by this time the Duke of Anjou had spent five Months. Therefore he appointed the sixth day of April to give an assault, on the which day the whole army assailed the town. THE seventh day, about five of the clock in the morning, the king's camp began a fresh to batter with greater violence than they had done, before the gate Cogne, and the Bulwark l'Euangile. Thus after long battery, that part of the wall was beaten down to the ground, The Cazemates taken and forsaken again. and the greatest part of the bulwark l'Euangile battered down. Therefore the king's army prepared themselves to enter the breach. Who took out of every band only twenty: and first of all, the forefront took two of the Cazemates from the townsmen: which notwithstanding they enjoyed but few hours. For the townsmen lustily discharged their great Guns against them, whereby they slew many of the king's soldiers: and when they of the town had made a new supply of men, they constrained their enemies to forsake their Cazemates: an act verily at the first assault very manly and valiant. In the mean time, about the same hour the king's army gave an assault on the other part at the bulwark l'Euangile, and setting unto the same a bridge made with props and shores, they took some part of the same: then to this part they came running by heaps, having two hundred corselets bearing shields and targets before them. At the same moment also the great Guns went off as thick as possible they might against the town, and the townsmen sustained great loss and damage. For the account being made, it is said that there were heard the same day two thousand & five hundred blows of great Guns. The townsmen valiantly put forth themselves for their defence against their assailing enemies. The women courageously threw also upon them fiery hoops, pitch barrels burning, and balls of fire, and such kind of firework, by which they did greatly annoy them. Thus the enemies prevailing nothing at all were repulsed. Of the townsmen there were threescore slain, and certain chief Captains also, and many wounded. And of the king's side (as hath appeared by their own writings and report) there were above three hundred slain, and many wounded. Among the noble men were wounded the Duke of Nivern, the Marquis of Neme one of the Duke of Guise's brethren, & M. d'Gast, of Dauphin, which was in great favour with the duke of Anjou. The day following about eight of the clock, the king's army gave another assault to the town: notwithstanding the townsmen repulsed them with like courage as they had done before, & with the same success. Also they preferring themselves to give the like assault about five of the clock in the afternoon, the townsmen being in like manner ready to receive them, left off their enterprise. A sign in the air. The same night there was manifestly seen in the air a great fire, which had the form and similitude of a Dragon, which fell into the sea in the sight of many. Smoke made in the City. The townsmen to the end they might have liberty to mend and repair their walls, made a smoke so thick and dark, that the whole camp was enclosed as it were with a cloud. In the mean time there were thrown out of the City in plentiful wise such fire works as we named before, to the great horror and fear of the besiegers, as they themselves report. The next day, the king's army stood in battle array, even as if they would have given an assault: notwithstanding the Rochellians being ready to receive them, they stayed from their purpose. In the mean time there were discharged from the king's fortifications fourscore shot of great Guns. In the evening the enemies made a great shout and cry in the camp of purpose, as if they had been oppressed with some enemy (which we call a false Alarm) thereby to entice forth the townsmen. The tenth day, about four of the clock in the morning, the enemy stood arrayed in diverse piercing battles. Which was a sign of an intended assault. Whereupon all the townsmen prepared for their defence, women also were appointed to their charge, yea children were not idle: About six of the clock, the king's power with great violence assailed the bulwark l'Euangile. And on the other part many of the enemies were discovered to scale the gate Moline. At Tadon County Luden being with his band, was also come to the tower of Moline: notwithstanding he was soon repulsed thence by the hot and fierce shot of the great Guns discharged by the town. Ladders were set to the walls, The scaling ladders are overthrown. and the townsmen in the mean time making no resistance, they climb them: but when many of them were come to the top of the Ladders, and the said Ladders fully replenished, by and by those townsmen which before lay hid, discovered themselves, being prepared with spears and long poles, and overthrew their ladders with so violent an assault, that even with one force, as it were, they being repulsed, the troops which abode at the lower part of the walls were made afeard with the great noise and cry of those that fell: and being put to flight with the great plenty of shot, ran away like mad men, and cast themselves headlong into the Marshes for fear. Then incontinently the women went forth with spits and shovels, & such like apt weapons belonging to women's war, The victory gotten by women. with the which they laid at those whom they found overthrown, and easily slew them, and carried away the spoil, no man resisting him. On the other part, the townsmen no less valiantly behaved themselves in fight at the Bulwark l'Euangile, insomuch that the showering gun-shot never miss the heads of the Catholics, who were also much annoyed with fireworks cast out of the town upon them. Therefore the king's side was constrained to retire, above three hundred soldiers of his being lost at that charge. The next day after the Catholics fortified with a rampire that part of the Bulwark l'Euangile, which they had taken: and when they had set themselves in battle array making a show as if they would have given a new charge, they departed without any enterprise, perceiving that the townsmen prepared themselves for their defence. They made also a mine for that bulwark: and made a rampire over against the same to annoy the townsmen: for the which the townsmen provided in making a countermine with a gate to the same conveniently, belonging for sudden eruptions. About six of the clock in the evening the Rochellians cried Alarm upon this occasion: A certain woman, which was gone down into a certain Wine-cellar to draw wine, heard the voice of a man speaking: By which she thought that the enemies had made their mines so far: and therefore cried out. The people at this cry armed themselves. But after inquiry made of the matter, it was found out that certain of the townsmen, by the commandment of the Mayor, were searching for the conduct pipes which served the town with water. The same day great store of corn, & great plenty of munition for war was brought into the king's camp. The day following, another part of the bulwark l'Euangile which remained of the former breach, was beaten down by a violent battery: by the fall whereof many both of the Townsmen and also of the Catholics, were slain, and with them a certain Captain which had conducted a band of soldiers to that part to give an assault. The next day there was nothing done worthy to be spoken of, saving that the townsmen casting fire into the ditch brent certain soldiers and pioneers. The same day the townsmen broke forth at the Casemates belonging to the bulwark l'Euangile, and slew many of the kings soldiers, and brought their armour into the City. On the other part the great guns went off from the town against the king's forts, whereby many of the Catholics were slain. The nientene day ships were descried in the sea appoinpoynted and prepared for war: mongomerie's navy within sight of Rochel. the which road at anchor within a mile of Rochel haven called Chef-de bois. By and by the kings navy was prepared: and out of the kings army bands of soldiers were appointed to defend the coast: and others to furnish the ships: and straight way a notable peal of thundering shot was rung between them. This night at the commandment of the Rochellians, a Captain went forth with one ship, and notwithstanding that the enemy resisted, he came in safety unto the Navy of Mongomerie, of whom they received a sign that aid was come to them of Rochel. Notwithstanding those ships were divided in the morning. So the Catholics returned into the camp. About the evening there came a messenger, which told that those ships were not far off. Whereas the townsmen went about with great diligence to repair the breach and ruin of the bulwark l'Euangile, the Catholics sought to beat it down with shot. Two of the king's army fled to the gate d'Molines to the townsmen notwithstanding the showers of shot which were discharged after them. The townsmen made a countermine, against that mine which the catholics had made for the bulwark l'Euangile. To this they set fire, but because there was not sufficient store of gunpowder in the same, their labour was lost. The next day a new charge was given. The same day there came unto Cogne, Monsieur Oars, and Rolli, to speak with the Mayor in the Duke of Anjou his name. The cause of this parley was, that ways might be taken for peace. To the kings Ambassadors came the Mayor, Nortius the Pastor of the Church, and Monsieur Essarz, and divers others: and when they had spent certain hours in communication together, they returned into the City. About eight of the clock the Catholics blue up the mine which they had made at the bulwark l'Euangile. The earth falling overthwartly slew many of the Catholics, and fifteen of the townsmen. At this tumult all the whole city was armed: but not one of the Catholics appeared. The day following, a fresh assault was given, that the pioneers which made a mine, by the noise of the guns might not be perceived of the townsmen. The next day the same Ambassadors came again about the treaty of peace: when as notwithstanding their fellows persisted no less vehement than they did before in giving the assault. In the dead time of the night of the same day, a piercing battle of the Catholics, being conducted by skilful and valiant captains wan the ditch: notwithstanding they were constrained to retire with great loss of their men. Then began the great guns to thunder. The twentieth day, there was a sore charge given against the bulwark l'Euangile by the Catholics: And even in the midst of the fight, fire was put into the mine, the which the Townsmen foreseeing, avoided the danger thereof, and beguiled the enemy. They fought for the space of five hours without stay or retreat. Fifteen of the Townsmen only were slain, and thirty hurt: but very many Catholics were lost, who sustained great damage by the townsmen at the draw bridge, out of the Casemates. The last day the townsmen made an inroad to the forts of the Catholics, and slew many of them: and then with loss of some of their men, returned into the city again. The Rochellians send their requests concerning the peace to the duke of Anjou. may. The first day of May, the townsmen set up upon the walls green boughs, in token of joy, and sang Psalms unto God, playing with cornets and trumpets, & joining thereto the noise of Guns. In the night they burned up the greatest part of the draw bridge. The next day Monsieur Oars brought the king's answer from the Duke of Anjou to the Rochellians concerning their demands. In the night following, the townsmen broke out of their countermine into the Catholics mine, and driving from thence the Catholics, and placing watch and ward there, they overthrew the same. The two next days were spent with two fortunate eruptions, & with taking consultation concerning the king's answer: Every townsman without exception, had leave to come to this consultation: and the day and place of meeting was appointed. The fourth day of this month, the Navy spoken of before, was more plainly to be seen, at the sight whereof, the Catholics without delay armed themselves. For it was County Mongomerie with fifty sail great and small. And thus it fared with Mongomerie. Mongomerie coming into England, laboured by all means to obtain aid at the hands of Elizabeth the Queen's majesty of England. The which her Majesty denied, because of the league which she had made with the king. Therefore Mongomerie took an other way, getting into his hands partly by loan, and partly by gift, of English, frenchmen, and the low countrymen of Flaunders forty thousand franks: and got leave of the Queen's majesty to furnish a navy so well as he could. Thus after long travail he furnished fifty ships. But occasion fell out, which delayed for a time that expedition and preparation. The Earl of Worcester a noble man of England went into France in the Queen's name, to baptise the new borne daughter of the French king, and to be one of the sureties or witnesses for the said child in her highness name. In this passage certain Frenchmen and Flemings set upon him, taking from him one of his ships, and kill certain of his men. Her highness taking displeasure hereat, commanded the matter to be inquired after: for the which inquisition she sent the Lord Admiral, who setting upon all the ships of the Frenchmen and Flemings, took & carried away whatsoever came to his hands. So that twenty of mongomerie's ships were lost. So he came to the coast of Rochel with twenty ships of his navy diminished. When he saw the king's navy prepared, and new ships also to be furnished with other soldiers, he durst not proceed in this enterprise: wherefore without assailing his enemies, he directed his course an other way, and unlooked for at Bell'Isle, and there landed, and took both the Isle and the castle. The Rochellians perceiving that Mongomerie was departed, and therefore being without hope of aid, fortified the haven all that they could with new garrisons. Notwithstanding before mongomerie's departure, they sent out one unto him in a skyffe, willing him not to put himself in peril for their sakes: for they trusted yet in the goodness of GOD, and were of that mind, that they would rather suffer any manner of extremity, than to yield themselves into the hands of such men as were full of all treason, falsehood, and perjury. After the which message Mongomerie sent a ship unto the City with goonpouder and victual, which came safely into Rochel, notwithstanding the king's force. And after this (as we said) Mongomerie took a new voyage. After he had tarried in the foresaid Island certain days, and knew not well which way to take, his soldiers also being obstinate and disobedient, returned into England, having lost his travail, with a few ships, the rest being left upon the sea to rob and spoil, one of the which (whereof Monsieur Hippinnill was captain) went to the enemy. To fortify the siege of Rochel there came into the kings camp the fifth day of May four thousand Swissers. Therefore certain days following were spent in skirmishes, loss of men being sustained on both parts. And amongst the chieftains that were slain, Mons. Cossine slain. Monsieur Cossine captain of the king's guard, being one of those which slew the Admiral, was one. CERTAIN Catholics got up unlooked for upon the bulwark l'Euangile, and took the watch of the same, the warders being a sleep, The fort l'Euangile almost won. some of the which they slew. Whereupon if the townsmen had not succoured them in time, and resisted the other, or if a greater number of the Catholics had been present, the city had been in great danger. The next day the townsmen gave a worthy charge upon the Catholics of whom they slew many. There broke out of the city five hundred at Cogne gate, and charged the enemy being entrenched and suspecting no such thing, by reason whereof they slew many of them, and put the rest to flight, & choked three of their great guns by driving into them cross bars of iron. As they were thus occupied, there came succours from the king's camp: and then began a sore skirmish. Notwithstanding the townsmen brought with them into the city eight of the catholics Ensigns, & great plenty of armour & apparel: There were slain in this skirmish two hundred catholics, or thereabouts, & twenty only of the townsmen were wanting. The townsmen with great triumph set up on their walls those Ensigns which they had taken from their enemies. The six and twenty day of this month the Catholics began a new battery, after the which they give a fresh assault to the town, being the most notable of all the rest that happened in this siege. The coming of the Swissers was the cause of this assault: who craved leave of the Duke of Anjou that they might give an assault to the city, thereby to declare their love toward the king. Therefore all their bands set themselves in battle array between the well & le Rouse, about seven of the clock. The which they of Cogne perceiving, discharged five great pieces, the shot whereof fell among the thickest of them, to their great damage. Therefore they shifted their standing. Also other bands of the Catholics were set in battle array in divers places, even as if they would give an assault. In the mean time the great guns went off lustily on either part. But the greatest hope of the Catholics rested in their mines, which were made in three several places. The first mine having fire given unto it, did small hurt, making a breach no bigger than for two men to enter at: which breach the townsmen stopped with great diligence. strait after the second was blown up with great force: and the third made a great noise overthrowing a great part of the wall: notwithstanding so that the rubbel & matter of the wall fell into the town: by the convenient falling whereof the passage into the City was stopped against the Catholics. The Duke of Anjou was present himself, that by his presence he might encourage the soldiers. And the first onset was given by Mons. d'Gaste: but the townsmen so received him, that he was constrained to retire with great loss of his men. After him followed Mons. d'Goaz, who with his band entering the breach with a violent charge, at the first enforced the Rochellians to give back: but yet they persisted so valiantly in fight, that they slew Mons. Goaz, and divers other chief captains and soldiers, and caused the rest to retire. Then came the third band, who gave the third assault with like success as the other had done. During these assaults, the women took such great pains in casting down fire works in such abundant manner, that they deserve a great part of the praise of that victory. And by the mist of a certain smoke which the townsmen made of purpose, they fought with small loss of men, the number being forty only. But of the Catholics, there were above four hundred slain, most of the which were captains, and soldiers of great skill, which fought in the forefront. At Tadon also the townsmen had as happy success in their fight against the Catholics at the time, as they had before, going now about to win the City by scaling the walls at that part. The walls of the town were shining bright with the flame of the burning firebrands which lay in the ditches. The next day the townsmen to scorn the enemy, armed their scullions and slaves, and brought them forth at Cogne gate, with naked sword in triumphant wise in their hands. The Catholics armed themselves: and they straight way retire into the City: the townsmen in the mean time calling the Swissers to battle in derision. The Catholics put into the ditches certain guns, to shake down the Casemates: but in vain. By the commandment of the Mayor threescore men, and women, and children of the rascal sort of people, were brought out of the City. The Rochellians were solicited to peace, Letters concerning peace. a Harault being sent unto them with letters of certain of their familiar friends which were in the king's camp. In fine, the kings singular good will to be at peace with them, was declared: they were also exhorted not to deprive them and theirs of so good an occasion of peace. The townsmen went forth to displace the forts which were made over against the gate of Sannicolas, whereupon ensued a great tempest of shot as thick as hail, to the annoyance of both parts. june. The day following, which was the first of june, four townsmen making those afeard which lay in the next trenches, and thought no doubt that there had been a greater number, and putting them to flight, no man making resistance, overthrew their baskets and bulwarks. There entered into the City two Soldiers with letters from Mongomerie: in the which he gave them to understand that he was constrained to return into England, to bring a greater power, with the which he would shortly come unto them: Letters of Mongomerie to the Rochellians. Encouraging them to go forward in the same constancy, in the which they had by the goodness of God continued until that day. The Catholics fortified the trench which was at the bulwark l'Euangile, and that part allo which was somewhat nearer to Sannicolas. A certain Soldier craving leave of the Mayor to go forth of the City, under pretence to assail the enemy, fled into the king's camp. The Casemates were daily assaulted, but in vain. BUT the townsmen were not only urged with external enemies, but also with domestical and inward extremities. Many were weary of the war: and many feared the famine, by which the townsmen feared great destruction. diverse men diversly communed together, misliking all that they could of those extremities: there were many of the richer sort which were grieved for the wasting and loss of their goods: insomuch that by all manner of means they desired peace. Therefore they withstood the whole assembly. And certain also had determined to take the gate, and to go out of the same. For this cause certain of the wellbyer sort by the decree of the Senate, were put in prison. As yet the penury of corn did not grieve the townsmen, and yet notwithstanding their store was greatly diminished, which they feared daily more and more. But the Rochellians had store of saltfish and wine. And it is wondered which certain honest and credible persons do report, which were at that siege, how that a certain kind of fish came into the haven in such plentiful manner, contrary to their wonted custom, A new kind of fish in the time of the siege came to Rochel. that the poorer sort used to eat them in stead of bread, and that the same plenty went away almost the same day, when the king's army departed upon the conclusion of peace. On the contrary part, no less extremities urged the king, as the scarcity of money, and the impatiency of the nobles, which were weary of the war, could by no means be restrained. And the king was unable to hem in or enclose the town of Rochel, the same being so large and populous, and the sea coast being so near unto the same. Therefore both parts were fully determined to conclude a peace. And to further this matter thee, Duke of Anjou, had joyful and acceptable news concerning the kingdom of Polonia. Duke of Anjou chosen king of Polonia. For the Duke of Anjou, by the means of the nobles of Polonia, was made king of Polonia, in the place of Sigismond, the former king of the same. MONLUCE Bishop of Valence, had solicited the matter to the noble men of Polonia with great diligence, and with golden sermons: the which also he caused to be put in print, thereby seeking to win unto his master a kingdom. A great scruple and doubt was objected about the murders of Paris, the causes whereof by open rumours were laid upon the Duke of Anjou. Notwithstanding Monluce so ordered the matter, that in the name of the Duke of Anjou, he persuaded the states of Polonia: Concerning the success of the which election we will speak in another place. Occasion of peace. This therefore was a special occasion to raise the siege. All this while the Catholics came oftentimes to Cogne gate to entreat for a peace. Amidst these communications of peace, the City was very near intercepted, through the great security of the townsmen. For a hundred Catholics with Ladders climbed up to the top of the walls, and took a view of their Forts: the which being discovered, the townsmen cried Alarm, and with speedy dispatch they were repulsed and put to flight: but fifteen of them were slain by falling from the walls into the City. For joy of the news of Polonia, there were triumphant shouts, and thundering peal of great guns, both in the king's camp, and also in the navy. There fell down twenty cubits of the walls at this peal. To the ruin and breach whereof the townsmen ran out of hand, suspecting that the enemy was come, and stood armed in a readiness for certain hours. After long contentions it was at the last agreed between the king's army and the Rochellians, that the said Rochellians should go and submit themselves to the Duke of Anjou, and desire peace of him. Whereupon the Rochellians received in the name of the Duke of Anjou assurance of truce, and were cleared of the name of Rebels, with the which afore time they were called: the Rochellians complaining of the same unto the messengers that were sent unto them. The same day the duke of Anjou went down into a mine. A soldier knew him, who by and by discharged at him his piece: The Duke of Anjou is in peril of his life. with the shot whereof he slew a noble man which stood hard by him: and some of the hail shot ran through the ruff of the shirtband of the duke of Anjou, and yet he had no harm: but not without great peril of his life. The Rochellians had intelligence given them that treason was a working against them under the colour of a parley, whereby they were admonished to look diligently about them, and to be in a readiness. Notwithstanding the Ambassadors of peace come at the day appointed, and by common consent truce is taken: the which notwithstanding was not observed, the townsmen complaining that the king's soldiers had taken a view of their ditch to their damage. So that the truce being broken, a fresh battle began between them, Truce broken. wherein seven of the king's side were slain, and of the townsmen, one young man. About the Evening, by the majors commandment, all the Citizens and other townsmen which were there present, were called together to hear the principal points and conditions of the king's peace. There came into the king's camp Ambassadors from Polonia, for the joy of whose coming, many peals of great guns were shot off. mons. l'Noe returned to the parley with the townsmen in the name of the Duke of Anjou, the king's ordinance shooting off in the mean time. Shot also was discharged from the sea coast into the City: and at a window a nurse with a young infant was slain. The Ambassadors concerning the peace making, returned again. But the purpose of the Catholics was in time of the parley to blow up a mine. This the townsmen understood: whereupon all men at the majors commandment were ready in armour. Therefore they determined to defer the matter until the parley were ended. They had great hope to prevail in the breaking up of the mine. About the Evening fire was set to the mine, the which being blown up, overthrew the wall, notwithstanding to such advantage for the townsmen, that the enemy could not so easily enter as before he might have done: also one of the kings great Guns fell into the ditch. In the mean time the ordinance in the ships upon the sea coast were not unoccupied. Peace concluded between the king and then of Rochel. The cause of another parley was, for that the Rochellians said that they had not their own cause alone in hand, but the cause of other of their brethren also: requiring that they which had borne armour for the same cause, might be provided for by the same benefit of the Edict. They of Nisme, and of Montauban, and others which had taken their part, were easily admitted to the same benefit. But at the first the Duke of Anjou excluded them of Sanserre, and Dauphin. He greatly withstood the Sanserreans, whom he thought might easily be overcome, being far set and separated from the help of their fellows. About that time the rising of them of Dauphin having Mombrune and other noble men their captains, was very weak and of small power. Notwithstanding he promised that he would have consideration of them both, and that they should be partakers of the same benefit with the Rochellians. Nevertheless in the edict itself, of the which we will make mention anon, he speaketh nothing at all of them, notwithstanding the condition of the Rochellians. This also was the king's drift, namely that by private Covenants and agreements, he might divide the religious one from another. Therefore he thought it good to take peace with the Rochellians, to shun the reproach of the foil, as though by constraint he had raised his siege. Also the presence of the Ambassadors of Polonia urged him, before whom he thought it not convenient for his dignity to sustain so great dishonour: and therefore he provided for the same by a special remedy: lest with shame, his army should be constrained to departed after so long a siege: specially such honourable & famous personages of a strange country being present. The Duke of Anjou said, that both at their instance, and also at the intercession of the Rochellians, he forgave much. The Rochellians both earnestly desired to be delivered from the extreme troubles of the long siege, and also were very careful for that which should follow afterward. Therefore at the last they concluded with the Duke of Anjou. The covenants whereof ye shall hear anon. THE Duke of Anjou sendeth to the King, the agreement made with the Rochellians, that he might confirm the same by his authority, & might 'cause it to be drawn in form of an Edict. In the mean while, truce was taken for six days. The townsmen come into the king's camp, bring wine unto his soldiers, and receive meat and other food of them again: they saluted also & talked friendly one with another. Notwithstanding, watch & ward was kept diligently within the city, & to awake those which were secure upon trust of a large peace, a tumult was raised of purpose by captain Norman, even as if the enemy had been come. At the last the king's forts and bulwarks were overthrown: and the great guns carried away. The townsmen also for joy made bonfires in divers places of the town: and certain noble men had free leave to go from the king's camp, and to enter into the city. The tenth day of june monsieur Byron, having certain Heralds of Arms attending upon him, The Edict proclaimed. entered into the city: and in every corner and principal street of the town, proclaimed the Edict of peace in the king's name. The same day Ships laden with Wheat, and other victual came into the haven, with the scarcity and penury whereof, the Rochellians began now to be urged. The tenure of the Edict now followeth, as it was set down and signed by the King. The Edict of peace, made the .11. of August An. 1573 CHARLES by the grace of God, king of France to all present, or to come, greeting. Our intent hath always been, and is, after the example of our predecessors, to rule and govern our realm, and to receive of our subjects their obeisance to us due, rather by gentle & by loving manner, than by force. Wherefore our most dear and well-beloved brother the King of Polonia, having full understanding of our will and pleasure, hath appointed and deputed certain of the chief personages of our privy counsel being with him, to hear and understand, the complaints, griefs, and supplications, of the Mayor, Sheriffs, and Counsellors, dwellers, and inhabitants of our town of Rochel, Gentlemen and others that are there abiding. And for as much as it is so, that now in the end, our most dear brother the said king of Polonia, according to our pleasure and good will, hath (by the advice of our most dear and well-beloved brethren the Duke of Alencon, and King of Navarre, & our most dear and well-beloved cousins, the Prince of Conde, and Prince Dauphine: the Dukes of Langueville, of Guise, Nevers, and of Vzes: the Lord of Monluce, Count of Retz, of Byron, of Villequier, of the chapel Auxursins, of Losses, of Vanguion, of S. Supplice, of Malicorne, of Suze, the grand▪ Prior of champaign, and other great & notable personages being with him) made agreement with the said inhabitants of Rochel, Gentlemen and others retired thither, upon the points and articles that shall be hereafter specified, as well for themselves, as for the inhabitants of our towns of Montaubane and Nismes, the gentlemen and others retired unto them, & others our subjects, for whom they have made suit. We let you understand, that, considering we cannot do better, than to follow the counsel which is given us by our said brethren, & others aforesaid, who for the zeal they have to the honour of God, with the experience they have in many things, & the affection they bear towards the well ordering of our affairs, have more knowledge than any other in those matters, what is meet & necessary for the profit and commodity of our realm. We by the advice & counsel of the Queen our most honourable lady & mother, & our privy counsel, for the matters & causes aforesaid, & for other good & great considerations thereunto specially moving us, have said, declared, decreed & ordained by this our present Edict: and our will & pleasure is as followeth. FIRST, that the remembrance of all things that have happened, by occasion of the troubles and stirs in our said realm, since the .24. of August, in Anno MDLXXII, shall remain wholly quenched and appeased, as things that had never happened: neither shall it be lawful or permitted to any of our attorneys general, or any other person either public or private, in what time so ever, or for what occasion so ever it be, to make any mention there, nor any process or suit thereupon, in any court or jurisdiction. Forbidding also all our subjects, of what estate or quality so ever they be of, that they renew not the memory thereof, nor to contend, nor to revile, nor to provoke either other by reproaching them with things that be past, in disputing, rehearsing, quarreling, or doing outrage or offence one to another, in word, or in deed, but to forbear, and to live peaceably together as brethren, friends and fellow citizens, upon pain to them that shall do the contrary, to be punished as breakers of the peace, and disturbers of the common quiet. We ordain that the Catholic and romish Religion be set up again, and established in all places and quarters of this our realm and country, under our obedience, where the exercise of the same hath been left off, and that it may be freely and peaceably exercised without any trouble or let, upon the pains aforesaid: and that all those which during these present wars, have entered upon houses, goods, and revenues belonging to the Churchmen, and other Catholics, and such as hold and occupy the same, shall leave unto them, the full possession and peaceable enjoying thereof, in all freedom and safety. And for to give occasion to our subjects, abiding and inhabiting in our said towns of Rochel, Montauban & Nismes, to live & remain in rest, we have permitted, & do permit unto them, the free exercise of the religion, called Reform, within the said towns, the same to cause to be exercised within their own houses, or place to them appertaining (except always public places) for them, their families & others that will be there present. And to all others of the said Religion, (called Reformed) which have continued therein until this present, we do permit to retire into their houses where they may be, and remain throughout all other parts of our Realm, to go and come, and to live in all liberty of conscience: And to the Gentlemen and others, having high justice, which in like manner, have hitherto remained till this present time, in the said religion, bearing Arms with the said inhabitants, in the said towns, since the said. 24. of August last passed: We do also permit to live in the same liberty of conscience in their houses, & there only to baptize and marry after their accustomed manner, not having any assembly (beside the kindred, Godfathers, and Godmothers) above the number of ten persons, and that not within our Court, nor within two leagues about the same, nor in the town, Provostshippe, and Viscount of Paris, nor within ten leagues about the same town. We charge our bailiffs, seneschals, and ordinary judges, or other Substitutes, each one in his liberty and jurisdiction, to provide for the burial of the dead bodies of them of the said religion (called Reformed,) in the most commodious manner they can, and without offence. If any of the said religion, have been constrained to make promise and bond, and to give assurance to change their religion: we have discharged the same to be admitted, and of none effect or value. The scholars, sick-men, & poor, of what religion soever they be, shall be indifferently received into the universities, common schools, hospitals, houses for sick persons, and alms houses. We do permit to all our subjects being of the said religion, that they may sell or alienate their goods, and go freely with all their money, and other movables, whether it shall seem good unto them, or to enjoy the commodity & benefit thereof, in what place soever they shall resort unto, be it within or without the Realm, so that it be not in the lands of such Princes, with whom we may have wars. Our said subjects of Rochel, Mountaban, and Nismes, and other before named, shall remain quit and discharged of all sums of money, goods, deptes, arrearages of rents, profits and revenues of Ecclesiastical persons, and others which they shall sufficiently make apparent to have been by them taken or levied, since the said. 24. of August, so that neither they nor their committees, nor those that have furnished them with any thing, or delivered the same unto them, shall any ways be charged nor condemned therefore at this present, nor for the time past, nor at any time hereafter. Likewise they shall remain acquitted and discharged of all acts of hostility, levying & conducting of men of war, coining of money, casting and taking of ordinance and munitions, making of Powder and Saltpetre, Prizes, fortifications or enterprises upon towns, pulling down of Churches, houses, or other places, prizes of Ships, Galleys, and goods upon the Sea, establishment of justice and judgements, and the executions thereof, as well in caces civil as criminal, voyages, intelligences, treaties, and dealings had for their aid and conservation, and generally of all that hath by them been done, wrought or committed to that effect, as well within as without our Realm, since the said. 24. of August, as well as if the same were particularly expressed and specified, so that for none of the things before named, or others past and done, shall be imputed to them or to their posterity any crime of Rebellion, disobedience, or treason. We do declare, that we hold and repute all those aforenamed for our good, loyal, and faithful subjects and servants, so that they do swear unto us all obeisance & fidelity, and do leave off and desist wholly from all such associations as they have within or without our Realm, and that they do not hereafter make any gatherings of money without our permission, nor enrolments of men, congregations, or assemblies, other than those which are above to them permitted, and that without Arms, upon pain to be rigorously punished, as contemners of our commandments and ordinances. All prisoners taken in war, or others that be holden in prisons, galleys, or else where, for the cause of Religion, and by occasion of these present troubles, shall be enlarged and set at liberty, without paying of ransom, not meaning hereby, that the ransoms which are already paid, may be asked again, of those that have received them. Those of the said Religion shall not be overcharged, or burdened with any charges ordinary or extraordinary, more than the Catholics. We have declared and do declare, all defaults, sentences, judgements, arrests, processes, seysures, sales, and decrees made and given against those of the Religion called reformed, which be or have been within the said towns of Rochel, Montauban, and Nismes, since the said .24. of August last passed: which have been given without hearing the parties, or their Proctors by them appointed, since the said .24. of August last passed, also the execution of the same, as well in caces civil as criminal shall be void, revoked and annulled. And the processes shall remain in the same estate as they were before, and the foresaid persons shall enter again upon their temporal goods, whatsoever seysures, sales, and judgements have been made by us or otherwise, without making any recompense for the same. And touching heirs, widows, and other having any right or title from such of the said Religion, as are deceased within the said towns, that have been there or borne Arms for them, in what part of our Realm soever it be since the said. 24. of August, we permit to them to re-enter into the possession and enjoying of the goods, left by the said persons deceased, and we do maintain them in their good fame and reputation. All officers of the said towns of Rochel & Nismes, as well pertaining to the Crown as others, of what religion soever they be, that have been put out thereof, by reason of the same Religion, & of these present troubles, shall be set again in their estates, charges, and offices, and other officers of other towns & places shall observe our declarations thereupon made and published. And to the end that justice be ministered without any suspicion to our subjects of the said towns, and others that be retyered into them since the said .24. of August, we have ordained and do ordain, and our will and pleasure is, that all processes, and differences moved, or to be moved between the parties of contrary Religion, as well on the part of the demandant, as of the defendant, what matter so ever it be, civil or criminal, shall be heard at the first instance before our Bailiffs, seneschals, & other our ordinary judges, according to our ordinances. And where any appeal shall hap in any our courts of parliament, there shall be provided for them by us only within the space of one year, (accounting from the day of the publication of these presents) judges unsuspected, such as shall seem best unto us (except always the court of Parliament of Tholouse) in respect of those of Mountauban: and in the mean time they shall not be constrained to appear personally. And for as much as many particular persons have received and suffered so many injuries & damages, both in their goods and persons, as hardly they can forget the remembrance of the same, so soon as were requisite for the execution of our intent, we willing to avoid all inconveniences, & to give some mean for those that might be in some fear, that upon their return to their houses they should not be at rest, till such rancour & enmity might be assuaged, have granted & do grant to them of the said towns of Rochel, Mountauban, and Nismes, that they shall enjoy their privileges, both ancient and lately granted, and their authorities of jurisdiction and other rites, in which they shall be maintained & preserved, without having any garrison, neither shall be made there any castles, forts, or Citadels without the consent of the inhabitants of the same towns. Who for a demonstration & surety of their obeisance, observation & maintaining of our will & intention, shall deliver for the space of two years, four of the principal burgesses & inhabitants of each of the said towns, being of the said Religion called reformed, the which shall be by us choose out of those that they shall name unto us, and those to be changed every three months, or in such other time as shall seem good unto us, and they shall be put in such Towns and places as shall please us to appoint within fifty miles off at the farthest from the said Towns, except in our Towns of Paris and Tholouse. And to the end there be no occasion of complaint or suspicion, we will set in the said Towns for governors, good men and well affectioned to our service, such as shall be unsuspected, willing nevertheless, that the keeping of their Towns, Towers and Fortresses, shall remain in the hands of the said inhabitants, according to their ancient Privileges. We will likewise, that incontinent after the publication of our present Edict made in our Camp and Army, Arms shall be altogether generally laid down, the which shall remain only in our hands, and in our most dear and most well-beloved brothers the King of Polonia. We do ordain that the forces as well by land as by Sea, shall be withdrawn from before the said Towns, the Forts made as well of the one part as of the other, shall be razed and overthrown: the free traffic and passages shall be open again in all the Towns, Burrowes and Villages, Bridges and passages of our said Realm: the Forces and Garrisons which have been placed by occasion of these present troubles (since the said .24. of August) in Towns and other places, houses and Castles, appertaining to our subjects of what religion so ever they be, shall departed incontinent, to leave unto them free and entire enjoying as they had before they were dispossessed of them. Such movables as shall remain in their nature, & which have been taken by way of hostility since the said. 24. of August last passed, shall be restored to them to whom they belong, so always that they pay to the buyers the price of such as have been sold by authority of justice or by other commission and public commandment. And for the execution of the aforesaid, the withholders of the said movable goods shall be constrained and subject to restore them incontinent and without delay, notwithstanding all objections or exceptions, to yield and restore them to the owners, for the price which they paid. And as touching the profits of unmovable goods, as well each man shall enter again into his house and shall enjoy on each part the fruits of the collection of this present year, notwithstanding all seasures and lets made to the contrary, since the said. 24. of August, as also every one shall enjoy the arrearages of the said rents, that have not been taken up by us or by our commandment, or the permission and ordinance of us or of our justice. Likewise that all titles, writings, instructions and evidences which have been taken away, shall be rendered and restored on either part, to those to whom they belong. We also ordain that those of the said Religion shall be subject to the politic laws of our Realm, that is to say, the Holidays shall be kept, and they of the said Religion shall not work, cell, or make any show on the said days with open shop: and on fasting days in which the use of flesh is forbidden by the Catholic and Romish Church, the Butcheries shall not be open. And to prevent all doings to the contrary that may happen in many of our towns: The Bailiffs, seneschals, or their Lieutenants, shall 'cause the principal inhabitants of the said Towns to swear to the maintenance and observation of this our present Edict, and the one side mutually to give assurance to the other, and to bind themselves interchangeably, and by public Act, to answer to such disobediences as shall be committed against the said Edict within the said Towns, by the inhabitants of the same, or at the lest, to bring forth and deliver the offenders into the hands of the justice. We also charge all our well-beloved and faithful people holding our Courts of Parliament, Chambers of our accounts, Courts of Assistance, Bailiffs, seneschals, provosts, and other our justices and officers to whom it shall appertain or their Lieutenants, that they 'cause this our present Edict and Ordinance to be read, published, and registered in their Courts & jurisdictions, and to keep, maintain, and inviolably to observe the same in all points: and that all those to whom it shall appertain, may enjoy, and fully and peaceably use the content thereof. Ceasing and causing to be ceased all troubles and empeachments to the contrary, for such is our pleasure. In witness hereof, we have signed these presents with our own hand, and to the end it may remain a thing sure and stable for ever, we have to the same caused to be set our Seal. Given at our castle of Bollogne, in the month of july, in the year of grace. 1573. and of our reign the thirteenth. Signed, CHARLES. And more lower was written, By the King being in his Counsel. Signed, DENEUF-VILLE. And sealed with a Label of read and green silk, and with green wax, with the great Seal. Read, published, registered, and the king's Attorney general being thereupon heard, at Paris in Parliament, the .11. of August. 1573. Signed, DE HEVEZ. Collation made with the original. Thus signed, DE HEVEZ. THIS was the end and success of the war of Rochel, at what time the king's power being complete, and they of the Religion of small force, and as it were utterly vanquished, there seemed to be a perfect victory and conquest offered: the which if it had come to pass (as by God's wonderful providence it fell out otherwise) according to the kings will, there would have been no less outrageous murders committed in all parts of the Realm, to destroy those that remained of the Religion, than afore time: in somuch that the blood of the same would have flowed even into foreign nations also. But contrary to all hope and reason it fell out otherwise, the ministers and instruments of the murders themselves, coming to this war to receive the just vengeance of God for the innocent blood which they had shed. So that certain noble men, and also of the common sort were slain in great number which came by heaps to this war. CONCERNING the Sanserreans we have spoken before, how that the Lord Chastre leaving off to assault the town any more, entrenched the same round about, and made divers bulwarks and rampires, placing in the said trenches a very strong garrison to hem and enclose the townsmen on every side: Also we said that by reason of their negligence in providing corn & victual aforehand, there ensued a wonderful & almost incredible famine, which the translator thought good to set down at large as the same is described by mons. Lyrre, who served in the town even until the same was yielded up, as is said before. Therefore whereas in the month of March victuals began to wax short and scant within Sanserre, and specially Beef and such other flesh which men use to eat ordinarily. The xix. day of the same month a Carthorse of Monsieur le Vailly de johanneau governor of the said town, being killed with the shot of a Canon at the assault as he was drawing of faggots and Earth to the Rampire was cut in pieces, slain, carried away, and eaten by the common people and the poor labourers and handicrafts men, who made report to every man that they never eat better beef in their lives, which thing made divers that could not easily come by other flesh to be desirous of it: who the fourth day of April next following killed an Ass, which was sold presently for four pound Turnois a quarter, & found to be good meat of all such as did eat of it boiled, roasted, or baked, & specially the liver of it being roasted with Cloves was like the liver of Veal. Truly at the first, some feeding more of it than they were wont to do of other meats, were sorry that they had eaten of it. But within few days after, and before the twenty day of the same month: it was a common food even among the daintiest sort. And although there were many Asses and Mulets in Sanserre by reason of the high situation of the place, which was ill for Charets to come unto: yet within one month they were all killed, dispatched and eaten in stead of Beef, so as there was not one left. By means whereof having made too great waist of their flesh, in hope they should not have endured so long a siege: they were very sorry afterward that they husbanded the matter no better. In the month of May they began also to kill their horses, which thing was the cause that aswell to prevent the stench and infection that might ensue, by reason of the paunches and dung in several houses where every man killed them at their pleasure, as also to take order that the flesh should not be devoured so in corners nor sold at excessive price, the council took order that the Horses should be killed and sold in the ordinary shambles, Every sauce is i penny ob. English. appointing the flesh of a fat horse to be sold but at iij. sowses the pound, and the lean at two sowses, which thing was done by reason of the extreme covetousness of certain persons, who felt not the hand of God fierce upon them in that so miserable time. For as shall be declared hereafter in july and in the beginning of August, a pound of Horseflesh was sold at eighteen, twenty, and two and twenty sowses. And notwithstanding all the order and policy that could be taken, the best cheap was between ten and thirteen sowses the pound, and the offals thereof were yet much more excessively dearer, which thing did marvelously grieve the poor people. And I must here tell you that horse flesh (by the report of such as tasted well of them both) is better than the flesh of Asses or Mules. For although it be more nesh raw than sodden: yet is it more firm and substantial, and it agreeth better with the nature of it to be boiled than roasted. And if a man will make good pottage with it, whether he put it into the pot fresh or powdered, he must give it longer seething, than to beef. The taste of it is somewhat like Pork, but yet somewhat nearer the taste of Beef. If a man will bake it, he must neither parboil it, nor seeth it before, but season it with salt, vinegar, and pepper, and let it bake soakingly in the crust. The fat of it is like the fat of Pork, and biteth not the delicate tongue, and the liver is yet delicater than the rest. But the famine increased more and more, and the Cats also having their turn, were within a little while all killed, slain and eaten up as conies, in somuch that the store and increase of them failed, and in less than fiftiene days they were sold at xu sowses the quarter. Moreover by reason of the penury wherewith many men were pinched, they fell to catching of Rats, Moles, and Mice, and the hunger that pressed them, made them to devise, invent, and find out all manner of traps: and ye should have seen the poor children glad and well apaid when they had caught any Mice, which they broiled upon the coals most commonly, without flaying or bulking of them. By reason of the great scarcity of them, men did rather devour them than eat them, and there was neither tail of beast, feet nor skin, which was not suddenly gathered together, to serve for sustenance to a great number of needy people. Those that were not driven to so great necessity, did eat roasted Rats, howbeit, they are much better stewed. Yea and which thing (I would not have believed, without I had had experience of it, or at lest wise were well assured of it.) Dogs were not spared, but without loathing or misliking, they were killed as ordinarily for meat, as men kill sheep at other times. Some of them were snetched, killed, and sold for an hundred sowses, and for six pounds Turnoys a piece, The pound Turn is, is about two shillings six pence English. and it was novelty to buy a quarter of a Dog for twenty and xxv. sowses: such as did eat of them said, that the flesh of them is very good, and they made great cheer with the feet, the innards and bellies of them stewed with spices and herbs. In so much that the heads of Calves, Horses, and Lambs, and the legs of greyhounds and Hounds, being roasted, were thought to be fine meat, and eaten as the inwards of an Hare. But specially the young sucking and the little whelps, were taken for young Rabbit suckers. Nevertheless (to say what I know, by tasting thereof myself) dogs flesh is very flash and wallowish sweet. About the beginning of july, when there remained yet twenty Horses of service, which were spared against the uttermost extremity, the belly which hath no ears, and necessity the Scholemistresse of cunning, made divers men to try whether the skins of Oxen, Cows, Sheep, and other cattle, which hung a drying in men's store houses and Garrets, could supply the place of their bodies. And out of doubt, after that men had assayed it, and well washed, scraped, and scalded them: they found such savour in them, that as soon as it was known, as many as had any skins, dressed them after the foresaid manner, and roasted them upon a Gredyron like tripes. Such as had any suet, grease, or tallow, made Fricases of them in a pot, and other some did eat them with vinegar. Howbeit above all skins, the calves skins were found to be exceeding good, and I have eaten of them so delicate, that if I had not been told of it, I would have thought that I had eaten of the best tripes in the world. afterward, the skins of Horses and of all other beasts came into the play: and the ears that remained upon the Ass' skins, were not left behind, but were held and esteemed to be as tender and good meat as Hogs souse. The best manner of dressing all sorts of Hides and skins, is not to pill them and scald them (as I said afore) but to nail them, and strain them upon a board, and so to singe and scrapped off the hair of them more easily, as men do singe Bacon hogs. afterward they must lie soaking a day or twain in water, and the water must be changed often times, and then they must be dressed and sodden, as we dressed them at our return from a voyage which I made into the land of Brazilie, called America, in the year of our Lord 1558. where having continued five months upon the sea, without setting foot on land, when as the hunger lasted still, which we had endured by the space of a month before, we were driven to eat the dry Hides of beasts, as big as a Bullock of a year old, which the wild people call a Tappirowson, for we did but lay them upon the coals, and had not the skill to soften them, as men did the dry skins at Sanserre. The dearth was so great, that one foot of leather, or one pound weight of any manner of beasts skins whatsoever they were, was sold for twelve or fifteen Sowses, and some skins were retailed for more than thirty Frankes, A Frank or pound is about two shillings six pence English. selling them upon Tallies and Scores, as in a Caterie or victualling house. And for as much as the provision of skins failed, by reason of the narrow search of such as were pinched with hunger: The finer witted sort began to work masteries with Parchment, which taking good success, made the people fall to it as to other things before, in so much that not only the skins of clean Parchment were eaten, but also the Letters, Scrolls, and Books, as well printed as in written hand, were eaten without any stop, and the oldest and ancientest Books of an hundred or sixscore years old, were sought out every where, and eaten up without seething of them. The manner of the dressing of them, was to steep them a day or twain as need required, changing the water often, and to scrape them with a knife, as I told you afore of the skins. Then they boiled them a day or twain till they become soft and tender, which was perceived by this, that in drawing them out, and in breaking of them with one's fingers, they were seen to be clammy, and men fried them as Tripes. Other some boiled them with Herbs and Spices after the manner of a hodge-podge. Other some broiled them upon the coals. And I have seen men eat the very letters, in so much that the printing and written hand appeared still, and a man might have read the morsels in the platter, when they were ready to be eaten. And to omit nothing wherewith the famished people might be relieved, the horse hooves that were cast upon the dunghills, and the old horns and clees of Oxen and Cows, being gathered up in the streets, were eaten and devoured of divers folk, who left nothing behind them among the dung, no more than if Ducks and Hens had scraped and pecked them, and the very horns horns of Lanterns were not forgotten: now if the streets and lanes were so narrowly sought and searched, to fill men's bellies with the things that Swine and dogs would have refused, and made none accounted of: the houses also were ransacked throughout, where any moist or savourly sustenance was thought possible to be had. And for the better verifying of the thing that I spoke at the beginning, the headstalles, rains, poytrels, croupers, and all other horseharnesse, specially of Whitleather, how old so ever they were, were dressed, sodden, broiled and fried. And ye should have seen all kind of dressing of them upon the stalls, where the retailers of such victuals sold them very dear. Also the young children that had any leather girdles, flocked together, and broiling them upon the coals, broke their fast with them, as it had been with Chitterlings made of guts. The greasy leathern aprons of Shoemakers, and other artificers, and the sins of Oxen and other beasts, that had served four or five years for wanties and packsaddles, upon Asses and Mules, and for such other uses, were put to the same purpose. Moreover the leather Bottles, wherein vinegar had hung a long while, the feet of Stags, Hinds, and Goats, whereat keys were hanged, and the feet of great Swine were not forgotten, but being boiled, roasted, and fried, did serve many men for sustenance. This is not all, for the pilches made of old leather, which the Vinedressers of the town used in plashing the Vines, and the old shoosoules were also sodden and eaten. Furthermore the parings and scraps of points, and the shred, and other such Pedlery stuff, were not cast upon the dunghills, but were fried as Tripes. The skins of Sheep, Goats, Lambs, and other things that were to be conveyed to France, unto Lions and other places, notwithstanding, the leathersellers had died them, served in stead of steaks of mutton, and in stead of guts to make puddings in, and such other Galimawfreys made of such scrapings and pare, wherewith they filled them together with herbs and spices, and sold them very dear: which thing I speak to make you perceive that no manner of thing that could be found like the things aforesaid, having any moisture, taste, or savour, were left behind. As for herbs, they that had any Gardens, made more account of them, than of a good Farm. For besides that, they found themselves with them, dressing them after all fashions that they could devise, if any of them had herbs to cell, (and specially mingling them with a little Brancha) they made bread of them. If any man had of it to cell, he had what he would ask for it, and there was not a lease of Colwortes given for less than a Liart or four Deniers. Other herbs were sold after the same rate, A Liard is the fourth part of a sauce A Denier is the twelfth part of a sauce and the poor people eat greedily, of all sorts of roots and wild weeds, yea and even of Hemlock roots, through the eating whereof, above a hundred persons become swollen, and were poisoned and died. And yet notwithstanding, if a man that saw them gathering of them, and plucking them up, had showed them the danger wherein they did cast themselves, he had spoken to deaf ears, for their bellies would not consent nor harken to it. Paradine in his Story of our time, saith that in the dearth which fell in this realm of France, in the year of our Lord God. 1528. many men poisoned themselves with the roots of Hemlock. And Matheolus in his Commentary upon Dioscorides saith, that he saw a countryman and his wife almost out of their wits, by eating of it unwares. About the beginning of july, when corn was so scarce in Sanserre, that more than three parts of the people had no bread at all to eat. Such as had or could come by any linseed, or Hayseede, or by the Hay itself, or other seeds that were never erst thought upon to be eaten, did grind them and pound them, in a mortar, and made bread of them, according also as they did of all other sorts of herbs, yea & even of the straw of wheat brayed, peeled, steeped, and finely shred. Also Nutshells were stamped in mortars of iron, and being beaten into powder, served for Meal to make paste & bread of. Moreover, men did also bray Slats, & made bread of them steeped in water, salt and vinegar. The old refuse of tallow, candles, and smeery grease, and old fat & kitchenstuff, served to make brewis & fritters. The eight day of july they began to fall to the residue of the Horses that were left, which were soon killed and eaten, and they were sold (by report) at their weight of Gold: in so much that the last week of the said month, a pound of horse flesh was sold for twenty and two and twenty sowses, the heads of them at vij pound, ten Sowses a piece, the feet at six pound, which is xxx Sowses a Foot, a pound of the Liver at xxviij sowses, & a Liver was found to weigh well near ten pound, which amounted to xiiij pound the whole Liver. The heart of a horse was sold at xxviij sowses the pound, and there were of them that weighed more than seven pound, so as the whole heart came almost to ten pound. The Skin was sold for meat at eight pound and ten pound, and the innards at xu sowses the pound: whereof many folks made Sausages, which were found to be better than the Sausages that are made of Hog's flesh. And a pound of the Grease was sold at thirty sowses. Howbeit ye shall hear yet a more owgly thing: which is, that the blood of a Horse made in Puddings, (wherein was a fifth or sixth part of herbs) weighing forty pound, were sold for xiiij sowses the pound, which amounteth to xxviij pound Turnoys. And therefore I cannot but say that the unsatiable covetousness of such as sold them so dear to the poor souls that were too much pinched otherwise already, shall not scape unpunished. For (as it hath been told them often times by God's word) the end of such bloodsuckers is always to burst when they be once full. It seemeth that there could not any thing be added to set out the miserable state of a town besieged, and so narrowly beset and hemmed in on all sides with strong Bulwarks, and trenches, as it was very hard and in manner impossible to go out of it or into it, and much more to bring or convey any victuals into it. For alas, the same thing fell out in Sanserre, which is reported by the Prophet jeremy in the fourth Chapter and fifth verse of his Lamentations, to have happened in the siege of jerusalem, where such as had been wont to feed of fine and dainty meats, perished for hunger in the streets, and yet were fain to eat the dung of men, and other beasts. For I am able to say that the excrements, dung and offals were gathered up and eaten, and men were seen to fill their dishes with dung and to feed of it, and they said they found it as good as Bread, and moreover they gathered up all kind of filth and uncleanness in the streets, scraping abroad the dunghills to seek for old bones, old horns and other things incredible to such as saw it not, and which had been able to have poisoned men not only in eating them, but also even with the stinch of them. But O eternal God, behold yet further the fullness of god's judgement, for as he protesteth in the xxuj of Leviticus and in the xxviij of Deuter. that if they disobeyed his word and commandments, he would bring them to such an afterdeale, that when they were besieged the mothers should eat their own Children: the poor people of Sanserre having not yet thoroughly profited by the knowledge that God sent them, nor fared the better by his scourges and chastisements, fell to the committing of an ugly barbarous & unkindly crime within their walls. For the xxj of july it was discovered & complained of, that a Vinekeeper named Potard, & Eugenie his wife, and an old woman that dwelled with them named Philip jenillie otherwise called Lumeroy had eaten the head, brains, Liver & entrails of a young daughter of theirs about the age of three years, which had died of hunger for want of food, which happened not without the great astonishment and terror of all such as heard of it. And surely when I myself, going to the place of their abode, had seen the bones and skull of the head of the said dead child dressed and gnawed, and the ears of it eaten, together also with the tongue of a finger thickness, sodden and ready to be eaten, at the very time when they were apprehended: and the two thighs, legs and feet, in a kettle with vinegar, spices, and salt, ready to be set upon the fire to boil: and the two shoulders, arms, and hands, cleaving together, but yet clyved and opened in the bulk of the breast, ready likewise to be eaten: I was so abashed and dismayed at it, that all my body quaked. For although I had dwelled ten months together among the beastly americans, in the land of Brazilie, where I saw them oftentimes eat man's flesh, for they did eat the prisoners whom they took in the wars: yet did it never trouble my mind somuch to see them do so, as it vexed me to behold the said rueful sight, the like whereof (I believe) was never erst seen in our realm of France. The father, the mother, and the old woman being taken and put in prison, confessed the fact without denial. The mother said it was greatly to her grief, that her child was so elit in pieces, and that where as she had put up the body in a winding sheet, and left it upon a beer, while she went into the town about a certain business, minding to have buried it when she came again: at her retune, she found it unlapped out of the sheet that she had wound it in, the body of it ripped, and the bowels taken out of the belly, and the head, purtenance and tongue boiling in a pot upon the fire, which thing she showed to her husband, and he told her that the said Philip had moved him to do it, testing him that it were pity to let the flesh rot in the ground, and moreover, that the liver was very good to heal a swelling which he had, and thereupon they eat the broth of it, and gave her likewise of it also, who did eat of it to. The old woman died the same morning in the prison. And for as much as the judges found by search, that this overbeastly cruelty was committed rather of wantonness than by extremity of famine, and that the self-same day afore the said Potard and his wife and the old woman had given them in alms a mess of herbpottage and a quantity of wine, for there was as then no talk of bread: To the intent to cut off the practising of such horrible deeds within the Town, the said Potard the father was condemned to be burnt quick, and his wife to be hanged, being first drawn upon a Hardle to the place of execution together with the body of the old woman which was yet unburied. Upon the man's words in that he told his wife that the old woman had persuaded him to eat of his own child, it came to my remembrance how I had marked that the old women of the wild americans aforesaid, are more desirous, greedy and longing to eat of man's flesh, than the men, or the young women, or the Children are. For when they see any Prisoner taken, they never leave till they have caused him to be slain with such solemnity as they observe there, which I have described in the discourse that I have made concerning that Voyage. When the flesh is laid upon a Bovean as they term it, that is to say upon a Gridiron of a three foot high, they throng about it to lick up the fat that droppeth down the staves of the Gridiron, saying in their tongue Vgaton, that is to say, good, good. And I believe that the old folks desirousness to eat man's flesh after that sort, is for that they would by that means become young again. But I will leave the discoursing of that matter to Physicians, and declare unto you for a conclusion of this rueful Story, that about the xxv of june, one being sore pinched with the rage of hunger, asked of me whether that in that extreme necessity it were evil or offensive to God, to eat of a dead man's buttock that he liked well of or no. Which demand seemed so odious unto me, that leaving him in the doubt and remorse of his own conscience, I told him that the Wolves and wild beasts did not eat one another. In the month of june, by reason of the great dearth and scarcity of victuals, many poor people were thrust out of the Town, which thing was done many times after. These being not suffered to pass the trenches and standings of their enemies that besieged them, nor to return into the Town again: were fain to eat the buds of Vines and Mulberry trees, grey Snails and red Snails, and weeds: and after long pining, the most part of them died between the said trenches and the town ditches. Howbeit among other pitiful things, one is, that a Vinekeeper and his wife were found dead together in their Vineyard, and two young Children of theirs lay crying and wailing by them, whereof the younger was not past a six weeks old, which were sought out and sent for by a noble Lady of the Town, who did put them out to nurse, or else they had died out of hand. And as there died many in the Vineyards by the counterscarf, and in the towndiches: so there died many more in the houses, and they tumbled down thick in the streets, in somuch that some times there were buried .xx or xxx in a day. But specially the Children that were under twelve years old died almost every eachone. I believe that the natural appetite and heat that is in youth, wherethrough they be always desirous to feed, because their stomachs are warm and better able to digest than elder folks, and therewithal have not like patience and discretion, hasted the death of the said silly children, which lay drawing of their breath, even till their bones peered out of their Skins, & made woeful moan, crying out with lamentable voice before they yielded up their Ghost, alas we starve for hunger. That man's heart must have been harder than the stony rock, & his ears deafer than the Adamant, which should not have been moved at the hearing of such things. There was a boy of ten years old, who lying in the pangs and extremity of death, when he heard & saw his father and mother lamenting by him & handling his arms & legs which were as dry as a stick, said unto them: Why weep ye thus to see me die for hunger? I ask no Bread of you, for I know ye have it not. But sith it is Gods will to have me die so, it behoveth you to take it in good worth, did not the holy men job and Lazarus suffer hunger as well as I? have not I read of it in my Bible? And so having made his poor father and mother's heart to cleave and their bowels to irne and sorrow so much the more, because they perceived that God had given him so noble a mind: he gave up the Ghost and yielded his soul unto God. The xxx day of july and more than xu days before, ye should have seen great numbers of poor folk lie starving in the streets, with grisly countenance resembling rather dead bodies of earth than living persons, which with an hollow & piteous voice made lamentable moan, saying. Alas, if I might eat but one bit of bread of hay I should do well. Alas, although I had any chaff remaining (for sometimes they had chaff given them) yet were I not able to pill it and to temper it, for I am over far spent. The wretched mothers carrying the bodies of their dead Children to the Churchyard (and dragging those after them by the hand that were left alive) would say unto them, alas my poor Babe it will not be long ere thou follow thy brother or sister that goes afore thee. Never was there any thing heard of more pitiful and lamentable. But the greatest grief that nipped such as heard & saw these things, was that they had not for the most part wherewith to remedy it, but were fain to behold the sore & yet had not any medicine or plaster to lay unto it. Nevertheless, even in the midst of this great distress & calamity, ye should have seen wondered constancy, in somuch that they cried out unto God still, saying: Alas Lord deliver us from the scourges & rods wherewith thou dost justly beat and chastis us for our sins sake. Have pity upon thy poor people, & in the midst of thy wrath remember thy mercy. Or if it be thy pleasure that we shall die after this sort, grant us thy grace to trust in thee even to the last gasp. About the xu of july and so forth to the end of the same month, and the beginning of August. the penury grew so great that they began to kill the rest of the Horses that had been reserved for the said extremity. For the outcry of the people, and specially of the Soldiers (howbeit that some which were most needy cried not) was so great by reason of the famine, that the owners of them had much a do to keep them from them. Nevertheless they sold them exceedingly dear. For the horses that were killed in Sanserre to be eaten, which could not have been sold at other times for ten crowns a piece, were now sold for threescore, fourscore, yea and a hundred crowns a piece, and some at a hundred and fifty crowns. Last of all there was killed a Goat, which was sold at ten pound Turnois the quarter, which amounted in all to five and fifty pound, as the woman that caused it to be killed confessed. Herewithal the blood also was sold at sixteen or seventeen Crowns. Also six Cows, and all the rest of the Goats that had been continually reserved to have milk to feed Children with, were killed likewise, and I believe there was not left past one Cow alive within the whole Town. A pound of the said Cow Beef was sold for thirteen and fourteen Sowses, and for twenty Sowses. The eighteenth day of August, a pound of the Tripes was sold for ten Shillings Turnoys, where as in time of peace, half a pound was worth no more but a Liard. A pound of new Corn (which the morrow after that they were sure of peace was sold for six Blanks) was now fold for eighteen Sowses and eight Deniers, whereas it had been sold afore for xxv. sowses: and five quarters of goat's flesh was sold for twenty Sowses. A Hen was sold for a Crown and three franks: and a Cock or a Pullet for as much: and an Egg for five or six sowses. During the month of july and the first part of August, for asmuch as there were certain fields of Corn between the Town and the Trenches of the enemies, such as were dispersed in the Vineyards, (namely such as had been put out of the Town) together with certain ventures and others that stole out in the nights, went as closely as they could in great danger of their lives, to cut down and gather up the said Corne. But few of them escaped, because that they which kept the Trenches having their Scouts set by them, discovered them immediately, and some dispatched them with Hargubusse shot, so as they went no more out of the field. The little that was brought home was sold exceedingly dear: insomuch that a little sheaf wherein there was not passed an handful of Corn, was sold for twelve or xu sowses, and it was seen that five sowses were refused for fifty ears of corn, and happy was he that could come by it for any price, how great soever it were. For we practised that which is said in job, namely that a man will give skin for skin, and all that he hath for his life. The season of sour grapes whereof many folks lived, came now in very good time. Some did eat them raw, some baked in an Oven, some boiled in water, and othersome fried and sauced with Mustard and spices. The ripe Bullaces and other wild fruits that could be gathered among the Vines and Bushes about the Town, were narrowly sought for and sold at the pleasure of such as brought them. Also the Thistles served us in steed of Ortichoks, and Nettles in stead of spinach. To conclude this small discourse, in less than three months during the siege of Sanserre, there was eaten more than two hundred Horses, Mares, Colts, Asses, Mules and other beasts of burden, so that of all the number that were in the Town after the besieging of it, there was but one left alive, in stead whereof there was slain an Ass that was caught among the Vineyards. At the beginning of August the dearth and famine had killed more than four times as many in Sanserre in six weeks as the sword had done in seven months and a half, during which time the siege lasted. For in the Muster book kept of all the Soldiers and other people that were slain from the beginning of the siege to the twenty of August, as well with shot of Canon and Hargubusse as otherwise, were found but fourscore and ten: and I am sure that the number of such as died for hunger in the Town and of such as were about those that were shut up in the same, was more than four hundred persons. Who would not quake now at the hearing of such judgements which God executed upon the town of Sanserre? For they that were besieged felt by experience how true the saying of the Prophet is, that such as scape the Sword shall be overtaken with hunger, and that the hand of GOD (as the Psalm writer saith) stretcheth out whether soever he listeth. Nevertheless let not such as read this Book think that they which were besieged in Sanserre, were the wickedest and most abominable sinners in the world. For although they acknowledge their sins before God, and have sufficient warning to walk better in his fear hereafter: yet is it not to be concluded, that such as are chastised most roughly are therefore most wicked. For as it is said in the Scripture, the Child whom the father loveth shall not be exempted from the Rod. And as our Lord jesus Christ said to the jews of his time. Those upon whom the Tower in Silo fell, and those men whose blood Pilate mingled with their Sacrifice, were no greater sinners than other men. But if they that have knowledge of these things amend not their life, they shall all perish miserably. Which thing I speak by the way, to the intent that the siege and famine of Sanserre may serve for an example, not only to such as were at it, but also generally to all men, and specially to those that are Protestants, who have justly lost a part of their liberty which they had to serve God openly, and so hath almost the whole Realm, because they used it not to their profit. And therefore I must not rest so much upon second causes, nor take upon me to discourse of divers things that have come to pass in this Realm, within one year, against the intent of our King. For God who governeth all things by his wonderful providence, hath guided and directed the whole in such wise, according as he saith in his word, that it is he that smiteth and maketh the wound, and it is he that healeth it again There. is no more for us to do, but to profit ourselves by the things that are past, by amending our lives hereafter. IN these great extremities the chief governors of the town knew not what to do, and to yield themselves into the hands of the enemy seemed unto them more cruel than death itself: they had sent messengers into divers places, to crave aid and secure of their fellows, but in vain. They which had some ability to help the miserable besieged Sanserreans, therefore refused to aid them, not that they misliked of their cause, or thought them worthy of so great miseries: but because they wanted money, the which in this unhappy time was hard to come by. Notwithstanding, the King's treasure was spent in levying bands of horsemen and footmen, to destroy the remainder of miserable men. They which had a good will to help, were in so great extremities, that being brought themselves into great peril, were scarce able to withstand their assailing enemies. When they saw that their first messengers could not speed of their purpose, they sent again at the last (namely the .24. of july) Mons. Flore, Mine, and Crucian, the chief Captains, to prove whether their presence might prevail more to get help & succours, than their fellows had done before. These went out of the City with great peril, & within certain days were taken & slain by their enemies. AFTER news hereof was brought to the Sanserreans, they notwithstanding determined with themselves, to continued constant unto the end, being still in hope to receive succours. Thus, while they armed themselves to perseverance with new promises, tidings was brought them, that the king had taken peace with them of Rochel and Languedoc, but that there was no mention made at all of them: so that theridamas seemed to be no hope at all of aid. Therefore while contentions arose among the townsmen, some thinking it best to persist, other affirming that so to do was mad wilfulness, and that they had rather die once with the sword, than to make a long death with famine: The Sanserreans come to composition. Mons. joanneau the governor of the Town, came at the last to parley with Mons. Martinenge a noble man, in whom the Sanserreans reposed great trust. The townsmen could scarcely be persuaded that they should escape with life. But when the Lord Chastre had at the first by Mons. Martinenge, and afterward by letters persuaded the Sanserreans, that every one should have their lives pardoned, than all men were glad hoping for peace, and that so great miseries would have an end at the last. Therefore after certain days conference with the Lord Chastre, they agreed together upon these Articles. FIRST that the Sanserreans, and those which were come unto them out of other cities of the Realm, should be under the benefit of the pacificatory Edict, made the fourth day of August with the Rochellians, that is to say, that they should have the free use of the Religion, which others expressed in the same Edict, had. Secondly, that the townsmen should be pardoned for all those faults which were committed in the time of this war, with faithful promise made unto them by the Lord Chastre, that no manner of dishonest violence should be offered to their lives, wives, and daughters. Thirdly, that they should be restored to the possession of their goods: that they should be free from confiscation, and that all sentences of confiscation already pronounced, should be revoked. Fourthly, that the townsmen should pay unto the Lord Chastre forty thousand franks, for the payment whereof, they should have their goods preserved from the spoil of the Soldiers, and it should be lawful for them to carry or cell the same else where at their own pleasure, the which money was distributed to the Soldiers by the appointment of the Lord Chastre. That the King should confirm this agreement, by his authority. And last of all, that the townsmen should promise' unto the King all obedience ever after. And that they should give twelve such hostages as the Lord Chastre should name, until these things were fully performed and accomplished. Therefore the last day of August the Lord Chastre entered into the city, with a great train of armed men. And by & by were taken away from the Sanserreans, their drums, trumpets, and ensigns. Mons. janneau, within certain days after was secretly slain, and never known how. There was placed in the town a very great garrizon. And over and above the foresaid sum of forty thousand Frankes, they were very straightly charged to pay new tributes. And concerning the use of Religion, the which notwithstanding was promised in the first article of the agreement, there was neither speech nor performance to this day. The king sent the armies of the Swissers into Dauphin, to terrify the inhabitants of Languedoc, and mons. Monbrune that they might receive the covenant of the peace of Rochel. Notwithstanding, when they had remained certain weeks in Dauphin, when also Monbrune had traveled diligently to and fro to withstand them, and could not raise them of Languedoc, in so much that a great mass of money should have been spent to no purpose, those returned again into their country, which were returned from the siege of Rochel, & had escaped the perils of their journey. ¶ The twelfth Book of Commentaries, concerning the Temporal and Ecclesiastical state of the Kingdom of France, in the reign of Charles the ninth. THE Rochelleans had made a peace with the King, without the knowledge of them of Nismes, and others of Languedoc, although they also were expressly contained in the covenants of agreement. Notwithstanding the Edict being read did not satisfy them, but affirmed, that the experiments of the former times replenished with divers murders, did prove, that these pacificatory means were snares, to intercept and entangle those with the pretence of peace, whom they could not by force of Arms, & with war overcome. Therefore they thought good to consult and participate this matter with their fellows, and perceive it needful to provide for the same by a common assembly of the Churches which were left. So that after tidings was brought unto them of the Edict made, they sent into the Army a messenger to the Duke of Anjou, to give him thanks on their behalf, beseeching him, that for so much as the cause in hand was general, and because it belonged to many of the reformed Religion to know these things in convenient time, that he would give them leave to assemble themselves together in a fit place, and that to the same end he would grant them his letters patents for their assurance. These letters patents were granted and made, and all they of the Religion, to whom knowledge might be given, were warned to be at Milliaud in Languedoc. Whereupon there came many from all parts of the Realm, according as the time would suffer them. THIS was a notable occasion to provide for things again time to come. For in this assembly they considered and scanned how they might order their affairs afterward: and so provided for themselves both laws civil and also martial. In the large province of Languedoc there are many provinces, the which were replenished with a great number of the Religious, which held divers cities and Towns in sundry parts of the same, having also amongst them the Catholics, in somuch that the keeping of those places was very perilous, by reason that their enemies were so mixed with them. Therefore to the end their affairs might ever afterward be ordered after a more firm & constant manner, they appointed two generalties or Lieftenantships for the territory of the Religion, in the which all the Religious of that province were contained, namely the Liefetenantship of Montauban, and the Liefetenantship of Nismes. Montauban, to have the pre-eminence over those parts of the higher Languedoc, and Nismes of the lower: in the which the territory of Sevenatz and Vivaretz were coprehended. They appointed to every Liefetenantship a Lieutenant which was some famous noble man. And they appointed the office of these Liefetenantships to endure, so long as the civil war should hold either openly or secretly, that they might have the chief authority in martial affairs: notwithstanding so, that their power might be subject to the judgement of the Senate. Every country or diocese had his senate, according to the ancient manner of France, and they continued in use, especially in that part, even unto this day: these Senates they call particular states. But the Liefetenantship, in the which many dioceses are contained, is called the chief or high Senate, which consisteth of certain choice men out of every country or shire: notwithstanding so, that the sentences of every Senate in matters of great weight were examined and straightly overlooked. It was also ordained that by the decree of that high Senate or court the lietuenant should rule and govern those affairs which belonged unto the war. These Lieutenants had a certain stipend assigned unto them, the whole rule and charge of the treasure belonged to the Senate, the Lieutenant by his office having nothing to do with the same. AND to maintain war, they took these ways: namely, that the people might be restrained, so much as might be from martial robbing, and that countries might not be wasted and spoiled: they charge the towns and villages by a writ out of the kings Excheaker to pay tribute, yea and those towns also in the which the Catholics inhabited, levying such a sum as might be sufficient to maintain garrizons in them. They call for a Contribution. Thus they were gently entreated, which paid the commanded tribute: husbandry also was permitted and maintained. So that those places inhabited by the Catholics, did obey, for fear of robbing, spoiling, and burning. Thus they went about to cut off all occasion of martial liberty, so much as might be taken away among so many outrageous furies of war: and they provided for the continuance of longer war, if so be no reasonable and indifferent condition were offered by the king. Furthermore, they gathered the tithes and revenues of the priests, and appointed collectors for the same. Hitherto all occasion to hold war, seemed after so great slaughters of men made, to be taken away from the Religious: but this way which they now devised, brought to pass, that they of the Religion were able to maintain garrizons in divers places: the which when need required, being come together in one, by the commandment of the Lieutenant, would have made a sufficient army: by this means also the catholics power was weakened: Viscount Pauline was made Lieutenant of Montauban: and mons. Sanroman, (of whom we spoke before) being come from Switzerland to Nismes, was made Lieutenant of the same, after he had taken his oath. The coming of Sanroman brought to pass, that the discords of the captains disagreeing among themselves hitherto, being appeased, their affairs had more happy success in Nismes, and in the cities adjoining thereunto: all men obeying with all their hearts the commandment given by him, and also by the Senate. Therefore now at the last necessity and experience, the schoolmistress of fools taught the religious for their necessary defence, a new kind of order, not used in the time of the former wars, and more convenient: And these things were handled very well in the assembly or convocation at Milliaud. These things being thus provided to establish a certain order, the men of Languedoc also determined in this convocation, to require certain things of the king for the confirmation of peace: for the former Edict did not satisfy them, as we said before, neither did the name of peace so move them by and by, that without consideration and respect all conditions were received, because the light credit of the Princes afore time, taught them to beware. Therefore they sent unto the king, Mons. Yolet, Philip, Cherenac, and others which were active and prudent men. The sum of their message was, To give thanks unto the king for singular good will, which he declared that he had to establish peace in his kingdom. That the same remedy was so necessary, the kingdom by so long wars being in decay and almost overthrown, that it could not be any longer deferred without present destruction. That they were minded to show all obedience to their Lord & king. But because the tragical and lamentable memory of the murders lately committed on S. Bartholomew's day, doth show how dangerous a thing it is for the king their sovereign to be ruled by the evil counsels of wicked counsellors: they most humbly beseeched his majesty not to think it strange that they, to whom it specially belonged, sought the most convenient ways for the establishing of peace. That it was lately brought to pass, that the king by the practices of evil counsellors, contrary to his good nature, declared himself by his public letters, to be the author and chief cause of that wicked fact, the which notwithstanding a few days before he openly detested: the contrary show whereof was too shameful in the sight of all nations. That they were persuaded of his own good will towards them: but they greatly feared, lest his mind should be led by his counsellors as aforetime: and that therefore they would provide for themselves, and seek to save their lives and the lives of their friends, being taught by the pitiful example of their fellows. THESE things being uttered, First of all they require, that for the security of peace, and to avoid new troubles, they might keep those Cities, which they had already in possession, with their own garrisons of men, and the same to have their wages paid them out of the king's treasury. Secondly, that beside those Cities, the king would give unto them two Cities in every province of the Realm, which might be thought most meet and convenient in the judgement and opinion of four men, two of the which four to be Catholics, and the other two Religious: and the same two Cities also to have garrisons of the Riligious maintained in them by the kings pay. Thirdly, that the use of the reformed Religion be free through out the whole Realm without exception of any place, for all those which shall require the same of the king. Fourthly, that they of the Religion may have granted unto them new parliaments in every province, and that by such judges as embrace the reformed Religion. Fifthly, that to maintain the ministers of their Churches, they may have leave together those tithes which arise of their lands. Last of all, that they which were the authors of the murder committed on Saint Bartholomew's day, might be punished as murderers, spoilers, and disturbers of the common peace. These seemed to be large petitions: and in very deed their speech to the king extended farther, in so much that the Queen said in displeasure and anger, That the prince of Conde himself if he were alive, and were even in the very midst of the kingdom with twenty thousand horsemen, and five hundred thousand footmen, & had also in his hands the chief Cities of the Realm, would not crave the one half of those things. Wherefore she came to every one of these messengers, & sought to win them, sometime by fair promises, & otherwhile by threatenings. But it was so provided in the assembly at Milliaud, that the messengers of themselves should do nothing, but only offer the letter unto the king, & should refer the king's answers unto the Senate, that the whole matter might be allowed by the authority of the same. Days of respite were taken for a month & a half: & so the messengers being honourably received into every City, returned home again. The Catholics could scarcely be persuaded, but that the most mighty princes favoured the cause of the Religious, and pretended that the great liberty which the Religious had, was the cause why they so thought. The king was said to desire peace, being warned by the success of the war at Rochel, and in Languedoc. In the mean time, Preparation for the voyage into Polonia. preparation was made for the voyage into Polonia, the Queen and the new King providing all things for great magnificence, notwithstanding they had not money according to their wil About the same time in the which the Ambassadors of Polonia were at Paris, a very bold & wicked fact was committed. There was a certain Citizen in Paris of great wealth named Nantoilet, Nantoilet rob by the new king of Polonia. a Catholic & one of the chief magistrates of the City. To this man's house came the new king, of whom he was very courteously entertained. But the Duke of Anjou being in the house began to quarrel with the said Nantoilet, first with words, at the which the other had great marvel: Then his servants began to spoil, carried away his plate & jewels, broke open his coffers, and carried away a great mass of money. Thus the outrage of murders broke the rains of shame, running into all impudent boldness. AFTER that Harlem was taken the Prince of Orange took Alcmar a City of Holland, The affairs of the low Country. the Citizens being divided within themselves: at what time one gate was taken by that part which held of the Duke of Alba, and bands both of horsemen and footmen sent from the said Duke were now within the view of the City. Notwithstanding the Prince of Orange putting to flight the said power enjoyed the City. The Flisshingers took the Castle Ramekins the fifth of August. The Ramekeins Castle taken by the Flissinners. Also the said Flisshingers, the thirteenth day of the same month, encountered with the navy of the Duke of Alba, which loosed from Antwerp, to carry victual to Middelburge, part whereof they chased away, and the rest came to Middelburge. Furthermore the Prince of Orange took the town of Mounts in Brabant. The twentieth of September the Orangians fought with happy success upon the coast of Amsterdam: in the which fight the Duke of Alba had a great overthrow, with loss of a great number of his Ships, and also of his men. The eleventh day of October, the Orangians after a long battle fought upon the sea, got the victory of the King of Spain's navy, of whom they slew a great number, and took the County Bossu, Lord Admiral of the whole navy. In the beginning of December the Duke of Alba forsaking his authority of government in the low country being Brussels, by the authority and commission of the king's letters, put over his said office to Lewis de Requizence great Commander of Castille, and then prepared for his return into Spain. THE new King of Polonia, notwithstanding that the Ambassadors of Polonia made great haste, found daily new delays to defer his journey, whether it were for the pleasure and delight which he had in his own country, or for grief to leave a more noble kingdom, the assured possession whereof his mother had promised unto him. The king himself urged his departure: in somuch that it is reported he said in anger, That either he, or himself must needs go into Polonia. For the secret grudges of emulation which was in either of them, could not be so covertly restrained, but that often times they braced forth. The Queen loved the Duke of Anjou more than the king, whose great towardness she greatly feared. It is certainly reported, that the Queen said to Henry, being very careful concerning his departure, Be of good cheer, only go, thou shalt not remain long in Polonia. By the rumour hereof, many thought that the Queen meant little good unto the King, and that hereof that evil which happened within a while after unto him proceeded: the which verily I would not set down, if so be the same had not been objected unto the Queen herself by letters written by certain Courtiers, which knew well enough the affairs of the Court. Yea it is most certain, that the Queen was so addicted unto her son Henry, that she hated her other two sons. HENRY having covenanted and agreed with his brother concerning those things which appertained to their affairs, departed at the length from Paris, the eight and twenty of September. The king said, that he would bring him on his way to the bounds and limits of his kingdom. The which he could not perform, for that he fell sick of a soar fever at Vitri a town in champaign: most men thinking that he was poisoned. Therefore the king took his leave of his brother and went no further: who went through Germany, as his journey lay, and was courteously entertained of the Princes of the same: notwithstanding he heard them in every place grievously detest the murders of France, the principal cause whereof was laid to his charge in obeying the wicked counsels of his mother. About the same time Francis Hotomanus, a famous Lawyer, a man endued with godliness and singular learning, published a book, which he entitled Francogallia, and dedicated the same to Frederic County Palatine. In the same book, the said Hotomanus declareth with exquisite reason, what was the state of the kingdom of France in old time, bringing the same to memory again out of the ancient antiquities of the history of France. Because the country of France was called in old time Gallia or Gaul: and was afterward by the Francones of Germany conquered, he caleth it here by the name of a compound word Francogallia, and the people Franco Galli, that is to say, French Gauls. And he declareth, that although the French Gauls, took in old time their kings from the Nobility, and therefore chose them such kings as were come of kingly race, & had been royally trained and brought up, whether the same were of the number of their children, or of their near kinsmen: yet nevertheless the kingdom of France of old time was wont to be given not by right of inheritance as a private patrimony, but by the judgement & free elections of the people. For proof whereof he bringeth many things out of the express words of the Testament of Charles the great, & out of the elections of Pharamund, of the sons of Pippin, of Charles, and of Charlemagne, of Chilperic, of Clothar, of Ottho, and of other kings, of whom he hath made a long catalogue: alleging the very words of the histories, notwithstanding so, that the kingdom should be divided by the decree & consent of the states, one while to one, & sometime to more of the sons of the kings. And that as the authority to choose kings, so also the power to displace and depose them from their rule, was in old time in the hands of the states of the people & in the public assembly of the Realm. Therefore that kings were created in France by firm laws, & not tyrants ordained, with free authority & power to do what soever them listeth. For the which matter he bringeth many examples, namely of the two Childerickes, which kings were deposed from the kingdom by the decree of the states: of Theoderic which was displaced with Ebroin his Lord great master: of Chilperic, of Charles the gross, also of Ottho which was chosen king in stead of Charles the son of Lewis the stutter: and he taketh the credit of their judgements, and most urgent causes, out of the very midst of the history. He showeth also what things were specially handled in the solemn assembly of the states: and also what was the authority of the same. And first of all concerning the creating or displacing of a king: secondly, concerning peace & war, and common laws: thirdly, concerning great honours, high offices, and governments of the common wealth: Fourthly, concerning the assigning of the patrimony in part to the children of the king being deceased, and concerning the appointing of dowry to daughters: finally, concerning all those things which appertain to the weal public. The power of the said assembly of States was such (saith he) that without the authority or sentence of the same, the king could determine nothing, but must follow the authority and will of the States: which said authority and will, were called The decrees of the states. And now when as this kingdom of France hath continued almost a thousand & two hundred years, there are said to be in all this time only three houses of kings, that is to say, of the Merovins, who taking their original of Meroue, continued that stock two hundred fourscore & three years: of Charlovins, who springing from Charles the great grew in that stock three hundred thirty & seven years: & of Capenites, who beginning at Hugh Capet, have now held the kingdom five hundred & fourscore years. The which Hugh Capet got the royal dignity, that Charlovins being deposed, namely Lewis the fifth the xxxj king of France, & the twelve king of the stock of the Charlovins, his children being dead in ward. And then he proveth by many examples, that the royal dignity stood firm by the decree of the States in the times of the first reign both of the Merovins, & also of the Charlovins, & was continued also in the house of the Capenites. And first by that notable controversy celebrated and made famous with the monuments of the French histories, and with the great wars which rose of the same, between Philip Valois, and Edward borne of Isabel the sister of Charles. Who, when king Charles the fair, died without heirs male, contended for the kingdom. When the matter grew thus to contention, it pleased the States to prefer Philip Valois being of royal line, to whom the kingdom was adjudged. Another example he brought from the lamentable time of King john, who joining battle with the English men near unto Poitiers, was taken & carried prisoner into England. So great calamity being received, the hope was left in the authority of the states alone. Therefore by the decree of the said States, there were approved men of all sorts and conditions chosen, to whom the charge and affairs of the Realm were committed: howbeit there were three of the King's sons, namely Charles, Lewis, and john: of the which three the eldest was of lawful age to govern. A third example he bringeth from the year of our Lord. M.CCCLXXV. at what time Charles the fifth surnamed wise, appointed by his will and testament Philip Duke of Borbon his wives brother, to be the tutor and guardian of his sons: and Lewes Duke of Anjou his brother to be the governor of the Realm, until such time as Charles his son came unto his full and lawful age: nevertheless it was decreed by a counsel, holden at Paris, that the will should be frustrate, and the government of the kingdom committed to the said Lewis the child's uncle, upon condition that in his government he would do nothing without the advice and consent of other honest and approved persons in the said counsel: and also that the wardship and education of the child should be committed to the Duke of Borbon. A fourth example he bringeth from the year of our Lord. M.CCCXCII. at what time Charles the sixth son of the said King suddenly fell mad, it was decreed by the authority of the states, that the government of the Realm should be committed to the Dukes of Berry, and Burgundy. Also he fetcheth a fifth example from the year. M. CCCCXXVI. when as Philip Duke of Burgundy, and Humphrey Duke of Gloucester, were at mortal debate to the great detriment of the common wealth: and at the length agreed between themselves, to make an end of all controversies by combat. In this contention the States were umpiers, and decreed, that both of them should put off their armour, and rather end their controversies by law, than by dint of sword. Then he allegeth a sixth example from the year M. CCCC.Lxxxiiij. when as Lewis the xj being dead, and leaving behind him his son Charles of the age of thirteen years, it was decreed by an assembly of States at Towers, that the education of the child should be committed to Anne the king's sister: and that the government of the Realm should be set over to certain choice and approved persons in the said assembly: notwithstanding that Lewis Duke of Orleans being the next of kin required the same. He setteth down also a seventh Argument taken from that war, which was held in the time of the said Lewis the eleventh, which was of all other kings the most crafty and subtle, which also greatly diminished the authority of the States, at what time the kingdom was so governed by him, that in many things the duty of a good prince and of one loving his country, was wanting, the authority of the States began to be required, that by the same the common wealth might be provided for: and so by the aid of many Princes and noble men war was holden, which was therefore called, the war of the common wealth. And verily, at that time the authority of the States began to decay▪ the which notwithstanding Lewis feigned to have in great estimation. Finally, he handleth that question. Whether the government of the kingdom of France, by the law of France, aught to come to the Distaff: and by many reasons and examples he showeth, that women aught to be removed from the government of the Realm no less than from the inheritance of the same. And thus disputing he offereth to the secret judgements of men by the state of the ancient kingdom, an express Image of those calamities, by which all things at the last in the kingdom of France, are come to great disorder and confusion, the authority of the states of the Realm being overthrown and suppressed, and a strange woman having gotten into her hands the royal government. M. Mombrune took about this time Monerb, a walled town in the County of Venaiz: & Nium, a town bordering upon the County of Dauphin, and new small towns & bands of men, specially out of Provence came daily unto him. And he invaded the territory of Grenoble, to the great terror and fear of those that dwelled in the same. He took also the rich Abbay of Viri, and slew the Garrisons which kept the same. The Monks of the great Charterhouse fearing to have so ill a neighbour, fortified themselves with Garrisons of Soldiers. Thus M. Mombrune was feared in all that country round about. Again truce was taken for a month and a half. Nevertheless the burning desire of wars was great in Languedoc and in Dauphin. And under the pretence of that truce, the King & Queen, made a great show that they desired peace: but in deed they practised nothing else but bloody war. Puygallard of Poictou to get Rochel, byred with the king's money and by the king's commandment certain Soldiers of Rochel to betray the City. And the chief of this conspiracy in the town was mons. Grandfiefe a famous man, who valiantly behaved himself in the time of war for the defence of Rochel. Thus it was agreed amongst them, that a Bulwark and one of the Gates should be taken, to the which Puygallard should come incontinent with certain bands of Soldiers. The conspiracy was discovered. They of Rochel took many of the townsmen. M. Grandfiefe was slain. And when inquiry was made of this conspiracy, the conspirators answered, that they had done nothing without the king's commandment, mons. Puygallard being the author: the which also certain letters found about Grandfiefe did plainly testify. They of Rochel made complaint hereof to the king. The king denied the said enterprise to be taken in hand by his commandment: willing them to punish those that were found guilty of the conspiracy, saying that he gave them leave and authority so to do: only he willed them to beware that they did nothing contrary to the edict. Therefore they of Rochel, according to their manner of execution put many of the Conspirators to death by the while: of the which many were Citizens. This was done about the the end of the month of December. ORANGE was held by Berchon in the name of the Prince of Orange: and Berchon with the inhabitants of Avignon which bordered about him, and of Venais also, abstained of purpose from war. Notwithstanding many of the Citizens of Orange, having M. Glundag a valiant man of Dauphin their Captain, took the Castle and town of Orange, Berchon mistrusting no such thing, who went strait way to Cortes, a little town in the territory of Orange. After this M. Glandag warred very sore against Avignon, & against the inhabitants of the county, robbing & spoiling them, yea and the merchantmen as they went about their affairs were rob in the common high way. The said Glandag himself for all this boasted, that he did not like of the reformed Religion: and that only the point of his sword was religious: meaning thereby that he did not embrace the doctrine of the religion, but the cause of the religious. By such like examples great offence was taken against them of the Religion. THIS new year comprehendeth the beginnings of new and weighty matters, with divers success both of king Charles the ninth, by whose strong and flourishing youth infinite victories to the utter destruction of the religion were prognosticated, and also by the death of Charles Guise Cardinal of Lorhayne, a notable ancient enemy of the reformed Churches, which we will set down according to our manner and purpose. MANY of the noble men envy the government of the Queen, (for whatsoever was done by king Charles was attributed unto her) for that she (as it is said) being through effeminate and rash hastiness moved to displeasure, one while against some, another while against other some, sought by all means possible to hurt those, which might in any case withstand her government and for that she being a woman, and (which was more) a strange woman, should have the government of the state so many years already, against the ordinance of the ancient laws of France. and to the great reproach of the realm of France. Therefore she had provoked many of the noble men to hate her: especially because the authority of the nobles, to whom the prerogatives of the realm pertained, being by her taken away, and translated to herself alone, she advanced base borne men and strangers to great honour and to large riches and possessions, & especially County d'Retz, who being the son of a Florentine Promoter called Gordes, and his mother a famous harlot, himself also at the first being but a servant to a Forraiger, came to so great riches and authority, that he was not only checkmate with princes and noble men, but also far excelled them. Now, because these large promotions & gifts could not but be drawn out of the king's treasury, that is to say, from the blood of the miserable people, lately oppressed with intolerable burdens of tributes, many of the noble men daily complained, that the common wealth was betrayed and trodden under foot. And the foul troubles of new wars, did greatly amplify and increase complaints: through the which wars the Citizens being armed with mortal hatred one against another, by the instigation & encouraging of a strange woman, with shameful madness killed & destroyed one the other, to satisfy the wicked appetites & desires of an ungodly Italian. Hitherto she had pretended the cause of Religion: notwithstanding she sought this one thing only by these civil discords, namely, That when she had destroyed the French men, she might bring in Italians into the kingdom of France, and so she might easily reign alone, having gotten such men about her as stood subject & bound unto her. Also the great misliking of the murder on Saint barthelmew's day, made her to be the more envy and despised, adding all that might be to that notable hatred▪ conceived against her: because by the same fall, not only many noble houses, were deprived of their brethren and kinsmen, the more noble sort of them of the religion being slain: but also that the death of the noble princes and peers was sought, notwithstanding that they always had embraced the Romish Religion: and that a manifest way was made to the utter destruction of the nobles of France by this entrance, and that, because this ambitious woman would leave nothing undone to show cruelty, that she might rule and govern after her own william. Amidst the garboil of the murders, they which suspected their blood to be sought, were at rest, and were gone at the king's commandment to the war, to destroy those which remained of the Religion, who being but few and weak, seemed to be brought easily to destruction within few days. But when the Queen's counsels and devices took not effect, and new murders were made, when there was preparation of war against Rochel & Languedoc: then men more freely began to speak against those murders, and to detest those civil wars stirred up by the commandments of the Queen, when as the contrary success had frustrated and deceived even as it were in the very entry, the imagined victories concerning the utter destruction of those of the Religion. And there was none which did not greatly condemn the causers & workers of those murders. Peace was earnestly desired and hoped for all men, when as the space of two years, had almost drowned the memory of the former troubles and injuries, and after so many spoils made by wars, new calamity was feared, insomuch that all men feared the cause of new troubles. And the remembrance of the pretended marriage celebrated with falsehood, was most detestable, to the everlasting reproach of France. Therefore in steed of triumphs for the destruction of the remainder of the religious, there sprang up new enemies from among the Catholics themselves: and that of them also which were present in those murders, and were instruments of the same: who being taught by time itself, and by the event and success of the matter, did not only detest that wicked fact, but also prepared themselves to revenge the same. And there was no small number of these new enemies: but the factions were copious and plentiful, having over them noble and famous Captains. So many as could not abide to fail their country in extremity, being now at the last cast, and which being free from the Queen's liberality & preferment & which misliked of the insolent promotion of strangers: so many, I say seemed to be called, even as it were with the sound of a trumpet, to the society of this new counsel. The greatest injury seemed to be given to the king of Navarre, for that his marriage was dishonoured & polluted, with the funerals of his friends & family: and he himself had come in peril of life, except by a foul and shameful shift he had forsaken the religion, in the which he was brought up & instructed, & for the which, by the aid & furtherance of his mother he had held war. The Prince of Conde was with no less provocations alured: & beside the old causes, the late peril of his life in the furious murders, & the remembrance of the war of Rochel to destroy those who had valiantly behaved themselves under his conduct to defend his house & stock. Also vehement causes stirred up the house of momorency. For by the death of the Admiral which was so cruelly slain, the blood of Momorencies brethren no doubt was sought: & they were not ignorant the their names were valde in the number of those which were slain on Saint barthelmew's day & that if they might have been shut up altogether they had died with the Admiral and his fellows. For the Queen envied the authority of the house of momorency. And it evidently appeared the Martial Coss, and all other which by consanguinity, affinity, or by any other means belonged unto these houses, were appointed for the same slaughter. Yea, there was occasion of these new matters sown in the kings own line. The Duke of Alancon the king's youngest brother being hated of his mother, greatly misliked his in others government, and detested that wicked and horrible fact of the bloody marriage. So that the Duke of Alancon seemed to be of their side. Therefore for this cause he was hated of his mother. These were the beginnings of great matters, the which what success they had we will show hereafter. The countries being wearied with long calamities of wars, required of the king that there might be an assembly of the States, that extreme necessity at the last might provide a remedy for so great troubles. The Queen answered that the king & she did like very well of this request: (for the king being daily more and more sick, the Queen of herself had the government of all things) and she appointed the assembly of States at Compien. The Prince of Orange held the greatest part of Zealand, as we said before, except Midelburge, the chief City of that country and Armac, the most famous haven of that City, and of the whole Isle. The same he besieged with all the forces of the inhabitants of the Islelande, and with other succours appertaining to the same. The king's Navy to secure them of Middelburge loosed from Andwarpe the xxv. of january. In this preparation, the king's Soldiers sustained great damage and hurt. For suddenly a great Iron piece broke in the Ship, by the violent breach whereof thirty men were slain, & certain also which stood upon the shore. The Ship itself was by and by dashed in pieces upon the flat: another ship after this was overtakte with waves. And when they came within the sight of the town of Mounts, the Soldiers of the Navy to salute the king's Garrison, gave them a peal of shot. By occasion whereof fire being unwittingly cast into the goonpoulder which was in one of the ships, most horribly brent all the Soldiers that were in the same. For all this they went forward with their journey toward Middelburge. The Navy of the prince of Orange encountered with them, the Duke Reguisence the kings Lieutenant in the low country looking upon them from the shore of the town of Barrow. Then began a fierce battle between them, both parts manfully quitting themselves. Notwithstanding .v. of the king's Ships being at the first overcome, the Admiral herself also was constrained to flee, and to forsake her fellows. The chief Captain whose name was julian Roman, a man of great fame among the Spaniards, sliding out of the ship by a rope into a skiff, forsook the Navy. The Prince of Orange his Navy being conquerors, pursued the chase, & took nineteen Ships of war. The Admiral himself was slain. All the Spaniards, and spectally the old Soldiers of service, which were taken, were cast over board to feed fishes. Then the Prince of Orange more vehemently urged the siege of Middelburge, and so within few days it was brought to pass, that Moundragon, being without all hope of help, yielded up the City of Middelburge and Armac. This was the nineteen of February of this year. The trueltie showed at the siege of Harlem was not here recompensed. The Prince of Orange rather conquered with lenity and gentleness, than otherwise, he granted life also to the morrow mass Priests: but the Captains & Centurions he sent prisoners to Elishing, having given leave to Mountdragon their chief Captain to redeem them, for the which cause he, leaving behind him assurance of faith, and twelve hostages, went to Andwerpe, that he might make exchange of Captives. This Mountdragon so highly commended the humanity, clemency, & faith of the Prince of Orange unto the king's lietuenant Regnisence, that he brought himself in suspicion with him, and also into great peril. ABOUT this time Mongon an expert Captain, in the first civil wars of great name & fame for kill of Mottecondrin, took certain small towns in the country of Velay, and certain strong Castles: and he was now approached to the City of Puij, which was full of rich Marthants: having already taken the Castle Espaule; which was within see sight of the City, by the subtle practice of Guiard of Puij, a man of no religion and yet pretending to be of the religion. Now the spoiling Soldier being made rich with the pray, bought of the Soldiers of the Castle of Espaule, one of the captains being corrupted with money by the men of Puij, both the head of mons. Guiard, and the Castle itself. Also M. Mongon himself on the other part, was by treason slain. And thus within few days, they of the Religion were driven out of the country of Velay, by the treachery and wickedness of the spoiling irreligious Soldiers. There standeth upon the bank of the River of Rosne a Castle called Perand. This Castle did the Lord of the same (who from the time of the slaughter at Paris feigned the abjuration of Religion) take, & a little town also called Andace, fortifying the said Castle with a Garrison of Soldiers of the Religion. About the same time also by his means was taken the Castle Maleuall, in the country of Forrest. By reason whereof the intercourse of them of Lions was much endamaged. Therefore they being stirred up by this their annoyance, besieged the Castle Perand: and within certain days assaulted & won the same, M. Sanroman making small haste to secure it ● and then overthrew all the forces thereof, that it might never annoy them afterward. CONCERNING the assembly of states appointed to be holden by the Queen, we have spoken before. The ancient manner of France is, that before the general assembly of States, the particular assemblies of the states of every province Assie together, that by deliberation they might determine, what should be handled in the general assembly. This manner the Queen shunneth of purpose, and giveth charge to certain exquisite persons; to go into every province, and to hear the complaints of the people, and to bring the same unto the king and to her. The same authority she gave also to them of the Religion, for whose affairs special provision seemed to be made. Notwithstanding he to whom this charge was committed, was taken at Lions, by the Lieutenant Mandelot, and was kept in ward certain months. THE Queen was much troubled in mind, and very careful for the avoiding of divers dangerous straits. For she did perceive that they of the religion were not only sprung up in great number, but also that they were more wise, and by the late success also of matters, more constant and courageous: and that therefore she should have a sore conflict with them. To these were added new enemies, who having no regard to religion, but only a care of civil affairs, would have the government reformed and in better state. And she was not ignorant how that the most famous of the nobles, were both authors and also instruments of that counsel. she knew that her son the Duke of Alancon was an enemy unto her government: furthermore, that the King of Navarre and the Prince of Conde were very angry with the peril and damage which they had received in their own persons: therefore the ambitious woman suspected that they also were of this counsel, to remove her from the government of the Realm. The King's health bring past all hope of recovery, and the near approaching of his death, was given out by his soothsayers (whose help and counsel the Queen greatly used) which caused her to fear least according to the custom of the laws and ordinances of the Realm the government of the same should be set over unto the Duke of Alancon: whereby the counsels and devices of her enemies, had an open way made for them to take effect. To take away these inconveniences, the woman by long experience of matters and by government in great affairs being more circumspect and subtle than the wisest, purposed to provide all means and ways. She joined policy and force together, that she might not fail to bring her purpose to pass. She pretended the king's name in all causes & in every place, whom notwithstanding she made very seldom privy to her counsels, because he was sick, as she pretended. She very carefully provided, that the king's armies should be in a readiness at her commandment, under the colour of war against Languedoc, the which was certainly said to be prepared, except they of the Religion in Languedoc would receive these conditions commanded in the edict of Rochel: And the County D'Retes having received a great sum of money, gathered soldiers together in Germany. Also the end of her policies was, that the authors of the new stirs should be destroyed by a new murder. Above the rest d'Anuil withstood these mischievous devices, who being far from the Court, seemed plainly to make delay, notwithstanding that he was oftentimes commanded in the king's name to come: at what time he being in a great and large country most fit & convenient for his purpose by reason of the power of them of the religion, seemed to be in possibility to enjoy both the kings army, and also the noble cities therein, he beheld daily other enemies, whom the queen saw to be less appliant to do injury. Therefore there came oftentimes letters of the king to d'Anuil: that either setting all excuse aside & leaving the province in peace he would come unto the king, or else verily that he should be apprehended amidst these communications of peace. And for this purpose M. Sansulpis, and M. Villeroy were sent to d'Anuil under the colour of peace, special commandments of the Queen concerning this matter being given to M. Suz and Mongeron, who in those parts were of great authority among the Catholics. On the other part the Queen's enemies had their secret counsels, the end whereof was, that an assembly of States might be had even by mere commandment, and that the government of the Realm might be restored to a better state: concerning the which matter what we know, we will speak anon. Therefore while the Queen sent often messengers into Languedoc concerning peace, both d'Anuill was diligent in his affairs, and also they of the Religion wished peace. Nevertheless they of the religion made new delays daily by those communications of peace (which they called a collation) and messengers were sent to and fro from the Court into Languedoc. These things thus continued from january unto the month of March. AT THE last, Henry Valois came into Polonia, and was received with great pomp of the Polonians. And after that the royal Funerals belonging unto kings was celebrated for Sigismond, The Coronation of the King of Polonia. who notwithstanding died in june in the year M.D.Lxxij. the new king was crowned in a great assembly of the nobles and people of Polonia, at Cracovia, by the Arch bishop of Guesuen, the eighteenth of February of this present year. M. Mombrune toward the end of the month of March, came with his army into that part of Dauphin, which lieth upon the coast of the River of Rosune, and took certain small towns, as Loriol, Liberon, Ale●, Gran, and Roynac, and repaired the decayed walls of Liberon and Loriol. After this, he made an inroad and invasion of all that country, violently assailing the gates of Valence, of L'Crest, and of Montile. And he conspired against the most noble Cities, and specially against Montile the which conspiracies the Catholics turned to the destruction of many. Upon this occasion the noble men of the Religion, which lay in corners until the time, seeing the present peril that king over their heads, came and joined themselves with Mombrune. WE SAID before that Orange was taken by Glandag, to give occasions of war. Whilst he was absent, Berchon by the help & industry of certain of the Citizens of Orange took the Castle and the City: notwithstanding part of the townsmen were sore afeard, and they also of the Religion which dwelled there abouts, as if Berchan would have restored the romish Religion, and evil entreated them of the religion. Nevertheless he going about no new thing, gave them to understand, that he held the Castle and the City in the name of his Prince, that all Citizens, without difference of Religion might live peaceably according to the form of the edict. And so their neighbours of Avignon which seemed to be in possibility to get that City, to the which they bore always a privy grudge, were put out of all hope to obtain the same. Berchon was said to be very familiar with Cardinal Arminiae the Pope's Legate, but not without great suspicion of a sum of money received. ABOUT the same time, the Catholics thought that they had occasion offered them to get Nismes by treason. There is a little town near unto Nismes called Margaret, of the which M. Santaial a noble man, had the government with a strong garrison, who by the means of certain of the Catholics of Nismes, dealt with a certain captain of the townsmen named Deron: and promised a great sum of money to tell him by what means he might get the City. The captain by and by bewrayed this matter unto M. Sanroman the Lieutenant, who commanded him to offer diligently his travail unto Santaial, to covenant with him for his reward, and to appoint the day and the manner of the enterprise. Then Deron without delay, under colour of a privy escape, spoke with Santaial, received his reward, and prescribeth the day, & the manner how he might bring his purpose to pass. The which being done, he informed Sanroman of the whole matter. The manner of this treason should be thus, namely, that one of the gates of the city should be left open for Santaial to enter. Therefore the gate was left open according to covenant on the day appointed, the warders using great silence: notwithstanding all things were prepared to receive the enemy. But none of the Catholics appeared, having intelligence of deceit, notwithstanding that for this purpose bands of the catholics were come out of the country of Vivaretz & Dauphin, and from divers other places. About the same time also D'Anuill should have been taken by treason, which was bewrayed, and the traitor hanged. These were two practices of great weight to further the Queen's purpose, if they had success according to her mind. ABOUT the same time, they of Villeneufe (of whom we spoke before) slew certain bands of the Catholics, without loss of any one of their men: and took a little town called Aubenac not far from the River of Rosne: and slew the Garrison almost which remained of those that were slain of Lions. CHRISTOPHER son of the Count Palatine, joined himself with Grave Lodowic, who until that day had borne no Armour, according to the form of the oath which he took at Mounts. Who brought an army of two thousand horsemen unto his brother the Prince of Orange. And while he tarried at Mastricte the space of two months, looking for his footeband of Gascoines, and practising by counsel in the mean time to take the castle of Andwerp, was at the last very sore charged with the king's power in the territory of Mokens, within the dominion of Cleveland, two miles from Nijmegen. And having until the evening valiantly withstood their force, took Sig. Lasso, a man of great fame among the Spaniards. The day following, about the break of the day, the king's parts giving a fresh assault, at what time the Grave Lodowic had sent away part of his horsemen to provide forage, and the Lance knights came on very slowly to the battle, the Spaniards got at the last the victory, but not without bloodshed, the chief Captains Christopher and Lodowic being lost in that conflict: whose death was doubted a long time. Notwithstanding this is certain, that they had received so many wounds before they were slain, that they being diligently sought for among the dead bodies of such as were slain, could not be known. This slaughter happened the seventeen of April of this present year. About the beginning of February, there broke forth new bands of new men in the country of Poictou, which called themselves politics and Malcontents: of the which some professed that they sought the reformation of the realm: other some the revenge of their parents and kinsmen which were slain in the furies on Saint barthelmew's day. These joined themselves with those of the Religion: who almost about the same time had begun war a fresh in the country of Poictou, having Monsieur L'Noe their Captain. ALSO at the same instant almost County Mongomeri, coming out of England into Normandy, took Sanlo, and Charent, towns near unto the Sea coast: and in Normandy the lower he took the town called Donfro. Therefore these new commotions of the politics and of the Religious caused new musters of men in those parts, and it was said that this was the beginning of great matters, and that many noble men would come unto this war. But whereunto this came we will show by and by. Almost at the same time, namely the last of February, there was great fear in the Court. It was told the Queen that there was certain troops of horsemen seen riding to and fro near unto Sangerman, where the king at that time lay. This so sudden fear caused the number to be thought the greater. M. d'Guitri a noble man, was Captain over those troops, which contained five hundred horsemen. The Queen told the king hereof, being at the point of death, and caused him to be removed out of hand from Sangerman to Paris. And she sent messengers unto M. d'Guitri, to know of him in the king's name, what his intent was. Who delivered unto the messengers certain petitions concerning the reformation of the Realm, and the restoring of the authority of the states: and so within few days after, departed, not knowing what would ensue thereof. In the mean time the Queen apprehended many in the Court, and in divers places of Paris, whom she thought to be guilty of this conspiracy: among which, of the nobility was M. Coconass, and d'Mole of Arles, one of the familiar friends of the Duke of Alencon. Also, at the same time the marshals momorency and Coss were in the Court. They within certain days after, were at the commandment of the king and Queen apprehended by the King's Guard, and were openly in the sight of all men, carried into the Castle of Bastill. The Queen also caused Rumours to be spread abroad, that they were the authors of a bold conspiracy, concerning the intercepting of the King, and the setting over of the kingdom to the Duke of Alancon, to the end they might rule all things as they themselves lusted. Therefore she commanding the household servants of the king of Navarre, and of her son the Duke of Alencon to be taken away, caused them to be kept close prisoners, that they might go no whether nor do any thing without keepers. She deprived D'Anuil also of the government of Languedoc as accessary to the said conspiracy: and she sent the Prince d'Alphine the son of Monpenser into Dauphin with great power to be governor of Languedoc and she wrote unto the Senate of Tholose concerning the same deprivation of d'Anuill. Also she commanded the Lord d'Acier by her letters, who was an enemy to d'Anuill, to aid d'Alphine in the custody of Languedoc, & to bring unto him all the power he was able to make. All these things were done in the king's name. Mombrune, about the very coming of the Prince D'Aulphine, slew five Ensigns of footmen at a town called Pontereaw. In the mean time D'Anuill lay still, doing all things in the king's name: neither did he enterprise any thing any whit the more when he understood of the imprisonment of his brother. But the king's letters which Prince d'Aulphine sent unto the lord d'Acier, were intercepted at Pusin, and came to his hands, and by that he perceived the treason wrought against him: then began he more openly to deal with them of the religion, and to talk also with mons. Sanroman, & to take certain cities: but somewhat to late. For he lost the more noble cities by his long delay. But he took Mountpellier, Boucar, Lunell, and Pozenac and from Pozenac he was repulsed by the treason of a certain Captain, to whom he had committed both the City and also his daughter which was but two years old. Two noble men beheaded At the last, by the king's commandment, M. Coconass, and d'Mole were arraigned in the Senate of Paris, and were condemned of high treason against the king's person & the state: for which they were put to death, and their goods confiscate to the King Rumours were spread abroad that the Momorencies and Marshall Cosse, were the chief authors of their conspiracies: and yet notwithstanding it is evidently known, that neither Cononas nor d'Mole, nor any of those which were apprehended, had committed any such thing. Men said that the Duke of Alencon sought to flee unto Lodowic Nassau, because he knew that treason was practised against him. The Senate doubted to condemn them for this cause: for that the house of Nassau were called by the king in his edict, his friends. But to the end the treason might appear by the confession of those that were apprehended, the king pronounced Lodowic Nassau to be his enemy. And so the Senate gave sentence against them. Amidst these domestical confusions of the court, all things were ordered either by blind treason, or else by mad violence. wise men blamed much the linger delay of the Marshals, who deferring the time, lost all occasions to bring any thing well to pass: and so behaved themselves, that they seemed never so much as to have those matters in their thought. Notwithstanding it was certainly reported, that a great number of the nobility of France, abhorring long ago the government of the Queen, and of strangers, because they were not only rejected, but were also in danger of their life to fill up those furies on Saint barthelmew's day, had determined to revive again the authority of the States, and to reform all things according to the prescript of the ancient laws of the Realm. To this also there was added a new cause, namely the despaired health of the King. Therefore he being dead, it was said, that their purpose was to give the government of the Realm unto the Duke of Alencon, in the absence of his brother, which was next heir unto the Crown. It was also necessary for the peace and tranquillity of the Realm, that Religion should be provided for. We will in another place set down the form of that protestation, in the which d'Anuill declareth the causes why he armed himself. Treason also was practised against the Prince of Conde. Who at that time was at Amiens, the chief city of Picardy. And having intelligence of the treason, went out of Amiens a hunting, as he pretended, according to his wonted manner: and so coming home to his house, & making M. Tore one of the brethren of momorency acquainted with his purpose, came with all posting speed into Germany, where he was very courteously received. Within few days after, the king of Navarre published a bill, by which he cleared himself from all suspicion of the said conspiracy against the king. Men said that this was made by the subtle practice of the Queen, that the hatred & spite of the whole matter might light upon the heads of the Marshals. And thus he beginneth. Because I understand that certain deceivers have dishonestly and wickedly spread abroad false rumours concerning me, by the which to the dishonour of my name, that duty which I own unto my sovereign Lord the King, is brought in doubt, as though I were partaker of that conspiracy lately revealed at Sangerman: I have (I say) for this cause entreated the King's majesty to give me leave to writ these things, thereby evidently to signify my will unto all men. Therefore my desire is that all men know, that the same matter is most false & feigned, & such as never came in my mind. And I am so far from being guilty of this fact, that I am rather persuaded (according to the bond both of nature, and also of divine and human laws) to spend my life and goods, and to lose my friends, for the dignity of my sovereign Lord the King and the safety of his faithful subjects, and by all manner of means to withstand their enterprises, who being Rebels to the King, do trouble the peace and tranquillity of the realm. The like bill also was severally published by the Duke of Alencon. WE spoke before concerning the coming of County Mongomerie into Normandy. And, he was not long in the town of Sanlo, but M. Matigon the King's lietuenant of the lower Normandy besieged the same. So soon as Mongomerie saw that the same was besieged, after deliberation had, he went out of the town with a hundred and threescore horsemen, (for he had not two hundred in all) and came to Danfro, which, as we said before, he had taken. Danfro is a little town of the lower Normandy, in the territory of Passi the Duke of Alansons dominion, which town was hitherto obscure, and now by the calamity of Mongomerie made famous, being walled round about with a weak wall, yet notwithstanding fortified with a strong Castle: all along the same ran the river of Meisne. Mongomerie purposed for the refreshing of his horses to tarry there certain days, and then to join himself to the succours of his fellows, which came daily out of divers parts of Normandy and of other quarters thereabouts. So soon as Mons. Matigon heard hereof, how that Mongomerie was within the walls of Donfro, he came without delay to Donfro, leaving part of his army at the siege of Sanlo: and with the sound of Trumpets gathered together from all parts a great number of those country men, and sent unto the King for more aid. There came therefore unto him of the King's Soldiers from all places: the city was besieged, and the walls suddenly battered with great guns. Mongomerie at the first sought to deliver himself out of the town: the which when he could not do, he left the City, and took the Castle. He had with him scarce a hundred and fifty Soldiers: who being out of hope, sought all occasions, either by colour of eruption, or by parley to flee unto the enemy. The Castle was battered with ordinance. The first charge Mongomerie valiantly withstood, to the great hurt of his enemies: but when he saw that his men fell away from him, and that he wanted things necessary for the defence of himself and the Castle, he desired to parley with M. Matigon: and yielded himself and his men unto him upon certain conditions: namely that he and his might depart with their lives: that for certain days he might go whether he would: and that he should depart without loss of life in safety so soon as he had delivered up the Castle. And thus he yielded up the castle and himself to M. Matigon. Then the Kings Soldiers running through the breaches of the walls into the Castle, slew whomsoever they met contrary to their faith and promise. And Mongomeri was by and by brought unto the King. But what was decreed concerning him, we will show hereafter. And within few days Saulo and Charent were yielded up to the King. This was the success of mongomerie's war. He was taken the xxvij. day of May of this year. THE King was sick daily more and more. And being sore grieved and pained certain months, The death of king Charles died the thirty day of May, being Whitsunday, otherwise called Pentecost: he being of the age of xxv. years. All monuments and chronicles will for ever declare that his reign and time of government, was most disquiet and troublesome with cruel & outrageous garboils of civil wars, notable with examples of unspeakable treason and cruelty, and most lamentable to all the inhabitants of France, all order being trodden under foot by the subtle practices of strangers. His sickness was wonderfully cloaked and in secrecy covered: wherefore I cannot particularly express any thing for certain. Time shall discover and bewray every circumstance. Most certain it is, that he was sick of a bloody flux. And it is reported for truth among the greater part, that the blood issued from divers parts of his body, that in his bed he tumbled and tossed and could take little rest, horribly cursing and blaspheming the name of God, which he had used to do even from his childhood, and that in great fume and anger he called and repeated oftentimes the name of the Momorencies. And because it was vehemently suspected that he was poisoned, to make him with more ease to vomit (men say) that he was bolstered up with pillows that his feet might lie higher than his head, whereby he cast out such abundant store of blood, that he died within few hours after: And he did nothing but blaspheme until the last gasp. Concerning his last will and testament, as the Queen offered the same to the Senate of Paris, we will speak in another place. WE spoke before of the victory gotten over the Prince of Oranges part at Neijmegen. The Spaniards being proudly puffed up with the success thereof, four thousand of them, to whom Don d'Auila, Lieutenant of the Castle of Andwerpe, and also Captain of the army had promised the pay of xxxviij. months, which was due unto them, if they got the victory against Lodowic: these four thousand, I say, raising sedition against the City of Andwerpe (being the most famous and rich town of Merchants in all Europe) broke forth in the night by a bridge which they had set to the walls, the Spaniards which were in the castle suffering the same. Then coming into the market place, & placing watch and ward in divers places, made a great cry for payment of their money: threatening the general spoil of the City if they were not satisfied out of hand. Concerning the which matter, while the Citizens of Andwerpe consulted with the King's deputy, the Spaniards in the mean time by the space of two months spoiled and took their pleasure of the City in most shameful manner. The Duke Reguizens the King's deputy, feigning that he was greatly displeased with this sedition of the Spaniards, (for there are some which believe that he was the author and cause of all that tumult, because the states of the low country had before that time refused to pay that money which he often times required of them) having at the last obtained of the Spaniards the sum of CCCC. M. Crowns, pardoned the Spaniards for the sedition, and professed with taking an oath that he would never for that matter either generally or particularly execute any punishment upon them: whereat all the States were not a little offended. For of this tumult this happened, that the Prince of Oranges part being greatly abashed with the slaughter at Nijmegen, received now again courage and boldness, all the while that the Spaniards continued the tumult in Andwerpe. Moreover it happened that while the Spaniards were occupied in receiving & paying of money, on Whitsunday in Saint Michael's house, which standeth upon the key or shore of the River of Scelde, the Prince of Oranges Navy, took and carried out of the channel of Schelde in the sight of many standers by upon the shore, four and twenty ships of war, laden with guns, armour, and victual. This is most certain, that there could happen nothing more convenient to promote the affairs of the Prince of Orange, nor any thing more effectual to overthrow the force of the Spaniards, than that tumult raised in Andwerpe. The which shall daily more and more appear by the success of the same. Yea come Lord jesus. ¶ TO THE READER. FOrsomuch as in this history we have in divers places briefly touched the affairs of the low country, we thought it necessary to add to the end of this work this Epistle following, which containeth a sum of the tumults of the low country: The same being at the first published in the Dutch tongue in the year of our Lord. M.D.LXXIII. in the month of September, & afterward by a certain Dutchman turned into Latin, and sent unto us with this title as followeth. ¶ A Supplication to the King's Majesty of Spain, made by the Prince of Orange, the States of Holland and Zealand, with all other his faithful subjects of the low Countries, presently suppressed by the tyranny of the Duke of Alba, and Spaniards. By which is declared the original beginning of the commotions and troubles happened in the said low country. MOst Sovereign Lord, your majesties most obedient and lamenting subjects of the low Countries, as they have often pondered with themselves, the natural affection and fatherly good inclination, which your Majesty hath (since the time that your grace by the power of almighty God received the dominion and regiment of the said countries) always and continually showed: so have they had a sure hope and undoubted affiance, that your Majesty as well upon their daily complaints and lamentations, as upon the pitiful declarations and remonstrances of some christian Princes and Potentates unto your Majesty, mercifully have considered of our pitiful and most miserable suppression, wherewith we by reason of the great and unsupportable force, arrogancy, and wicked regiment of the Duke of Alba are suppressed, and mercifully have regarded the most miserable ruin and destruction of these your natural low countries, who always have been most faithful and obedient, both to your Majesty, and also your Grace's predecessors. Not doubting but that your Majesty would grievously have been moved, that he under pretence of protecting and defending the Romish religion, under the colour of your majesties name, should presume to frustrate and break all the privileges, customs, & rights, whereunto your Majesty and your predecessors have sworn, persecuting your faithful subjects in body and goods, and destroying your countries, in none other sort, but as if he had declared himself to be an open enemy of your Majesty and the subjects of the same. Therefore have they always earnestly attended, that your Majesty no longer suffering the said force, would have provided some convenient means for the safeguard of your countries, and deliverance of your poor and suppressed subjects, and have a respect to the dutiful office of a king, whom the almighty God, the king of all kings hath placed and ordained as a protector of the righteous, and a fatherly pastor of the people under your subjection, to defend and preserve them from all force and violence: and likewise to remember the manifold and faithful services, which your said countries and subjects, have from time to time most faithfully done to your Majesty and your predecessors. But they now (to their extreme greek) considering that all their former supplications are as nothing regarded and in vain, and that all other the remonstrances of sundry Princes and Potentates, have sorted no such effect as might have turned to their comfort and consolation, and they in their consciences assuring themselves, that your Majesty hath no reasonable occasion upon evil will or displeasure, so to alienate and turn yourself from your lamentable subjects: can not but undoubtedly suspect, that through malice and false information of some, who having more regard to their private lust and appetite, than to the service of your Majesty, have daily laboured to bring your majesties countries into your displeasure, Wherein they have always most manifestly and unfeignedly pretended and travailed, not only by letting and defending that our humble supplications and faithful warnings should come to your majesties ears, misconstruing the same to the worst, and perversely accusing them to your Majesty, thereby to bring the country into dissension and commotion, and so under your name to suppress and make desolate the same, and so with the goods and blood of your subjects to quench their greedy and unsatiable appetite. This is that (O most sovereign King) which your said subjects do, and have not without occasion esteemed to be the greatest calamity that might happen unto them, as considering that the way and means whereby they might complain and show their griefs to your Majesty, as to their bountiful and natural Protector (so by God appointed as a refuge in their extremity) is by the ungodly dealing of their enemies taken away from them: a thing which always hath been permitted to unreasonable creatures: namely to suffer them in their extremity and need to sue for remedy and redress. And therefore although they had resolved & taken in hand with patience to attend the time of redress, thinking that your Majesty would at last have opened your ears and eyes to hear and see their miserable estate, from which your Majesty by reason of their said evil willers is now letted. But now considering in the end their suppression, the longer the more to increase and to become more unsufferable, tending not only to their damage and destruction, but also of your majesties heritage & countries, which in times past have flourished in all prosperity, & now come to ruin: they could not for the faithful obedience and alliance sake wherein they are bound to your Majesty and their native country, but now once again by writing, request your Majesty to consider and weigh the original occasion of the desolation of your countries, and by whose means the same is come to pass, and consequently execute the office of a true King, in defending the righteous, and delivering your countries from this tyranny and oppression. And first we humbly beseech your Majesty to call to mind and consider, that these your countries in times past having been divided amongst sundry Lords and rulers, are since by marriages, agreements, and mutual treaties, in time, and orderly by lawful succession and conveniences come under the house of Burgundy, and afterwards, by means of marriages contracted with the most famous house of Austria, and consequently allied with the most mighty kingdom of Spain, yet always with express condition, that every and singular the countries and provinces should possess and enjoy their own policies, rights and liberties in times past accustomed, without that any province or country should be burdened of the dominion of the other, or by any means be deprived of their customs or liberties, but be bound jointly to live one with another under one Prince and head, as many children under one father, to the intent with one accord to defend their Prince and common weal against all strangers and foreign force. Also the Princes of the country willing as fathers to show and declare their love and affection to every one, did at their solemnisation and entering into their dominion and rule, by a solemn oath bind themselves to use and keep each country in their rights and franchises, without suffering that any of them should be infringed or diminished, or that the one Province should have dominion or rule over the other, much less be subject unto any foreign dominion or power: upon which conditions he is accepted and taken as a supreme Lord and Governor over the countries, and thereupon receiveth the oath of obedience and faithfulness of his subjects. Of which the premises needeth not any further or larger rehearsal, whilst that undoubtedly your majesty doth sufficiently remember, how that the Emperor Charles, of most noble memory, following the presidents of his predecessors, and acknowledging that the said oath of solemnisation is the only and right foundation, upon which doth consist aswell the might and authority of a Prince, as the faith and obedience of his subjects, did in his life time, & presence of your majesty, cause your Majesty to receive the said countries under the said oath, and swore your Majesty to the joyful income in all the lands & most of the towns, as next successor and only heir of his imperial majesty: and afterwards the same Imperial majesty departing out of these countries, and your Majesty receiving the full dominion, and administration of the Land, did once again, in presence of the deputied of the countries then assembled, rehearse & strongly confirm the said privileges. So that in all times past the said countries have enjoyed & been ruled by their former privileges & liberties. Out of which hath followed such faithfulness and obedience of the subjects towards their Prince, and such unity and love amongst each other, that the countries by god his providence, have flourished with most happy prosperity, the Princes then adorned with all honour and high dignities, and greatly redoubted and feared of their enemies. And because it needs not to rehearse any thing out of the old histories, being notwithstanding explenished with many precedents, it hath appeared in all the wars of the Imperial majesty, what earnest care he had to the defence and maintenance of his countries in rest and quietness. Likewise your Majesty can well remember, that he taking his leave of these countries, did specially and earnestly recommend the state thereof unto your majesty: Yea your majesty being at his arrival burdened with grievous wars and extreme charges, hath by experience found that all your subjects both great and small, every one to his state & ability, have been ready to venture both life and goods in service of your Majesty. Wherein aswell the Lords and nobles, as commons, have so acquitted and behaved themselves, that your majesty hath vanquished and overcome your enemies, gotten great praise and renown of all kings and potentates, and made a final end of all wars & dissensions, wherewith many years before your ancestors and countries were troubled. Now if it might please your Majesty, (which your lamentable and faithful subjects do most humbly require) to inquire of and consider the original occasions of the alterations of such & good quiet prosperity, into such miserable commotions and extremities, wherewith the countries are now suppressed: your majesty shall found them to spring out of the malice and envy which some (being about your Majesty) do bear to the prosperity and welfare wherewith God almighty hath blessed your countries and subjects. Which envy and cankered malice, being further incensed & stuffed with unsatiable avarice & unmeasurable prodigality, hath brought them to such cruelty and tyranny, that they altogether forgetting all affection & service which they did own unto the country wherein they have gotten great honour & benefits, have (to the great prejudice of the service of your Majesty and common wealth of these countries) prooured by all means and practices this most heinous fire of commotion, to th'intent to aspire to the dignity surpassing the states of the land, yea of your majesty. And knowing well that to compass that devise, it was a matter impossible, the customs and liberties of the countries remaining in force, which do altogether contrary their wicked pretence: considering beside, how diligent and faithful they of the said countries were every one in his vocation (according to their oath) to stand to the maintenance of the same: they attempted in perverse manner to interpret to your Majesty the doings and proceedings of the Lords, governors, and states of the land, tending to the maintenance of the said rights, and liberties, in such sort as if they tended to disobedience or rebellion towards your Majesty. Among which, specially some being spiritual persons, have by all means attempted and sought, under pretence and shadow of religion to confederate with other foreign prelate's, and so by secret attempts and practices, to bring the country in hatred of your Majesty, to th'intent that they with their confederates which are by oath allied not with your Majesty, but with strange rulers and countries in Italy, and else where, specially with the Pope of Room, might here bear rule and governance, etc. and as possibility and commodity served, to enlarge and confirm the same. For when they first, perceived that in all the countries here abouts yea over all Christendom, their rude and manifest abuses, and errors, by reason of the negligence and avarice of the priests were described, and specially when it began to grieve the chief & notablest persons, that they which aught only to meddle with instructing of the people, in the faith and fear of God, and to execute his service with all fidelity, according to the example of the Prophets and Apostles, did in stead thereof, not only contrary to God his commandment, but also to the decrees of the former Popes, and to all ordinances of the old counsels, yea against all statutes and usages of Princes and countries take upon them to deal in worldly and Civil policies: yea also in matters touching warfare and rule of countries, seeking to suppress all degrees, and to reserve the general government too themselves, taking in hand too bring all estates in disdain and hatred of the Princes, aswell the subjects of your Majesty, as of divers other kings and Potentates, accusing them slanderously with sedition and rebellion: whereby they have stirred and provoked in all countries, troubles, and dissension, wars and bloodshed, setting the subjects at discord with their rulers, and the rulers against the subjects, and generally turned all things upside down, and brought in execrable confusion & error, not esteeming who was endamaged, so as they might achieve the accomplishment of their rule and dominion, and bring all things under their rule and authority. And to that intent, have they sought, to plant in this country the inquisition, devised and invented in Spain, by certain jews, and Renegadoes, by that means to break all privileges, rights, and ancient customs, and to make frustrate all sworn contracts, usages, and counsels, and so to get a full power and dominion over all your majesties faithful servants, which stand to the oath which they have made to your Majesty, not acknowledging any foreign Lords, spiritual or temporal, which might seek by false accusations to impute unto your subjects, heresy & rebellion, to the intent thereby to attain to their purpose. For better accomplishing whereof have they by force urged and brought in the new Bishops, contrary to all landrights, and sworn privileges, to the impairing of your majesties authority: choosing them not for virtue, prudence, or learning (being most of them, of the most rude and unlearnedst sort) but only for that they take them, as faithful and true assistentes, in the executing of their tyranny and cruelty. Their said ungodly enterprises and consequences of the same being the longer the more espied, have the most notablest Lords, Governors, and Gentlemen, with the towns and country, given intelligence & knowledge to your Majesty by continual supplications, remonstrances and other possible means, how much the authority of your Majesty should be impaired, shortened and diminished, by the said Inquisitors and Bishops, being most of them strangers and outlanders, by oath bound unto foreign Princes, and (as they pretend) exempt of your jurisdiction, and by the same have alleged the evident impossibility to bring in such innovations, and novelties, but that it would tend to the utter ruin and destruction of the whole country: seeing that it was most apparent that the bringing in thereof was but a borrowed cloak to shadow their doings, in abusing of your Majesty, and suppressing of such as would control their wicked and most notorious proceedings and abuses, which they themselves can scarce conceal. Of which the number in these countries is so great and manifold, and daily doth yet more increase: that if your Majesty would have been ruled by their persuasions and counsel in executing of rigour and extremities, they would have made your Majesty a king without subjects, and your subjects without rulers, as is most notorious by the innumerable number of those, which in these countries have under pretence of religion been executed and murdered, aswell with fire and water as with the sword: besides an infinite multitude which are fled out of the country, bearing with them all occupations and notable sciences to the instructing of others, & unspeakable prejudice of your Majesty and countries. Whereupon your Majesty was in the end occasioned to a mild moderation of the placardes, by the same declaring that your meaning was not to bring in the Inquisition: which likewise was by the Duchess of Perma, and the Lords and Governors of the country in the behalf of your Majesty, solemnly promised to all the Towns and subjects, and accordingly published by open proclamations, by commandment of the Magistrates. But shortly after, all that was over turned by means of the aforesaid persons, who in deed seem to have firmly persuaded your majesty, that such was to the diminishing of your majesties reputation and dignity, unjustly alleging, that your subjects would withdraw themselves from the dutiful obedience of your majesty. So that it is evident that your majesty upon their informations, was moved to send the Duke of Alba out of Spain into these countries, to the intent with arms and force to compel your majesties subjects, to that which they of themselves have with all humility and obedience at all times offered. And notwithstanding that the aforesaid Lords and Towns of these countries had good occasion to think that they should be greatly wronged through force of foreign soldiers, and rule of a strange Governor, not being of their Country, nor of your majesties kindred or descent, but such a one as did bear towards them a most cankered hatred, had means sufficient to prevent his coming into the country: yet because he came in the name of your Majesty, and to make evident that they had not rebelled or declined from the obedience of your Majesty, trusting to their conscience and right, have willingly and honourably received him with all such as it pleased your Majesty to send with him, opening to him the gates of the Towns, delivered into his hands the fortresses and strong holds, and entertained garrisons, only for that he declared, that such was the will and pleasure of your Majesty to be thereby assured of the fidelity and obedience of your subjects, which were accused to your Majesty as rebels and traitors. Therefore, reason would have required, that the aforesaid Duke of Alba should by all means and diligence have informed your Majesty of such your subjects true obedience and inclination: and before he had proceeded to the execution of rigour, taken good & full information of their complaints: and chief touching the bringing in of these new Bishops and Inquisitors, contrarying God and all rights, and that upon good and true report thereof made to your Majesty, redress and remedy might have been had. But now clean contrariwise, so soon as he was received and was in possession of the force and rule of the Country, hath without keeping of any order of justice, or having regard to the landrightes and privileges whereunto your Majesty is sworn: not only put to death and chased away the most part of the Lords and governors of these countries, by your Majesty elected and placed, but also generally declared all the privileges and liberties to be forfeited, and the Country to be used as a country newly conquested by force of arms, to the use of him and his associates, and so consequently freely to deal with the lives and goods of your subjects, as their lusts and appetites shall require. And if possibly might be laid before your majesties eyes the excessive force and not heard off cruelties which here have been used since the beginning of his government, by spoiling, robbing, chase away, and desolating: by apprehending, taking, banishment, and confiscating of goods, yea by burning, hanging, heading, hacking, racking, & most horrible and not before heard off torments and murtherings of the Subjects of your Majesty, aswell Noble as ennoble, poor as rich, young as old, widows and orphans, men, women, and young maidens, of what state, quality, or condition soever they were: we doubt not but that your Majesty would be amazed to hear the rehearsal thereof: yea and would be grieved at the same, that under your name such unnatural cruelty and tyranny should be used as neither Phalaris, Nero, Pharaoh, Herode, or any other Heathen Tyrant could have invented the like, as now is used towards your faithful subjects, which with their lives & goods have always laboured to keep the Crown on your majesties head, against all your enemies. And that your Majesty would also have taken remorse of so many innocent infants chased away out of their native Country into strange lands: so many poor widows and orphans, and also upon the lamentable cry of the whole Country which now are suppressed by this most horrible tyrant. For there is none which could defend or preserve his goods from their avarice, their wives or daughters from their filthy lusts, or their lives from their bloodthirstiness. Nobility, Richeses, manhood, or good service done in times past, could nothing prevail, if once he was entered into hatred of them. And without taking regard to the judisdictions or ordinary courses of the country, hath stopped the jurisdictions of all justices, either in civil or criminal causes which in any wise concern the confiscations pronounced in his bloody Counsel, in such sort as neither spiritual or temporal persons, widows or orphans, hospitals, Spittels, Lazarous houses, or other which had good and devable revenues, amongst that confiscated goods, could get any payment or satisfaction. But the Duke of Alba hath gotten all into his hands, without any mind to discharge any the premises, notwithstanding the divers and earnest solicitations and requests to him made in that behalf by the states of the Countries, delaying the poor aggrieved subjects with dilatory and unfounded apostillations, the one always contrarying the other, and without sending over the matters to the provincial Counsels or ordinary justices, to the intent to make them despair of any satisfaction to be made by the court, where by process they have been summoned to their excessive charge, and upon sums of small value have been forced to greater charges than the principal hath amounted unto, not suffering any lawful transport to be made of any one debt for the other. To consider what number of honest women and young maidens they have with force and violence ravished, and that the one after the other: yea misused some even to the death. How often have they compelled the husband to remain with the wife, and the father with the daughter, to force them with their eyes to behold their most villainous filthiness, and made them as instruments to the accomplishing of their luxurious lust, using such unnatural and beastly fashions, that we are in a manner abashed and astonished to declare the same to your Majesty. How often hath it happened, that the husband seeking to defend his wife or daughter of their ravishment, that they have altogether as furious curs, run out of the house together crying Spania, Spania, murdering a number of the poor commons. How m ny women great with child have they ripped up the bellies of, and murdered the fruit in their wombs. Have they not flayed and pulled off the skin of some men being alive, and headed their drums with the same skin? others have they not toasted with small fires, nipped them with read burning tongues even to the death, and consequently murdered a number, and made them die a hundredth deaths? How many women have they chased from their husbands, and children from their parents: yea what is there under the heavens so honest or holy which they have not defiled and trodden under foot? Verily amongst all other Nations, yea amongst the cruelest. the burying of the dead, hath always been permitted and reverenced. But this Tyrant in the despite of God and nature, is so obstinate and perverse, that he hath caused to be taken out of the grave the carcases of the dead, and conveyed under the gallows, under pretence that some of them dying without shrift, & others without houseling, had forfeited their goods, which he took as confiscated. What is there amongst men more holy and honest, than is the state of Matrimony being the only and true foundation of all mutual love & friendship, the original of the love, bond of peace, & the direct way of all dealings amongst men: whereof this Tyrant maketh so little account, that he severeth the men from their wives, and the wives from their husbands, being joined together in the congregation before God and his Angels, clean contrary to the commandment and institution of almighty God, and rights, & all under pretence that they were joined together in the way of heresy: but to say truth, it is only in spoiling manner, to match the beautiful and rich Matrons with his Soldiers and ruffians, and finally by his cruelty burst in sunder the original band tending to the entertaining of all mutual love: murdering and kill the women which in time of extremity had relieved their husbands, and the children for succouring the necessity of their parents, yea those which had only with a letter comforted any of them. And to the end that nothing should by him be left undefiled, hath he trodden in most despiteful manner under foot the most holy Sacrament of Baptism, whereby we are incorporated in the body of jesus Christ and communion of God his Church, willing and commanding that those children which were Christened openly and lawfully according to the institution of jesus Christ, in the name of the Father, Son, and holy Ghost, should once again be baptized, under pretence that they were Christened as Heretics, and repugnant contrary to all godly and natural rights, ordinances of the Church, and decrees of Counsels. Furthermore it needeth not to rehearse to your Majesty, the grievous exactions invented by him, one after another, and without measure doth urge of the poor commons, as the hundrethes, twenties, yea the tenth penny, of all goods, movables and immovables, of all goods bought and sold, demanding, yea and urging by execution contrary to the advice and counsel of all estates in these countries, not of the clear gains of the same, but the tenth, and twenty penny of the capital sum of all sales. Whereby not only all trades and trafficques, are abandoned out of the land, but likewise the subjects of the same, deprived from the getting of the living, of them, their wives, and children. And notwithstanding that the states, have at sundry times done their endeavour largely to inform the said Duke of the inconveniences which might follow upon the said demand: and requested that he would in their behalf advertise your Majesty thereof: would not harken to them but shaked them off without any comfort: although he was by intercession of the counsel and estates of the land thereunto most earnestly instanced, and so thereby caused the decay of all merchandise, compelled the inhabitants through misery to flee away into other countries. And yet it is apparent, that when any necessity is towards for payment of the soldiers, no money is to be had, in such sort that the Spanish soldiers are at after deal in their payment xxviij. months and the Duchess most of them constrained to go a begging from door to door: of which some have by famine and misery perished. Notwithstanding the great sums which the states have levied & paid to the paying of the said soldiers, and yet nevertheless have his garnisons consumed and eaten out the most part of the towns, and suppressed the same with the Seruitio, which they have been forced to minister to the said Spanish soldiers, and those which have given most money, as well to him, as to Don Frederico, or any of theirs, have been the first that were discharged of the said bondage of Seruitio. With which garrisons he hath most vexed the towns situated within the heart of the country: leaving the borders and other places of importance without any garrison, whereby in some places, things are come to alteration: besides that by reason of lack of pay, his Spanish soldiers are fallen into a most licentious and unspeakable order of life, threatening, beating, robbing, spoiling, & by all manner of cruel exactions using your subjects: whereby is manifest, that under pretence of your majesties name and religion, he setteth nothing but to fill his greedy and bloodthirsty appetite, being to the contrary most notorious that he hath so little regard to the service of your Majesty, as to the maintenance of the common weal of the low countries, which he suffereth utterly to perish and go to ruin. But what needeth it with words to express this, as if he had not sufficiently manifested whereunto his proceedings have tended, showing it being blinded with his most unsatiable presumpteousnesse, and desire of vain glory: as in a token of a Tropheum, or sign of victory in his notorious proceedings, as before rehearsed hath caused to be erected within the castle of Andwerpe, a brazen Image standing upon the nobility and states of the country. We leave now unrehearsed what his meaning was thereby, but when, or where, hath it been siege that any Tyrant in his life time hath caused any such Image to be erected. We found that the Roman Emperors & Kings, which in a manner had brought the whole world under their subjection, have sometimes caused to be erected Images of brass & stone: as at this present the Popes of Rome, who pretend to he god's vicar, yet it is done by ordinance and consent of the counsel and commons, or at the lest by their advise and sufferance: but that they in their life time have done such, is not to be found by any examples or Chronicles, considering it to be a manifest token of mad arrogancy and insupportable pride. We find only that Nabuchodonozar, who caused himself to be honoured as a God, set up the like Image, commanding all men to kneel and bow unto the same: yet durst he not do it but by consent of the chief and nobles of his country. But this Tyrant doth aswell in his presumptuous arroganty as in execrable tyranny surpass all other tyrants: who as though he would not only advance himself to the room of theking, but likewise in God his place: hath without the advise, counsel, or ordinance of any, in his life time erected this proud Image, to the defacing and emparing of your majesties dignity, showing thereby his force and tyranny wherewith he hath subdued and brought under foot these countries. And in like manner he hath not been afraid, following the example of the tyrant Herode: to place himself upon the market place of Andwerpe, in your majesties stool and cloth of estate: which never had been touched by any Lieutenant before, sitting there representing the absence of your Majesty, as an Idol, and under pretence of publishing of a pardon: which never Queen, Duke, or any Governors or Governaunts of these countries have done the like: tending to the manifest disestimation and abasing of your majesties honour and dignity. These proceedings, most sovereign king are become so apparent and evident unto all the world, that all strange nations, and Potentates, have a terror and execration thereat, insomuch as even the Duke of Alba his soldiers, and servants, do protest and say, that they can not esteem such for good, much less that the service of your Majesty, and welfare of the country, should therein consist. Besides, that we can not think that your Majesty being thereof sufficiently and truly informed, would permit such forces and violences, for it was never heard that any King or Potentate, hath so unmercifully dealt with his subjects. Your majesties ancestors of most famous memory, have in most mild and Gentle manner behaved themselves towards their subjects, that they have thereof given a most laudable example not only to their successors, but also to other Christian Princes, Dukes, and rulers, that when so ever any dissension was risen between the subjects and Magistrates, by reason of misgovernment, and taken arms in hand: and being again brought under obedience by their Lords and rulers, were never molested with these examples of cruelty, but by express capitulation from word to word, confirmed all their privileges and liberties, and the same to enjoy their full effect. So as we should greatly wrong your Majesty, if we should persuade ourselves that your Majesty were so far diverted from the example of your predecessors, and from the duty of all other Christian Princes and Potentates, that in stead of ministering right and Ius ice to your obedient subjects, and giving audience to their most pitiful complaints, should send such a tyrant in such sort cruelty to murder them, destroying the country, and burdening your subjects with most intolerable slavery, servitude, & thraldom. And now the said Duke presenting unto us his feigned pardons, under the name of your Majesty, for our rebellions and misdemeanours (as he termeth them) we could not accept the same without depriving of your majesties dignity. Knowing well, that your Majesty will not, before having heard the justness of our cause, condemn us of rebellion. Where is there any that justly have informed your Majesty of our dealings, or when did ever your Majesty give ear unto any, but such as were our manifest enemies? Reason requireth both parts to be heard, before sentence should be pronounced. And therefore in the Chronicles of Alexander the great, is much commended: who whensoever he heard any parties, leaned with his head upon his shoulders with one of his ears closed, and being asked why he so did, answered that the latter party aught as well have audience as the first, which order hath always been had in estimation of all nations, as being conformable to all natural rights. So as no offender, what grievous crimes soever he had committed, shall be judged or condemned, but that he shall first answer unto such accusations as are alleged against him. Now most merciful and sovereign Lord and King, we do most humbly prostrate ourselves under the foot of your Majesty, most heartily requesting the same, that it would please your Grace to bend towards us one ear, & (as in a balance) equally to weigh our estates. Your Majesty hath by posts letters & other means, been informed of this present estate, & our mouths have been closed up, our tongues pierced with read burning Irons, and our lips seared up with burning tongues, because we should not give our necessity to understand. The ways have as yet been taken from us, so that our lamentable cries could never come unto, or pierce the ears of your majesty. How then can your Majesty condemn us of rebellion (which always we have had in hatred) because that the Duke of Alba, doth seek to bring us under his subjection with his letters of pardon, & we nothing esteeming of the same: which he perceiving, and that with force he can not (by god his providence) prevail, we cannot therefore accept his said letters, as being direct to us who never strayed from your obedience, except it were that we would take & acknowledge the Duke of Alba for our king: for him only have we resisted and not your Majesty, whom we with life and goods (so long as it shall please God to permit us the same) will faithfully serve and obey. And therefore his pardon doth nothing touch us, which tendeth only to the Towns which have been seduced from the King's obedience. But we mark his intent, knowing that either he would be king himself, or else that we by enticement of his subtle pardons should condemn ourselves. For we receiving pardon, must acknowledge ourselves guilty of commotions & rebellion against our King, of tumult and sedition, yea of heresy and declining from the Christian faith, and in fine, to the depriving of the honour of God and the king's Majesty. This is his seeking, that by receiving of his false and feigned pardons, we should by our subsignations & seals confirm the same, to the intent that he hereafter might thereby defend & excuse himself of tyranny, before your Majesty and all other christian Princes and Potentates, saying, that if we had not found ourselves culpable in these grievous offences for which we were punished and tormented, we would never have received any remiss or pardon. Wherein we take God, the searcher and knower of all hearts, and your Majesty to witness, that if we have committed any such offences, as by the said pardon are laid to our charge, that we do altogether refuse all pardon, but desire as the most wickedest and vilest creatures on earth to make satisfaction for our offences with our blood, and do not refuse, O most merciful King, one after another, to suffer most extreme torments, if it may be found that we have offended in such order as is presumed. And do request the Duke of Alba, (if any petition will take place with him) that all such as come to him for pardon, acknowledging the pretended offence, that he without showing of mercy, do entreat them in such sort as their offences (according to right have) deserved, commending him therein in giving or maintaining any faith or credit with him as one so unfaithful to god & his king, as hath not been abashed so greatly to abuse & contemn their majesties. But what is it, it shall not be found that ever we have thought any such matter, much less in effect showed the same. We have always been faithful & serviceable to our King, & sought to serve God, the father of our Lord jesus Christ in spirit and truth, according to his word and commandment, so far as our feeble nature would permit, even to the last drop of our blood. But considering that the Duke of Alba in stead of executing equity and justice, and hearing of their complaints and griefs, and persecuting of your majesties promises, hath contrary to all right and reason, & our rights and privileges, suppressed us with most cruel tyranny, destroyed our Countries, and used us more severely, than ever jews or Turks have done against their vaquished enemies. And in the mean space hath he accused us to your Majesty, and all other christian Potentates with false accusations of rebellion and heresy: and we never could come to our answer, or receive any comfort in the universal world. So as by necessity we have been forced to take the arms in hand, & by all means possible sought to defend our poor native Country from such execrable tyranny: and rather with one accord to spend our lives, than to fall into the hands of such a Tyrant: wherein we mean to persist, except that it please your Majesty with merciful ears to attend to our complaints, and minister to us justice against such oppression and tyranny. For God be thanked, we are not so ill instructed in his word, but that we know very well, that aswell our life as death consisteth in his hands, and that this death which no man can escape, is but as a ready path to the life everlasting. Therefore, seeing our death may be a pleasure to other, we choose rather to die an honourable death in the behalf of the liberties and common weal of our Country, than to fall into such servitude, and become footestooles unto most arrogant aliens, who always have hated us. For at the lest we shall thereby leave to our succours such a good fame, as it may be said, that their Predecessors had rather with renown to die with honour, than live in all bondage and shame. We contend for the liberty of our consciences, in defence of our wives and children, our blood and goods, that is to say, whether the Duke of Alba with his complices shall according to his self will be a Lord and Governor, or that we to the behoof of your Majesty, O most sovereign King, shall defend it from him. We know that the limits of our lives are set, and shall not by the pardon of the Duke of Alba surpass the same. Therefore we only desire your Majesty, that it may please the same to weigh and consider our cases, and not to suffer, that we by accepting such pardons, should for ever be reputed as rebels to God and our King, which we never thought. For we are fully persuaded, that although we had received those pardons, yet would it nothing have prevailed for safeguard of our lives, for thereby the Duke of Alba might have had the better action against us to proceed with most severity, & might better have answered for himself, if we had confessed ourselves guilty of rebellion, both against God and the King his Majesty. For than no man would have moved us, although we had been slain & murdered as disturbers of the peace and common wealth and not worthy to live. And although it were not so, yet it is apparent by all the Duke of Alba his proceedings, that he meaneth to observe no faith with us, for seeing that he hath openly perpetrated the oath which the Duchess of Parma, with all the Lords and governors of the country, in the name of your Majesty, had sworn so solemnly to these towns: yet hath he in these latter wars, sufficiently expressed his perverse meaning in divers towns, as at Monts in Henauld hath he contrary to his oath, caused a number of burgesses to be hanged, at Naerden he hath executed his cruelty in such sort as in a town of like bigness hath not been hard of: and now at Harlem hath he or at the lest in his name, Don Frederico assured the soldiers of their lives, & thereunto certain Lords as pledges they bound themselves: and yet hath he even to the young pages: caused them to be murdered one with another, and their naked carcases to the scandal of all women, and virgins, left lying upon the scaffold a day and a night. And such as had consented to the delivery of the town, & were entered into his service, hath he caused to be carried to the Galies, and upon the Fuycke before Harlem when he had promised the soldiers their lives, suffered them to perish with hunger, saying: that he had assured them of their lives, and not of meat and drink. As also the burgesses of Harlem, whom he had assured their lives, hath he compelled to be Miners before the town of Alkmer, where they are by the inhabitants slain: which doth pass all barbarous tyranny and cruelty, and is a most manifest token wherewith he seeketh to maintain his untrue proceedings. So that it is evident that he meaneth not to observe any oaths or promises, but for a small time: to the intent he might the better have his will of others, & because he might the better hereafter defend his case, against your Majesty, & other Princes, doth produce this pardon: for if we do accept the same we must needs acknowledge ourselves guilty of such offences, as he layeth to our charge, & is not bound to the observing of any oath: for by the counsel held at Constance, it was above ij. hundred years enacted that no faith is to be kept with heretics. For whereas he doth in his pardon subtly allege that such offences as have been committed, were done more upon evil suggestion, & evil will, than of their own nature and inclination. This is but a subtle policy, wherewith he meant to deceive the simple, & bring them under his yoke: & to furnish himself of power to suppress all such as he thinketh good, & that without reproach of any, seeing that it standeth in his judgement who hath offended the premises or not. But once consider most sovereign King, how that the righteous God hath deceived this subtle dealer in his proceedings, for in this pardon wherein he pretendeth most grievously to accuse us, he doth by express words confess, that he can by no means think that we could not have been so altered or changed, but upon evil suggestion, or else we should have continued in all faith and willingness, which we always have showed to your Majesty. For if it be so, that we before this last offence (as he termeth it) have showed to your Majesty all obedience as he himself witnesseth? Why hath he then used such cruelty and persecution? Wherefore hath he in such sort destroyed the towns, burned the villages, and places: murdered the inhabitants, and spoiled them of all their goods: hath not he by his soldiers by fire consumed Catwicke upon Zea, Sandwicke and Alfen, & that long before these transgressions, whereof he complaineth, were begun. Did not they pretend to set fire on the town of Vtretcht, which was so well addicted unto them, have not they in Rotterdam, whereas they were received as friends, cruelly murdered a number of burgesses, was there not fonnd by Pachecho a bill of innumerable number, aswell of the nobility, as most substantial commons in sundry and divers towns, which by commandment of the Duke should have been murdered, if matters by God's provision had not altered. And whereunto tended the demand of the tenth penny, to none other end but that we should at his hands buy our goods, which he pretended to be confiscated: whereby it appeareth that he and his adherents are sworn enemies unto your Majesty: whilst he doth in such sort execute his tyranny, murder, burning, and with such force and servitude, doth agreeve us your subjects, whom he himself doth allege to have been most faithful unto your majesty. So as through necessity we have been compelled to enter into arms to resist his force and tyranny: which his servants could not deny, who divers times have said that they would so long vex and trouble this country and inhabitants thereof, that in the end they should be forced to rebel, and so have occasion to bring it under subjection, and spoil the same of all their substance: which is to be approved by some letters, whereby was written, that this it was for which they longed. It is very true most sovereign King, that the Duke doth here allege, as that your subjects would never had rebelled, but upon suggestion of certain evil disposed, which evil disposed are none other than the Duke himself, with his bloody counsel, and sanguine adherents, which of mere set evil will, and unsatiable avarice, have sucked the sweat and blood of your subjects, and of long time so earnestly persecuted, and grieved to the uttermost, that they for defence of themselves, their wives, children, and all that which in this world they do esteem of, have been forced to take arms in hand. Therefore where as he presumeth that he hath so lovingly dealt with other towns: take example by Tourney, Valencien, lisle, Ipre, Maestricht, Deventer, and likewise by Machlin, Oudenard, Dermonde, & Naerden, where they have by murdering, robbing, hanging, ravishing of women, & with divers outrages persecuted the poor commons. Besides this, hath there been murdered at Brussels at sundry times above CC. and xxx burgesses, and that long before the beginning of these wars, as also in a commotion at Gaunt, which happened amongst the Spaniards, whereof the commons have been slain lx. or lxx. beside an infinite number of men & women, which at sundry times have been murdered: which we leave to enlarge here, seeing those their proceedings are accounted merciful dealings, besides other most wicked insolences used in the said towns. And therefore he needeth not to threaten us, that if we do not accept his pardon, that no rigour which may be devised, shallbe left unexercised towards our persons, by desolation, hunger and sword, in such sort, as no remembrance shallbe left of them present For we are certain, that here about he hath sought as much as is to him possible: and would undoubtedly have used further cruelty (whereof he boasteth so much) if the fear which he hath, that the Countries would not any longer abide his cruelty, had not letted him. He doth not so much esteem the service of your Majesty, nor regardeth your heritage and countries, as that he would abstain from ruining and destroying the same: yea utterly to root out the relics and memories thereof, so far as it were to him possible, as the burning and desolating which he before these wars, hath used, do sufficiently bear witness. But we trust that the almighty God will never suffer that your Majesty should permit your Countries altogether to fall into the force of such a Tyrant and destroyer. For, whereas he here allegeth that we have put on arms against your Majesty: that we utterly deny. For we protest before your Majesty, yea before God & his Angels, that our meaning or pretence was never such. For we will adventure ourselves and all that we have in this world, as likewise we have done towards your majesties predecessors, with life and goods to stand to the defence of your majesty against all your enemies and ill willers. But this we will acknowledge before the universal world, that (being thereunto extremely constrained) we have taken arms in hand against the tyranny and abuses of the Duke of Alba and his complices, to deliver our lives and goods, wives and children from the bloodthirsty hands of his ministers: and if he do prevail against us, rather choose to die an honourable death, and leave a fame to our successors, than to yield and bow to such a tyrant, and suffer our country to live under unsupportable slavery. So else we should be abashed and ashamed to show our faces in any other Countries, as having neglected the service of your Majesty. And therefore have all the Towns jointly and severally taken in hand and sworn the one after the other, to abide all sieges, if need be, to the uttermost▪ though to the loss of their lives and goods, yea rather set fire of our own houses, than to yield to the force of this Tyrant. For we are well assured, that at the hands of such a Tyrant, as regardeth no oath, and hath so often and cruelly threatened us, there is no more to be looked for, but that he would rather colour the rivers & streams with our blood, and to be hang the country with our bodies, to satiate his bloodthirsty lust and appetite. Therefore we prostrate ourselves before the feet of your Majesty, desiring the same for God his sake, who hath set the Crown upon your head, and given the Sceptre into your hand, once to bow your ears to our reasonable complaints. We do not desire to be dissolved from the obedience of your Majesty, but only that we may have our consciences free to Godward, to hear his holy word, and to follow the same, to the intent to give an account at the day of judgement of our souls, and that we may achieve such discharge for our miserable native Country, which always hath done such faithful service to your majesty, from the yoke and bondage of foreign Nations and Spanish soldiers, and to suffer the Country to enjoy those liberties, privileges and customs, as your Majesty, and the most puissant Emperor Charles, your majesties most noble father (of famous memory) have to your Subjects solemnly sworn. Then will we at the commandment of your Majesty lay down our weapons and arms, and will venture body, goods, and all that we have in the world, in the service of your majesty by water or by land, where and when so ever your Majesty shall command the same: and your Majesty shall find that we are not altered or abastarded from you, but rather that we do excel in faithful service all our predecessors, which hereby we do promise and swear to your majesty, beseeching even as we do faithfully mean it, so to take mercy of our souls. Desiring that this our declaration and oath be openly published and declared to all Kings, Potentates, Lords and Nations, to the intent they may know that we are no Rebels towards our King, for we never learned such of our predecessors: But that we of mere force and necessity have been constrained to take on arms against the enemies and usurpers of his majesties name. Requesting therefore all christian Princes & Potentates, that they will be moved with a pitiful compassion of our miseries, (and much doubting that this our supplication, & declaration shall be kept back and suppressed, as other our former Requests have been, and not come to our King's hands:) that they will thereof inform his Majesty, to the majesty, to the intent our just cause may come to light, & that his Majesty may be acquitted of the innocent blood, which this Albanish Tyrant doth shed. This we heartily desire, and we all will pray unto almighty God, for their prosperity to remain for ever. FINIS. IMPRINTED AT London by Henry Binneman for Humphrey Toy. Anno Domini. 1576.